Informazione
( srpskohrvatski / italiano )
"Venendo in Jugoslavia, il Papa si recherà a Jasenovac?"
---
"Novi list – Glas Istre", quotidiani di Fiume - Pola, 17 febbraio
Zagabria: IVO SANADER, PRIMO MINISTRO CROATO, COMMEMORA LE VITTIME DEL
LAGER DI JASENOVAC
Il capo del Governo Ivo Sanader ha accolto l'invito del Consiglio
amministrativo del Memoriale di Jasenovac a visitare il Memoriale il 16
marzo [?? "ožujka", nella nuova lingua dei nazionalisti croati], giorno
in cui saranno terminati i lavori di risanamento del monumento "Il
fiore di Jasenovac". In quella occasione il capo del Governo onorerà le
vittime del terrore ustascia. (…) Oltre al capo del Governo, nelle
attività legate alla commemorazione di Jasenovac sarà presente il
presidente del Sabor [Parlamento croato], Vladimir Seks, che sarà il
principale oratore alla commemorazione annuale del 22 aprile,
Anniversario della breccia dell’ultimo gruppo degli internati. (…)
---
Commento: Ipocriti e bigotti
Che sia o meno memoria dimezzata, mutilata (si commemoreranno soltanto
i 15.000 ebrei e i 30.000 zingari, tacendo sicuramente dei 600.000
serbi ortodossi), trattasi del solito bigottismo cattolico. Con le
preghiere del dopo, per essere assolti dai peccati (leggi: crimini!).
Tutti sanno delle nefandezze eseguite dai nazionalisti del regime di
Tudjman, degli scritti revisionisti di Tudjman al riguardo, della
intenzione di Tudjman di mischiare addirittura le ossa delle vittime
con quelle degli aguzzini, dedicando questo orrendo luogo di torture e
delitti ai carnefici ustascia, equiparati alle loro vittime, con
l’onnipresente benedizione della Chiesa cattolica, ora come allora!
Quando Papa Wojtyla nel 1989 espresse il desiderio di visitare l’allora
Jugoslavia socialista, dal settimanale "Ilustrovana politika" di
Belgrado giunse la richiesta per una intervista, ma dall’entourage del
Papa si impose che le domande fossero per iscritto.
Tra le domande fu posta anche questa:
"Venendo in Jugoslavia, il Papa si recherà a Jasenovac?" .
Il Vaticano allora liquido l'intervista con una dichiarazione
lapidaria: "Il Papa non si occupa di politica!"
Cosa fece invece poi il Papa arrivando in Croazia, pochi anni dopo, a
guerra scoppiata?! Esaltò "la fede" cattolica (perché "Dio è con la
Croazia"), e beatificò Alojzije Stepinac, arcivescovo sostenitore del
duce croato Ante Pavelic e della pulizia etnica del regime di allora
(1941-1944) in Croazia. Nessun accenno al complesso dei lager di
Jasenovac.
En passant, nessuno vuol ricordare che gli stessi ustascia uccisero il
fratello di Stepinac perché aveva optato per i partigiani.
Si dia uno sguardo ai testi di scuola dell'odierna Croazia, a che cosa
si insegna in proposito, e a cosa si insegna sul riconoscimento di
questa Croazia clericale e revanscista - "un gran merito di papa
Giovanni Paolo II e di Hans Dietrich Genscher."
Ora, in questa Croazia, puo' arrivare uno studioso di teologia, un gran
sostenitore della politica di Tudjman (gli stessi Sanader e Seks!), o
chissa' forse pure un Tomislav Mercep (uno degli organizzatori delle
atrocità commesse nella Croazia secessionista nei primi anni Novanta,
in particolare implicato nei fatti di Borovo Naselje e Vukovar), a
commemorare il sangue versato, le loro stesse vittime, con vergognosa
ipocrisia.
Ivan Istrijan
---
"Novi list – Glas Istre", Rijeka- Pula, 17.2.2004:
ZAVRŠEN DVODNEVNI SASTANAK O NOVOM POSTAVU SPOMEN-PODRUČJA JASENOVAC
Premijer Ivo Sanader odat će počast jasenovačkim žrtvama
Novi postav inzistirat će na ideji sjećanja na stradale i na sjećanjima
preživjelih logoraša – predloženo da cijeli prostor nekadašnjeg logora
bude i prostor posjeta
ZAGREB – Premijer Ivo Sanader odazvao se na poziv Upravnog vijeća
Spomen-područja Jasenovac da posjeti Spomen-područje Jasenovac i to 16.
ožujka, na dan kad budu zgotovljeni radovi na sanaciji spomenika
»Jasenovački cvijet«. Tom će prilikom premijer odati počast žrtvama
ustaškog terora, održat će konferenciju za medije u prostorijama
Spomen-područja Jasenovac, a zajedno s ministrom kulture Božom
Biškupićem susrest će se s autorom spomenika Bogdanom Bogdanovićem i
stručnjacima koji su radili na sanaciji. Inače, sanacijski radovi su
stajali milijun i 400 tisuća kuna i započeli su u ljeto 2003. godine.
Osim premijera u djelatnostima vezanima uz jasenovačku komemoraciju
bit će aktivan i predsjednik Hrvatskog sabora Vladimir Šeks, koji će
biti glavni govornik na godišnjoj komemoraciji 22. travnja u Jasenovcu.
Tog se dana svake godine obilježava proboj posljednje grupe logoraša
1945. godine. Podsjetimo, prošle godine glavni govornik na komemoraciji
bio je predsjednik Stjepan Mesić, a godinu ranije govorio je tadašnji
premijer Ivica Račan. Uz to, poziv za sudjelovanje na komemoraciji, ali
2005., već je poslan premijeru Sanaderu i on je već sada poziv
prihvatio.
Inače, u protekla dva dana u Memorijalnom centru Jasenovac domaći
stručnjaci u suradnji s kolegama iz inozemstva razgovarali su o novom
postavu Spomen-područja Jasenovac i novoj pedagogiji vezano uz
memoriranja i predstavljanja logorske povijesti. Kao što smo već u više
navrata pisali, novi postav, a to nam je još jednom potvrdila i
ravnateljica Nataša Jovičić, inzistirat će na ideji sjećanja na
stradale i na sjećanjima preživjelih logoraša. Od stranih stručnjaka
stigla je ideja da cijeli prostor logora bude područje posjeta, odnosno
da i rijeka Sava, baš kao i područje oko spomenika, bude na neki način
dostupno posjetiteljima. »U stalni bi postav tako ušlo cijelo područje,
odnosno posjetitelji bi ulazili u samo područje gdje se nekad nalazio
logor, da bi kasnije u prostoru samog Memorijalnog centra komemorirali
sa žrtvama«, pojasnila nam je na kraju novi koncept ravnateljica.
Na sinoć održanoj konferenciji za medije u prostorima Ministarstva
kulture novinari su detaljnije upoznati s koncepcijom novog postava
Spomen-područja Jasenovac, a predstavljeni su i domaći i strani
sudionici dvodnevnog seminara.
R. DRAGOJEVIĆ – J. MANDIĆ
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Komentar
Koje li hipokrizije!!!
Citatelje na nasem jeziku nije potrebno podsjecati koje su zrtve bile u
tom ustaskom logoru od 1941. do 1945., kao i ruke nekih svecenika
okrvavljene tim zlocinima! A znamo ideologiju izvjesnog Vladimira Seksa!
Ivan Istrijan
"Venendo in Jugoslavia, il Papa si recherà a Jasenovac?"
---
"Novi list – Glas Istre", quotidiani di Fiume - Pola, 17 febbraio
Zagabria: IVO SANADER, PRIMO MINISTRO CROATO, COMMEMORA LE VITTIME DEL
LAGER DI JASENOVAC
Il capo del Governo Ivo Sanader ha accolto l'invito del Consiglio
amministrativo del Memoriale di Jasenovac a visitare il Memoriale il 16
marzo [?? "ožujka", nella nuova lingua dei nazionalisti croati], giorno
in cui saranno terminati i lavori di risanamento del monumento "Il
fiore di Jasenovac". In quella occasione il capo del Governo onorerà le
vittime del terrore ustascia. (…) Oltre al capo del Governo, nelle
attività legate alla commemorazione di Jasenovac sarà presente il
presidente del Sabor [Parlamento croato], Vladimir Seks, che sarà il
principale oratore alla commemorazione annuale del 22 aprile,
Anniversario della breccia dell’ultimo gruppo degli internati. (…)
---
Commento: Ipocriti e bigotti
Che sia o meno memoria dimezzata, mutilata (si commemoreranno soltanto
i 15.000 ebrei e i 30.000 zingari, tacendo sicuramente dei 600.000
serbi ortodossi), trattasi del solito bigottismo cattolico. Con le
preghiere del dopo, per essere assolti dai peccati (leggi: crimini!).
Tutti sanno delle nefandezze eseguite dai nazionalisti del regime di
Tudjman, degli scritti revisionisti di Tudjman al riguardo, della
intenzione di Tudjman di mischiare addirittura le ossa delle vittime
con quelle degli aguzzini, dedicando questo orrendo luogo di torture e
delitti ai carnefici ustascia, equiparati alle loro vittime, con
l’onnipresente benedizione della Chiesa cattolica, ora come allora!
Quando Papa Wojtyla nel 1989 espresse il desiderio di visitare l’allora
Jugoslavia socialista, dal settimanale "Ilustrovana politika" di
Belgrado giunse la richiesta per una intervista, ma dall’entourage del
Papa si impose che le domande fossero per iscritto.
Tra le domande fu posta anche questa:
"Venendo in Jugoslavia, il Papa si recherà a Jasenovac?" .
Il Vaticano allora liquido l'intervista con una dichiarazione
lapidaria: "Il Papa non si occupa di politica!"
Cosa fece invece poi il Papa arrivando in Croazia, pochi anni dopo, a
guerra scoppiata?! Esaltò "la fede" cattolica (perché "Dio è con la
Croazia"), e beatificò Alojzije Stepinac, arcivescovo sostenitore del
duce croato Ante Pavelic e della pulizia etnica del regime di allora
(1941-1944) in Croazia. Nessun accenno al complesso dei lager di
Jasenovac.
