Jugoinfo
HRVATSKE VISNJICE / CILIEGINE CROATE
a cura del
Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia
Rimskog Saveza za Jugoslaviju
crj@...
---
ECONOMIA E SITUAZIONE SOCIALE
Da "Glas Istre - Novi list", settembre 2000:
E' stato presentato il documento della Banca Mondiale
"Studio sull'economia e la situazione sociale in Croazia".
Dal resoconto emerge una totale miseria per il 10% dei
cittadini, mentre l'80% vive sotto lo standard normale.
L'inflazione, il caro vita � galoppante. Il governo manca
ai suoi impegni. In questi giorni sono state bloccate alcune
strade in Croazia dalle proteste degli agricoltori perche' non
e' stato pagato ancora il loro raccolto.
Il "Feral Tribune" di Spalato riporta: "Ipnotizzato dalla paura
dell'inflazione, il Governo croato invece di introdurre il
reale corso della kuna [la nuova moneta croata, tristemente
nota dal periodo dello Stato Croato Indipendente nazista di
Pavelic] ha rafforzato il cordone di finanzieri alle frontiere,
introducendo la tassa per la seconda bottiglia di liquore
che i cittadini vorrebbero portarsi appresso dall'Italia."
Riguardo all'inflazione, il premier Racan ha contestato le
voci che circolano in alcuni giornali, secondo i quali
l'inflazione quest'anno raggiunger� due cifre. Racan ribatte
che essa non arriver� al 10%, e che non ci sara' nessuna
destabilizzazione per la kuna.
FALLISCE L'IDEA DELLA VISITA DI MESIC E RACAN IN AMERICA
Da "Glas Istre - Novi List", Croazia, 21 settembre 2000:
<<Durante la visita si doveva organizzare una grande tournee
americana coi direttori delle pi� grandi ditte croate, ed in
prima fila il premier Racan, per presentare le possibilit�
degli investimenti in Croazia; dopo soltanto un mese questa
iniziativa si � dimostrata un vero fallimento. La delegazione
economica imprenditoriale croata non visiter� gli USA perch�
i direttori delle pi� grandi ditte americane non hanno
dimostrato nessun interesse per questo incontro.
"Quando abbiamo saputo che la delegazione sar� guidata da
Granic, Fizulic e Cacic, che hanno pi� di tutti attaccato
le ditte americane, abbiamo deciso che non vale la pena
parlarne", ha dichiarato per il "Nacional", rivista croata,
un esperto americano...>>
I VIAGGIATORI SULLE LINEE AEREE CHE SORVOLANO LA CROAZIA
SONO IN PERICOLO DI MORTE.
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<Negli ultimi 4 mesi in Croazia hanno soggiornato due
commissioni di esperti indipendenti per stabilire la sicurezza
aerea sui cieli sopra la Croazia. Il loro resoconto � stato
inviato al premier Racan e al ministro dei Trasporti Tusek,
ed � talmente sconfortante che � stato taciuto all'opinione
pubblica ed anche ai controllori dei voli interessati, i
quali da diverso tempo dicono di lavorare in condizioni pessime...>>
PERICOLOSE IDEE JUGOSLAVISTE MINACCIANO LA CROAZIA
Ancora da "Glas Istre - Novi List" del 24 settembre 2000
leggiamo a proposito dei rigurgiti politici dei militari
della cosiddetta "Guerra patriottica" (cioe' la guerra di
secessione su base etno-nazionalista).
BUDISA (Presidente dell'HSLS):
"IL RADICALISMO DI DESTRA E PERICOLOSO, MA SI STA RAFFORZANDO
ANCHE L'ESTREMISMO DI SINISTRA PROJUGOSLAVO".
Budisa: "Opasan je desni radikalizam, ali jaca i lijevi
projugoslavenski ekstremizam".
L'ISTRIA DIFENDERA' SEMPRE LA SUA TRADIZIONE ANTIFASCISTA
A Pisino � stato ricordato il 57. Anniversario della decisione
dell'unione dell'Istria alla "madrepatria" (cioe' la
Croazia federata alla RFS di Jugoslavia, anche se oggi si fa
riferimento soltanto alla Croazia...). L'articolo, sempre da
"Glas Istre - Novi List" del 24 settembre 2000, e' accompagnato
da una foto della celebrazione ufficiale, nella quale, appesa
alla parete di fondo dietro agli oratori, si vede una enorme
foto di Josip Broz Tito.
<<L'Istria tuteler� sempre la propria tradizione antifascista.
La decisione dell'unione � stata radicale, nata dal sentimento,
dalla volont� e dalla decisione degli istriani, ha detto Miho
Vlaic. Il grande patrimonio e la forza degli ideali � l'arma
pi� forte. L'Europa � basata proprio su questi valori, ha detto
Ivan Jakovcic, Ministro per le integrazioni europee [sic!].>>
<<Svecanom sjednicom Skupstine Istarske zupanije i Saveza
udruga antifasistickih boraca Istre, jucer u Pazinu obiljezena
57. Obljetnica odluka o sjedinjenju Istre s maticom zemljom.
ISTRA CE UVIJEK CUVATI SVOJU ANTIFASISTICKU TRADICIJU
Odluke o sjedinjenju nastale su na izvoran nacin, iz osjecaja,
htijenja i odlucnosti istraskog naroda, veli Miho Valic.
