Informazione
Ramsey Clark: Divide and Conquer. The Destruction of the Balkan
Federation by the United States and NATO
2 : A BRIEF EXAMINATION OF THE VIOLENT DESTRUCTION OF THE
SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA BY THE UNITED STATES AND
NATO
http://www.iacenter.org/yugo/divide&conquer.htm
http://www.icdsm.org/more/rclarkUN2.htm
---
PART TWO
A BRIEF EXAMINATION OF THE VIOLENT DESTRUCTION OF THE SOCIALIST
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA BY THE UNITED STATES AND NATO
VI. With the Economic Collapse of the USSR and Eastern Bloc
Nations the US and Several Western European Nations Intervened
Internally In the Affairs of Yugoslavia And Its several Republics
Supporting Secessionist Movements: 1990-
In November 1990, the US Congress enacted legislation
sponsored by the Bush Administration requiring the termination of
all forms of US credit and loans to Yugoslavia, if within six
months each of the six republics within the federation did not
hold separate elections. The purpose was to break up Yugoslavia,
creating an early incentive for secession by Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia
and Macedonia. Under the guise of democracy, the US acted
directly in the internal affairs of the federation.
This was a technique for regime change the US had
employed before and since, most recently in 2003 in Liberia and
Venezuela where it has insisted on new elections in violation of
national constitutions despite the international certification of
the fairness of the election of incumbent presidents.
The history of US attempts and successes at regime
change is a history of tragedy for the countries involved.
Consider only Iran in 1953; Guatemala in 1954; the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in 1962; South Vietnam in 1963; Chile in
1970 and 1973; Haiti and many other Western Hemisphere countries
over the decades. US intervened in Nicaragua repeatedly in the 1980s
and 1990s, effectively stole the country from the Sandinistas by
combination of economic warfare, financing the Contras in military
insurgency and financing opposition politicians.
In Angola the US demanded elections and a drastic 1/3
reduction in the Angolan Army to prevent intimidation of voters.
After President Dos Santos, who was opposed by the US, won
re-election by an overwhelming majority, hostile UNITA forces led
by Jonas Savimbi invaded and overran most of the Angola before
being stopped. The cost in lives and property was enormous. In Rwanda
in 2003 the US supported elections in which opposition parties and
candidates were prevented from effective participation resulting
in a claimed 95% vote for Paul Kagame to create the appearance of
democracy.
At the same time the US legislation demanded separate
elections in each of the six republics of Yugoslavia, it provided
aid and assistance to Slovenia, Croatia, Muslims and Croats in
Bosnia and to Macedonia to build support for secession and to
train and provide arms to achieve it.
The US legislation addressed to Yugoslavia also
provided that each republic that held independent elections would
receive economic aid from the US, again by-passing the federal
government in Belgrade and providing a strong incentive for
separation. Economic support was specifically authorized for
"democratic" organizations within the republics for "emergency
humanitarian aid and protection of human rights."
This is a means used by the US to create internal
opposition and destabilize governments the US opposes as it does
in Cuba among many other places today. It is used against
democracies more frequently than other form of government. It is
a strategy for regime change that supports those who would take over
government, but also supports existing governments challenged by
parties, or leaders the US opposes. A US government agency, the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED) provides millions of
dollars to frustrate self-determination in countries where the US
has an interest in elections.
Such unilateral interventions are destructive of
sovereignty, independence, self-determination and peace. They
should be the subject of international criminal sanctions. US
funding specifically and openly targeting the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia was used to support secessionist movements
in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Macedonia while the US acted in direct
opposition to the federal government of Yugoslavia.
The same legislation directed US representatives in
international financial and trade organizations, including the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, to use their
influence to have those institutions adopt the same policies.
This brought the enormous economic power of international finance into
the service of US policies of political and economic subversion
and discouraged unilateral support, loans, trade and investment
for Belgrade from abroad.
The legislation was designed to bring about the
dissolution of Yugoslavia. Following the US lead, Germany, Italy,
the UK, the Netherlands and other European countries joined by
February 1991 to threaten the economic isolation of Yugoslavia
unless multi-party elections in each of the constituent republics were
held promptly.
Arms were shipped to Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia from
European countries. Private funds were raised in the US and with
public funds sent to the northern Yugoslav states for arms,
supplies and training to enforce secession. On March 5, 1991, a
federal army base at Gospic in Croatia was attacked.
The United Nations and its members seeking peace,
political and economic independence and sovereign equality should
have acted to preserve the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
In the 1990s, forgotten were the dismemberment of the
second Yugoslavia during World War II, the slaughter of its
peoples and its heroic resistance far exceeding that of any nation
wholly occupied by Axis forces. The re-emergence of Yugoslavia
from the devastation of World War II strong, independent, and
progressive, able to avoid domination by the East, or West during
the Cold War, a leader in the non-Aligned and forty-five years of
peace confirmed the viability of Balkan federation and its
necessity for peace in Europe, east Asia, the Middle East and the
larger region.
To the extent that reform of the Yugoslavia federation
was needed, UN efforts should have addressed those issues. Its
failure to do so enabled the US to have its way with results that
left the US unrestrained and set a precedent for US unilateralism
and the UN failure to prevent the US from attacking Iraq in 2003.
President Milosevic struggled with all his ability to
preserve the Federal Republic. It was his Constitutional duty to
do so. His compromises with the forces for secession of Slovenia,
Croatia, Macedonia, at Dayton for Bosnia all were intended to
preserve peace at the price of equal sovereignty of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. Approval of the April 27, 1992, Constitution
for a third Yugoslavia reduced to Serbia and Montenegeo was his
effort to preserve federation so that it might endure and grow to
its ideal limits as chosen by the people that lived there. All
his efforts to preserve the union did not alter the US
determination for Balkan debilitation and regime change in
Serbia. Preserving the Yugoslav union was also the duty of every
nation, organization and individual that wanted peace, prosperity,
and self-determination in the Balkans and for other peoples
affected by its destiny.
VII. The Second Dismemberment of Yugoslavia and The
Balkanization of the Balkans: 1992-
On June 25, 1991 Croatia and Slovenia announced their
independence. The second dismemberment of Yugoslavia had begun.
The US directly provided training and military supplies for
Slovenian, Croatian and Bosnian armies. In October 1991 formal
proclamations of independence were made by Croatia and Slovenia.
Germany quickly recognized both as new nations. The US and other
European countries followed suit in early 1992.
In September 1991 the European Community had
endeavored to negotiate a political settlement in Yugoslavia in a
conference at the Hague chaired by Lord Carrington, former British
foreign secretary under Margaret Thatcher. In November the UN
took over the peace effort appointing Cyrus Vance, former US Secretary
of State under President Carter as its Special Envoy.
The European Community reentered the negotiations,
creating a mechanism for the recognition of any Yugoslavia member
republic past, or present, informing each republic on December 16,
1991, though a panel chaired by Robert Badinter, former Justice
Minister of France under President Mitterrand, that it could apply
for international recognition. Within one week Croatia, Slovenia,
Bosnia and Macedonia had applied for recognition.
In addition to inadequate, sometimes harmful efforts
by the UN, the European Community and a host of nations acting
independently, leadership throughout Yugoslavia sought to prevent
war. In a notable effort, Bosnian, Muslim, Croat and Serb leaders
meeting in Lisbon agreed on March 19, 1992 to a unified, multi-
ethnic and peaceful Bosnia which could have been. But Alija
Izetbegovic, head of the right wing Muslim Party for Democratic
Action in Bosnia, backed by the US, proclaimed a Bosnian
government under his Presidency, excluding other political parties
and Bosnian Croat and Serb leaders. Violence broke out and
continued for 3 1/2 years in Bosnia.
The US action was consistent with its enormous support
of Muslims in their struggle to drive the USSR out of Afghanistan
and of Muslim separatists in predominantly Muslim Republics of the
USSR. Violence and conflict between Slavic peoples and Muslims
promoted by the US has eroded the power of the two greatest
barriers to US world domination since World War II. The war in
Bosnia like the war in Afghanistan brought Muslims from all over the
world to fight Slavs. In the process it fostered the belief that
Islam was under attack and Muslim militancy. The US policy has
nurtured extremism within both the Slavic and Muslim populations
each of which is enormous and strong, and contributed to
instability and violence worldwide.
Under US pressure, the UN Security Council in 1992
imposed sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
complementing the unilateral sanctions of the US, declaring it
responsible for civil war within its territory. On April 27,
1992, a new constitution for the remaining states, Serbia and
Montenegro was affirmed. A new Yugoslavia, vastly diminished and
more embattled than ever, was born. The army of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia ceased operations and withdrew to the
greatly diminished third federation of Southern Slavs.
In May 1992, the General Assembly granted UN
membership to Slovenia and Croatia. On September 22, 1992, it
suspended the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from work of UN
bodies. Macedonia seceded from Yugoslavia and achieved UN recognition
as the "former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia" in April 1993.
A consequence of secession and the ensuing conflicts
was a balkanization of the Balkans beyond anything the region had
ever known. "Ethnic cleansing" was rampant and refugees among
Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Catholics, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs,
Macedonians, Montenegrans and Romanis streamed toward the perceived
security of kindred populations.
By the end of 1995 more than 500,000 Serbs were driven
from Croatia, fully 12% of the entire population. Most left the
Krajina area of Croatia to which their forebears had fled from the
Ottomans centuries before. Refugees from all over the former
federal republic, caught up in violence, seeking safety, or re
uniting with families, created the most intensely segregated area in
the world. Altogether Serbia was supporting more than a million
refugees by 1998, adding to the enormous strain on its depressed
economy.
The UN Security Council under pressure from the US
imposed severe economic sanctions on Serbia on May 30, 1992,
blocking exports, imports and vital shipping on the Danube
injuring all the nations of the Balkans, including Greece and most
other European states. The combined effect of US and UN sanctions is
still felt and shipping on the Danube is only now slowly returning.
During 1992, the economy of all six republics
collapsed. Industrial output fell by 25% compared to 1990, which
had seen an 11% decline and an 8.5% shrinkage of gross domestic
product. Per capita income in Serbia declined from $3,000 in 1990
to $700 in 1991. Ninety percent of all trade of the federation had
been within and among the six republics before 1990 and only 10% with
other nations. Trade among the former states has been radically
curtailed since dismemberment.
A Pentagon document leaked to the NY Times and
published on March 8, 1992, forewarned the wary:
It is of fundamental importance to preserve NATO as the
primary instrument of Western defense and security as well as
the channel for US influence and participation in European
security affairs... We must seek to prevent the emergence of
European-only security arrangements which would undermine NATO.
The document proclaimed the most important basis of US policy to be
...the sense that the world order is ultimately backed by the
US.... The US should be positioned to act independently when
collective action cannot be orchestrated.
It is instructive that Dick Cheney, now Vice President, was
Secretary of Defense at the time. Paul Wolfowitz, now Deputy
Secretary of Defense, was the alleged author.
An op-ed piece in the N.Y. Times on November 29, 1992
gave further evidence of US intentions. Entitled "Operation
Balkan Storm", it stated, "A win in the Balkans would establish US
leadership in the post-Cold War world in a way Operation Desert
Storm never could." The author, retired US General Michael J.
Dugan, was the Chief of Staff of the US. Air Force in September
1990 when the US was planning operation Desert Storm and George
Kenney who was classified with the US Department of State.
General Dugan was removed from his position after an
interview in September 1990 in which he listed civilian targets in
Iraq stating "the cutting edge would be downtown Baghdad." His
continuing influence is found in the fact that this is what
happened to Baghdad in 1991, again in 2003, occasionally in
between, and to Belgrade in 1999.
With secession, violence broke out. There were brief
military clashes in Slovenia, more protracted combat and violence
in Croatia and continuing deadly clashes and ethnic violence and
"cleansing" in Bosnia over a period of more than three years,
primarily between Serbs, or Croats and Muslims.
VIII. The US With NATO Commenced Wars Of Aggression Against
Bosnian Serbs and Serbia: 1993-
The US, seeking to create the appearance of an
international action, enlisted NATO, which it dominated, and
without Security Council approval began a war of aggression
against Yugoslavia, starting with sporadic bombing in Bosnia from
1993 to 1995.
Under the distraction and protection of US bombing
attacks in August 1995 called "Operation Storm," the Croatian Army
with US military assistance and guidance from the US Ambassador
and other US leadership cleansed the Krajina area of Croatia of
more than 300,000 Serb civilians, killing thousands. NATO aerial
assaults during the operation exceeded 4,000 bombing sorties. Leading
the Croatian assault was General Agim Cheku who would later lead
the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during massive US/NATO aerial
assaults on Serbia, including Kosovo.