En passant, nessuno vuol ricordare che gli stessi ustascia uccisero il
fratello di Stepinac perché aveva optato per i partigiani.
Si dia uno sguardo ai testi di scuola dell'odierna Croazia, a che cosa
si insegna in proposito, e a cosa si insegna sul riconoscimento di
questa Croazia clericale e revanscista - "un gran merito di papa
Giovanni Paolo II e di Hans Dietrich Genscher."
Ora, in questa Croazia, puo' arrivare uno studioso di teologia, un gran
sostenitore della politica di Tudjman (gli stessi Sanader e Seks!), o
chissa' forse pure un Tomislav Mercep (uno degli organizzatori delle
atrocità commesse nella Croazia secessionista nei primi anni Novanta,
in particolare implicato nei fatti di Borovo Naselje e Vukovar), a
commemorare il sangue versato, le loro stesse vittime, con vergognosa
ipocrisia.
Ivan Istrijan
---
"Novi list – Glas Istre", Rijeka- Pula, 17.2.2004:
ZAVRŠEN DVODNEVNI SASTANAK O NOVOM POSTAVU SPOMEN-PODRUČJA JASENOVAC
Premijer Ivo Sanader odat će počast jasenovačkim žrtvama
Novi postav inzistirat će na ideji sjećanja na stradale i na sjećanjima
preživjelih logoraša – predloženo da cijeli prostor nekadašnjeg logora
bude i prostor posjeta
ZAGREB – Premijer Ivo Sanader odazvao se na poziv Upravnog vijeća
Spomen-područja Jasenovac da posjeti Spomen-područje Jasenovac i to 16.
ožujka, na dan kad budu zgotovljeni radovi na sanaciji spomenika
»Jasenovački cvijet«. Tom će prilikom premijer odati počast žrtvama
ustaškog terora, održat će konferenciju za medije u prostorijama
Spomen-područja Jasenovac, a zajedno s ministrom kulture Božom
Biškupićem susrest će se s autorom spomenika Bogdanom Bogdanovićem i
stručnjacima koji su radili na sanaciji. Inače, sanacijski radovi su
stajali milijun i 400 tisuća kuna i započeli su u ljeto 2003. godine.
Osim premijera u djelatnostima vezanima uz jasenovačku komemoraciju
bit će aktivan i predsjednik Hrvatskog sabora Vladimir Šeks, koji će
biti glavni govornik na godišnjoj komemoraciji 22. travnja u Jasenovcu.
Tog se dana svake godine obilježava proboj posljednje grupe logoraša
1945. godine. Podsjetimo, prošle godine glavni govornik na komemoraciji
bio je predsjednik Stjepan Mesić, a godinu ranije govorio je tadašnji
premijer Ivica Račan. Uz to, poziv za sudjelovanje na komemoraciji, ali
2005., već je poslan premijeru Sanaderu i on je već sada poziv
prihvatio.
Inače, u protekla dva dana u Memorijalnom centru Jasenovac domaći
stručnjaci u suradnji s kolegama iz inozemstva razgovarali su o novom
postavu Spomen-područja Jasenovac i novoj pedagogiji vezano uz
memoriranja i predstavljanja logorske povijesti. Kao što smo već u više
navrata pisali, novi postav, a to nam je još jednom potvrdila i
ravnateljica Nataša Jovičić, inzistirat će na ideji sjećanja na
stradale i na sjećanjima preživjelih logoraša. Od stranih stručnjaka
stigla je ideja da cijeli prostor logora bude područje posjeta, odnosno
da i rijeka Sava, baš kao i područje oko spomenika, bude na neki način
dostupno posjetiteljima. »U stalni bi postav tako ušlo cijelo područje,
odnosno posjetitelji bi ulazili u samo područje gdje se nekad nalazio
logor, da bi kasnije u prostoru samog Memorijalnog centra komemorirali
sa žrtvama«, pojasnila nam je na kraju novi koncept ravnateljica.
Na sinoć održanoj konferenciji za medije u prostorima Ministarstva
kulture novinari su detaljnije upoznati s koncepcijom novog postava
Spomen-područja Jasenovac, a predstavljeni su i domaći i strani
sudionici dvodnevnog seminara.
R. DRAGOJEVIĆ – J. MANDIĆ
---
Komentar
Koje li hipokrizije!!!
Citatelje na nasem jeziku nije potrebno podsjecati koje su zrtve bile u
tom ustaskom logoru od 1941. do 1945., kao i ruke nekih svecenika
okrvavljene tim zlocinima! A znamo ideologiju izvjesnog Vladimira Seksa!
Ivan Istrijan
Brisanje Jugoslavije / 4
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/brisanje.htm
[ Questo testo in lingua italiana:
LA RIMOZIONE DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/rimozione.htm
oppure al sito: http://www.lernesto.it/ ]
BRISANJE JUGOSLAVIJE
Andrea Martocchia - Prevod: O. Juric
"L'Ernesto", broj 3 (maj-juni) i 4 (juli-avgust) 2003
Jedinstvena Jugoslavija, uzor za Evropsku federaciju
S. Milosevic ce 30. januara ponovo ugrabiti priliku da u 'haskoj
sudnici' kaze: 'U stvari, ocigledno je postojao plan protiv te drzave
koja je, rekao bih, mogla da bude uzor za buducu evropsku fedraciju. Ta
drzava je bila Jugoslavija. Ona je bila zajednica ravnopravnih naroda
ujedinjenih u federativnu jedinicu u kojoj se moglo uspesno ziveti i
raditi i koja je mogla svugde u svetu da posluzi za primer zajednistva.
Svo vreme smo se borili za ocuvanje Jugoslavije. U stvari sve
cinjenice samo potvrdjuju moje reci. Uostalom, samo je jos Federativna
Republika Jugoslavija sacuvala svoju slozenu nacionalnu strukturu.
(...) Sa svim onim sto se tamo dogadja (na Kosovu) jasno vidimo
ponavljanje politike iz vremena nacizma, Hitlerove i Musolinijeve
politike. A sva ta halabuka oko "Velike Srbije", oko toboznje ideje
koja zapravo nikad nije postojala, nema drugu svrhu osim da prikrije
stvaranje "Velike Albanije" - iste one koju su Hitler i Mussolini
stvorili za vreme Drugog svetskog rata. Pogledajte samo tu semu,
pogledajte sta se sad radi, sta hoce da otmu Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i
Makedoniji - a jednog dana mozda i Grckoj, kada po nalogu naseg
zajednickog gospodara grcko-turski odnosi budu opet stavljeni na dnevni
red, za njih ce i to biti pitanje koje oni treba da resavaju.>>
Milosevic - politicar socialdemokratskog opredeljenja i antifasista, i
pored opredeljenja za reformu socijalistickog drustva prema zapadnom
modelu - ocigledno ovde misli na Titovu Jugoslaviju za koju se
nedvosmisleno zalaze. Govori o zemlji koja je bila resenje kako za
"nebulozno" nadnacionalno jugoslovenstvo, tako i za nacionalisticki
separatizam. Zalaze se za jedinstvo postojecih kultura, za
jugoslovenstvo drzavne zajednice koja se zasniva na drzavljanstvu a ne,
kako je to sada slucaj, na verskom ili nacionalnom "identitetu" . To
lepo objasnjava Neil Klark u pogovoru za izvrsnu knjigu (27) o
"jugoslovenstvu", temi, to moram da primetim, koju inace ostali vesto
zaobilaze kada govore o Balkanu, sto je zaista zapanjujuce. «Pokusaji
stvaranja jedinstvenog jugoslovenskog identiteta naizgled su imali
uspeha sedamdesetih godina ». Mesoviti brakovi su ukazivali na porast
broja onih koji se izjasnjavaju kao Jugosloveni. (...) Vladarima novog
svetskog poretka potpuno je odgovaralo da uniste vojno jaku i
nesvrstanu naciju a umesto nje stvore niz slabih NATO i protektorata
MMF. Zapravo, kako istice Djilas, dok je postojao Sovjetski Savez,
Jugoslavija je igrala odredjenu ulogu u odnosu na Zapad, ali kada je
srusen Berlinski zid, ona pocinje da mrsi racune (...) Jugoslavia, po
Djilasu, "i dalje ostaje najpovoljnije i najjednostavnije i
najbezbolnije resenje za nacionalno pitanje juznih Slovena". Ona je, po
Slobodanu Jovanovicu u trenutku nasrtaja zemalja Osovine, 1941.
najpouzdaniji nacin za balkanske narode da ostanu nezavisni i zastite
se od stranog zavojevaca.»
Nakon neizvesnosti vezanih za nameru "tuzioca" Del Ponte (28) da spoji
sve tri optuznice, za Kosovo, Hrvatsku i Bosnu, zbirno "sudjenje"
Slobodanu Milosevic je pocelo 12. Februara 2002. Vec posle prvih
zapanjujucih iznenadjenja, zavesa je navucena – postepeno ali, trajno.