Velike vrijednosti i snaga ideala i slobode covjeka i pravde,
kojima ste vi bili naoruzani, najjace je oruzje. Europa je
sazidana upravo na vrijednostima, rekao je Ivan Jakovcic,
Ministar za europske integracije...>>
IL DIFFICILE RISCIACQUO IN CANDEGGINA DELLA FONDAZIONE
NAZIONALISTA E RAZZISTA DELLO STATO CROATO
Ancora da "Glas Istre - Novi List":
<<A Plitvice [dove iniziarono i primi scontri tra croati e
serbi nel'91] si � svolta la 6. Convenzione dell'Unit� croata
dell'Unione genitori dei difensori della guerra
patriottica [sic!]. Alla conferenza ha parlato a nome del
presidente Mesic il suo consigliere : "Con la lettura delle
pagine pi� buie della guerra patriottica, si toglier� alla
Croazia tutta l'ipoteca della responsabilit� collettiva,
perch� quelli che hanno commesso i crimini devono rispondere
di essi." Queste parole hanno provocato forti reazioni in
una parte dei parenti. Jadranka Kosor, una giovane
rappresentante membro onorario della Convenzione, e
membro dell'HDZ, la piu acclamata alla conferenza, ha detto
e sottolineato che � arrivato il momento di replicare con
alcuni dati di fatto. Uno di questi � che la guerra patriottica
e' stata difensiva [sic!] e che quei morti hanno difeso la
Croazia [si riferisce solo ai morti croati, n.d.T.].>>
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<A Zara dopo una lunga operazione condotta dall'unita' operativa
criminalistica degli Affari interni, sono state fermate 2
persone accusate per i crimini di guerra effettuati nella
cittadina di Ahmici [in Bosnia] contro i civili musulmani.
Si tratta di Tomislav Vlajic e Ante Sliskovic che sotto falsi
nomi soggiornavano nel distretto di Zara. Sono riusciti a
dileguarsi [sic] Pasko Ljubicic e Vlado Cosic.
Processarli, dove? A Zara, A Zagabria o all'Aia?...>>
<<U Zadru, nakon dugotrajne kriminalisticke obrade MUP-a:
Uhicena dvojica osumnjicenih za ratni zlocin u Ahmicima!
Policija uhitila Tomislava Vlajica, i Antu Sliskovica koji su
se s laznim identiteom skrivali na podrucju Zadra. Osumnjiceni
su kao pocinitelji ratnog zlocina protiv civila u Ahmicima l993.
U bijegu se nalaze Pasko Ljubicic i Vlado Cosic, a MUP ne
iskljucuje ni mogucnost njihove predaje Opcinski drzavni
odvjetnik Ivan Galovic, sudjenje: Zadar, Zagreb, Haag?..>>
RACAN (PRIMO MINISTRO) SI DIVINCOLA TRA CRIMINI CROATI E
CRIMINI SERBI
Da "La voce del popolo", quotidiano in lingua italiana di
Fiume - Rijeka, 20 settembre:
<<Intervento del premier Racan: Per i crimini di guerra non ci
saranno amnistie. Va fatta luce su tutti i crimini commessi sul
territorio della Croazia, e i colpevoli devono essere processati.
"I delitti commessi nel corso della guerra dovevano essere gi�
un capitolo chiuso" ha continuato Racan, ribadendo che il Paese
non pu� continuare a essere ostaggio per non aver compiuto
quanto uno Stato, in cui le leggi vengono rispettate, deve fare.
Racan ha detto che non sa se ci saranno altri arresti dato che
ci� non gli compete. Sono le istituzioni che hanno il compito
di indagare e processare, e va quindi a loro concessa maggiore
fiducia. Indipendentemente dalle proteste suscitate dai recenti
arresti a Gospic (Krajina), durante la guerra sono state
ammazzate l20 persone tra cui una decina di croati.>>
Invece dal quotidiano "Glas Istre": <<"Non c'e' condono per i
crimini di guerra". Il premier Racan alla Radio croata sui
crimini commessi dai serbi in Croazia. La Croazia ha emesso
150 mandati di cattura contro serbi accusati di aver commesso
crimini di guerra, e quando saranno catturati saranno consegnati
alla giustizia croata e rispoderanno per i loro crimini, ha
detto Racan. I crimini non cadono in prescrizione e la Croazia
respinge ogni condono. Per quelli che hanno commesso i crimini
di guerra, le autorit� croate d'ora in poi non avviseranno i
serbi che vogliono tornare in Croazia se sono stati accusati
o no di crimini.>>
IL PRESIDENTE MESIC MANDA IN PENSIONE 7 GENERALI DAL PASSATO
UN PO' TROPPO IMBARAZZANTE (ancora da "Glas Istre"):
Si tratta di:
1. Damir Krsticevic - ufficiale croato di gran carriera, militarmente
si � formato anche negli USA;
2. Mirko Cosic;
3 .Mirko Norac - eroe o criminale di guerra, responsabile per
l'uccisione di civili serbi e croati a Gospic nel l99l-1993;
4. Ante Gotovina, comandante della operazione "Tempesta" [pulizia
etnica delle Krajne, 1995, vedasi l'omonimo libro di G. Scotti,
edizioni Gamberetti];
5. Ivan Cermak - vicino a Gojko Susak negli affari di imprenditore,
perci� la sua esperienza l'ha portato ad essere il principale
responsabile della logistica;
6. Janko Bobetko - il suo libro � diventato materiale di testimonianza
per il Tribunale dell'Aia;
7. Ivan Basanac - comandante della III brigata di Zagabria,
sostituito perch� non era riuscito a spezzare la difesa serba di
Petrinja; e Nojko Marinovic, decorato per la difesa di Dubrovnik.