The US took over peace negotiations in Bosnia again in
1995, replacing UN and EU efforts, assuring further fragmentation
of the region. Convening meetings at a US Air Force Base in
Dayton, Ohio attended by President Milosevic, the US forced
recognition of a Constitution for an independent Bosnia that divided
the small, economically unviable area into two apartheid-like
portions. The agreement signed in November 1995 provided for the
occupation of Bosnia by 60,000 NATO troops.
Violence spread from Bosnia to Kosovo. The KLA with
US support conducted a growing terrorist-guerilla upheaval against
the Serbian government, Serb population and loyal citizens of all
ethnicities. Serbia reinforced police capacities in Kosovo to
provide security and prevent KLA assaults. With violence
escalating, the Serbian Army attacked the KLA to restore order. The US
and NATO began aerial assaults on Serbia on March 24, 1999 which
continued for 78 days to June 10, inflicting billions of dollars
of damage to the vital facilities of the country and taking
thousands of civilians lives.
IX. The US and NATO Committed Crimes Against Peace and War
Crimes in Their Wars of Aggression Against Bosnian Serbs and Serbia
The US, in defiance of the Charter of the United
Nations, the Nuremberg Charter, the Geneva Conventions and other
international laws, joined by NATO, initiated and led attacks
against Serbs in Bosnia and against the Republic of Serbia killing
thousands of civilians and destroying billions of dollars of vital
civilian facilities, buildings and other property.
The UN Charter, to end the scourge of war, recognizes
the "sovereign equality" of all its Members and prohibits "the
threat or use of force" by one Member against another. Article
II(2) and (4).
While the Security Council may call on Members to
contribute military forces to confront threats to, or breaches of
the peace, or acts of aggression, Members cannot commit acts of
war, or threaten, or use force without explicit authorization of
the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter, except "in
self defense if an armed attack occurs against" it and then only until
the Security Council has taken measures to restore peace and
security, or exercised authority as provided in Article 51.
No one attacked, or threatened, the US, or any other
NATO member and the US and NATO never sought authority from the
Security Council to attack Yugoslavia.
There is no legal basis for a claim by the US that its
attacks in Bosnia and Serbia were in self-defense, or otherwise
legal. General Wesley K. Clark, Supreme Allied Commander of NATO
and a General in the US Army wrote in his book "Waging Modern War"
It was coercive diplomacy, the use of armed forces to impose
the political will of the NATO nations on the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, or more specifically, on Serbia. The NATO
nations voluntarily undertook this war. It was not forced on
them, nor was it strictly defensive.... It was much more like
the interventions of an earlier era... Id at p. 418.
General Clark is now a candidate for the office of the President
of the US.
The US violated its obligations to the United Nations
and became an outlaw nation when it unilaterally initiated
military aggression against Bosnian Serbs and later against
Serbia. The violations challenged the Security Council to act and
its failure to do so weakened its authority in the international
community and violated its awesome duty to end the scourge of war.
The US inducement of NATO to support its unlawful
attacks brought NATO into violation of the UN Charter and the NATO
Charter as well. It increased the challenge to UN authority by
involving an organization of the richest countries, all Caucasian,
including most of the Colonial powers of recent centuries, the
most sophisticated military technologies, the greatest arms industries
and stockpiles of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
It set a precedent for NATO's illegal involvement in Afghanistan
which brought the youth of rich nations, white and Christian
bearing deadly, sophisticated arms to attack a poor, Muslim nation
of dark-skinned people. It wrested military support from Canada
and European nations in a military organization created to
confront the USSR and dominated by the US, challenging the broader
based European Community, which dealt with all the problems of the
Continent including security. The need for NATO has happily
expired. It should be abolished. But its use as an international
military and police force in underdeveloped countries is the worst
possible choice for a world seeking peace, for a peaceful planet.
The violation also set a dangerous precedent, which
the US followed as it threatened to do, for its massive unilateral
"Shock and Awe" war of aggression against Iraq in March and April
2003 and its continuing unlawful military occupation. At least
30,000 Iraqi lives have been lost, including thousands of
civilians. Their deaths are rarely noticed and never counted in
the international media. No single violation of the UN Charter has
created a greater risk of wars without end. Daily violence in
Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo, and terrorist bombs in Casablanca,
Jakarta, and against the UN in Baghdad are warning signs of what
may come.
The Nuremberg Charter makes "Crimes Against Peace" the
first of the three offenses it defines, followed by "War Crimes"
and "Crimes Against Humanity." Principle VI, Charter of the
Nuremberg Tribunal. The first crime against peace is a war of
aggression. Principle VI(a)(i). Id. It is the most serious of
all international crimes because it unleashes the demons of war
with the uncontrollable and unforeseeable consequences that can
follow.
The US and NATO war crimes committed in their assaults
which began February 5, 1994, with attacks against Bosnian Serb
military facilities and continued through the massive 78-day
aerial assault on civilians and civilian facilities in Serbia in
1999 was a celebration of war against defenseless people. Direct
bombardment of cities including Belgrade, Pristina, Novi Sad and Nis
made civilians and civilian facilities the direct object of
attack, taking thousands of civilian lives in violation of the
Geneva Convention 1977, Protocol 1 Additional, Article 51.
Apartment houses, homes, hospitals, schools, office
buildings and other facilities essential to support civilian life
were damaged and destroyed. Bridges across the Danube at Novi Sad
and elsewhere in Serbia were destroyed. The Serb radio and
television building in the heart of Belgrade was targeted with cruise
missiles and reduced to rubble, killing 16 people and injuring
others. Many other radio and TV facilities were attacked and
destroyed. Housing for refugees was attacked in Belgrade and
elsewhere.
In Kosovo, among the many attacks on civilians, the
heart of Pristina was destroyed, the university and many other
facilities there were extensively damaged.
Elsewhere in Kosovo, remembered by persons all over
the world who watched films of the attacks on T.V., a train
crossing a bridge over the Grdelica gorge was attacked by US
aircraft on April 12, 1999, causing many deaths. On April 15 a
refugee convoy near Djakovisa was attacked by US planes, killing
scores. On May 14, the village of Korisa was attacked with 87 reported
dead.
The international media worldwide reported other fatal
NATO attacks against Serbia daily.
On April 22, 1999 the home of President Milosevic,
hundreds of feet from any other structure in a wooded residential
area of Belgrade, was destroyed. The family survived only because
they were not home when the missiles struck.
Huge amounts of depleted uranium were spread by bombs
and missiles throughout Serbia promising death from cancers,
leukemia, tumors, and future birth defects to the population and
to occupying NATO personnel in Kosovo. The reported unprecedented
incidence of cancer among Italian soldiers who had been stationed
in Kosovo created alarm in Italy and in other countries who contributed
troops as early as 2000. The long-term consequences for the
population, the members of the occupying forces, subsequent
generations and the environment are unknown.
Cluster bombs fell among apartment houses in Novi Sad,
in the major regional hospital complex in Nis, the suburbs of
Belgrade and in generous amounts elsewhere.
The central heating plant for New Belgrade was bombed
into scrap metal, leaving hundreds of thousands of people with the
prospect of a heatless winter.
The Chinese Embassy in New Belgrade was targeted and
extensively damaged, killing three persons. On May 27, 1999, one
week before the end of the bombing, US/NATO bombs damaged the
Greek Consulate in Nis, a prominent 19th Century building. Lesser
acts have caused bigger wars.
The bombing of Yugoslavia came in part from airfields
in Italy, Hungary and Turkey recalling past aggressions on
southern Slavs from those quarters and in creating new hostility
among nations that have warred against each other in the past.
Already nations are using the precedent of US
assassinations and attempts to assassinate in foreign countries
and its wars of aggression to commit the same crimes. Both
Pakistan and India have cited US conduct to justify military,
interventions in Kashmir. Israel cites US conduct to justify its
almost daily assassinations of Palestinians and on October 4, its
bombing raids in Syria.
These crimes are a small illustration of what the US
and NATO war of aggression inflicted on the defenseless people of
Yugoslavia.
X. The US and NATO Must Be Held Accountable For Their
Illegal War Of Aggression Against Bosnian Serbs And All Of Serbia,
Including Kosovo
The US and NATO caused the deaths of thousands of
people and inflicted billions of dollars in property damages
against Serbs in Bosnia, primarily in Republika Srpska, and later
throughout Serbia, including concentrated attacks in Kosovo. All
the deaths and destruction came from aerial assaults. Because the UN
failed to address their illegality, these lawless assaults, lead to
later wars of aggression by the US in Afghanistan where it was
later assisted by NATO and in Iraq. Together they threaten the
utility, credibility and very existence of the United Nations when
it is most needed. To assure the integrity of the Charter of the
United Nations, there must be accountability for these crimes and
reparations for the deaths and destruction they inflicted.
The spectacle of a superpower capable of destroying
any country on earth, unilaterally attacking a nation that is no
possible threat to it and is defenseless against its bombs and
missiles poses the greatest danger to world peace and are the
deadliest terrorist acts on the planet.
The United Nations should assume leadership in
compelling accountability by the US and NATO through payments to
families of persons killed by their illegal acts and for public
and private properties destroyed. There must not be impunity for
wars of aggression, or profits for aggressor nations through economic
exploitation of their victims, through contracts for reconstruction,
or from profits from privatization of public utilities, services
and properties.
Federation by the United States and NATO
2 : A BRIEF EXAMINATION OF THE VIOLENT DESTRUCTION OF THE
SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA BY THE UNITED STATES AND
NATO
http://www.iacenter.org/yugo/divide&conquer.htm
http://www.icdsm.org/more/rclarkUN2.htm
---
PART TWO
A BRIEF EXAMINATION OF THE VIOLENT DESTRUCTION OF THE SOCIALIST
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA BY THE UNITED STATES AND NATO
VI. With the Economic Collapse of the USSR and Eastern Bloc
Nations the US and Several Western European Nations Intervened
Internally In the Affairs of Yugoslavia And Its several Republics
Supporting Secessionist Movements: 1990-
In November 1990, the US Congress enacted legislation
sponsored by the Bush Administration requiring the termination of
all forms of US credit and loans to Yugoslavia, if within six
months each of the six republics within the federation did not
hold separate elections. The purpose was to break up Yugoslavia,
creating an early incentive for secession by Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia
and Macedonia. Under the guise of democracy, the US acted
directly in the internal affairs of the federation.
This was a technique for regime change the US had
employed before and since, most recently in 2003 in Liberia and
Venezuela where it has insisted on new elections in violation of
national constitutions despite the international certification of
the fairness of the election of incumbent presidents.
The history of US attempts and successes at regime
change is a history of tragedy for the countries involved.
Consider only Iran in 1953; Guatemala in 1954; the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in 1962; South Vietnam in 1963; Chile in
1970 and 1973; Haiti and many other Western Hemisphere countries
over the decades. US intervened in Nicaragua repeatedly in the 1980s
and 1990s, effectively stole the country from the Sandinistas by
combination of economic warfare, financing the Contras in military
insurgency and financing opposition politicians.
In Angola the US demanded elections and a drastic 1/3
reduction in the Angolan Army to prevent intimidation of voters.
After President Dos Santos, who was opposed by the US, won
re-election by an overwhelming majority, hostile UNITA forces led
by Jonas Savimbi invaded and overran most of the Angola before
being stopped. The cost in lives and property was enormous. In Rwanda
in 2003 the US supported elections in which opposition parties and
candidates were prevented from effective participation resulting
in a claimed 95% vote for Paul Kagame to create the appearance of
democracy.
At the same time the US legislation demanded separate
elections in each of the six republics of Yugoslavia, it provided
aid and assistance to Slovenia, Croatia, Muslims and Croats in
Bosnia and to Macedonia to build support for secession and to
train and provide arms to achieve it.
The US legislation addressed to Yugoslavia also
provided that each republic that held independent elections would
receive economic aid from the US, again by-passing the federal
government in Belgrade and providing a strong incentive for
separation. Economic support was specifically authorized for
"democratic" organizations within the republics for "emergency
humanitarian aid and protection of human rights."
This is a means used by the US to create internal
opposition and destabilize governments the US opposes as it does
in Cuba among many other places today. It is used against
democracies more frequently than other form of government. It is
a strategy for regime change that supports those who would take over
government, but also supports existing governments challenged by
parties, or leaders the US opposes. A US government agency, the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED) provides millions of
dollars to frustrate self-determination in countries where the US
has an interest in elections.
Such unilateral interventions are destructive of
sovereignty, independence, self-determination and peace. They
should be the subject of international criminal sanctions. US
funding specifically and openly targeting the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia was used to support secessionist movements
in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Macedonia while the US acted in direct
opposition to the federal government of Yugoslavia.
The same legislation directed US representatives in
international financial and trade organizations, including the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, to use their
influence to have those institutions adopt the same policies.
This brought the enormous economic power of international finance into
the service of US policies of political and economic subversion
and discouraged unilateral support, loans, trade and investment
for Belgrade from abroad.