Stampa je zanemela. Jugoslovenske vlasti su isprva zabranile nastavak
direktnog televizijskog prenosa iz “sudnice”, a zatim su se
usredsredile na to da po svaku cenu potpuno izoluju Milosevica. Tako da
samo prisutni u “sudnici” mogu da gledaju do apsurda neverovatne
prestave (29). Suocavajuci se sa svedocima “tuzioca“, Milosevic s
lakocom obara dokaze, cesto dovodeci svedoka u priliku da porice
sopstvene izjave: tako da se dogadja da svedoci povlace iskaze,
odustaju od svedocenja, naprasno poboljevaju, ili otkrivaju da je
njihov iskaz dat u istraznom postupku, a posteriori potpuno izmenjen
bez njihovog znanja...... Milosevic na optuzenicku klupu proziva NATO
kao glavnog krivca ne samo za bombardovanje, vec u prvom redu za
zlocinacko rasturanje SFR Jugoslavije navodeci sve diplomatske,
politicke i druge aktivnosti koje su u tom cilju zemlje clanice
preduzele. Milosevic citira fakticki neoborive dokaze, dogadjaje koji
su vec usli u istoriju, bez obzira sto zapadni i prozapadni novinari
nisu mnogo pisali o njima. Na taj nacin, listajuci istoriju Balkana i
sire, Milosevic, zapravo sa zadivljujucim dostojanstvom ispisuje
istoriju ciji je bio svedok, cini to potpuno izolovan, okruzen
nebrojenim neprijateljima i samo malobrojnim prijateljima, pa ni oni
nisu uvek pouzdani, a da ne spominjem potpunu nezainteresovanost
novinara i svakojakih "balkanologa". Uostalom, sponzori "Tribunala ad
hoc" drugacije i ne bi mogli ostvariti svoj cilj – a to je da Milosevic
bude iskljucivi i potpuni krivac za svekoliku tragediju - osim tako
sto ce javnost biti u potpunosti uskracena za sve sto se odvija u
«haskoj sudnici ». Pa i samo "svaljivanje" sveukupne krivice na pleci
Slobodana Milosevica, pomocu laznog sudjenja u Hagu, zapravo je
svojevrsan pokusaj "rasturanja" sa ciljem da se odgovornima za "magnum
crimen" da prilika da speru sa sebe krivicu i izbegnu placanje ratne
odstete za razaranja naneta u toku vazdusne agresije. Takav podao cin
moze uroditi plodom jedino ukoliko se na proces u Hagu navuce zavesa,
ako se o njemu ne govori i ne pise, ako svi oni toboznji napori na
prikupljanju dokaznog materijala zarad "istine o ratnim zlocinima na
jugoslovenskim prostorima" ostanu neprovereni, ako sav nagomilani
materijal bude nedostupan za novinare, komentatore, naucne radnike i
istoricare ... Sve je to skupa podvala za podvalom: kao brisanje
Jugoslavije iz svih zemljopisnih mapa. Kao sto se cuti o Nato
bombardovanju i mnogim drugim kljucnim stvarima, tako se u glasilima
javnog informisanja cuti i o najupecatljivijim momentima "procesa"
koji vode protiv Milosevica. Za Jugoslaviju i jugoslovenske narode
nema ubitacnijeg oruzja i goreg neprijatelja od medijskog embarga, koji
je zapravo produzetak kampanje strateskog dezinformisanja iz vremna
agresije.
Niko nije preneo detalje suocavanja Milosevica sa Stipe Mesicem,
hrvatskim predsednikom i dojucerasnjim Tudjmanovim glavnim saradnikom.
Kao sto nije preneto ni suocavanje sa bivsim predsednikom Slovenije
Milanom Kucanom, uprkos tome sto se oba ta suocavanja odnose na
presudne dramaticne momente pred izbijanje bratoubilackog rata 1991.
Nijedan hronicar nije zabelezio svedocenje Zorana Lilica, uprkos tome
sto je to mozda najvaznije svedocenje citavog “sudjenja“ s'obzirom da
je Lilic bio predsednik SFR Jugoslavije dok je Milosevic bio predsednik
Srbije; nije spomenuto svedocenje funkcionera sluzbe drzavne
bezbednosti Radeta Markovica, koji je bio prozvan kao svedok tuzioca a
koji je zapravo svedocio u prilog odbrane Slobodana Milosevica
izjavivsi da su ga nove vlasti u Beogradu primorale strasnim pritiscima
da da laznu izjavu; niko nije komentarisao ni svedocenje « umerenog »
Ibrahima Rugove (30) ; da i ne spominjemo izjave koje su u sudnici dali
zapadni politicari i diplomate ili komicne scene sto su ih priredili
vrli istoricari koje je Milosevic s lakocom uterivao u laz. Narednih
meseci optuzeni ima rec i trebalo bi da na zahtev Milosevica budu
saslusane istaknute licnosti zemalja clanica Nato pakta. Ostaje pitanje
da li ce stampa ista od toga da stampa.
Fus-note:
(27) Neil Clark, "New Statesman" 28. april 2003. u povodu knjige:
"Yugoslavism: histories of a failed idea (1918-1992)" Dejana Djokica
(izdavac Hurst & co. 369 strana, ISBN 1850656630).
(28) Zapanjujuci uspon Karle Del Ponte razoblicio je u intervjuu
kljucni svedok u slucaju Mabetex-Pacolli, Felipe Turover, optuzivsi je
da je minirala istrazni postupak i nepotrebno ugrozila zivote svedoka.
(KONKRET, dicembar 2002. Italijanski prevod procitajte na:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2137).
(29) Pretres se moze pratiti u intrnacionalnoj mrezi na sledecim
adresama:
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/
http://www.domovina.net/Icty/eng/room1.ram
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
http://tribunal.freeserbia.com
(30) »Husein i Milosevic... kao diktatori slice jedan drugom. Pitanje
koje sebi postavlja civilizovani svet, a sve za dobrobit demokratije,
glasi: kako preduhitriti diktatorrske potencijalitete... Mi Kosovci
bogu da zahvalimo za nato agresiju. Spaseni su jedan narod i jedna
civilizacija » Rugova, prema Ansinoj vesti 13/02/2003.
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/brisanje.htm
[ Questo testo in lingua italiana:
LA RIMOZIONE DELLA JUGOSLAVIA
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/rimozione.htm
oppure al sito: http://www.lernesto.it/ ]
BRISANJE JUGOSLAVIJE
Andrea Martocchia - Prevod: O. Juric
"L'Ernesto", broj 3 (maj-juni) i 4 (juli-avgust) 2003
Jedinstvena Jugoslavija, uzor za Evropsku federaciju
S. Milosevic ce 30. januara ponovo ugrabiti priliku da u 'haskoj
sudnici' kaze: 'U stvari, ocigledno je postojao plan protiv te drzave
koja je, rekao bih, mogla da bude uzor za buducu evropsku fedraciju. Ta
drzava je bila Jugoslavija. Ona je bila zajednica ravnopravnih naroda
ujedinjenih u federativnu jedinicu u kojoj se moglo uspesno ziveti i
raditi i koja je mogla svugde u svetu da posluzi za primer zajednistva.
Svo vreme smo se borili za ocuvanje Jugoslavije. U stvari sve
cinjenice samo potvrdjuju moje reci. Uostalom, samo je jos Federativna
Republika Jugoslavija sacuvala svoju slozenu nacionalnu strukturu.
(...) Sa svim onim sto se tamo dogadja (na Kosovu) jasno vidimo
ponavljanje politike iz vremena nacizma, Hitlerove i Musolinijeve
politike. A sva ta halabuka oko "Velike Srbije", oko toboznje ideje
koja zapravo nikad nije postojala, nema drugu svrhu osim da prikrije
stvaranje "Velike Albanije" - iste one koju su Hitler i Mussolini
stvorili za vreme Drugog svetskog rata. Pogledajte samo tu semu,
pogledajte sta se sad radi, sta hoce da otmu Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i
Makedoniji - a jednog dana mozda i Grckoj, kada po nalogu naseg
zajednickog gospodara grcko-turski odnosi budu opet stavljeni na dnevni
red, za njih ce i to biti pitanje koje oni treba da resavaju.>>
Milosevic - politicar socialdemokratskog opredeljenja i antifasista, i
pored opredeljenja za reformu socijalistickog drustva prema zapadnom
modelu - ocigledno ovde misli na Titovu Jugoslaviju za koju se
nedvosmisleno zalaze. Govori o zemlji koja je bila resenje kako za
"nebulozno" nadnacionalno jugoslovenstvo, tako i za nacionalisticki
separatizam. Zalaze se za jedinstvo postojecih kultura, za
jugoslovenstvo drzavne zajednice koja se zasniva na drzavljanstvu a ne,
kako je to sada slucaj, na verskom ili nacionalnom "identitetu" . To
lepo objasnjava Neil Klark u pogovoru za izvrsnu knjigu (27) o
"jugoslovenstvu", temi, to moram da primetim, koju inace ostali vesto
zaobilaze kada govore o Balkanu, sto je zaista zapanjujuce. «Pokusaji
stvaranja jedinstvenog jugoslovenskog identiteta naizgled su imali
uspeha sedamdesetih godina ». Mesoviti brakovi su ukazivali na porast
broja onih koji se izjasnjavaju kao Jugosloveni. (...) Vladarima novog
svetskog poretka potpuno je odgovaralo da uniste vojno jaku i
nesvrstanu naciju a umesto nje stvore niz slabih NATO i protektorata
MMF. Zapravo, kako istice Djilas, dok je postojao Sovjetski Savez,
Jugoslavija je igrala odredjenu ulogu u odnosu na Zapad, ali kada je
srusen Berlinski zid, ona pocinje da mrsi racune (...) Jugoslavia, po
Djilasu, "i dalje ostaje najpovoljnije i najjednostavnije i
najbezbolnije resenje za nacionalno pitanje juznih Slovena". Ona je, po
Slobodanu Jovanovicu u trenutku nasrtaja zemalja Osovine, 1941.
najpouzdaniji nacin za balkanske narode da ostanu nezavisni i zastite
se od stranog zavojevaca.»
Nakon neizvesnosti vezanih za nameru "tuzioca" Del Ponte (28) da spoji
sve tri optuznice, za Kosovo, Hrvatsku i Bosnu, zbirno "sudjenje"
Slobodanu Milosevic je pocelo 12. Februara 2002. Vec posle prvih
zapanjujucih iznenadjenja, zavesa je navucena – postepeno ali, trajno.