CHIESA E NAZISTI PUNTANO IL DITO SU MESIC
A proposito di ci�, ecco la dichiarazione di Tomislav Mercep
[capo dei paramilitari responsabili delle violenze contro i serbi
nelle zone presso Vukovar agli albori del conflitto, ed oggi
deputato al Parlamento croato]: "l000 croati risponderanno certo
per l0 serbi!"
Si fa sentire anche la chiesa. Lettera aperta dei domenicani e
delle domenicane croate al presidente Mesic: "Dovete ancora
ottenere la nostra fiducia". "La guerra patriottica non deve
essere infangata !"
MESIC MINACCIATO DI MORTE PER ESSERE TROPPO POCO CROATO
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<Il "comandante Domagoj" (pseudonimo) ha minacciato con una lettera
il presidente Mesic di morte. Finora la famigerata organizzazione
"Fraterna rivoluzione croata" ha condannato a morte l3 persone,
tra le quali anche il presidente Mesic. La "Slobodna" � in
possesso di questa lettera, che e' anche stata pubblicata dal
nostro quotidiano. Se qualcuno esegue questa condanna al fuori
delle fila della stessa organizzazione sar� ricompensato con un
milione di dollari USA [sic!]...>>
<<"Slobodna" u posjedu zlokobnog pisma "Hrvatskog revolucionarnog
bratstva". Zapovjednik Domagoj Mesicu prijeti smrcu! Do sada je
prema vladinom saopcenju, "HRB" na smrtnu kaznu osudilo 13 osoba,
a medju njima i predsjednika Mesica. Tajanstveni zapovjednik
Domagoj nasem listu uputio kopiju zastrasujuce presude poslane
u Ured hrvatskog predsjednika.
Ukoliko tu kaznu neko izvede van redova HRB-a, biti ce mu
isplacena nagrada u visini od l.000.000 dolara...>>
ANCHE LA CROAZIA HA VOTATO PER KOSTUNICA
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<Il Presidente croato STIPE MESIC: "Ritengo, spero, che vinca
Kostunica, anche se � nazionalista, ma � anche legalista e
liberista, e il suo nazionalismo non � pericoloso per la Croazia...>>
ANCHE POLA DIVENTERA' UNA BASE MILITARE STATUNITENSE?
NATO u Pulskoj luci?
Cetveroclano izaslanstvo NATO-a i Ratne mornarice SAD-a,
predvodjeno Francescom Infanteom, obisao je jucer brodom
Lucke kapetanije, pulsku luku, radi njenog eventualnog koriscenja
za potrebe NATO-a.
Base NATO a Pola ?
Una delegazione di 4 componenti della NATO e la Marina militare
USA, capeggiata da Francesco Infante, ha visitato con il
battello della Capitaneria del porto ha visitato il porto di Pola
per un eventuale uso della NATO.
---
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a cura del
Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia
Rimskog Saveza za Jugoslaviju
crj@...
---
ECONOMIA E SITUAZIONE SOCIALE
Da "Glas Istre - Novi list", settembre 2000:
E' stato presentato il documento della Banca Mondiale
"Studio sull'economia e la situazione sociale in Croazia".
Dal resoconto emerge una totale miseria per il 10% dei
cittadini, mentre l'80% vive sotto lo standard normale.
L'inflazione, il caro vita � galoppante. Il governo manca
ai suoi impegni. In questi giorni sono state bloccate alcune
strade in Croazia dalle proteste degli agricoltori perche' non
e' stato pagato ancora il loro raccolto.
Il "Feral Tribune" di Spalato riporta: "Ipnotizzato dalla paura
dell'inflazione, il Governo croato invece di introdurre il
reale corso della kuna [la nuova moneta croata, tristemente
nota dal periodo dello Stato Croato Indipendente nazista di
Pavelic] ha rafforzato il cordone di finanzieri alle frontiere,
introducendo la tassa per la seconda bottiglia di liquore
che i cittadini vorrebbero portarsi appresso dall'Italia."
Riguardo all'inflazione, il premier Racan ha contestato le
voci che circolano in alcuni giornali, secondo i quali
l'inflazione quest'anno raggiunger� due cifre. Racan ribatte
che essa non arriver� al 10%, e che non ci sara' nessuna
destabilizzazione per la kuna.