The legislation was designed to bring about the
dissolution of Yugoslavia. Following the US lead, Germany, Italy,
the UK, the Netherlands and other European countries joined by
February 1991 to threaten the economic isolation of Yugoslavia
unless multi-party elections in each of the constituent republics were
held promptly.
Arms were shipped to Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia from
European countries. Private funds were raised in the US and with
public funds sent to the northern Yugoslav states for arms,
supplies and training to enforce secession. On March 5, 1991, a
federal army base at Gospic in Croatia was attacked.
The United Nations and its members seeking peace,
political and economic independence and sovereign equality should
have acted to preserve the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
In the 1990s, forgotten were the dismemberment of the
second Yugoslavia during World War II, the slaughter of its
peoples and its heroic resistance far exceeding that of any nation
wholly occupied by Axis forces. The re-emergence of Yugoslavia
from the devastation of World War II strong, independent, and
progressive, able to avoid domination by the East, or West during
the Cold War, a leader in the non-Aligned and forty-five years of
peace confirmed the viability of Balkan federation and its
necessity for peace in Europe, east Asia, the Middle East and the
larger region.
To the extent that reform of the Yugoslavia federation
was needed, UN efforts should have addressed those issues. Its
failure to do so enabled the US to have its way with results that
left the US unrestrained and set a precedent for US unilateralism
and the UN failure to prevent the US from attacking Iraq in 2003.
President Milosevic struggled with all his ability to
preserve the Federal Republic. It was his Constitutional duty to
do so. His compromises with the forces for secession of Slovenia,
Croatia, Macedonia, at Dayton for Bosnia all were intended to
preserve peace at the price of equal sovereignty of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. Approval of the April 27, 1992, Constitution
for a third Yugoslavia reduced to Serbia and Montenegeo was his
effort to preserve federation so that it might endure and grow to
its ideal limits as chosen by the people that lived there. All
his efforts to preserve the union did not alter the US
determination for Balkan debilitation and regime change in
Serbia. Preserving the Yugoslav union was also the duty of every
nation, organization and individual that wanted peace, prosperity,
and self-determination in the Balkans and for other peoples
affected by its destiny.
VII. The Second Dismemberment of Yugoslavia and The
Balkanization of the Balkans: 1992-
On June 25, 1991 Croatia and Slovenia announced their
independence. The second dismemberment of Yugoslavia had begun.
The US directly provided training and military supplies for
Slovenian, Croatian and Bosnian armies. In October 1991 formal
proclamations of independence were made by Croatia and Slovenia.
Germany quickly recognized both as new nations. The US and other
European countries followed suit in early 1992.
In September 1991 the European Community had
endeavored to negotiate a political settlement in Yugoslavia in a
conference at the Hague chaired by Lord Carrington, former British
foreign secretary under Margaret Thatcher. In November the UN
took over the peace effort appointing Cyrus Vance, former US Secretary
of State under President Carter as its Special Envoy.
The European Community reentered the negotiations,
creating a mechanism for the recognition of any Yugoslavia member
republic past, or present, informing each republic on December 16,
1991, though a panel chaired by Robert Badinter, former Justice
Minister of France under President Mitterrand, that it could apply
for international recognition. Within one week Croatia, Slovenia,
Bosnia and Macedonia had applied for recognition.
In addition to inadequate, sometimes harmful efforts
by the UN, the European Community and a host of nations acting
independently, leadership throughout Yugoslavia sought to prevent
war. In a notable effort, Bosnian, Muslim, Croat and Serb leaders
meeting in Lisbon agreed on March 19, 1992 to a unified, multi-
ethnic and peaceful Bosnia which could have been. But Alija
Izetbegovic, head of the right wing Muslim Party for Democratic
Action in Bosnia, backed by the US, proclaimed a Bosnian
government under his Presidency, excluding other political parties
and Bosnian Croat and Serb leaders. Violence broke out and
continued for 3 1/2 years in Bosnia.
The US action was consistent with its enormous support
of Muslims in their struggle to drive the USSR out of Afghanistan
and of Muslim separatists in predominantly Muslim Republics of the
USSR. Violence and conflict between Slavic peoples and Muslims
promoted by the US has eroded the power of the two greatest
barriers to US world domination since World War II. The war in
Bosnia like the war in Afghanistan brought Muslims from all over the
world to fight Slavs. In the process it fostered the belief that
Islam was under attack and Muslim militancy. The US policy has
nurtured extremism within both the Slavic and Muslim populations
each of which is enormous and strong, and contributed to
instability and violence worldwide.
Under US pressure, the UN Security Council in 1992
imposed sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
complementing the unilateral sanctions of the US, declaring it
responsible for civil war within its territory. On April 27,
1992, a new constitution for the remaining states, Serbia and
Montenegro was affirmed. A new Yugoslavia, vastly diminished and
more embattled than ever, was born. The army of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia ceased operations and withdrew to the
greatly diminished third federation of Southern Slavs.
In May 1992, the General Assembly granted UN
membership to Slovenia and Croatia. On September 22, 1992, it
suspended the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from work of UN
bodies. Macedonia seceded from Yugoslavia and achieved UN recognition
as the "former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia" in April 1993.
A consequence of secession and the ensuing conflicts
was a balkanization of the Balkans beyond anything the region had
ever known. "Ethnic cleansing" was rampant and refugees among
Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Catholics, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs,
Macedonians, Montenegrans and Romanis streamed toward the perceived
security of kindred populations.
By the end of 1995 more than 500,000 Serbs were driven
from Croatia, fully 12% of the entire population. Most left the
Krajina area of Croatia to which their forebears had fled from the
Ottomans centuries before. Refugees from all over the former
federal republic, caught up in violence, seeking safety, or re
uniting with families, created the most intensely segregated area in
the world. Altogether Serbia was supporting more than a million
refugees by 1998, adding to the enormous strain on its depressed
economy.
The UN Security Council under pressure from the US
imposed severe economic sanctions on Serbia on May 30, 1992,
blocking exports, imports and vital shipping on the Danube
injuring all the nations of the Balkans, including Greece and most
other European states. The combined effect of US and UN sanctions is
still felt and shipping on the Danube is only now slowly returning.
During 1992, the economy of all six republics
collapsed. Industrial output fell by 25% compared to 1990, which
had seen an 11% decline and an 8.5% shrinkage of gross domestic
product. Per capita income in Serbia declined from $3,000 in 1990
to $700 in 1991. Ninety percent of all trade of the federation had
been within and among the six republics before 1990 and only 10% with
other nations. Trade among the former states has been radically
curtailed since dismemberment.
A Pentagon document leaked to the NY Times and
published on March 8, 1992, forewarned the wary:
It is of fundamental importance to preserve NATO as the
primary instrument of Western defense and security as well as
the channel for US influence and participation in European
security affairs... We must seek to prevent the emergence of
European-only security arrangements which would undermine NATO.
The document proclaimed the most important basis of US policy to be
...the sense that the world order is ultimately backed by the
US.... The US should be positioned to act independently when
collective action cannot be orchestrated.
It is instructive that Dick Cheney, now Vice President, was
Secretary of Defense at the time. Paul Wolfowitz, now Deputy
Secretary of Defense, was the alleged author.
An op-ed piece in the N.Y. Times on November 29, 1992
gave further evidence of US intentions. Entitled "Operation
Balkan Storm", it stated, "A win in the Balkans would establish US
leadership in the post-Cold War world in a way Operation Desert
Storm never could." The author, retired US General Michael J.
Dugan, was the Chief of Staff of the US. Air Force in September
1990 when the US was planning operation Desert Storm and George
Kenney who was classified with the US Department of State.
General Dugan was removed from his position after an
interview in September 1990 in which he listed civilian targets in
Iraq stating "the cutting edge would be downtown Baghdad." His
continuing influence is found in the fact that this is what
happened to Baghdad in 1991, again in 2003, occasionally in
between, and to Belgrade in 1999.
With secession, violence broke out. There were brief
military clashes in Slovenia, more protracted combat and violence
in Croatia and continuing deadly clashes and ethnic violence and
"cleansing" in Bosnia over a period of more than three years,
primarily between Serbs, or Croats and Muslims.
VIII. The US With NATO Commenced Wars Of Aggression Against
Bosnian Serbs and Serbia: 1993-
The US, seeking to create the appearance of an
international action, enlisted NATO, which it dominated, and
without Security Council approval began a war of aggression
against Yugoslavia, starting with sporadic bombing in Bosnia from
1993 to 1995.
Under the distraction and protection of US bombing
attacks in August 1995 called "Operation Storm," the Croatian Army
with US military assistance and guidance from the US Ambassador
and other US leadership cleansed the Krajina area of Croatia of
more than 300,000 Serb civilians, killing thousands. NATO aerial
assaults during the operation exceeded 4,000 bombing sorties. Leading
the Croatian assault was General Agim Cheku who would later lead
the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during massive US/NATO aerial
assaults on Serbia, including Kosovo.
The US took over peace negotiations in Bosnia again in
1995, replacing UN and EU efforts, assuring further fragmentation
of the region. Convening meetings at a US Air Force Base in
Dayton, Ohio attended by President Milosevic, the US forced
recognition of a Constitution for an independent Bosnia that divided
the small, economically unviable area into two apartheid-like
portions. The agreement signed in November 1995 provided for the
occupation of Bosnia by 60,000 NATO troops.
Violence spread from Bosnia to Kosovo. The KLA with
US support conducted a growing terrorist-guerilla upheaval against
the Serbian government, Serb population and loyal citizens of all
ethnicities. Serbia reinforced police capacities in Kosovo to
provide security and prevent KLA assaults. With violence
escalating, the Serbian Army attacked the KLA to restore order. The US
and NATO began aerial assaults on Serbia on March 24, 1999 which
continued for 78 days to June 10, inflicting billions of dollars
of damage to the vital facilities of the country and taking
thousands of civilians lives.
IX. The US and NATO Committed Crimes Against Peace and War
Crimes in Their Wars of Aggression Against Bosnian Serbs and Serbia
The US, in defiance of the Charter of the United
Nations, the Nuremberg Charter, the Geneva Conventions and other
international laws, joined by NATO, initiated and led attacks
against Serbs in Bosnia and against the Republic of Serbia killing
thousands of civilians and destroying billions of dollars of vital
civilian facilities, buildings and other property.
The UN Charter, to end the scourge of war, recognizes
the "sovereign equality" of all its Members and prohibits "the
threat or use of force" by one Member against another. Article
II(2) and (4).
While the Security Council may call on Members to
contribute military forces to confront threats to, or breaches of
the peace, or acts of aggression, Members cannot commit acts of
war, or threaten, or use force without explicit authorization of
the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter, except "in
self defense if an armed attack occurs against" it and then only until
the Security Council has taken measures to restore peace and
security, or exercised authority as provided in Article 51.
No one attacked, or threatened, the US, or any other
NATO member and the US and NATO never sought authority from the
Security Council to attack Yugoslavia.
There is no legal basis for a claim by the US that its
attacks in Bosnia and Serbia were in self-defense, or otherwise
legal. General Wesley K. Clark, Supreme Allied Commander of NATO
and a General in the US Army wrote in his book "Waging Modern War"
It was coercive diplomacy, the use of armed forces to impose
the political will of the NATO nations on the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, or more specifically, on Serbia. The NATO
nations voluntarily undertook this war. It was not forced on
them, nor was it strictly defensive.... It was much more like
the interventions of an earlier era... Id at p. 418.
General Clark is now a candidate for the office of the President
of the US.
The US violated its obligations to the United Nations
and became an outlaw nation when it unilaterally initiated
military aggression against Bosnian Serbs and later against
Serbia. The violations challenged the Security Council to act and
its failure to do so weakened its authority in the international
community and violated its awesome duty to end the scourge of war.
The US inducement of NATO to support its unlawful
attacks brought NATO into violation of the UN Charter and the NATO
Charter as well. It increased the challenge to UN authority by
involving an organization of the richest countries, all Caucasian,
including most of the Colonial powers of recent centuries, the
most sophisticated military technologies, the greatest arms industries
and stockpiles of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
It set a precedent for NATO's illegal involvement in Afghanistan
which brought the youth of rich nations, white and Christian
bearing deadly, sophisticated arms to attack a poor, Muslim nation
of dark-skinned people. It wrested military support from Canada
and European nations in a military organization created to
confront the USSR and dominated by the US, challenging the broader
based European Community, which dealt with all the problems of the
Continent including security. The need for NATO has happily
expired. It should be abolished. But its use as an international
military and police force in underdeveloped countries is the worst
possible choice for a world seeking peace, for a peaceful planet.
The violation also set a dangerous precedent, which
the US followed as it threatened to do, for its massive unilateral
"Shock and Awe" war of aggression against Iraq in March and April
2003 and its continuing unlawful military occupation. At least
30,000 Iraqi lives have been lost, including thousands of
civilians. Their deaths are rarely noticed and never counted in
the international media. No single violation of the UN Charter has
created a greater risk of wars without end. Daily violence in
Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo, and terrorist bombs in Casablanca,
Jakarta, and against the UN in Baghdad are warning signs of what
may come.