Stampa je zanemela. Jugoslovenske vlasti su isprva zabranile nastavak
direktnog televizijskog prenosa iz “sudnice”, a zatim su se
usredsredile na to da po svaku cenu potpuno izoluju Milosevica. Tako da
samo prisutni u “sudnici” mogu da gledaju do apsurda neverovatne
prestave (29). Suocavajuci se sa svedocima “tuzioca“, Milosevic s
lakocom obara dokaze, cesto dovodeci svedoka u priliku da porice
sopstvene izjave: tako da se dogadja da svedoci povlace iskaze,
odustaju od svedocenja, naprasno poboljevaju, ili otkrivaju da je
njihov iskaz dat u istraznom postupku, a posteriori potpuno izmenjen
bez njihovog znanja...... Milosevic na optuzenicku klupu proziva NATO
kao glavnog krivca ne samo za bombardovanje, vec u prvom redu za
zlocinacko rasturanje SFR Jugoslavije navodeci sve diplomatske,
politicke i druge aktivnosti koje su u tom cilju zemlje clanice
preduzele. Milosevic citira fakticki neoborive dokaze, dogadjaje koji
su vec usli u istoriju, bez obzira sto zapadni i prozapadni novinari
nisu mnogo pisali o njima. Na taj nacin, listajuci istoriju Balkana i
sire, Milosevic, zapravo sa zadivljujucim dostojanstvom ispisuje
istoriju ciji je bio svedok, cini to potpuno izolovan, okruzen
nebrojenim neprijateljima i samo malobrojnim prijateljima, pa ni oni
nisu uvek pouzdani, a da ne spominjem potpunu nezainteresovanost
novinara i svakojakih "balkanologa". Uostalom, sponzori "Tribunala ad
hoc" drugacije i ne bi mogli ostvariti svoj cilj – a to je da Milosevic
bude iskljucivi i potpuni krivac za svekoliku tragediju - osim tako
sto ce javnost biti u potpunosti uskracena za sve sto se odvija u
«haskoj sudnici ». Pa i samo "svaljivanje" sveukupne krivice na pleci
Slobodana Milosevica, pomocu laznog sudjenja u Hagu, zapravo je
svojevrsan pokusaj "rasturanja" sa ciljem da se odgovornima za "magnum
crimen" da prilika da speru sa sebe krivicu i izbegnu placanje ratne
odstete za razaranja naneta u toku vazdusne agresije. Takav podao cin
moze uroditi plodom jedino ukoliko se na proces u Hagu navuce zavesa,
ako se o njemu ne govori i ne pise, ako svi oni toboznji napori na
prikupljanju dokaznog materijala zarad "istine o ratnim zlocinima na
jugoslovenskim prostorima" ostanu neprovereni, ako sav nagomilani
materijal bude nedostupan za novinare, komentatore, naucne radnike i
istoricare ... Sve je to skupa podvala za podvalom: kao brisanje
Jugoslavije iz svih zemljopisnih mapa. Kao sto se cuti o Nato
bombardovanju i mnogim drugim kljucnim stvarima, tako se u glasilima
javnog informisanja cuti i o najupecatljivijim momentima "procesa"
koji vode protiv Milosevica. Za Jugoslaviju i jugoslovenske narode
nema ubitacnijeg oruzja i goreg neprijatelja od medijskog embarga, koji
je zapravo produzetak kampanje strateskog dezinformisanja iz vremna
agresije.
Niko nije preneo detalje suocavanja Milosevica sa Stipe Mesicem,
hrvatskim predsednikom i dojucerasnjim Tudjmanovim glavnim saradnikom.
Kao sto nije preneto ni suocavanje sa bivsim predsednikom Slovenije
Milanom Kucanom, uprkos tome sto se oba ta suocavanja odnose na
presudne dramaticne momente pred izbijanje bratoubilackog rata 1991.
Nijedan hronicar nije zabelezio svedocenje Zorana Lilica, uprkos tome
sto je to mozda najvaznije svedocenje citavog “sudjenja“ s'obzirom da
je Lilic bio predsednik SFR Jugoslavije dok je Milosevic bio predsednik
Srbije; nije spomenuto svedocenje funkcionera sluzbe drzavne
bezbednosti Radeta Markovica, koji je bio prozvan kao svedok tuzioca a
koji je zapravo svedocio u prilog odbrane Slobodana Milosevica
izjavivsi da su ga nove vlasti u Beogradu primorale strasnim pritiscima
da da laznu izjavu; niko nije komentarisao ni svedocenje « umerenog »
Ibrahima Rugove (30) ; da i ne spominjemo izjave koje su u sudnici dali
zapadni politicari i diplomate ili komicne scene sto su ih priredili
vrli istoricari koje je Milosevic s lakocom uterivao u laz. Narednih
meseci optuzeni ima rec i trebalo bi da na zahtev Milosevica budu
saslusane istaknute licnosti zemalja clanica Nato pakta. Ostaje pitanje
da li ce stampa ista od toga da stampa.
Fus-note:
(27) Neil Clark, "New Statesman" 28. april 2003. u povodu knjige:
"Yugoslavism: histories of a failed idea (1918-1992)" Dejana Djokica
(izdavac Hurst & co. 369 strana, ISBN 1850656630).
(28) Zapanjujuci uspon Karle Del Ponte razoblicio je u intervjuu
kljucni svedok u slucaju Mabetex-Pacolli, Felipe Turover, optuzivsi je
da je minirala istrazni postupak i nepotrebno ugrozila zivote svedoka.
(KONKRET, dicembar 2002. Italijanski prevod procitajte na:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2137).
(29) Pretres se moze pratiti u intrnacionalnoj mrezi na sledecim
adresama:
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/
http://www.domovina.net/Icty/eng/room1.ram
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
http://tribunal.freeserbia.com
(30) »Husein i Milosevic... kao diktatori slice jedan drugom. Pitanje
koje sebi postavlja civilizovani svet, a sve za dobrobit demokratije,
glasi: kako preduhitriti diktatorrske potencijalitete... Mi Kosovci
bogu da zahvalimo za nato agresiju. Spaseni su jedan narod i jedna
civilizacija » Rugova, prema Ansinoj vesti 13/02/2003.
The Madness of Carla Del Ponte
1. The Madness of Carla Del Ponte (by N. Malic)
2. ON THE HAGUE CRUCIFIX
(V. Blagojevic, Vecernje Novosti - January 31, 2004)
See also:
MILOSEVIC AND GENOCIDE: HAS THE PROSECUTION MADE THE CASE?
Experts fear the former president may get off genocide charge because
the burden of proof is too high.
By Stacy Sullivan / IWPR
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/tri/tri_344_1_eng.txt
=== 1 ===
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/?articleid=1990
[see at the original webpage for many hyperlinks]
Balkan Express
February 19, 2004
The Madness of Carla Del Ponte
Out In the Open At Last
by Nebojsa Malic
Louise Arbour had it easy. She followed NATO's instructions, made
only as much fuss as she was told, and retired to the Canadian
Supreme Court. It fell on Carla Del Ponte, her successor as the Head
Inquisitor of the Hague kangaroo court, to actually put together and
prosecute a case against Slobodan Milosevic and the entire Serbian
political leadership. By the time Milosevic was seized and delivered
to Imperial troops in chains, Del Ponte's nerves were already
frayed. By the time the "trial" began, she was unstable. As it went
on, with increasingly disastrous results, she began to slip. And now
as the prosecution's farcical proceedings come to an end, she boldly
leaped right over the edge of sanity.
The Plunge
The defining moment came last Wednesday, when she claimed that
Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the wartime political and
military leaders of Bosnian Serbs, were both living in Belgrade, and
that Serbia was a "safe haven for… fugitives."
Del Ponte has specialized in making unsubstantiated allegations, in the
press as well as the courtroom, and the media have become used to
it. But this was so shocking, only the dedicated ICTY supporters
such as the London IWPR embraced it enthusiastically. Serbian
politicians laughed at the accusation. One anonymous Reuters source
termed it "science fiction," while Radical leader Tomislav Nikolic
dismissed it with sarcasm: were Karadzic truly in Belgrade, he said,
the "pro-American government... would rush to hand him over (and)
extradite him in the blink of an eye. How can it be proven he's not
hiding here? She might as well say he's in London."
Given the persistent failure of NATO's occupation troops to find either
Karadzic or Mladic, and the growing frustration with the ongoing
disaster that is the Milosevic trial, must have driven the Swiss
Inquisitor past the brink of sanity. It doesn't help that she was
slightly nutty to begin with – in the perceptive description of
Christopher Deliso, "a zealot whose statements often indicate she
would like the entire population of Serbia in jail, just to be on
the safe side."
[PHOTO: A devastated bridge in Serbia is mockingly called "Ponte di
Carla" (Carla's bridge), in a pun on the Head Inquisitor's name
implying she is a NATO puppet; from the anti-ICTY demonstration in
The Hague, 28 June 2003]
Don't Rock The Boat!
Del Ponte's histrionics got so far out of hand that the
establishment felt the need to send her a message via the New York
Times' European conduit. In the International Herald Tribune on Monday,
historian and interventionist Misha Glenny complained that Del
Ponte's "often unsubstantiated public claims" have a political
impact adverse to the Tribunal.
Noting that the Chief Inquisitor offered "no evidence for her dramatic
claim" that Karadzic was in Belgrade, he argues that "Del Ponte's
actions reinforce another popular belief, that Serbia has been
singled out for punitive treatment by the international community,"
which gives political capital to the Radicals (in addition to being
true, Glenny's insinuations to the contrary notwithstanding).
After reiterating his support for the ICTY and Del Ponte, Glenny
nonetheless advises the Inquisitor to revisit her style, because:
"…everybody in the international community should be engaging in a
positive and encouraging manner with Belgrade in order to ensure
Serbia's continuing commitment to reform and democracy, and its
long-term cooperation with institutions like the War Crimes
Tribunal."
Obviously, Glenny believes (as do many others in the West) that the
Empire's stranglehold on Serbia is in real danger and that Del
Ponte's recent outburst might hurt it further. This explains a
similar, though veiled, message sent this week in an editorial by
Transitions Online (TOL), a media outlet established and funded by
the Open Society Institute of George Soros. Many sources have
claimed that Soros is one of the major contributors to the
Tribunal's perennially needy coffers, which could mean that TOL was
chosen as a conduit to tell Del Ponte to calm down.
A Travesty of Pretense
But the damage may already be beyond repair. As it happens, this
week marked the end of the Prosecution's case against Slobodan
Milosevic. Del Ponte predictably claimed victory, telling AFP: "We
have succeeded in showing the responsibility of Milosevic." After
two years of continual embarrassments and bitter defeats, the
statement has all the ring of wishful thinking, though the press took
it at face value. In fact, Del Ponte and her fellow Inquisitors have
done nothing of the sort.