FALLISCE L'IDEA DELLA VISITA DI MESIC E RACAN IN AMERICA
Da "Glas Istre - Novi List", Croazia, 21 settembre 2000:
<<Durante la visita si doveva organizzare una grande tournee
americana coi direttori delle pi� grandi ditte croate, ed in
prima fila il premier Racan, per presentare le possibilit�
degli investimenti in Croazia; dopo soltanto un mese questa
iniziativa si � dimostrata un vero fallimento. La delegazione
economica imprenditoriale croata non visiter� gli USA perch�
i direttori delle pi� grandi ditte americane non hanno
dimostrato nessun interesse per questo incontro.
"Quando abbiamo saputo che la delegazione sar� guidata da
Granic, Fizulic e Cacic, che hanno pi� di tutti attaccato
le ditte americane, abbiamo deciso che non vale la pena
parlarne", ha dichiarato per il "Nacional", rivista croata,
un esperto americano...>>
I VIAGGIATORI SULLE LINEE AEREE CHE SORVOLANO LA CROAZIA
SONO IN PERICOLO DI MORTE.
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<Negli ultimi 4 mesi in Croazia hanno soggiornato due
commissioni di esperti indipendenti per stabilire la sicurezza
aerea sui cieli sopra la Croazia. Il loro resoconto � stato
inviato al premier Racan e al ministro dei Trasporti Tusek,
ed � talmente sconfortante che � stato taciuto all'opinione
pubblica ed anche ai controllori dei voli interessati, i
quali da diverso tempo dicono di lavorare in condizioni pessime...>>
PERICOLOSE IDEE JUGOSLAVISTE MINACCIANO LA CROAZIA
Ancora da "Glas Istre - Novi List" del 24 settembre 2000
leggiamo a proposito dei rigurgiti politici dei militari
della cosiddetta "Guerra patriottica" (cioe' la guerra di
secessione su base etno-nazionalista).
BUDISA (Presidente dell'HSLS):
"IL RADICALISMO DI DESTRA E PERICOLOSO, MA SI STA RAFFORZANDO
ANCHE L'ESTREMISMO DI SINISTRA PROJUGOSLAVO".
Budisa: "Opasan je desni radikalizam, ali jaca i lijevi
projugoslavenski ekstremizam".
L'ISTRIA DIFENDERA' SEMPRE LA SUA TRADIZIONE ANTIFASCISTA
A Pisino � stato ricordato il 57. Anniversario della decisione
dell'unione dell'Istria alla "madrepatria" (cioe' la
Croazia federata alla RFS di Jugoslavia, anche se oggi si fa
riferimento soltanto alla Croazia...). L'articolo, sempre da
"Glas Istre - Novi List" del 24 settembre 2000, e' accompagnato
da una foto della celebrazione ufficiale, nella quale, appesa
alla parete di fondo dietro agli oratori, si vede una enorme
foto di Josip Broz Tito.
<<L'Istria tuteler� sempre la propria tradizione antifascista.
La decisione dell'unione � stata radicale, nata dal sentimento,
dalla volont� e dalla decisione degli istriani, ha detto Miho
Vlaic. Il grande patrimonio e la forza degli ideali � l'arma
pi� forte. L'Europa � basata proprio su questi valori, ha detto
Ivan Jakovcic, Ministro per le integrazioni europee [sic!].>>
<<Svecanom sjednicom Skupstine Istarske zupanije i Saveza
udruga antifasistickih boraca Istre, jucer u Pazinu obiljezena
57. Obljetnica odluka o sjedinjenju Istre s maticom zemljom.
ISTRA CE UVIJEK CUVATI SVOJU ANTIFASISTICKU TRADICIJU
Odluke o sjedinjenju nastale su na izvoran nacin, iz osjecaja,
htijenja i odlucnosti istraskog naroda, veli Miho Valic.
Velike vrijednosti i snaga ideala i slobode covjeka i pravde,
kojima ste vi bili naoruzani, najjace je oruzje. Europa je
sazidana upravo na vrijednostima, rekao je Ivan Jakovcic,
Ministar za europske integracije...>>
IL DIFFICILE RISCIACQUO IN CANDEGGINA DELLA FONDAZIONE
NAZIONALISTA E RAZZISTA DELLO STATO CROATO
Ancora da "Glas Istre - Novi List":
<<A Plitvice [dove iniziarono i primi scontri tra croati e
serbi nel'91] si � svolta la 6. Convenzione dell'Unit� croata
dell'Unione genitori dei difensori della guerra
patriottica [sic!]. Alla conferenza ha parlato a nome del
presidente Mesic il suo consigliere : "Con la lettura delle
pagine pi� buie della guerra patriottica, si toglier� alla
Croazia tutta l'ipoteca della responsabilit� collettiva,
perch� quelli che hanno commesso i crimini devono rispondere
di essi." Queste parole hanno provocato forti reazioni in
una parte dei parenti. Jadranka Kosor, una giovane
rappresentante membro onorario della Convenzione, e
membro dell'HDZ, la piu acclamata alla conferenza, ha detto
e sottolineato che � arrivato il momento di replicare con
alcuni dati di fatto. Uno di questi � che la guerra patriottica
e' stata difensiva [sic!] e che quei morti hanno difeso la
Croazia [si riferisce solo ai morti croati, n.d.T.].>>
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<A Zara dopo una lunga operazione condotta dall'unita' operativa
criminalistica degli Affari interni, sono state fermate 2
persone accusate per i crimini di guerra effettuati nella
cittadina di Ahmici [in Bosnia] contro i civili musulmani.