The Nuremberg Charter makes "Crimes Against Peace" the
first of the three offenses it defines, followed by "War Crimes"
and "Crimes Against Humanity." Principle VI, Charter of the
Nuremberg Tribunal. The first crime against peace is a war of
aggression. Principle VI(a)(i). Id. It is the most serious of
all international crimes because it unleashes the demons of war
with the uncontrollable and unforeseeable consequences that can
follow.
The US and NATO war crimes committed in their assaults
which began February 5, 1994, with attacks against Bosnian Serb
military facilities and continued through the massive 78-day
aerial assault on civilians and civilian facilities in Serbia in
1999 was a celebration of war against defenseless people. Direct
bombardment of cities including Belgrade, Pristina, Novi Sad and Nis
made civilians and civilian facilities the direct object of
attack, taking thousands of civilian lives in violation of the
Geneva Convention 1977, Protocol 1 Additional, Article 51.
Apartment houses, homes, hospitals, schools, office
buildings and other facilities essential to support civilian life
were damaged and destroyed. Bridges across the Danube at Novi Sad
and elsewhere in Serbia were destroyed. The Serb radio and
television building in the heart of Belgrade was targeted with cruise
missiles and reduced to rubble, killing 16 people and injuring
others. Many other radio and TV facilities were attacked and
destroyed. Housing for refugees was attacked in Belgrade and
elsewhere.
In Kosovo, among the many attacks on civilians, the
heart of Pristina was destroyed, the university and many other
facilities there were extensively damaged.
Elsewhere in Kosovo, remembered by persons all over
the world who watched films of the attacks on T.V., a train
crossing a bridge over the Grdelica gorge was attacked by US
aircraft on April 12, 1999, causing many deaths. On April 15 a
refugee convoy near Djakovisa was attacked by US planes, killing
scores. On May 14, the village of Korisa was attacked with 87 reported
dead.
The international media worldwide reported other fatal
NATO attacks against Serbia daily.
On April 22, 1999 the home of President Milosevic,
hundreds of feet from any other structure in a wooded residential
area of Belgrade, was destroyed. The family survived only because
they were not home when the missiles struck.
Huge amounts of depleted uranium were spread by bombs
and missiles throughout Serbia promising death from cancers,
leukemia, tumors, and future birth defects to the population and
to occupying NATO personnel in Kosovo. The reported unprecedented
incidence of cancer among Italian soldiers who had been stationed
in Kosovo created alarm in Italy and in other countries who contributed
troops as early as 2000. The long-term consequences for the
population, the members of the occupying forces, subsequent
generations and the environment are unknown.
Cluster bombs fell among apartment houses in Novi Sad,
in the major regional hospital complex in Nis, the suburbs of
Belgrade and in generous amounts elsewhere.
The central heating plant for New Belgrade was bombed
into scrap metal, leaving hundreds of thousands of people with the
prospect of a heatless winter.
The Chinese Embassy in New Belgrade was targeted and
extensively damaged, killing three persons. On May 27, 1999, one
week before the end of the bombing, US/NATO bombs damaged the
Greek Consulate in Nis, a prominent 19th Century building. Lesser
acts have caused bigger wars.
The bombing of Yugoslavia came in part from airfields
in Italy, Hungary and Turkey recalling past aggressions on
southern Slavs from those quarters and in creating new hostility
among nations that have warred against each other in the past.
Already nations are using the precedent of US
assassinations and attempts to assassinate in foreign countries
and its wars of aggression to commit the same crimes. Both
Pakistan and India have cited US conduct to justify military,
interventions in Kashmir. Israel cites US conduct to justify its
almost daily assassinations of Palestinians and on October 4, its
bombing raids in Syria.
These crimes are a small illustration of what the US
and NATO war of aggression inflicted on the defenseless people of
Yugoslavia.
X. The US and NATO Must Be Held Accountable For Their
Illegal War Of Aggression Against Bosnian Serbs And All Of Serbia,
Including Kosovo
The US and NATO caused the deaths of thousands of
people and inflicted billions of dollars in property damages
against Serbs in Bosnia, primarily in Republika Srpska, and later
throughout Serbia, including concentrated attacks in Kosovo. All
the deaths and destruction came from aerial assaults. Because the UN
failed to address their illegality, these lawless assaults, lead to
later wars of aggression by the US in Afghanistan where it was
later assisted by NATO and in Iraq. Together they threaten the
utility, credibility and very existence of the United Nations when
it is most needed. To assure the integrity of the Charter of the
United Nations, there must be accountability for these crimes and
reparations for the deaths and destruction they inflicted.
The spectacle of a superpower capable of destroying
any country on earth, unilaterally attacking a nation that is no
possible threat to it and is defenseless against its bombs and
missiles poses the greatest danger to world peace and are the
deadliest terrorist acts on the planet.
The United Nations should assume leadership in
compelling accountability by the US and NATO through payments to
families of persons killed by their illegal acts and for public
and private properties destroyed. There must not be impunity for
wars of aggression, or profits for aggressor nations through economic
exploitation of their victims, through contracts for reconstruction,
or from profits from privatization of public utilities, services
and properties.
=== DA ICDSM ITALIA RICEVIAMO E DIFFONDIAMO ===
La Sezione Italiana dell'ICDSM ringrazia tutti quelli che hanno finora
contribuito alla campagna di finanziamento per la difesa di Milosevic.
La richiesta dell'ICDSM internazionale, tuttavia, e' che tali sforzi
vengano RADDOPPIATI nel prossimo futuro, poiche' le spese sono ingenti.
Non esistono altre fonti di finanziamento: la situazione a Belgrado e'
irrespirabile, i lavoratori ... non lavorano, chi ha i soldi per
mangiare li tiene stretti e non rischia certo la galera in attivita'
politiche o di solidarieta' a favore di Milosevic, che viene presentato
dai media laggiu' esattamente come da noi, cioe' come un dittatore
criminale e ferrovecchio. I nuovi ricchi votano i partiti
filo-occidentali e di destra e non appoggiano certo Milosevic. Per di
piu', alla campagna per
Milosevic l'SPS e' sostanzialmente ESTRANEO, poiche' la leadership
parlamentare di quel partito ha scelto una linea accomodante con
Kostunica ed e' in rotta di collisione con il gruppo organizzatosi
attorno a SLOBODA (sezione belgradese dell'ICDSM).
A tutti deve essere infine chiaro che non esiste alcun "tesoro
nascosto" di Milosevic e che il nostro impegno e' insostituibile ed
indispensabile.
Per contribuire dall'Italia:
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Per contatti:
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
=== * ===
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Ven 27 Feb 2004 12:37:29 Europe/Rome
A: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Interview with Tiphaine Dickson on resignation
of Richard May
[ Una intervista all'avvocato canadese Tiphaine Dickson, assistente
dell'ICDSM, sulle dimissioni inaspettatamente presentate pochi giorni
fa dal "giudice" del "processo" in corso, presso il tribunale speciale
della NATO, contro Slobodan Milosevic... ]
Da: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Data: Mer 25 Feb 2004 16:35:36 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: Inteview with Tiphaine Dickson on resignation of Richard May
Interview with Quebec ICDSM-lawyer Tiphaine Dickson on the resignation
of presiding judge in the Milosevic-case, Richard May
**********************************************************
Q: Late Sunday, the President of the ICTY, Theodor Meron, announced the
resignation of Richard May of the United Kingdom, the presiding judge
in the Milosevic trial. Officially, the resignation is due to the ill
health of judge May.
What was your first take on these developments?
Tiphaine Dickson: This is a spectacular development-- only days before
the end of the presentation of the prosecution's evidence-- which has
gone on for two years already. This resignation demonstrates that the
length and complexity of this process, not to mention the hundreds of
witnesses, 30,000 pages of transcripts, 500 videotapes, hundreds of
audiotapes, and huge quantity of other exhibits cannot be adequately
handled, let alone be meaningfully understood, by a person in ill
health. It is unfortunate that Slobodan Milosevic-- whose
health concerns similarly reduce his capacity properly to analyse and
challenge the voluminous record generated so far-- has not been treated
with the same deference accorded to Richard May. Much has been made in
the mainstream press
about President Milosevic's illness "wasting the court's time", yet
Richard May's undisclosed health problems are not treated with
contempt, but rather with compassion and concern. Slobodan Milosevic
cannot resign from the ICTY for health reasons, and on the contrary, he
has confronted this process while struggling against a life-threatening
illness, despite being denied provisional release or specialized
medical care to treat his condition.
Q: In recent days, the international press reported that the genocide
charge has not been proven.
Dickson: The press' assessment of the quality of evidence presented so
far is accurate to the extent that the evidence presented by the ICTY
prosecutor has been anemic, rife with hearsay, opinion, speculation and
irrelevancies. It is evident that counts should be dismissed, and in my
opinion, the prosecutor has not succeeded in presenting a coherent or
compelling case, in accordance with the standards of criminal justice.
Q: Some media went even further, saying that even evidence of war
crimes in Bosnia and Croatia seems to be very shaky. If so, the
remaining part would be the Kosovo indictment. Is that a way for the
press to prepare the public for some charges being dropped or might
there be something else behind this? For Mr.
Milosevic it would not make any difference whether he gets one or five
life sentences. But for the Western governments it would make a
difference whether Milosevic's defense case covers all three
indictments or is reduced to just Kosovo. If reduced to Kosovo, would
Mr. Milosevic still be able to tell the
whole story that there was a plan to destroy Yugoslavia-something to
qualify the 'plan' not from his side but from the West, from Croatia
and Bosnia? Or could we consider it an attempt to destroy a successful
defense case?
Dickson: If the Chamber were to dismiss both the Bosnia and Croatia
indictments, it would still be possible for SM to present his defense
as announced in his opening statement. Kosovo was the West's-- NATO,
the EU, US and other powers-- pretext for a gruesome 78-day bombing
campaign, executed in
violation of international law, using weapons, targets, and tactics
which violate the laws and customs of war. This aggression marked the
culmination of the decade-long
effort to dismember Yugoslavia. As such, and in particular given the
fact that the Kosovo indictment was served in the course of the
bombing, to neutralize the Yugoslav leadership's potential to negotiate
peace-- which had always been
successfully achieved by President Milosevic in the past-- it is open
to him to contextualize this indictment
It is highly likely that Mr. Milosevic will present the defense he has
planned and will demonstrate that there was only one war: the war
against Yugoslavia. In any event, the Prosecutor has chosen to allege,
in the Kosovo indictment, that Slobodan Milosevic was the principal
interlocutor for the "international
community" since 1989, and "was the primary representative of the SFRY
and FRY: The Hague Conference in 1991; the Paris negotiations of March
1993; the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in January
1993; the Vance-Owen peace plan negotiations between January and May
1993; the Geneva peace talks in the summer of 1993; the Contact Group
meeting in June 1994; the negotiations for a cease fire in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, 9-14 September 1995; the
negotiations to end the bombing by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 14-20 September 1995;
and the Dayton peace negotiations in November 1995."
The Prosecutor made the decision to stipulate President Milosevic's
primary role in these largely successful peace negotiations in order to
establish, astonishingly, his responsibility for the commission of
crimes, rather than for
having negotiated peace. Slobodan Milosevic is therefore entitled to
explore all issues relevant to these conferences and negotiations,
including the underlying conflicts that led to them. In doing this, he
will have the opportunity to identify the foreign interests which were
responsible for the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia, from the first unconstitutional secessions to the illegal
bombing of Yugoslavia.
Q: How will the trial continue?
The rules of procedure provide that a new judge cannot be assigned to a
trial-- and in this case, evidence has been heard for two years--
unless the accused consents to such a measure. However, the judges may
disregard the accused's
objection if the "interests of justice" so dictate. The accused's
consent appears illusory if the Chamber is entitled to ignore it, even
if they do so "in the interests of justice". If the remaining judges
choose to assign a new judge despite Mr. Milosevic's objections-- which
is very likely, as the President of the ICTY, Theodor Meron, has
essentially prejudged the issue in his press release announcing Richard
May's resignation, by stating that he is "confident that Judge May's
resignation will not have an unduly disruptive effect on any
proceedings before the Tribunal"-- President Milosevic is nonetheless
entitled to appeal their decision. Furthermore, any new judge assigned
must certify that he or she is familiar with the record before sitting
on the case. The evidence presented so far has generated over 33,000
pages of transcripts, not to mention tapes, both audio and video, maps,
and a variety of other exhibits. It would not be decent to suggest that
one could skim through-- let alone "familiarize"-- oneself with such a
voluminous record, in such an important trial, in less than a year.