Writing in The Guardian last Thursday, commentator Neil Clark argued
that "things have gone horribly wrong for Ms. Del Ponte":
"…not only has the prosecution signally failed to prove Milosevic's
personal responsibility for atrocities committed on the ground, the
nature and extent of the atrocities themselves has also been called
into question."
It is obvious, he says, that the Prosecution has been "working
backwards – making charges and then trying to find evidence." He
does not mention specific details, but there are plenty. In the
last two months of the process, the Prosecution's witnesses were
seemingly random men and women, dragged into the courtroom to offer
baseless allegations and fourth-hand hearsay, though one would
expect a strong case to save its most damaging witnesses for the
very end.
Witness Disasters
The Inquisitors' choice of witnesses has always been poor, from the
hapless Mahmut Bakalli at the very beginning, through the conman
Ratomir Tanic and pompous show-off Wesley Clark, to French
general Philippe Morillon, whose attempts at incriminating Milosevic
got too tangled in truth.
Morillon, revered by the Bosnian Muslims for saving their troops in
Srebrenica from defeat in 1993, ended up enraging them by his
testimony last week. While trying to make it seem as if Milosevic
could have prevented the alleged events of 1995, Morillon let it
slip that the Serbs were out for blood because of Muslim massacres
of Serb civilians. The enraged Muslims announced they would sue the
French general as accessory to genocide.
This tragic farce aside, the twisted logic of Morillon and the
Prosecutors would have someone who stopped a potential massacre in
1993 – before sanctions and threats had caused a bitter split
between Milosevic and the Bosnian Serbs – therefore held responsible
for the alleged massacre two years later, when he emphatically
lacked influence in Bosnia. And as Hague arguments go, that's fairly
typical.
Even Biljana Plavsic, whose infamous "confession" in December 2002
smeared the Serb people as a whole (which it was supposed to do) and
earned her a life term in a Swedish prison, seems to have finally
seen the ICTY's true colors. It was said that she was transferred
back to Holland last weekend, in preparation to testify against
Milosevic – but the report was denied after she made public her
refusal.
Some day, there will be a book with all the outrageous witness moments
from the Milosevic trial. A lengthy one, given that there are 290
prosecution witnesses alone. It will make for fascinating reading –
sordid, but fascinating.
An Endeavor in Ruins
Declaring the trial a "travesty," Clark explains that the ICTY is a
"blatantly political body set up and funded by the very [NATO]
powers that waged an illegal war against Milosevic's Yugoslavia," and
as such, cannot possibly render an impartial verdict: "political
necessity dictates that [Milosevic] will be found guilty, if not of
all the charges, then enough for him to be incarcerated for life."
That actually explains the Inquisitors' dreadful performance, which
they try to cover up with bluster: the verdict has already been
reached, the sentence determined – Del Ponte and the "judges" are
simply going through the motions, giving lip service to the legal
process which, like the truth, has nothing to do with their work.
It was known from Day One that the Milosevic proceedings would be a
show trial. For all its ostensible purpose to find out the truth and
punish the individual perpetrators of atrocities, thus enabling
reconciliation, the ICTY has set out to conjure a grand conspiracy
headed by Milosevic that would provide a single explanation for
Yugoslavia's breakup and the Succession Wars, and the justification
for all Imperial interventions: no less than a wholesale
falsification of history. As Deliso puts it, "…reality has to be
force-fit into a costume it can't quite wear. The point here is to
stage a kind of morality play, an instructive fable to reinforce the
prevalent discourse of political responsibility."
Had Milosevic hired a lawyer and played by the Inquisition's rules, no
doubt the plan would have been well along by now. But for once he
did the unexpected, and over the past two years he has made
mincemeat out of the Prosecutors' case by himself.
It is beyond embarrassing for Del Ponte and her supporters that despite
their millions of dollars in funding, hundreds of zealous lawyers
and investigators, cases of intelligence files, hundreds of
witnesses willing to make things up as they go, the ability to make
up procedures on the fly and that the three-judge panel is firmly on
their side, they have suffered a defeat after defeat at the hands of
an elderly man with a heart condition, imprisoned, cut off from his
family and friends, under constant surveillance and lacking any
money or power.
On October 6, 2000, Slobodan Milosevic was a political washout with a
questionable legacy, accused of war crimes. Three years later,
thanks to the Hague Inquisition, he can justifiably claim to be a
champion of truth.
No wonder Carla Del Ponte went insane.
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/vn013104.htm
ON THE HAGUE CRUCIFIX
Vecernje Novosti - January 31, 2004
Written by: Vid Blagojevic
Translated by: Vera Martinovic
SAMAC, Republika Srpska – Simo Zaric did consent to speak to VECERNJE
NOVOSTI about his days at The Hague and about the court he called
political. – I have nothing to hide: if, God forbid, a war should break
out anew, I would do everything the same way, even if I ended up at
The Hague once more – he said at the beginning of our conversation. –
It was hard to endure 1.664 days in prison, particularly when you know
you’re not guilty.
- I drew strength from the support of my family – wife, children,
mother and sisters. They came to visit, they wrote me letters. A huge
support also arrived from my fellow citizens of Samac, the whole
Posavina [a region of the Sava river valley], Republika Srpska and
even from the Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina and ex-Yugoslavia.
There were thousands of letters that I received, and I answered each
one of them – Simo Zaric begins his story.
Conditions at The Hague were bearable when food and hygiene are
concerned. Free time should be aplenty in prison. However…
- Each morning we got up at 7 a.m. and went to bed at 8.30 p.m. on
weekdays. On weekends, the taps was at 5 p.m. We were in complete
isolation twice a day while the guards were eating. The rest of the
time we spent in the canteen or kitchen, as we called it. Only the
detainees from the same floor can use the area. Here we played chess,
dominoes, and card games, watched TV, talked about the simplest human
things. We could not walk between floors – Simo describes a day in
prison.
HOW TO CONQUER TIME – DURING imprisonment I’ve read more than 500
books, I’ve written thousands of pages of the diary that I kept daily
and I’ve published a book “On The Hague Crucifix” – Zaric continues.
I’ve dedicated a lot of time to the proceedings as well, that was held
for more than two years, so that sometimes the time was scarce. Part
of it we spent walking, taking part in sport… A man who knows that he
should conquer time knows how to organize a prison life for himself.
It is far more difficult to conquer for men who become withdrawn and
develop psychological problems.
All the accused Serbs were forgotten by many of those not expected to
do that. Simo Zaric wishes to emphasize they were not abandoned by
everyone.
- It would be a sin to forget the support that we had from the SPC
[Serbian Orthodox Church] representatives. The Church gave us moral,
spiritual and human support – points out the former prisoner at The
Hague. – We had priests who visited us every month and held prayers.
Bishop Luka and Amfilohije Radovic came many times. Their spiritual
presence meant a lot to us. When reading religious literature, in each
of these books I found how one has to be kind, moral and righteous in
life and all those messages are most human and most wonderful. I
regret that I’ve started to be engaged in this kind of literature and
personal spiritual rebirth only after my destiny had brought me to The
Hague.
Zaric was spending his prison days with detainees from his floor:
Momcilo Krajisnik, Dragan Obrenovic, Dragan Nikolic – Jenki, Generals
Dragoljub Ojdanic and Mile Mrksic, Mario Cerkez, Milorad Krnojelac,
Ranko Cesic, Milan Martic and Milan Mrdja.
- I had the opportunity to meet Mr Milosevic several times and I found
him to be a very natural man and I believe that he had surprised
everyone with his naturalness and spontaneity – speaks Zaric. –
Destiny of a detainee at The Hague is a very strange one, here you have
very brave people, people who hold their face and dignity dear. On the
other hand, there are those who fall under certain pressures both from
the OTP and a certain atmosphere at the court.
GOOD JUDGES UNDESIRABLE – I BELIEVE that Milosevic is defending on
principle a strategic component related to the Serbian national
corpus. I have an impression that Krajisnik will not succumb to any
influences either and I base this belief on our talks that we held for
days. Those certainly not succumbing to pressures are Martic, General
Ojdanic and others who had already underwent a court procedure – Simo
Zaric is categorical.
-These people have guts to speak up in the language of truth and, to
make it clear, they do not defend crimes and nobody does support
crimes, but these people have the need to speak up in the name of the
Serbian national corpus with the purpose of preserving its identity.
A judge at The Hague who speaks up in the language of justice,
morality and truth gets removed immediately. Zaric substantiates these
examples:
- Judge Lindholm had gathered his strength to defend law and had the
courage to defend the truth in my case, by requesting my acquittal. In
the pleiad of such people there is by all means the Australian Judge
Hunt. Then there is the esteemed Judge Wald, otherwise an American
lady, who had acquitted brothers Kupreskic or Judge Cassese who had
acquitted Papic and Zejnil Delalic. None of them is a judge at The
Hague anymore. Judges who gather their strength to resist pressures
and mentorship imposed on them leave very quickly. Judge Hunt said in
his farewell statement that if The Hague Tribunal were to be
recognized by the manner of conducting its appeal proceedings and
dispensing justice, it would be a black spot in the world’s legal
system. The one who ends up at The Hague will be convicted not with
justice, but because he had passed through a political prism. The OTP
disregards facts obvious even to a small child. There are “million”
arguments to support that, but Zaric says he will stay close to the
“Samac case”.
MY GREATEST VICTORY - PEOPLE who testified in our case came prepared
by a secret service of the Muslims, AID, on what and how they would
speak against us – maintains Zaric. – They were mainly secret witnesses
and I am a disciplined man and shall not reveal their names. What’s
essential is that these testimonies were rigged. And the OTP builds
upon such invented statements later on and then the battle for the
truth gets really difficult. Witnesses for the Prosecution do not even
blush when their statements are refuted with arguments. Unlike them,
witnesses for the Defence of various nationalities came to testify
publicly, not hiding from anyone. In my case, 35 witnesses appeared
and more than 80% were the Muslims and the Croats from Samac. They
knew best what was he like and who is in fact Simo Zaric.