Si tratta di Tomislav Vlajic e Ante Sliskovic che sotto falsi
nomi soggiornavano nel distretto di Zara. Sono riusciti a
dileguarsi [sic] Pasko Ljubicic e Vlado Cosic.
Processarli, dove? A Zara, A Zagabria o all'Aia?...>>
<<U Zadru, nakon dugotrajne kriminalisticke obrade MUP-a:
Uhicena dvojica osumnjicenih za ratni zlocin u Ahmicima!
Policija uhitila Tomislava Vlajica, i Antu Sliskovica koji su
se s laznim identiteom skrivali na podrucju Zadra. Osumnjiceni
su kao pocinitelji ratnog zlocina protiv civila u Ahmicima l993.
U bijegu se nalaze Pasko Ljubicic i Vlado Cosic, a MUP ne
iskljucuje ni mogucnost njihove predaje Opcinski drzavni
odvjetnik Ivan Galovic, sudjenje: Zadar, Zagreb, Haag?..>>
RACAN (PRIMO MINISTRO) SI DIVINCOLA TRA CRIMINI CROATI E
CRIMINI SERBI
Da "La voce del popolo", quotidiano in lingua italiana di
Fiume - Rijeka, 20 settembre:
<<Intervento del premier Racan: Per i crimini di guerra non ci
saranno amnistie. Va fatta luce su tutti i crimini commessi sul
territorio della Croazia, e i colpevoli devono essere processati.
"I delitti commessi nel corso della guerra dovevano essere gi�
un capitolo chiuso" ha continuato Racan, ribadendo che il Paese
non pu� continuare a essere ostaggio per non aver compiuto
quanto uno Stato, in cui le leggi vengono rispettate, deve fare.
Racan ha detto che non sa se ci saranno altri arresti dato che
ci� non gli compete. Sono le istituzioni che hanno il compito
di indagare e processare, e va quindi a loro concessa maggiore
fiducia. Indipendentemente dalle proteste suscitate dai recenti
arresti a Gospic (Krajina), durante la guerra sono state
ammazzate l20 persone tra cui una decina di croati.>>
Invece dal quotidiano "Glas Istre": <<"Non c'e' condono per i
crimini di guerra". Il premier Racan alla Radio croata sui
crimini commessi dai serbi in Croazia. La Croazia ha emesso
150 mandati di cattura contro serbi accusati di aver commesso
crimini di guerra, e quando saranno catturati saranno consegnati
alla giustizia croata e rispoderanno per i loro crimini, ha
detto Racan. I crimini non cadono in prescrizione e la Croazia
respinge ogni condono. Per quelli che hanno commesso i crimini
di guerra, le autorit� croate d'ora in poi non avviseranno i
serbi che vogliono tornare in Croazia se sono stati accusati
o no di crimini.>>
IL PRESIDENTE MESIC MANDA IN PENSIONE 7 GENERALI DAL PASSATO
UN PO' TROPPO IMBARAZZANTE (ancora da "Glas Istre"):
Si tratta di:
1. Damir Krsticevic - ufficiale croato di gran carriera, militarmente
si � formato anche negli USA;
2. Mirko Cosic;
3 .Mirko Norac - eroe o criminale di guerra, responsabile per
l'uccisione di civili serbi e croati a Gospic nel l99l-1993;
4. Ante Gotovina, comandante della operazione "Tempesta" [pulizia
etnica delle Krajne, 1995, vedasi l'omonimo libro di G. Scotti,
edizioni Gamberetti];
5. Ivan Cermak - vicino a Gojko Susak negli affari di imprenditore,
perci� la sua esperienza l'ha portato ad essere il principale
responsabile della logistica;
6. Janko Bobetko - il suo libro � diventato materiale di testimonianza
per il Tribunale dell'Aia;
7. Ivan Basanac - comandante della III brigata di Zagabria,
sostituito perch� non era riuscito a spezzare la difesa serba di
Petrinja; e Nojko Marinovic, decorato per la difesa di Dubrovnik.
CHIESA E NAZISTI PUNTANO IL DITO SU MESIC
A proposito di ci�, ecco la dichiarazione di Tomislav Mercep
[capo dei paramilitari responsabili delle violenze contro i serbi
nelle zone presso Vukovar agli albori del conflitto, ed oggi
deputato al Parlamento croato]: "l000 croati risponderanno certo
per l0 serbi!"
Si fa sentire anche la chiesa. Lettera aperta dei domenicani e
delle domenicane croate al presidente Mesic: "Dovete ancora
ottenere la nostra fiducia". "La guerra patriottica non deve
essere infangata !"