It is important to point out that courts of appeal rarely overturn
trial judgments with respect to credibility. This is because trial
judges are deemed to have had a unique opportunity to assess the
witness' demeanor in a courtroom.
In this case, over 200 witnesses have testified so far, and matters of
credibility have been of crucial importance. How could a new judge
appreciate the eloquent body language of witnesses such as Rade
Markovic or Captain Dragan Vasilikovic without having seen them? It
would be necessary for any new judge, in addition to reading--and
understanding-- the record in its entirety, to carefully watch the
video footage from the beginning of the process. This requires at least
one year's time.
Although it appears that the ICTY will push to continue the matter
despite Richard May's resignation, it is important to note that in
common law proceedings, this situation would normally constitute a
mistrial, and require that proceedings start anew. Unfortunately, the
political pressure is such that on this issue-- like so many others--
the rights of the defendant will likely take a back seat to political
expedience. The ICTY judges could even modify the rules in order to
facilitate the continuation of the process, as they have now amended
their rules 28 times in a little over a decade. Such a development
would be an unfortunate precedent for the future of international law.
Thank you, Maitre Dickson, for answering those questions.
Interviewer: Cathrin Schütz
A shortened version of this interview was published in the German daily
"junge Welt", February 25, 2004
*******************************************************
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND TRUTH ABOUT THE SERBIAN PEOPLE
AND YUGOSLAVIA IS IN THE CRUCIAL PHASE. NATO AND ITS SERVICES
IN BELGRADE AND THE HAGUE HAVE NO INTEREST TO SUPPORT IT.
*******************************************************
SO IT TOTALLY DEPENDS ON YOU!
*******************************************************
A SMALL TEAM OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S ASSISTANTS, WHICH IS
BECOMING INTERNATIONAL, HAS TO HAVE CONDITIONS TO WORK
AT THE HAGUE IN THE TIME OF INTENSIVE PREPARATIONS FOR THE
FINAL PRESENTATION OF TRUTH AND DURING THAT
PRESENTATION.
*******************************************************
TO DONATE, PLEASE CONTACT SLOBODA OR THE NEAREST ICDSM
BRANCH, OR
find the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
================================================
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
================================================
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
La Sezione Italiana dell'ICDSM ringrazia tutti quelli che hanno finora
contribuito alla campagna di finanziamento per la difesa di Milosevic.
La richiesta dell'ICDSM internazionale, tuttavia, e' che tali sforzi
vengano RADDOPPIATI nel prossimo futuro, poiche' le spese sono ingenti.
Non esistono altre fonti di finanziamento: la situazione a Belgrado e'
irrespirabile, i lavoratori ... non lavorano, chi ha i soldi per
mangiare li tiene stretti e non rischia certo la galera in attivita'
politiche o di solidarieta' a favore di Milosevic, che viene presentato
dai media laggiu' esattamente come da noi, cioe' come un dittatore
criminale e ferrovecchio. I nuovi ricchi votano i partiti
filo-occidentali e di destra e non appoggiano certo Milosevic. Per di
piu', alla campagna per
Milosevic l'SPS e' sostanzialmente ESTRANEO, poiche' la leadership
parlamentare di quel partito ha scelto una linea accomodante con
Kostunica ed e' in rotta di collisione con il gruppo organizzatosi
attorno a SLOBODA (sezione belgradese dell'ICDSM).
A tutti deve essere infine chiaro che non esiste alcun "tesoro
nascosto" di Milosevic e che il nostro impegno e' insostituibile ed
indispensabile.
Per contribuire dall'Italia:
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Per contatti:
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
=== * ===
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Ven 27 Feb 2004 12:37:29 Europe/Rome
A: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Interview with Tiphaine Dickson on resignation
of Richard May
[ Una intervista all'avvocato canadese Tiphaine Dickson, assistente
dell'ICDSM, sulle dimissioni inaspettatamente presentate pochi giorni
fa dal "giudice" del "processo" in corso, presso il tribunale speciale
della NATO, contro Slobodan Milosevic... ]
Da: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Data: Mer 25 Feb 2004 16:35:36 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: Inteview with Tiphaine Dickson on resignation of Richard May
Interview with Quebec ICDSM-lawyer Tiphaine Dickson on the resignation
of presiding judge in the Milosevic-case, Richard May
**********************************************************
Q: Late Sunday, the President of the ICTY, Theodor Meron, announced the
resignation of Richard May of the United Kingdom, the presiding judge
in the Milosevic trial. Officially, the resignation is due to the ill
health of judge May.
What was your first take on these developments?
Tiphaine Dickson: This is a spectacular development-- only days before
the end of the presentation of the prosecution's evidence-- which has
gone on for two years already. This resignation demonstrates that the
length and complexity of this process, not to mention the hundreds of
witnesses, 30,000 pages of transcripts, 500 videotapes, hundreds of
audiotapes, and huge quantity of other exhibits cannot be adequately
handled, let alone be meaningfully understood, by a person in ill
health. It is unfortunate that Slobodan Milosevic-- whose
health concerns similarly reduce his capacity properly to analyse and
challenge the voluminous record generated so far-- has not been treated
with the same deference accorded to Richard May. Much has been made in
the mainstream press
about President Milosevic's illness "wasting the court's time", yet
Richard May's undisclosed health problems are not treated with
contempt, but rather with compassion and concern. Slobodan Milosevic
cannot resign from the ICTY for health reasons, and on the contrary, he
has confronted this process while struggling against a life-threatening
illness, despite being denied provisional release or specialized
medical care to treat his condition.
Q: In recent days, the international press reported that the genocide
charge has not been proven.
Dickson: The press' assessment of the quality of evidence presented so
far is accurate to the extent that the evidence presented by the ICTY
prosecutor has been anemic, rife with hearsay, opinion, speculation and
irrelevancies. It is evident that counts should be dismissed, and in my
opinion, the prosecutor has not succeeded in presenting a coherent or
compelling case, in accordance with the standards of criminal justice.
Q: Some media went even further, saying that even evidence of war
crimes in Bosnia and Croatia seems to be very shaky. If so, the
remaining part would be the Kosovo indictment. Is that a way for the
press to prepare the public for some charges being dropped or might
there be something else behind this? For Mr.
Milosevic it would not make any difference whether he gets one or five
life sentences. But for the Western governments it would make a
difference whether Milosevic's defense case covers all three
indictments or is reduced to just Kosovo. If reduced to Kosovo, would
Mr. Milosevic still be able to tell the
whole story that there was a plan to destroy Yugoslavia-something to
qualify the 'plan' not from his side but from the West, from Croatia
and Bosnia? Or could we consider it an attempt to destroy a successful
defense case?
Dickson: If the Chamber were to dismiss both the Bosnia and Croatia
indictments, it would still be possible for SM to present his defense
as announced in his opening statement. Kosovo was the West's-- NATO,
the EU, US and other powers-- pretext for a gruesome 78-day bombing
campaign, executed in
violation of international law, using weapons, targets, and tactics
which violate the laws and customs of war. This aggression marked the
culmination of the decade-long
effort to dismember Yugoslavia. As such, and in particular given the
fact that the Kosovo indictment was served in the course of the
bombing, to neutralize the Yugoslav leadership's potential to negotiate
peace-- which had always been
successfully achieved by President Milosevic in the past-- it is open
to him to contextualize this indictment
It is highly likely that Mr. Milosevic will present the defense he has
planned and will demonstrate that there was only one war: the war
against Yugoslavia. In any event, the Prosecutor has chosen to allege,
in the Kosovo indictment, that Slobodan Milosevic was the principal
interlocutor for the "international
community" since 1989, and "was the primary representative of the SFRY
and FRY: The Hague Conference in 1991; the Paris negotiations of March
1993; the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in January
1993; the Vance-Owen peace plan negotiations between January and May
1993; the Geneva peace talks in the summer of 1993; the Contact Group
meeting in June 1994; the negotiations for a cease fire in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, 9-14 September 1995; the
negotiations to end the bombing by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 14-20 September 1995;
and the Dayton peace negotiations in November 1995."
The Prosecutor made the decision to stipulate President Milosevic's
primary role in these largely successful peace negotiations in order to
establish, astonishingly, his responsibility for the commission of
crimes, rather than for
having negotiated peace. Slobodan Milosevic is therefore entitled to
explore all issues relevant to these conferences and negotiations,
including the underlying conflicts that led to them. In doing this, he
will have the opportunity to identify the foreign interests which were
responsible for the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia, from the first unconstitutional secessions to the illegal
bombing of Yugoslavia.
Q: How will the trial continue?
The rules of procedure provide that a new judge cannot be assigned to a
trial-- and in this case, evidence has been heard for two years--
unless the accused consents to such a measure. However, the judges may
disregard the accused's
objection if the "interests of justice" so dictate. The accused's
consent appears illusory if the Chamber is entitled to ignore it, even
if they do so "in the interests of justice". If the remaining judges
choose to assign a new judge despite Mr. Milosevic's objections-- which
is very likely, as the President of the ICTY, Theodor Meron, has
essentially prejudged the issue in his press release announcing Richard
May's resignation, by stating that he is "confident that Judge May's
resignation will not have an unduly disruptive effect on any
proceedings before the Tribunal"-- President Milosevic is nonetheless
entitled to appeal their decision. Furthermore, any new judge assigned
must certify that he or she is familiar with the record before sitting
on the case. The evidence presented so far has generated over 33,000
pages of transcripts, not to mention tapes, both audio and video, maps,
and a variety of other exhibits. It would not be decent to suggest that
one could skim through-- let alone "familiarize"-- oneself with such a
voluminous record, in such an important trial, in less than a year.
It is important to point out that courts of appeal rarely overturn
trial judgments with respect to credibility. This is because trial
judges are deemed to have had a unique opportunity to assess the
witness' demeanor in a courtroom.
In this case, over 200 witnesses have testified so far, and matters of
credibility have been of crucial importance. How could a new judge
appreciate the eloquent body language of witnesses such as Rade
Markovic or Captain Dragan Vasilikovic without having seen them? It
would be necessary for any new judge, in addition to reading--and
understanding-- the record in its entirety, to carefully watch the
video footage from the beginning of the process. This requires at least
one year's time.
Although it appears that the ICTY will push to continue the matter
despite Richard May's resignation, it is important to note that in
common law proceedings, this situation would normally constitute a
mistrial, and require that proceedings start anew. Unfortunately, the
political pressure is such that on this issue-- like so many others--
the rights of the defendant will likely take a back seat to political
expedience. The ICTY judges could even modify the rules in order to
facilitate the continuation of the process, as they have now amended
their rules 28 times in a little over a decade. Such a development
would be an unfortunate precedent for the future of international law.
Thank you, Maitre Dickson, for answering those questions.
Interviewer: Cathrin Schütz
A shortened version of this interview was published in the German daily
"junge Welt", February 25, 2004
*******************************************************
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND TRUTH ABOUT THE SERBIAN PEOPLE
AND YUGOSLAVIA IS IN THE CRUCIAL PHASE. NATO AND ITS SERVICES
IN BELGRADE AND THE HAGUE HAVE NO INTEREST TO SUPPORT IT.
*******************************************************
SO IT TOTALLY DEPENDS ON YOU!
*******************************************************
A SMALL TEAM OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC'S ASSISTANTS, WHICH IS
BECOMING INTERNATIONAL, HAS TO HAVE CONDITIONS TO WORK
AT THE HAGUE IN THE TIME OF INTENSIVE PREPARATIONS FOR THE
FINAL PRESENTATION OF TRUTH AND DURING THAT
PRESENTATION.
*******************************************************
TO DONATE, PLEASE CONTACT SLOBODA OR THE NEAREST ICDSM
BRANCH, OR
find the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
================================================
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
================================================
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Aereo presidenziale macedone abbattuto sul cielo bosniaco da una
"tragica ironia" antieuropea
"...Il primo ministro Branko Crvenkovski ha appreso la notizia mentre
si trovava Dublino, dove oggi doveva presentare la domanda di
ammissione della Macedonia all'Unione europea. La delegazione
governativa sta rientrando d'urgenza a Skopje. (ANSA)..."