By the end of the conversation Simo Zaric wishes to say that his
greatest victory is in enduring it all and being able, although a
pensioner before all this had even started, to begin a new life. This
new life, as he says, will be dedicated to family, to his native
village Trnjak in the Municipality of Odzak (Federation of Bosnia &
Herzegovina) and his desire to bring back and breathe a new life into
it. If a party appears or if one exists that will satisfy his views,
perhaps he will become politically active.
The Hague Tribunal had passed long-term custodial sentences on five
people from Samac. Simo was imprisoned for being a distinguished
member of the community, Miroslav Tadic is imprisoned for working in
the municipal commissions for exchange, and so forth. That justice
doesn’t dwell at The Hague could be best seen from the fact that Amor
Masovic, the President of the Commission for Exchange of the
Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina, is being proposed for the Nobel
Prize, and Miroslav Tadic is sentenced to eight year’s imprisonment.
In addition to them, a native of Samac was also Alija Izetbegovic,
then there was Sulejman Tihic, but the “justice of The Hague” has
never reached them.
FATIMA IS – FATIMA - DRAGAN Lukac, currently executing a high office
in the security of Bosnia & Herzegovina, as a witness for the
Prosecution alleged there was an event when Simo Zaric renamed his wife
Fatima to Jevrosima at some kind of secret religious séance during the
war.
- After my wife, myself and many other witnesses had stated that this
was a blatant lie, Mr Lukac said without a shred of remorse that he
still maintained this to be true. Therefore I cannot believe that such
a man could currently execute any office at all.
Copyright 2004 Vecernje Novosti
Posted for Fair Use only.
1. The Madness of Carla Del Ponte (by N. Malic)
2. ON THE HAGUE CRUCIFIX
(V. Blagojevic, Vecernje Novosti - January 31, 2004)
See also:
MILOSEVIC AND GENOCIDE: HAS THE PROSECUTION MADE THE CASE?
Experts fear the former president may get off genocide charge because
the burden of proof is too high.
By Stacy Sullivan / IWPR
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/tri/tri_344_1_eng.txt
=== 1 ===
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/?articleid=1990
[see at the original webpage for many hyperlinks]
Balkan Express
February 19, 2004
The Madness of Carla Del Ponte
Out In the Open At Last
by Nebojsa Malic
Louise Arbour had it easy. She followed NATO's instructions, made
only as much fuss as she was told, and retired to the Canadian
Supreme Court. It fell on Carla Del Ponte, her successor as the Head
Inquisitor of the Hague kangaroo court, to actually put together and
prosecute a case against Slobodan Milosevic and the entire Serbian
political leadership. By the time Milosevic was seized and delivered
to Imperial troops in chains, Del Ponte's nerves were already
frayed. By the time the "trial" began, she was unstable. As it went
on, with increasingly disastrous results, she began to slip. And now
as the prosecution's farcical proceedings come to an end, she boldly
leaped right over the edge of sanity.
The Plunge
The defining moment came last Wednesday, when she claimed that
Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the wartime political and
military leaders of Bosnian Serbs, were both living in Belgrade, and
that Serbia was a "safe haven for… fugitives."
Del Ponte has specialized in making unsubstantiated allegations, in the
press as well as the courtroom, and the media have become used to
it. But this was so shocking, only the dedicated ICTY supporters
such as the London IWPR embraced it enthusiastically. Serbian
politicians laughed at the accusation. One anonymous Reuters source
termed it "science fiction," while Radical leader Tomislav Nikolic
dismissed it with sarcasm: were Karadzic truly in Belgrade, he said,
the "pro-American government... would rush to hand him over (and)
extradite him in the blink of an eye. How can it be proven he's not
hiding here? She might as well say he's in London."
Given the persistent failure of NATO's occupation troops to find either
Karadzic or Mladic, and the growing frustration with the ongoing
disaster that is the Milosevic trial, must have driven the Swiss
Inquisitor past the brink of sanity. It doesn't help that she was
slightly nutty to begin with – in the perceptive description of
Christopher Deliso, "a zealot whose statements often indicate she
would like the entire population of Serbia in jail, just to be on
the safe side."
[PHOTO: A devastated bridge in Serbia is mockingly called "Ponte di
Carla" (Carla's bridge), in a pun on the Head Inquisitor's name
implying she is a NATO puppet; from the anti-ICTY demonstration in
The Hague, 28 June 2003]
Don't Rock The Boat!
Del Ponte's histrionics got so far out of hand that the
establishment felt the need to send her a message via the New York
Times' European conduit. In the International Herald Tribune on Monday,
historian and interventionist Misha Glenny complained that Del
Ponte's "often unsubstantiated public claims" have a political
impact adverse to the Tribunal.
Noting that the Chief Inquisitor offered "no evidence for her dramatic
claim" that Karadzic was in Belgrade, he argues that "Del Ponte's
actions reinforce another popular belief, that Serbia has been
singled out for punitive treatment by the international community,"
which gives political capital to the Radicals (in addition to being
true, Glenny's insinuations to the contrary notwithstanding).
After reiterating his support for the ICTY and Del Ponte, Glenny
nonetheless advises the Inquisitor to revisit her style, because:
"…everybody in the international community should be engaging in a
positive and encouraging manner with Belgrade in order to ensure
Serbia's continuing commitment to reform and democracy, and its
long-term cooperation with institutions like the War Crimes
Tribunal."
Obviously, Glenny believes (as do many others in the West) that the
Empire's stranglehold on Serbia is in real danger and that Del
Ponte's recent outburst might hurt it further. This explains a
similar, though veiled, message sent this week in an editorial by
Transitions Online (TOL), a media outlet established and funded by
the Open Society Institute of George Soros. Many sources have
claimed that Soros is one of the major contributors to the
Tribunal's perennially needy coffers, which could mean that TOL was
chosen as a conduit to tell Del Ponte to calm down.
A Travesty of Pretense
But the damage may already be beyond repair. As it happens, this
week marked the end of the Prosecution's case against Slobodan
Milosevic. Del Ponte predictably claimed victory, telling AFP: "We
have succeeded in showing the responsibility of Milosevic." After
two years of continual embarrassments and bitter defeats, the
statement has all the ring of wishful thinking, though the press took
it at face value. In fact, Del Ponte and her fellow Inquisitors have
done nothing of the sort.
Writing in The Guardian last Thursday, commentator Neil Clark argued
that "things have gone horribly wrong for Ms. Del Ponte":
"…not only has the prosecution signally failed to prove Milosevic's
personal responsibility for atrocities committed on the ground, the
nature and extent of the atrocities themselves has also been called
into question."
It is obvious, he says, that the Prosecution has been "working
backwards – making charges and then trying to find evidence." He
does not mention specific details, but there are plenty. In the
last two months of the process, the Prosecution's witnesses were
seemingly random men and women, dragged into the courtroom to offer
baseless allegations and fourth-hand hearsay, though one would
expect a strong case to save its most damaging witnesses for the
very end.
Witness Disasters
The Inquisitors' choice of witnesses has always been poor, from the
hapless Mahmut Bakalli at the very beginning, through the conman
Ratomir Tanic and pompous show-off Wesley Clark, to French
general Philippe Morillon, whose attempts at incriminating Milosevic
got too tangled in truth.
Morillon, revered by the Bosnian Muslims for saving their troops in
Srebrenica from defeat in 1993, ended up enraging them by his
testimony last week. While trying to make it seem as if Milosevic
could have prevented the alleged events of 1995, Morillon let it
slip that the Serbs were out for blood because of Muslim massacres
of Serb civilians. The enraged Muslims announced they would sue the
French general as accessory to genocide.
This tragic farce aside, the twisted logic of Morillon and the
Prosecutors would have someone who stopped a potential massacre in
1993 – before sanctions and threats had caused a bitter split
between Milosevic and the Bosnian Serbs – therefore held responsible
for the alleged massacre two years later, when he emphatically
lacked influence in Bosnia. And as Hague arguments go, that's fairly
typical.
Even Biljana Plavsic, whose infamous "confession" in December 2002
smeared the Serb people as a whole (which it was supposed to do) and
earned her a life term in a Swedish prison, seems to have finally
seen the ICTY's true colors. It was said that she was transferred
back to Holland last weekend, in preparation to testify against
Milosevic – but the report was denied after she made public her
refusal.
Some day, there will be a book with all the outrageous witness moments
from the Milosevic trial. A lengthy one, given that there are 290
prosecution witnesses alone. It will make for fascinating reading –
sordid, but fascinating.
An Endeavor in Ruins
Declaring the trial a "travesty," Clark explains that the ICTY is a
"blatantly political body set up and funded by the very [NATO]
powers that waged an illegal war against Milosevic's Yugoslavia," and
as such, cannot possibly render an impartial verdict: "political
necessity dictates that [Milosevic] will be found guilty, if not of
all the charges, then enough for him to be incarcerated for life."
That actually explains the Inquisitors' dreadful performance, which
they try to cover up with bluster: the verdict has already been
reached, the sentence determined – Del Ponte and the "judges" are
simply going through the motions, giving lip service to the legal
process which, like the truth, has nothing to do with their work.
It was known from Day One that the Milosevic proceedings would be a
show trial. For all its ostensible purpose to find out the truth and
punish the individual perpetrators of atrocities, thus enabling
reconciliation, the ICTY has set out to conjure a grand conspiracy
headed by Milosevic that would provide a single explanation for
Yugoslavia's breakup and the Succession Wars, and the justification
for all Imperial interventions: no less than a wholesale
falsification of history. As Deliso puts it, "…reality has to be
force-fit into a costume it can't quite wear. The point here is to
stage a kind of morality play, an instructive fable to reinforce the
prevalent discourse of political responsibility."
Had Milosevic hired a lawyer and played by the Inquisition's rules, no
doubt the plan would have been well along by now. But for once he
did the unexpected, and over the past two years he has made
mincemeat out of the Prosecutors' case by himself.
It is beyond embarrassing for Del Ponte and her supporters that despite
their millions of dollars in funding, hundreds of zealous lawyers
and investigators, cases of intelligence files, hundreds of
witnesses willing to make things up as they go, the ability to make
up procedures on the fly and that the three-judge panel is firmly on
their side, they have suffered a defeat after defeat at the hands of
an elderly man with a heart condition, imprisoned, cut off from his
family and friends, under constant surveillance and lacking any
money or power.