MESIC MINACCIATO DI MORTE PER ESSERE TROPPO POCO CROATO
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<Il "comandante Domagoj" (pseudonimo) ha minacciato con una lettera
il presidente Mesic di morte. Finora la famigerata organizzazione
"Fraterna rivoluzione croata" ha condannato a morte l3 persone,
tra le quali anche il presidente Mesic. La "Slobodna" � in
possesso di questa lettera, che e' anche stata pubblicata dal
nostro quotidiano. Se qualcuno esegue questa condanna al fuori
delle fila della stessa organizzazione sar� ricompensato con un
milione di dollari USA [sic!]...>>
<<"Slobodna" u posjedu zlokobnog pisma "Hrvatskog revolucionarnog
bratstva". Zapovjednik Domagoj Mesicu prijeti smrcu! Do sada je
prema vladinom saopcenju, "HRB" na smrtnu kaznu osudilo 13 osoba,
a medju njima i predsjednika Mesica. Tajanstveni zapovjednik
Domagoj nasem listu uputio kopiju zastrasujuce presude poslane
u Ured hrvatskog predsjednika.
Ukoliko tu kaznu neko izvede van redova HRB-a, biti ce mu
isplacena nagrada u visini od l.000.000 dolara...>>
ANCHE LA CROAZIA HA VOTATO PER KOSTUNICA
"Slobodna Dalmacija", 7 settembre 2000:
<<Il Presidente croato STIPE MESIC: "Ritengo, spero, che vinca
Kostunica, anche se � nazionalista, ma � anche legalista e
liberista, e il suo nazionalismo non � pericoloso per la Croazia...>>
ANCHE POLA DIVENTERA' UNA BASE MILITARE STATUNITENSE?
NATO u Pulskoj luci?
Cetveroclano izaslanstvo NATO-a i Ratne mornarice SAD-a,
predvodjeno Francescom Infanteom, obisao je jucer brodom
Lucke kapetanije, pulsku luku, radi njenog eventualnog koriscenja
za potrebe NATO-a.
Base NATO a Pola ?
Una delegazione di 4 componenti della NATO e la Marina militare
USA, capeggiata da Francesco Infante, ha visitato con il
battello della Capitaneria del porto ha visitato il porto di Pola
per un eventuale uso della NATO.
---
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Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
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opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Contributi e segnalazioni: <jugocoord@...>
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-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia
Data: Wed, 08 Nov 2000 20:34:54 +0100
Da: global reflexion <office@...>
A: office@...
The Global Reflexion Foundation contributes, according to her ability,
to
the distribution of information on international issues that in the
media
does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We
receive information from different sources, that does not necessary
reflect
our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail.
Dear readers,
Till November 27 our office will be closed. Untill that date Jared
Israel
of Emperors Clothes will send you directly his updates.
Sincerely,
Nico Varkevisser
******************************************************
Wednesday, November 8, 2000
1. Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia
2. Who is Goran Svilanovic?
3. Unjust from the Start: The War Crimes Tribunal vs. General Djordje
Djukic
4. Bernard Kouchner's Legacy of Failure
****************************************************
Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia (excerpts)
Monday, November 6 11:25 PM SGT
BELGRADE, Nov 6 (AFP)
"The first move would be to "enable" the ICTY to open its office
in
Yugoslavia, and "together with our investigators, collect crimes
that
can be found on our territory," Svilanovic said."
President Vojislav Kostunica has agreed to allow the UN war crimes
tribunal to open an office in Belgrade and plans to set up a truth
commission to deal with Yugoslavia's wartime past, the foreign minister
said Monday.
"We cannot and we should not avoid facing the consequences of war and
responsibility for crimes," Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic was quoted
by the Beta news agency as saying.
Kostunica told visiting Austrian Foreign Minister Benita
Ferrero-Waldner
that the decision to allow the war crimes tribunal office to open did
not
indicate a shift in position over the fate of Slobodan Milosevic, wanted
for trial for crimes against humanity, an Austrian diplomat said.
Kostunica reiterated that he had other priorities than to hand over the
former Yugoslav president for trial at the Hague-based International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), said the diplomat.
The diplomat said Kostunica had indicated that it was more important
for
the country to tackle "its current severe economic problems" than
handing
Milosevic over to the ICTY.
In talks with Ferrero-Waldner, who currently heads the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Kostunica said he was "ready
to
accept the opening of an ICTY bureau in Belgrade," said the diplomat.
The people of Yugoslavia should be informed about "everything that was
done either in the name of alleged Serb national interests or against
the
Serb people," said Svilanovic, who was appointed as part of the new
government on the weekend.
The first move would be to "enable" the ICTY to open its office in
Yugoslavia, and "together with our investigators, collect crimes that
can
be found on our territory," Svilanovic said. (3)
"The second step would be to form a truth commission, comprising people
of full confidence of our public," he said, adding that such findings
should be followed by "establishing concrete responsibility and trials
in
the territory of our country."
Such a commission would be based on one established in South Africa
after
the end of apartheid, which probed human rights abuses under apartheid
and
recommended reparations for victims.
***
Further reading
1) 'An Impartial Tribunal? Really?' by Christopher Black at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/Impartial.htm
2) 'Meeting with Carla del Ponte on NATO's Crimes of War'
by Michael Mandel at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/mandel.htm
(3) 'David Rohde, Srebrenica and the New Justice' by Jared Israel at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/fulltext.htm
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/grappling.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
*******************************************************************
Who is Goran Svilanovic?