Tutti gli aggiornamenti su:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml
MACEDONIA: SI SCHIANTA FRA LE MINE AEREO PRESIDENZIALE /ANSA (di Carlo
Bollino)
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 26 FEB - Nello stesso giorno [SIC] in cui il suo
paese viveva la tappa storica della richiesta di adesione all'Unione
europea, si e' schiantato con l'aereo di Stato contro una montagna
della Bosnia. Il presidente della repubblica macedone Boris
Trajkosvki e' morto questa mattina, intorno ale 8:45, in una tragedia
aerea dai contorni non ancora definiti [SIC]. Il suo corpo e quelli
delle altre otto persone che viaggiavano con lui, sono tuttora sparsi
insieme ai rottami del velivolo su un imprecisato costone di montagna
della Bosnia meridionale, nascosti dalla nebbia [SIC] e resi finora
inavvicinabili da una distesa di mine [SIC], residuati di quella
guerra jugoslava dalla quale la sua piccola repubblica si era
miracolosamente [SIC] salvata. E' una tragedia terribilmente
balcanica [SIC] questa, piena di simboli [SIC] e di coincidenze
[SIC], come e' tradizione [SIC] nella turbolenta storia di questo
strano [SIC] pezzo d'Europa. Boris Trajkosvki, in carica dal 1999 e
che il prossimo autunno avrebbe concluso il suo mandato, era partito
questa mattina dall'aeroporto 'Petrovec' di Skopje diretto a Mostar
per partecipare ad un vertice economico che doveva veder riuniti
tutti i paesi della regione. Il vecchio [SIC] turbo-elica Beechcraft
King Air 200 del protocollo di Stato era decollato poco dopo le 6:30
(ora locale e italiana): sulla Macedonia imperversava brutto tempo,
ma non tale da impedire la partenza. Insieme con lui viaggiavano tre
consiglieri (fra cui la portavoce Dimka Ilkova Boskovic), due
guardie del corpo e l'equipaggio. L'aereo, dono del governo americano
[SIC] e che alla fine dello scorso anno aveva subito un altro
incidente [SIC], ha sorvolato l'Albania, poi un tratto di mare
Adriatico e infine la Croazia: appena entrato nello spazio aereo
bosniaco e' scomparso dai radar. Da Mostar sono partiti i primi
mezzi di soccorso della Forza di stabilizzazione della Nato [SIC]
(Sfor) e della polizia locale. Le ricerche si sono subito indirizzate
verso Stolac, una localita' montagnosa 40 chilometri a sud-ovest di
Mostar dove testimoni avevano riferito di aver udito un'esplosione.
Nella tarda mattinata e' circolata la voce che i resti dell'aereo
presidenziale erano stati localizzati sul costone del monte Hrdog. Il
governo macedone ha poi rettificato [SIC], annunciando che il
ritrovamento era invece avvenuto sul monte Risnic, vicino a Lubjnje.
Il presidente bosniaco ha addirittura comunicato il recupero dei
primi quattro corpi. Ma nel pomeriggio la nuova svolta [SIC]: fonti
della Sfor e successivamente del governo macedone hanno precisato che
in realta' i resti del velivolo non sono stati ancora localizzati
[SIC], e che si cerca in un'area particolarmente impervia estesa per
circa 16 chilometri quadrati, coperta dalla nebbia [SIC] e piena di
campi minati. [SIC] Contraddizioni che tuttavia non tolgono nulla
[SIC] all'evidenza della tragedia: ''Non c'e' nessuna speranza che vi
siano sopravvissuti'' ha annunciato il premier Branko Crvenkovski,
rientrato d'urgenza da Dublino dove oggi [SIC] avrebbe dovuto
presentare la domanda di ammissione al presidente di turno del
semestre europeo. Era stato questo l'ultimo documento ufficiale
firmato ieri sera dal presidente Trajkovski. Ed e' al sogno europeo
che aveva dedicato poche ore prima del tragico volo, quella che si e'
rivelata la sua ultima dichiarazione: ''Dal giorno della nostra
indipendenza e fino ad oggi - aveva detto Trajkovski - non c'e' stato
progetto piu' grande e di interesse strategico che la nostra domanda
di adesione all'Unione europea''. La fatalita' [SIC] della sua
morte ha pero' congelato l'evento: la cerimonia a Dublino e' stata
annullata [SIC] e la delegazione guidata da Crvenkovski ha fatto
immediatamente rientro in patria. La notizia della morte di Trajkovski
ha sconvolto l'opinione pubblica macedone. Nella turbolenta storia
degli ultimi anni, questo giurista prestato alla politica veniva
considerato come unico punto fermo nel pericoloso scontro fra
nazionalismi albanesi e macedoni. La stessa comunita' internazionale
(Europa e Stati Uniti in testa) lo aveva prescelto come interlocutore
privilegiato per traghettare il paese verso una stabile democrazia
occidentale. La sua morte ora rischia di rimettere in discussione i
fragili equilibri interni di un paese che e' tuttora alla ricerca di
una propria identita' nazionale. Una preoccupazione evidentemente
condivisa dallo stesso primo ministro: ''E' necessario che la nostra
nazione resti unita'' ha detto questa sera parlando alla televisione
di Stato. Un appello seguito all'annuncio del ministero dell'Interno
di misure speciali di sicurezza introdotte in tutto il paese.
(ANSA) BLL-COR 26/02/2004 19:59
MACEDONIA: TRAJKOVSKI; LOCALIZZATI RESTI AEREO (2)
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 27 FEB - Secondo il procuratore generale della
Federazione bosniaca Redzita Kreso, citato dalla televisione
nazionale macedone, i resti dell'aereo di Trajkovski sono stati
localizzati a 15 km dall'aeroporto di Mostar, dove ieri mattina
avrebbe dovuto atterrare. La localita' si chiama Kuskovici e stando
allo stesso procuratore si tratta di un'area sotto il controllo della
Sfor [SIC]; e questo ha impedito finora all'autorita' giudiziaria
bosniaca di recarsi sul posto [SIC]. Le ricerche per localizzare
i resti dell'aereo erano riprese fin da questa mattina dopo che ieri
sera erano state sospese a causa del buio [SIC] e delle pessime
condizioni del tempo [SIC]. Fonti della Sfor escludono che vi siano
sopravvissuti. (ANSA). BLL-COR/MRY 27/02/2004 10:00
MACEDONIA: TRAJKOVSKI; SOLANA, GIORNO TRAGICO PER TUTTI
(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 26 FEB - ''Un giorno tragico per il popolo della
Macedonia e per tutti gli europei''. Cosi' l'alto rappresentante per la
politica estera e di difesa comune dell'Unione europea Javier Solana ha
commentato la morte, avvenuta oggi in un incidente aereo, del
presidente della Macedonia Boris Trajkovski che ha definito ''un grande
politico ed un grande patriota, che ha aperto la porta a cambi
importanti nel suo paese ed ha aperto il cammino a legami stretti con
l'Ue''.
Solana, in una dichiarazione, ha ricordato che Trajkovski ''lascia
molti amici in Europa e nel mondo. Era anche un grande amico mio - ha
aggiunto - un'amicizia sviluppatasi durante i difficili giorni del suo
paese'' nei quali ''ha avuto un ruolo decisivo per risolvere la crisi''.
Oltre ad esprimere le condoglianze ai familiari del presidente ed a
quelli delle altre vittime dell'incidente, Solana ha sottolineato che
''abbiamo perso un grande politico europeo e sara' molto difficile
farne a meno''.
Il responsabile della politica estera dell'Ue ha quindi sottolineato
''che per una tragica ironia il disastro aereo e' avvenuto in un giorno
in cui il paese presieduto da Trajkovski stava per presentare la
domanda di adesione all'Unione europea. Ma sono sicuro - ha concluso
Solana- che i macedoni opereranno per fare in modo che il sogno del
presidente Trajkovski diventi realta' e sostengano il paese nel cammino
verso l'Unione europea''. (ANSA).
COM-VS 26/02/2004 15:54
"tragica ironia" antieuropea
"...Il primo ministro Branko Crvenkovski ha appreso la notizia mentre
si trovava Dublino, dove oggi doveva presentare la domanda di
ammissione della Macedonia all'Unione europea. La delegazione
governativa sta rientrando d'urgenza a Skopje. (ANSA)..."
Tutti gli aggiornamenti su:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml
MACEDONIA: SI SCHIANTA FRA LE MINE AEREO PRESIDENZIALE /ANSA (di Carlo
Bollino)
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 26 FEB - Nello stesso giorno [SIC] in cui il suo
paese viveva la tappa storica della richiesta di adesione all'Unione
europea, si e' schiantato con l'aereo di Stato contro una montagna
della Bosnia. Il presidente della repubblica macedone Boris
Trajkosvki e' morto questa mattina, intorno ale 8:45, in una tragedia
aerea dai contorni non ancora definiti [SIC]. Il suo corpo e quelli
delle altre otto persone che viaggiavano con lui, sono tuttora sparsi
insieme ai rottami del velivolo su un imprecisato costone di montagna
della Bosnia meridionale, nascosti dalla nebbia [SIC] e resi finora
inavvicinabili da una distesa di mine [SIC], residuati di quella
guerra jugoslava dalla quale la sua piccola repubblica si era
miracolosamente [SIC] salvata. E' una tragedia terribilmente
balcanica [SIC] questa, piena di simboli [SIC] e di coincidenze
[SIC], come e' tradizione [SIC] nella turbolenta storia di questo
strano [SIC] pezzo d'Europa. Boris Trajkosvki, in carica dal 1999 e
che il prossimo autunno avrebbe concluso il suo mandato, era partito
questa mattina dall'aeroporto 'Petrovec' di Skopje diretto a Mostar
per partecipare ad un vertice economico che doveva veder riuniti
tutti i paesi della regione. Il vecchio [SIC] turbo-elica Beechcraft
King Air 200 del protocollo di Stato era decollato poco dopo le 6:30
(ora locale e italiana): sulla Macedonia imperversava brutto tempo,
ma non tale da impedire la partenza. Insieme con lui viaggiavano tre
consiglieri (fra cui la portavoce Dimka Ilkova Boskovic), due
guardie del corpo e l'equipaggio. L'aereo, dono del governo americano
[SIC] e che alla fine dello scorso anno aveva subito un altro
incidente [SIC], ha sorvolato l'Albania, poi un tratto di mare
Adriatico e infine la Croazia: appena entrato nello spazio aereo
bosniaco e' scomparso dai radar. Da Mostar sono partiti i primi
mezzi di soccorso della Forza di stabilizzazione della Nato [SIC]
(Sfor) e della polizia locale. Le ricerche si sono subito indirizzate
verso Stolac, una localita' montagnosa 40 chilometri a sud-ovest di
Mostar dove testimoni avevano riferito di aver udito un'esplosione.
Nella tarda mattinata e' circolata la voce che i resti dell'aereo
presidenziale erano stati localizzati sul costone del monte Hrdog. Il
governo macedone ha poi rettificato [SIC], annunciando che il
ritrovamento era invece avvenuto sul monte Risnic, vicino a Lubjnje.
Il presidente bosniaco ha addirittura comunicato il recupero dei
primi quattro corpi. Ma nel pomeriggio la nuova svolta [SIC]: fonti
della Sfor e successivamente del governo macedone hanno precisato che
in realta' i resti del velivolo non sono stati ancora localizzati
[SIC], e che si cerca in un'area particolarmente impervia estesa per
circa 16 chilometri quadrati, coperta dalla nebbia [SIC] e piena di
campi minati. [SIC] Contraddizioni che tuttavia non tolgono nulla
[SIC] all'evidenza della tragedia: ''Non c'e' nessuna speranza che vi
siano sopravvissuti'' ha annunciato il premier Branko Crvenkovski,
rientrato d'urgenza da Dublino dove oggi [SIC] avrebbe dovuto
presentare la domanda di ammissione al presidente di turno del
semestre europeo. Era stato questo l'ultimo documento ufficiale
firmato ieri sera dal presidente Trajkovski. Ed e' al sogno europeo
che aveva dedicato poche ore prima del tragico volo, quella che si e'
rivelata la sua ultima dichiarazione: ''Dal giorno della nostra
indipendenza e fino ad oggi - aveva detto Trajkovski - non c'e' stato
progetto piu' grande e di interesse strategico che la nostra domanda
di adesione all'Unione europea''. La fatalita' [SIC] della sua
morte ha pero' congelato l'evento: la cerimonia a Dublino e' stata
annullata [SIC] e la delegazione guidata da Crvenkovski ha fatto
immediatamente rientro in patria. La notizia della morte di Trajkovski
ha sconvolto l'opinione pubblica macedone. Nella turbolenta storia
degli ultimi anni, questo giurista prestato alla politica veniva
considerato come unico punto fermo nel pericoloso scontro fra
nazionalismi albanesi e macedoni. La stessa comunita' internazionale
(Europa e Stati Uniti in testa) lo aveva prescelto come interlocutore
privilegiato per traghettare il paese verso una stabile democrazia
occidentale. La sua morte ora rischia di rimettere in discussione i
fragili equilibri interni di un paese che e' tuttora alla ricerca di
una propria identita' nazionale. Una preoccupazione evidentemente
condivisa dallo stesso primo ministro: ''E' necessario che la nostra
nazione resti unita'' ha detto questa sera parlando alla televisione
di Stato. Un appello seguito all'annuncio del ministero dell'Interno
di misure speciali di sicurezza introdotte in tutto il paese.