On October 6, 2000, Slobodan Milosevic was a political washout with a
questionable legacy, accused of war crimes. Three years later,
thanks to the Hague Inquisition, he can justifiably claim to be a
champion of truth.
No wonder Carla Del Ponte went insane.
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/vn013104.htm
ON THE HAGUE CRUCIFIX
Vecernje Novosti - January 31, 2004
Written by: Vid Blagojevic
Translated by: Vera Martinovic
SAMAC, Republika Srpska – Simo Zaric did consent to speak to VECERNJE
NOVOSTI about his days at The Hague and about the court he called
political. – I have nothing to hide: if, God forbid, a war should break
out anew, I would do everything the same way, even if I ended up at
The Hague once more – he said at the beginning of our conversation. –
It was hard to endure 1.664 days in prison, particularly when you know
you’re not guilty.
- I drew strength from the support of my family – wife, children,
mother and sisters. They came to visit, they wrote me letters. A huge
support also arrived from my fellow citizens of Samac, the whole
Posavina [a region of the Sava river valley], Republika Srpska and
even from the Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina and ex-Yugoslavia.
There were thousands of letters that I received, and I answered each
one of them – Simo Zaric begins his story.
Conditions at The Hague were bearable when food and hygiene are
concerned. Free time should be aplenty in prison. However…
- Each morning we got up at 7 a.m. and went to bed at 8.30 p.m. on
weekdays. On weekends, the taps was at 5 p.m. We were in complete
isolation twice a day while the guards were eating. The rest of the
time we spent in the canteen or kitchen, as we called it. Only the
detainees from the same floor can use the area. Here we played chess,
dominoes, and card games, watched TV, talked about the simplest human
things. We could not walk between floors – Simo describes a day in
prison.
HOW TO CONQUER TIME – DURING imprisonment I’ve read more than 500
books, I’ve written thousands of pages of the diary that I kept daily
and I’ve published a book “On The Hague Crucifix” – Zaric continues.
I’ve dedicated a lot of time to the proceedings as well, that was held
for more than two years, so that sometimes the time was scarce. Part
of it we spent walking, taking part in sport… A man who knows that he
should conquer time knows how to organize a prison life for himself.
It is far more difficult to conquer for men who become withdrawn and
develop psychological problems.
All the accused Serbs were forgotten by many of those not expected to
do that. Simo Zaric wishes to emphasize they were not abandoned by
everyone.
- It would be a sin to forget the support that we had from the SPC
[Serbian Orthodox Church] representatives. The Church gave us moral,
spiritual and human support – points out the former prisoner at The
Hague. – We had priests who visited us every month and held prayers.
Bishop Luka and Amfilohije Radovic came many times. Their spiritual
presence meant a lot to us. When reading religious literature, in each
of these books I found how one has to be kind, moral and righteous in
life and all those messages are most human and most wonderful. I
regret that I’ve started to be engaged in this kind of literature and
personal spiritual rebirth only after my destiny had brought me to The
Hague.
Zaric was spending his prison days with detainees from his floor:
Momcilo Krajisnik, Dragan Obrenovic, Dragan Nikolic – Jenki, Generals
Dragoljub Ojdanic and Mile Mrksic, Mario Cerkez, Milorad Krnojelac,
Ranko Cesic, Milan Martic and Milan Mrdja.
- I had the opportunity to meet Mr Milosevic several times and I found
him to be a very natural man and I believe that he had surprised
everyone with his naturalness and spontaneity – speaks Zaric. –
Destiny of a detainee at The Hague is a very strange one, here you have
very brave people, people who hold their face and dignity dear. On the
other hand, there are those who fall under certain pressures both from
the OTP and a certain atmosphere at the court.
GOOD JUDGES UNDESIRABLE – I BELIEVE that Milosevic is defending on
principle a strategic component related to the Serbian national
corpus. I have an impression that Krajisnik will not succumb to any
influences either and I base this belief on our talks that we held for
days. Those certainly not succumbing to pressures are Martic, General
Ojdanic and others who had already underwent a court procedure – Simo
Zaric is categorical.
-These people have guts to speak up in the language of truth and, to
make it clear, they do not defend crimes and nobody does support
crimes, but these people have the need to speak up in the name of the
Serbian national corpus with the purpose of preserving its identity.
A judge at The Hague who speaks up in the language of justice,
morality and truth gets removed immediately. Zaric substantiates these
examples:
- Judge Lindholm had gathered his strength to defend law and had the
courage to defend the truth in my case, by requesting my acquittal. In
the pleiad of such people there is by all means the Australian Judge
Hunt. Then there is the esteemed Judge Wald, otherwise an American
lady, who had acquitted brothers Kupreskic or Judge Cassese who had
acquitted Papic and Zejnil Delalic. None of them is a judge at The
Hague anymore. Judges who gather their strength to resist pressures
and mentorship imposed on them leave very quickly. Judge Hunt said in
his farewell statement that if The Hague Tribunal were to be
recognized by the manner of conducting its appeal proceedings and
dispensing justice, it would be a black spot in the world’s legal
system. The one who ends up at The Hague will be convicted not with
justice, but because he had passed through a political prism. The OTP
disregards facts obvious even to a small child. There are “million”
arguments to support that, but Zaric says he will stay close to the
“Samac case”.
MY GREATEST VICTORY - PEOPLE who testified in our case came prepared
by a secret service of the Muslims, AID, on what and how they would
speak against us – maintains Zaric. – They were mainly secret witnesses
and I am a disciplined man and shall not reveal their names. What’s
essential is that these testimonies were rigged. And the OTP builds
upon such invented statements later on and then the battle for the
truth gets really difficult. Witnesses for the Prosecution do not even
blush when their statements are refuted with arguments. Unlike them,
witnesses for the Defence of various nationalities came to testify
publicly, not hiding from anyone. In my case, 35 witnesses appeared
and more than 80% were the Muslims and the Croats from Samac. They
knew best what was he like and who is in fact Simo Zaric.
By the end of the conversation Simo Zaric wishes to say that his
greatest victory is in enduring it all and being able, although a
pensioner before all this had even started, to begin a new life. This
new life, as he says, will be dedicated to family, to his native
village Trnjak in the Municipality of Odzak (Federation of Bosnia &
Herzegovina) and his desire to bring back and breathe a new life into
it. If a party appears or if one exists that will satisfy his views,
perhaps he will become politically active.
The Hague Tribunal had passed long-term custodial sentences on five
people from Samac. Simo was imprisoned for being a distinguished
member of the community, Miroslav Tadic is imprisoned for working in
the municipal commissions for exchange, and so forth. That justice
doesn’t dwell at The Hague could be best seen from the fact that Amor
Masovic, the President of the Commission for Exchange of the
Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina, is being proposed for the Nobel
Prize, and Miroslav Tadic is sentenced to eight year’s imprisonment.
In addition to them, a native of Samac was also Alija Izetbegovic,
then there was Sulejman Tihic, but the “justice of The Hague” has
never reached them.
FATIMA IS – FATIMA - DRAGAN Lukac, currently executing a high office
in the security of Bosnia & Herzegovina, as a witness for the
Prosecution alleged there was an event when Simo Zaric renamed his wife
Fatima to Jevrosima at some kind of secret religious séance during the
war.
- After my wife, myself and many other witnesses had stated that this
was a blatant lie, Mr Lukac said without a shred of remorse that he
still maintained this to be true. Therefore I cannot believe that such
a man could currently execute any office at all.
Copyright 2004 Vecernje Novosti
Posted for Fair Use only.
---------- Message transmis ----------
Subject: Ce courageux monsieur Djindjic ...
Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 17:17:30 -0200
From: Marc-Antoine COPPO
Chers amis de la direction du Diplo,
Je me permets de vous adresser ci- dessous quelques extraits commentés
de l'article de Jean-Arnault Dérens « Serbie: l'hypothèque de
l'extrême-droite nationaliste », qui vient d'être mis en ligne sur le
site Internet du Diplo. J'ignore si ce texte reflète la position
officielle de la rédaction du journal mais, si c'est le cas, alors ce
qu'il révèle est vraiment préoccupant quant à la réalité des ambitions
« altermondialistes » du
journal en matière d'information.
Je ne doute pas que mes remarques vous convaincront qu'une autre
information sur la Serbie est possible.
Bien amicalement à vous tous, et meilleurs voeux pour 2004.
Marc-Antoine Coppo
« La Serbie s'est engagée bien plus tard que tous les autres pays
socialistes dans la voie de la transition économique et doit s'attendre
à des difficultés accrues. »
Derens considère sans doute que la faute en revient à Milosevic et à
ses « idées folles de grande Serbie » qui ont retardé de dix ans le
processus de privatisation. Une thérapie de choc à la polonaise, voilà
ce qu'il aurait fallu à la Serbie des années 90 pour accélérer le
processus vers l'intégration européenne !
« Le discours du Parti radical joue sur la peur, celle d'une submersion
des populations serbes par des éléments étrangers. Dans le Sandjak, les
partis démocratiques de Belgrade s'appuient uniquement sur les partis
bosniaques
locaux, rejetant les populations serbes dans les bras des extrémistes.
Dans le même temps, aucun responsable politique de Belgrade n'ose
revendiquer de manière positive la multiethnicité de la Serbie, alors
que les différentes minorités nationales représentent plus de 20 % de
la population totale de la République. »
C'est absolument faux ! Milosevic a, de tout temps, revendiqué de
manière positive la multiethnicité de la Serbie. Ce qui n'est
d'ailleurs pas tout à fait étranger à son embastillement à La Haye.
« Les forces autrefois unies dans la lutte contre le régime de M.
Milosevic se présentaient divisées. Le Parti démocratique de Serbie
(DSS) de M. Vojislav Kostunica professe un nationalisme proche de celui
des radicaux, tandis que le Parti démocratique (DS), la formation de
Zoran Djindjic, le premier ministre assassiné le 12 mars dernier, qui
dirige le gouvernement sortant, n'a pas réussi à convaincre sur son
bilan. »
Il faut reconnaitre qu'avec un chômage à plus de 30% et des retraites
misérables, il était difficile pour les « démocrates » de convaincre
sur leur bilan !