The Man Who Invited The War Crimes Tribunal to Belgrade
by Jared Israel (11-7-2000)
Goran Svilanovic became Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia last weekend.
Exactly how Svilanovic achieved this post without a vote of the Yugoslav
Parliament is a mystery, but in his newly acquired post, Svilanovic just
announced, with the apparent approval of Vojislav Kostunica, who has
taken
the post of President, that the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia (the 'War Crimes Tribunal') will establish an office
in
Belgrade and that 'his' government will fully cooperate in hunting down
'war criminals.'
This represents a reversal of Yugoslav policy. That policy was
established
by a government with a
majority of seats in the Federal Parliament. It does not appear that
Parliament has discussed this change; it has simply been announced.
Goran Svilanovic is Chairperson of the miniscule Serbian Citizens'
Alliance
party (GSS). He ascended to that position in August, 1999. The GSS has
had
the warmest relations with Washington. Its previous
chair, Vesna Pesic, was a founder of the Washington-funded group, 'Women
in
Black,' which simulated the appearance of a peace movement while
actively
discouraging resistance to the Washington/Bonn assault on Yugoslavia.
Pesic
is widely despised in Yugoslavia as a traitor. Another GSS leader, Zoran
Korac, a Belgrade psych professor, has appeared in Western mass media as
an
expert witness, arguing his pet theory, that the Yugoslav wars of
secession
were caused by Serbian aggression stemming from paranoia, the much
acclaimed 'victim mentality.'
Mr. Svilanovic met several times with US Special Envoy to the Balkans,
Robert Gelbard; for instance on August 4, 1999. ('Middle East News
Items,'
August 10, 1999 )
On Nov. 3. 1999 Svilanovic and other opposition leaders met in
Washington
with Madeline Albright who promised them more money and other support
and
praised their courage, etc. Following is the text of Svilanovic's
statement
made at that time, from Washington, D.C.:
Text of Svilanovic's statement, broadcast on Radio B2-92, Belgrade,
1600 gmt 4 Nov 99:
"Announcer: The chairman of the Serbian Civic Alliance GSS - member
of
the Alliance for Change
, Goran Svilanovic, has joined his party's news conference from
Washington by phone and said hat
the main achievement of meetings in Washington is the announcement
that a joint working group
of the US, the EU [European Union] and the Serbian opposition
representatives will be set up.
"Svilanovic: They see this working group here as a trilateral
commission. The US has publicly said
that it wishes, in conjunction with the EU, to establish a
committee
which would cooperate with a
democratic Serbia in the process of democratic reforms in the
country.
The idea that the EU and
the USA want and wish to work together and to define a joint policy
regarding Serbia is, as far as I
am concerned, the main achievement of all these meetings."
The URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/goran.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
********************************************************
Unjust from the Start: The War Crimes Tribunal vs. General Djordje
Djukic
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-8-2000)
[Note: Prof. Kosta Cavoski is a distinguished Yugoslav law scholar who
has taught theory of law at the University of Belgrade. This is the
first
of a 4 part series by Dr. Cavoski on the International Criminal
Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia, the ICTY or War Crimes Tribunal.]
"Doctor Slobodan Ivkovic, who looked after [General] Djordje
Djukic during his last days, said that "inadequate treatment and
therapy during his time in [the War Crimes Tribunal] prison and
hospital brought on a sudden deterioration in the General's
health"
and added that General Djukic received salted, greasy food which
"third and fourth year medical students know that patients
operated
on for cancer of pancreas must not eat." Nasa Borba, 9 February
1996. [From footnote 6, below]
If things begin well there is a good chance that they will end well and
vice versa. The start of the first important case that was presented to
the International Criminal Tribunal was a complete fiasco. The case in
question was that of the Tribunal Prosecutor versus Djordje Djukic. It
ended disgracefully, leaving behind a sad example of serious violation
of
the guarantees and institutions of criminal law which are applied and
respected in all civilized countries.
Illegitimate Arrest
The arrest of a person is an exceptionally serous and dangerous act
with
regard to elementary human rights and should therefore be carried out
with
utmost caution. In civilized countries it is undertaken in accordance
with
procedural guarantees involving an arrest warrant when there exists
reasonable doubt that a crime has been carried out, or as apprehension
in
the line of duty during the actual perpetration of a serious crime.
General
Djordje Djukic was arrested by the Muslim authorities on a road that was
under the protection of the Implementation Force (IFOR). Neither the
court
in Muslim Sarajevo nor The Hague International Criminal Tribunal (i.e.
the
Prosecutor) had accused, let alone suspected him of any criminal act.
Arrest implies a legal process, but he was not even arrested, he was
simply
kidnapped in a form of highway robbery before the eyes of the IFOR.