(ANSA) BLL-COR 26/02/2004 19:59
MACEDONIA: TRAJKOVSKI; LOCALIZZATI RESTI AEREO (2)
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 27 FEB - Secondo il procuratore generale della
Federazione bosniaca Redzita Kreso, citato dalla televisione
nazionale macedone, i resti dell'aereo di Trajkovski sono stati
localizzati a 15 km dall'aeroporto di Mostar, dove ieri mattina
avrebbe dovuto atterrare. La localita' si chiama Kuskovici e stando
allo stesso procuratore si tratta di un'area sotto il controllo della
Sfor [SIC]; e questo ha impedito finora all'autorita' giudiziaria
bosniaca di recarsi sul posto [SIC]. Le ricerche per localizzare
i resti dell'aereo erano riprese fin da questa mattina dopo che ieri
sera erano state sospese a causa del buio [SIC] e delle pessime
condizioni del tempo [SIC]. Fonti della Sfor escludono che vi siano
sopravvissuti. (ANSA). BLL-COR/MRY 27/02/2004 10:00
MACEDONIA: TRAJKOVSKI; SOLANA, GIORNO TRAGICO PER TUTTI
(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 26 FEB - ''Un giorno tragico per il popolo della
Macedonia e per tutti gli europei''. Cosi' l'alto rappresentante per la
politica estera e di difesa comune dell'Unione europea Javier Solana ha
commentato la morte, avvenuta oggi in un incidente aereo, del
presidente della Macedonia Boris Trajkovski che ha definito ''un grande
politico ed un grande patriota, che ha aperto la porta a cambi
importanti nel suo paese ed ha aperto il cammino a legami stretti con
l'Ue''.
Solana, in una dichiarazione, ha ricordato che Trajkovski ''lascia
molti amici in Europa e nel mondo. Era anche un grande amico mio - ha
aggiunto - un'amicizia sviluppatasi durante i difficili giorni del suo
paese'' nei quali ''ha avuto un ruolo decisivo per risolvere la crisi''.
Oltre ad esprimere le condoglianze ai familiari del presidente ed a
quelli delle altre vittime dell'incidente, Solana ha sottolineato che
''abbiamo perso un grande politico europeo e sara' molto difficile
farne a meno''.
Il responsabile della politica estera dell'Ue ha quindi sottolineato
''che per una tragica ironia il disastro aereo e' avvenuto in un giorno
in cui il paese presieduto da Trajkovski stava per presentare la
domanda di adesione all'Unione europea. Ma sono sicuro - ha concluso
Solana- che i macedoni opereranno per fare in modo che il sogno del
presidente Trajkovski diventi realta' e sostengano il paese nel cammino
verso l'Unione europea''. (ANSA).
COM-VS 26/02/2004 15:54
Intellettuali di servizio: Adriano Sofri (5)
SE ADRIANO SOFRI FOSSE NATO IN CECENIA...
DA FAMIGLIA DI LINGUA RUSSA, PER ESEMPIO
Le puntate precedenti su:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2069
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2010
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2647
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2650
Vedi anche il commento di Fulvio Grimaldi
IL RATTO GLORIFICATO su:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3191
---
Se fossi nato in Cecenia
di Adriano Sofri
Che cosa dire, come dirlo, per far si' che le persone vogliano
figurarsi che cosa succede in Cecenia? Che vi si immedesimino per un
momento, e se ne spaventino a morte?
La Cecenia e' grande come l'Abruzzo e il Molise. Prima delle due guerre
dell'ultimo decennio, aveva piu' o meno un milione di persone. Sono
morte fra un quinto e un quarto. In percentuale, e' come se fossero
morte nell'Abruzzo e nel Molise 350-450 mila persone. Oppure, se in
Italia negli ultimi dieci anni fossero venute due guerre come quelle
russe in Cecenia, in proporzione sarebbero morte 13 milioni di persone
circa, e una ventina di milioni sarebbero andati profughi all'estero.
Io compiro' 62 anni l'estate prossima. Se fossi nato in Cecenia, invece
che in Italia, sarei stato deportato in Kazakistan con tutta la mia
nazione, il 23 febbraio del 1944. Avrei viaggiato in un treno bestiame,
a un anno e mezzo, con un fratello di sette anni. Uno su tre mori' in
quel viaggio. Dunque se fossi stato deportato coi miei genitori almeno
uno di noi quattro sarebbe morto. Se fossi morto io -il piu' debole- e
fossero sopravvissuti i miei genitori, la mia cara sorella, che ha tre
anni meno di me, sarebbe nata in Kazakistan, e avrebbe visto il cielo
del Caucaso solo dopo aver compiuto dodici anni. Pero' a questo punto
almeno un altro membro della mia famiglia sarebbe morto. Dei figli
miei, di mio fratello e di mia sorella, uno su tre sarebbe morto negli
ultimi dieci anni.
La Russia ha una popolazione di quasi 150 milioni di persone. E' un
grande paese, molto triste. Si e' saputo in questi giorni che vi
muoiono 170 persone per ogni 100 nuovi nati. La speranza di vita media
per gli uomini maschi e' di 58 anni, di 71 per le donne. In Italia e'
di 77 anni per i maschi, di 83 per le donne. La Russia occupa con un
esercito di centomila armati -ma e' arrivata ad averne molte volte di
piu' - una sua (la
rivendica come propria, infatti) repubblica di 700.000 abitanti si e no.
E' come se l'Italia occupasse il Molise con un esercito italiano di
50.000 armati.
Se fossi nato in Cecenia e non in Italia, il mio cielo sarebbe nero del
fumo delle citta' e dei villaggi bruciati. La mia terra sarebbe nera
di fango, petrolio, bombe e cingoli. Rosse di sangue, terra e cielo. Se
fosse successo in Italia quello che e' successo in Cecenia, non uno dei
monumenti che adornano questo paese esisterebbe ancora. Polvere e
rovine lo coprirebbero. Niente piu' Venezia, niente piu' Roma e Firenze
e Palermo. Niente Tiziano ne' Michelangelo. Niente Posillipo e lago
Maggiore. Le case violate, gli uomini rastrellati e torturati. Chiesto
un riscatto ai parenti dei rapiti, solo per riottenerli cadaveri. Donne
stuprate e assassinate dai mercenari occupanti, o abbandonate alla
vergogna pubblica: e poi uccise dai loro parenti, o ricattate dal
cinismo dei signori della guerra per tramutarsi in bombe umane. Dal
fango dei campi di profughi, dal fondo delle fosse a cielo aperto in
cui vengono
gettati, legati fra loro, i prigionieri, chiamerei al soccorso i
governanti dei paesi civili. I governanti dei paesi civili
esprimerebbero la loro comprensione per la persecuzione genocida di cui
sono bersaglio.
In nome della guerra al terrorismo, si farebbero complici della guerra
terrorista. Desidererei solo di morire, chiederei al mio cielo oscurato
la giustizia e la vendetta che la terra mi nega.
Sentii da un vecchio ceceno, uno di quei vecchi caucasici dalla
leggendaria longevita' -invece sono solo i superstiti di un genocidio-
dalla circassa chiara e la sciapka di astrakhan, uno che i giovani
additavano mormorando: «Non sai quanti russi ha ammazzato!», gli sentii
dire:
«I ceceni sono stati creati da Dio per stare come un moscerino
nell'occhio della Russia».
Guerriero lui, guerriero il suo moscerino. Noi cittadini non violenti
dell'Europa dobbiamo stare come un moscerino non
violento nell'occhio dei capi russi, ubriachi della propria
brutalita' . Il Caucaso e' in Europa. L'Europa vi nacque. E' li' che
l'aquila squarcia ogni giorno le carni del Prometeo incatenato. La
Russia perde l'anima in Cecenia. L'Europa vende l'anima alla Russia.
Oggi, a sessant'anni dalla deportazione staliniana di ceceni e ingusci,
in tante citta' del mondo persone manifestano. Dicono che sono venute
a conoscenza di quel genocidio, e che vogliono farlo sapere agli altri.
E che sono venute a conoscenza del tentato genocidio degli ultimi dieci
anni. Che sono scandalizzate da una guerra ripugnante, e da una
risposta terrorista disperata e infame. Che la loro Europa si sente
responsabile di quel lembo d'Europa. Che soffre e si vergogna per le
sofferenze indicibili di quel popolo. Che la gente cecena e' al bivio
fra un occidente che non e' se non l'Europa, e l'oriente distorto del
fanatismo islamista. Che la
comunita' internazionale deve esigere dalla Russia il rispetto per i
diritti umani, e per il diritto -e il rispetto di se'; e deve
rivendicare una tutela delle Nazioni Unite su una terra e una gente
destinate a devastazione umiliazione e morte. Si manifesta per questo a
Roma, davanti a Palazzo Chigi, oggi pomeriggio, alle 17,30. Ho seguito
lo sciopero della fame di Olivier Dupuis, dura dal 18 gennaio, e'
arrivato al punto in cui
e' giusto allarmarsi. Ha ottenuto molto, gli chiedo fermamente di
smettere oggi: per la discussione al Parlamento europeo del 26 e' gia'
abbastanza scheletrico. Lui sa che, se fosse utile, ci sono altri
pronti a dargli il cambio. E' importante che i Ds abbiano aderito
pienamente alla manifestazione di oggi e ai suoi obiettivi. Andateci,
voi che vi opponete alle guerre senza se e ma, e voi che vi opponete
alle guerre coi se e coi ma. La' e' il fondo del pozzo. Chi si affacci
al bordo di quel pozzo, non
trovera' pretesti per dissentire. Qualcuno ci vada anche per me, per
favore. Non esito a chiederlo. Dopo si sentira' meglio.
--- COMMENTO ---
Ovviamente nessuno rispondera' a questo grande intellettuale
vittima di un sistema che pero' ora lo vorrebbe laicamente santificare.
Sarebbe bello poter ricordare a costui che le terribili deportazioni
del 1944 non furono un caso. Il 1944 non e' stato un anno come tanti
altri, ed il popolo dell'Unione delle Repubbliche Socialiste Sovietiche
non era libero di procedere nella costruzione del proprio paese ma,
come accadeva, per esempio, a Londra v'era un comune banale dettaglio:
l'aggressione delle truppe nazi-fasciste!
Il dettaglio piu' importante ma ovviamente dimenticato e' che il popolo
dell'URSS era sottoposto ad una devastante guerra che aveva un duplice
obbiettivo: annientare l'URSS come stato socialista e conquistarne le
riserve energetiche del Caucaso.
Ovviamente e' molto di moda dimenticare che senza la grandiosa
resistenza a Stalingrado dell'Armata Rossa i nazifascisti avrebbero
conquistato le ricchezze del Caucaso e forse avrebbero potuto vincere
la guerra. In tali condizioni ovviamente le nostre vite sarebbero ben
diverse.
Ma questo molti nobili intellettuali della nostrana "gauche caviar" lo
dimenticano.
In pochi ricordano che in quella devastante aggressione i
nazifascisti - per spezzare la diffusa resistenza popolare -
cominciarono a promettere terre a patrie a tutti i nazionalisti locali:
dalla Moldavia fino al Caucaso. Questo avvenne anche nella Jugoslavia:
vedi Croazia e Kosovo.
Nello scontro con i nazifascisti tutti i metodi usati hanno trovato la
l'ultima ragione nella difesa della liberta' e dell'uguaglianza di
tutti minacciate da Hitler, Mussolini e dal Giappone. Dresda ha avuto
un senso, ahime' anche Hiroshima e Nagasaki, e cosi' anche lo
sposatamento delle popolazioni aizzate dai nazi-fascisti.
Veniamo all'altroieri ed all'oggi:
Come mai nessuno ricorda quale degrado delle condizioni di vita si e'
avuto nella ex-URSS da quando l'unione e' stata disciolta?
Nel 90/91 tutti in occidente celebravano la fine di un "nemico" ma sono
stati i cittadini dell'URSS a pagare sulla loro pelle la vittoria degli
USA nella cosiddetta "guerra fredda": salari da fame, distruzione delle
sicurezze sociali.
Quella sconfitta per l'URSS ha radici lontane e motivazioni complesse,
pero' vi sono domande che sembrano poco "politically correct" ma che
sono centrali per capire quanto e' avvenuto e sta avvenendo.
Chi ha fomentato l'integralismo nell'Asia centrale negli anni 70/80?
Chi ha armato i cosiddetti "freedom fighter" dell'Afganistan?
...e li ha poi persino utilizzati in Bosnia-Herzegovina?
Non e' pche per caso dietro questi irredentismi ci sia qualche cosa
d'altro dal sapore antico ed... oleoso?
Come mai se uno prende la mappa delle "terre irredente" e la sovrappone
a quelle delle risorse energetiche e relative pipe-lines trova
sorpendenti coincidenze?
Non e' che qualcuno sta (da lungo tempo) giocando la carta
"nazionalista" che a suo tempo fu giocata dai nazifascisti?
C'e solo da augurasi che i popoli dell'URSS si ritrovino
nuovamente uniti contro i nuovi barbari ed il loro veleno nazionalista.