« Zoran Djindjic avait pourtant engagé des réformes essentielles. Il
avait eu le courage d'arrêter M. Milosevic et de l'envoyer devant les
juges internationaux du Tribunal pénal international pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY). Ce courage, qu'il a payé de sa vie, n'a guère
été récompensé : les aides
internationales à la Serbie n'ont cessé de se raréfier, et les
dirigeants de Belgrade ont surtout dû vivre de promesses, rarement
tenues. »
Quelles réformes essentielles ? Sans doute Dérens veut-il parler ici de
la politique de privatisations. Et d'en profiter pour
ressortir l'image d'Epinal d'un Djindjic victime de son courage !
Est-ce donc là l'exemple d'information alternative que prétend
promouvoir le Diplo ? Le comble, c'est que l'envoyé spécial à Belgrade
du quotidien conservateur Le Figaro, Renaud Girard, trouve le moyen
d'être autrement plus audacieux dans l'analyse que le collaborateur du
Monde diplomatique, et plus lucide aussi sur la véritable personnalité
de Djindjic, lorsqu'il écrit dans Le Figaro du 30 décembre 2003 :
« Djindjic est un homme pressé pour qui la fin justifie tous les
moyens. Pour parvenir au pouvoir, il n'a pas hésité à passer un pacte
secret avec le diable, c'est à dire avec les milieux du crime organisé
qui sont en cheville avec les services secrets. Djindjic est un homme
qui compose avec les puissances quelles qu'elles soient. Parce que les
Américains menacent de supprimer leur aide, Djindjic extrade Milosevic
à La Haye, en dépit d'une disposition de la constitution qui interdit à
la Serbie d'extrader ses propres concitoyens.
Kostunica est choqué par cette infraction au droit qui a été faite dans
son dos. Il réclame à cor et à cris que la DOS s'attelle en priorité à
la rédaction d'une nouvelle constitution. Il n'est pas entendu par
Djindjic qui préfère se concentrer sur la politique de privatisation,
et qui est très content du pouvoir qu'il a hérité de d'institutions
dessinées sous Milosevic.
C'est là que Montgomery, devenu ambassadeur, va commettre une erreur
fatale. Il prend le parti de Djindjic contre un Kostunica aussitôt
présenté dans les médias occidentaux comme un rêveur et un
nationaliste. Le problème est que Djindjic qui n'a plus le soutien des
députés du DSS, le parti de Kostunica, va s'accrocher au pouvoir par
tous les moyens. Le DS devient un parti miné par la corruption et la
compromission d'une partie de ses dirigeants avec les milieux du crime
organisé. Les abus du droit et les pressions sur la presse indépendante
vont se multiplier. Le Américains préfèrent fermer les yeux : « A
bastard, but our bastard ».
Djindjic est assassiné le 12 mars dernier pour avoir pris se distances
avec les gangsters qui l'avaient aidé deux ans et demi plus tôt. La
répression policière qui suit (opération Sabre) ne vise pas seulement
les criminels. On emprisonne aussi les opposants politiques, des
conseillers de Kostunica.
L'Amérique garde le silence. » (Renaud Girard, « Un échec pour la
"communauté internationale", Le Figaro, 30 décembre 2003).
Conclusion : l'article de Jean-Arnault Dérens consacré aux dernières
élections serbes, conformiste et bien-pensant, est parfaitement typique
de la pensée de gauche libérale entièrement convaincue des bienfaits de
l'intégration européenne. De grâce messieurs, suspendez votre
collaboration avec Dérens et recrutez plutôt l'excellent Renaud Girard
avant qu'on n'en vienne à penser que «l'altermondialisme » du Monde
diplomatique n'est en réalité que la roue de secours idéologique de la
mondialisation !
Marc-Antoine Coppo
Subject: Ce courageux monsieur Djindjic ...
Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 17:17:30 -0200
From: Marc-Antoine COPPO
Chers amis de la direction du Diplo,
Je me permets de vous adresser ci- dessous quelques extraits commentés
de l'article de Jean-Arnault Dérens « Serbie: l'hypothèque de
l'extrême-droite nationaliste », qui vient d'être mis en ligne sur le
site Internet du Diplo. J'ignore si ce texte reflète la position
officielle de la rédaction du journal mais, si c'est le cas, alors ce
qu'il révèle est vraiment préoccupant quant à la réalité des ambitions
« altermondialistes » du
journal en matière d'information.
Je ne doute pas que mes remarques vous convaincront qu'une autre
information sur la Serbie est possible.
Bien amicalement à vous tous, et meilleurs voeux pour 2004.
Marc-Antoine Coppo
« La Serbie s'est engagée bien plus tard que tous les autres pays
socialistes dans la voie de la transition économique et doit s'attendre
à des difficultés accrues. »
Derens considère sans doute que la faute en revient à Milosevic et à
ses « idées folles de grande Serbie » qui ont retardé de dix ans le
processus de privatisation. Une thérapie de choc à la polonaise, voilà
ce qu'il aurait fallu à la Serbie des années 90 pour accélérer le
processus vers l'intégration européenne !
« Le discours du Parti radical joue sur la peur, celle d'une submersion
des populations serbes par des éléments étrangers. Dans le Sandjak, les
partis démocratiques de Belgrade s'appuient uniquement sur les partis
bosniaques
locaux, rejetant les populations serbes dans les bras des extrémistes.
Dans le même temps, aucun responsable politique de Belgrade n'ose
revendiquer de manière positive la multiethnicité de la Serbie, alors
que les différentes minorités nationales représentent plus de 20 % de
la population totale de la République. »
C'est absolument faux ! Milosevic a, de tout temps, revendiqué de
manière positive la multiethnicité de la Serbie. Ce qui n'est
d'ailleurs pas tout à fait étranger à son embastillement à La Haye.
« Les forces autrefois unies dans la lutte contre le régime de M.
Milosevic se présentaient divisées. Le Parti démocratique de Serbie
(DSS) de M. Vojislav Kostunica professe un nationalisme proche de celui
des radicaux, tandis que le Parti démocratique (DS), la formation de
Zoran Djindjic, le premier ministre assassiné le 12 mars dernier, qui
dirige le gouvernement sortant, n'a pas réussi à convaincre sur son
bilan. »
Il faut reconnaitre qu'avec un chômage à plus de 30% et des retraites
misérables, il était difficile pour les « démocrates » de convaincre
sur leur bilan !
« Zoran Djindjic avait pourtant engagé des réformes essentielles. Il
avait eu le courage d'arrêter M. Milosevic et de l'envoyer devant les
juges internationaux du Tribunal pénal international pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY). Ce courage, qu'il a payé de sa vie, n'a guère
été récompensé : les aides
internationales à la Serbie n'ont cessé de se raréfier, et les
dirigeants de Belgrade ont surtout dû vivre de promesses, rarement
tenues. »
Quelles réformes essentielles ? Sans doute Dérens veut-il parler ici de
la politique de privatisations. Et d'en profiter pour
ressortir l'image d'Epinal d'un Djindjic victime de son courage !
Est-ce donc là l'exemple d'information alternative que prétend
promouvoir le Diplo ? Le comble, c'est que l'envoyé spécial à Belgrade
du quotidien conservateur Le Figaro, Renaud Girard, trouve le moyen
d'être autrement plus audacieux dans l'analyse que le collaborateur du
Monde diplomatique, et plus lucide aussi sur la véritable personnalité
de Djindjic, lorsqu'il écrit dans Le Figaro du 30 décembre 2003 :
« Djindjic est un homme pressé pour qui la fin justifie tous les
moyens. Pour parvenir au pouvoir, il n'a pas hésité à passer un pacte
secret avec le diable, c'est à dire avec les milieux du crime organisé
qui sont en cheville avec les services secrets. Djindjic est un homme
qui compose avec les puissances quelles qu'elles soient. Parce que les
Américains menacent de supprimer leur aide, Djindjic extrade Milosevic
à La Haye, en dépit d'une disposition de la constitution qui interdit à
la Serbie d'extrader ses propres concitoyens.
Kostunica est choqué par cette infraction au droit qui a été faite dans
son dos. Il réclame à cor et à cris que la DOS s'attelle en priorité à
la rédaction d'une nouvelle constitution. Il n'est pas entendu par
Djindjic qui préfère se concentrer sur la politique de privatisation,
et qui est très content du pouvoir qu'il a hérité de d'institutions
dessinées sous Milosevic.
C'est là que Montgomery, devenu ambassadeur, va commettre une erreur
fatale. Il prend le parti de Djindjic contre un Kostunica aussitôt
présenté dans les médias occidentaux comme un rêveur et un
nationaliste. Le problème est que Djindjic qui n'a plus le soutien des
députés du DSS, le parti de Kostunica, va s'accrocher au pouvoir par
tous les moyens. Le DS devient un parti miné par la corruption et la
compromission d'une partie de ses dirigeants avec les milieux du crime
organisé. Les abus du droit et les pressions sur la presse indépendante
vont se multiplier. Le Américains préfèrent fermer les yeux : « A
bastard, but our bastard ».
Djindjic est assassiné le 12 mars dernier pour avoir pris se distances
avec les gangsters qui l'avaient aidé deux ans et demi plus tôt. La
répression policière qui suit (opération Sabre) ne vise pas seulement
les criminels. On emprisonne aussi les opposants politiques, des
conseillers de Kostunica.
L'Amérique garde le silence. » (Renaud Girard, « Un échec pour la
"communauté internationale", Le Figaro, 30 décembre 2003).
Conclusion : l'article de Jean-Arnault Dérens consacré aux dernières
élections serbes, conformiste et bien-pensant, est parfaitement typique
de la pensée de gauche libérale entièrement convaincue des bienfaits de
l'intégration européenne. De grâce messieurs, suspendez votre
collaboration avec Dérens et recrutez plutôt l'excellent Renaud Girard
avant qu'on n'en vienne à penser que «l'altermondialisme » du Monde
diplomatique n'est en réalité que la roue de secours idéologique de la
mondialisation !
Marc-Antoine Coppo