Luca
PS:
Scorrendo la rete ed i giornali (letti molto attentamente) si puo'
osservare che tutto l'insieme di organizzazioni che a fine anni Ottanta
si sono prodigate per la scientifica destabilizzazione della Repubbilca
Socialista Federativa di Jugoslavia e che hanno poi fomentato e
fomentano il nazionalismo integralista della Cecenia, ultimamente si
stanno impegnando nel tentativo di destabilizzare il Tibet, il sud-est
della Cina e - dulcis in fundo - la Repubblica del Viet Nam. Ovviamente
il tutto viene artatamente mistificato da varie ONG e "battaglie per la
democrazia", e nessuno osa parlare di tali iniziative.
La mancanza di attenzione fa si che la spudoratezza raggiunga livelli
assolutamente incredibili. In Viet Nam, queste organizzazioni stanno
collegandosi apertamente con tutti gli ex-collaborazionisti degli
invasori francesi prima ed amiricani poi.
Che dire?
C'e' da augurarsi che questi loschi figuri vengano trattati come lo
furono gli altri invasori in passato, e cosi' facciano la fine degli
americani che nell'aprile 1975 fuggirono da Ho Chi Minh Ville (allora
Saigon) attaccandosi ai sostegni degli elicotteri...
SE ADRIANO SOFRI FOSSE NATO IN CECENIA...
DA FAMIGLIA DI LINGUA RUSSA, PER ESEMPIO
Le puntate precedenti su:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2069
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2010
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2647
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2650
Vedi anche il commento di Fulvio Grimaldi
IL RATTO GLORIFICATO su:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3191
---
Se fossi nato in Cecenia
di Adriano Sofri
Che cosa dire, come dirlo, per far si' che le persone vogliano
figurarsi che cosa succede in Cecenia? Che vi si immedesimino per un
momento, e se ne spaventino a morte?
La Cecenia e' grande come l'Abruzzo e il Molise. Prima delle due guerre
dell'ultimo decennio, aveva piu' o meno un milione di persone. Sono
morte fra un quinto e un quarto. In percentuale, e' come se fossero
morte nell'Abruzzo e nel Molise 350-450 mila persone. Oppure, se in
Italia negli ultimi dieci anni fossero venute due guerre come quelle
russe in Cecenia, in proporzione sarebbero morte 13 milioni di persone
circa, e una ventina di milioni sarebbero andati profughi all'estero.
Io compiro' 62 anni l'estate prossima. Se fossi nato in Cecenia, invece
che in Italia, sarei stato deportato in Kazakistan con tutta la mia
nazione, il 23 febbraio del 1944. Avrei viaggiato in un treno bestiame,
a un anno e mezzo, con un fratello di sette anni. Uno su tre mori' in
quel viaggio. Dunque se fossi stato deportato coi miei genitori almeno
uno di noi quattro sarebbe morto. Se fossi morto io -il piu' debole- e
fossero sopravvissuti i miei genitori, la mia cara sorella, che ha tre
anni meno di me, sarebbe nata in Kazakistan, e avrebbe visto il cielo
del Caucaso solo dopo aver compiuto dodici anni. Pero' a questo punto
almeno un altro membro della mia famiglia sarebbe morto. Dei figli
miei, di mio fratello e di mia sorella, uno su tre sarebbe morto negli
ultimi dieci anni.
La Russia ha una popolazione di quasi 150 milioni di persone. E' un
grande paese, molto triste. Si e' saputo in questi giorni che vi
muoiono 170 persone per ogni 100 nuovi nati. La speranza di vita media
per gli uomini maschi e' di 58 anni, di 71 per le donne. In Italia e'
di 77 anni per i maschi, di 83 per le donne. La Russia occupa con un
esercito di centomila armati -ma e' arrivata ad averne molte volte di
piu' - una sua (la
rivendica come propria, infatti) repubblica di 700.000 abitanti si e no.
E' come se l'Italia occupasse il Molise con un esercito italiano di
50.000 armati.
Se fossi nato in Cecenia e non in Italia, il mio cielo sarebbe nero del
fumo delle citta' e dei villaggi bruciati. La mia terra sarebbe nera
di fango, petrolio, bombe e cingoli. Rosse di sangue, terra e cielo. Se
fosse successo in Italia quello che e' successo in Cecenia, non uno dei
monumenti che adornano questo paese esisterebbe ancora. Polvere e
rovine lo coprirebbero. Niente piu' Venezia, niente piu' Roma e Firenze
e Palermo. Niente Tiziano ne' Michelangelo. Niente Posillipo e lago
Maggiore. Le case violate, gli uomini rastrellati e torturati. Chiesto
un riscatto ai parenti dei rapiti, solo per riottenerli cadaveri. Donne
stuprate e assassinate dai mercenari occupanti, o abbandonate alla
vergogna pubblica: e poi uccise dai loro parenti, o ricattate dal
cinismo dei signori della guerra per tramutarsi in bombe umane. Dal
fango dei campi di profughi, dal fondo delle fosse a cielo aperto in
cui vengono
gettati, legati fra loro, i prigionieri, chiamerei al soccorso i
governanti dei paesi civili. I governanti dei paesi civili
esprimerebbero la loro comprensione per la persecuzione genocida di cui
sono bersaglio.
In nome della guerra al terrorismo, si farebbero complici della guerra
terrorista. Desidererei solo di morire, chiederei al mio cielo oscurato
la giustizia e la vendetta che la terra mi nega.
Sentii da un vecchio ceceno, uno di quei vecchi caucasici dalla
leggendaria longevita' -invece sono solo i superstiti di un genocidio-
dalla circassa chiara e la sciapka di astrakhan, uno che i giovani
additavano mormorando: «Non sai quanti russi ha ammazzato!», gli sentii
dire:
«I ceceni sono stati creati da Dio per stare come un moscerino
nell'occhio della Russia».
Guerriero lui, guerriero il suo moscerino. Noi cittadini non violenti
dell'Europa dobbiamo stare come un moscerino non
violento nell'occhio dei capi russi, ubriachi della propria
brutalita' . Il Caucaso e' in Europa. L'Europa vi nacque. E' li' che
l'aquila squarcia ogni giorno le carni del Prometeo incatenato. La
Russia perde l'anima in Cecenia. L'Europa vende l'anima alla Russia.
Oggi, a sessant'anni dalla deportazione staliniana di ceceni e ingusci,
in tante citta' del mondo persone manifestano. Dicono che sono venute
a conoscenza di quel genocidio, e che vogliono farlo sapere agli altri.
E che sono venute a conoscenza del tentato genocidio degli ultimi dieci
anni. Che sono scandalizzate da una guerra ripugnante, e da una
risposta terrorista disperata e infame. Che la loro Europa si sente
responsabile di quel lembo d'Europa. Che soffre e si vergogna per le
sofferenze indicibili di quel popolo. Che la gente cecena e' al bivio
fra un occidente che non e' se non l'Europa, e l'oriente distorto del
fanatismo islamista. Che la
comunita' internazionale deve esigere dalla Russia il rispetto per i
diritti umani, e per il diritto -e il rispetto di se'; e deve
rivendicare una tutela delle Nazioni Unite su una terra e una gente
destinate a devastazione umiliazione e morte. Si manifesta per questo a
Roma, davanti a Palazzo Chigi, oggi pomeriggio, alle 17,30. Ho seguito
lo sciopero della fame di Olivier Dupuis, dura dal 18 gennaio, e'
arrivato al punto in cui
e' giusto allarmarsi. Ha ottenuto molto, gli chiedo fermamente di
smettere oggi: per la discussione al Parlamento europeo del 26 e' gia'
abbastanza scheletrico. Lui sa che, se fosse utile, ci sono altri
pronti a dargli il cambio. E' importante che i Ds abbiano aderito
pienamente alla manifestazione di oggi e ai suoi obiettivi. Andateci,
voi che vi opponete alle guerre senza se e ma, e voi che vi opponete
alle guerre coi se e coi ma. La' e' il fondo del pozzo. Chi si affacci
al bordo di quel pozzo, non
trovera' pretesti per dissentire. Qualcuno ci vada anche per me, per
favore. Non esito a chiederlo. Dopo si sentira' meglio.
--- COMMENTO ---
Ovviamente nessuno rispondera' a questo grande intellettuale
vittima di un sistema che pero' ora lo vorrebbe laicamente santificare.
Sarebbe bello poter ricordare a costui che le terribili deportazioni
del 1944 non furono un caso. Il 1944 non e' stato un anno come tanti
altri, ed il popolo dell'Unione delle Repubbliche Socialiste Sovietiche
non era libero di procedere nella costruzione del proprio paese ma,
come accadeva, per esempio, a Londra v'era un comune banale dettaglio:
l'aggressione delle truppe nazi-fasciste!
Il dettaglio piu' importante ma ovviamente dimenticato e' che il popolo
dell'URSS era sottoposto ad una devastante guerra che aveva un duplice
obbiettivo: annientare l'URSS come stato socialista e conquistarne le
riserve energetiche del Caucaso.
Ovviamente e' molto di moda dimenticare che senza la grandiosa
resistenza a Stalingrado dell'Armata Rossa i nazifascisti avrebbero
conquistato le ricchezze del Caucaso e forse avrebbero potuto vincere
la guerra. In tali condizioni ovviamente le nostre vite sarebbero ben
diverse.
Ma questo molti nobili intellettuali della nostrana "gauche caviar" lo
dimenticano.
In pochi ricordano che in quella devastante aggressione i
nazifascisti - per spezzare la diffusa resistenza popolare -
cominciarono a promettere terre a patrie a tutti i nazionalisti locali:
dalla Moldavia fino al Caucaso. Questo avvenne anche nella Jugoslavia:
vedi Croazia e Kosovo.
Nello scontro con i nazifascisti tutti i metodi usati hanno trovato la
l'ultima ragione nella difesa della liberta' e dell'uguaglianza di
tutti minacciate da Hitler, Mussolini e dal Giappone. Dresda ha avuto
un senso, ahime' anche Hiroshima e Nagasaki, e cosi' anche lo
sposatamento delle popolazioni aizzate dai nazi-fascisti.
Veniamo all'altroieri ed all'oggi:
Come mai nessuno ricorda quale degrado delle condizioni di vita si e'
avuto nella ex-URSS da quando l'unione e' stata disciolta?
Nel 90/91 tutti in occidente celebravano la fine di un "nemico" ma sono
stati i cittadini dell'URSS a pagare sulla loro pelle la vittoria degli
USA nella cosiddetta "guerra fredda": salari da fame, distruzione delle
sicurezze sociali.
Quella sconfitta per l'URSS ha radici lontane e motivazioni complesse,
pero' vi sono domande che sembrano poco "politically correct" ma che
sono centrali per capire quanto e' avvenuto e sta avvenendo.
Chi ha fomentato l'integralismo nell'Asia centrale negli anni 70/80?
Chi ha armato i cosiddetti "freedom fighter" dell'Afganistan?
...e li ha poi persino utilizzati in Bosnia-Herzegovina?
Non e' pche per caso dietro questi irredentismi ci sia qualche cosa
d'altro dal sapore antico ed... oleoso?
Come mai se uno prende la mappa delle "terre irredente" e la sovrappone
a quelle delle risorse energetiche e relative pipe-lines trova
sorpendenti coincidenze?
Non e' che qualcuno sta (da lungo tempo) giocando la carta
"nazionalista" che a suo tempo fu giocata dai nazifascisti?
C'e solo da augurasi che i popoli dell'URSS si ritrovino
nuovamente uniti contro i nuovi barbari ed il loro veleno nazionalista.
Luca
PS:
Scorrendo la rete ed i giornali (letti molto attentamente) si puo'
osservare che tutto l'insieme di organizzazioni che a fine anni Ottanta
si sono prodigate per la scientifica destabilizzazione della Repubbilca
Socialista Federativa di Jugoslavia e che hanno poi fomentato e
fomentano il nazionalismo integralista della Cecenia, ultimamente si
stanno impegnando nel tentativo di destabilizzare il Tibet, il sud-est
della Cina e - dulcis in fundo - la Repubblica del Viet Nam. Ovviamente
il tutto viene artatamente mistificato da varie ONG e "battaglie per la
democrazia", e nessuno osa parlare di tali iniziative.
La mancanza di attenzione fa si che la spudoratezza raggiunga livelli
assolutamente incredibili. In Viet Nam, queste organizzazioni stanno
collegandosi apertamente con tutti gli ex-collaborazionisti degli
invasori francesi prima ed amiricani poi.
Che dire?
C'e' da augurarsi che questi loschi figuri vengano trattati come lo
furono gli altri invasori in passato, e cosi' facciano la fine degli
americani che nell'aprile 1975 fuggirono da Ho Chi Minh Ville (allora
Saigon) attaccandosi ai sostegni degli elicotteri...