This took place on 30 January 1996 on a road secured by IFOR. General
Lieutenant Colonel Djordje Djukic, assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics
of
the Republika Srpska Army in the rear, Aleksa Krsmanovic, Deputy
Commander
of the Sarajevo-Romanija Rear Corps, and driver Radenko
Todorovic, were driving along this road in a car with civilian
registration plates, having first informed IFOR of their route. In view
of
this, the arrest of General Djordje Djukic, Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic
and
Radenko Todorovic was an arbitrary act and in violation of the
well-known
legal institution of habeas corpus - the guarantee against arbitrary
arrest. At the moment of arrest none of these persons were breaking the
law, neither did there exist a valid warrant for their arrest.
Following their arrest General Djukic and Colonel Krsmanovic were
illegally detained for a full six days (from 30 January to 4 February
1996)
in police custody, even though the current law on criminal procedure in
Muslim Sarajevo states that police custody can only last 72 hours. It
was
only on 6 February that they were handed a ruling on custody when the
Sarajevo High Court instituted proceedings (court ruling no. Ki - 57/96)
against General Djordje Djukic on the grounds of suspected war crimes
against civilians. Until then General Djordje Djukic was subjected to
eight
days of torture and mental distress as a result of interminable
interrogation, sometimes lasting for 20 hours a day. All this was done
in
spite of Djukic's timely warning that he was seriously ill and that he
needed medical care and medication.
The Prosecutor's Gullibility and Rashness
However heinous and unforgivable this illegal and arbitrary behavior on
the part of the Muslim authorities, it didn't surprise anyone. In civil
and
religious wars mutual hatred has provoked many worse and more dangerous
crimes, particularly since the international actors in Bosnia were
biased
towards one side if not indifferent. What was surprising, however, was
the
tendency of the International Criminal Tribunal in the Hague, and
especially its prosecutor Richard Goldstone, to incorrectly apply and
breach the very rules that it had instituted. From November 1993 when
eleven judges were appointed and the Tribunal began to work, up to 30
January 1996 (two years and two months later), the Prosecutor's office
carefully collected all available data related to war crimes on the
territory of former Yugoslavia, in particular in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
During this time absolutely no-one marked General Djordje Djukic and
Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic as suspected war criminals, even though all
sides, including the Muslim authorities in Sarajevo assisted in the
collection of data and the compilation of a list of suspects. This fact
should have prescribed at the very least restraint and great caution on
the
part of Prosecutor Richard Goldstone when he heard that high ranking
Serbian officers had been kidnapped as suspected war criminals by Muslim
authorities on a road supervised by IFOR. Instead of this, the ambitious
Richard Goldstone decided on 7 February to instigate proceedings against
General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic, thereby validating
the lawlessness of the Muslims and their alleged suspicion of the two
for
being war criminals. He then sent his experts to Sarajevo to investigate
this long awaited case. During talks with CSCE representatives in
Vienna,
Goldstone clearly stated that proof against Djukic and Krsmanovic "was
serious enough to call for
an investigation"(1). Hence Christian Chartier, spokesman of The Hague
Tribunal announced that Goldstone "had concluded that there were
adequate
grounds to take the Bosnian charges seriously and carry out an
investigation into the possible guilt of the suspects for acts under the
jurisdiction of the International Tribunal"(2).
On 12 February 1996, at the request of Prosecutor Richard Goldstone,
General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic were transferred to
the International Tribunal prison in The Hague as suspects. This implied
that in accordance with Rule 2 of the Tribunal "the Prosecutor possesses
reliable information which tends to show that they may have committed a
crime over which the Tribunal has jurisdiction". It is hardly necessary
to
say that the most important component of this sentence is the
reliability
of the information regarding alleged crimes committed by the suspects.
The Prosecutor's Violation of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence
To his great regret, Richard Goldstone very quickly realized that the
information he had received from Sarajevo was not at all reliable, and
that
the thirty or so officials sent to The Hague by the US Ministry of
Justice
at its own expense had not discovered anything of importance in the
meantime. Only then did he realize that at the very beginning of the
case
he had made an unforgivable mistake and seriously violated the
Tribunal's
Rules of Procedure and Evidence.
According to article 8 of the Statute of the International Tribunal of
25
May 1993, the Tribunal has concurrent jurisdiction with national courts
in
the pursuit of people who have seriously violated international
humanitarian laws on the territory of former Yugoslavia since 1 January
1991. At the
same time the primacy of the International Tribunal over national
courts
is stipulated. However, the practical application of such primacy occurs
only if at any stage in the procedure the International Tribunal demands
of
the national court that it defer its competence in accordance with the
Statute
and its Rules of Procedure and Evidence.
Since the High Court in Sarajevo had already instituted criminal
proceedings against General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic
under its ruling no. Ki-57/96, in order to initiate his own
investigation, Prosecutor Richard Goldstone should have fist proposed
to
the Trial Chamber that it submit a formal demand for deferral of
competence
of the national court to that of the Tribunal. The Trial Chamber would
then
have had to adopt his proposal so that the International Tribunal could
submit a formal demand to the state in question for its court to defer
competence. Only then the national court deferred competence to the
International Tribunal could the Prosecutor initiate an investigation
and
seek the transferal of the suspects to The Hague. Richard Goldstone,
however, did both - he initiated investigation and transferred the
suspects
- without having first proposed to the Trial Chamber that a formal
demand
for competence deferral be made, and waited for the decision of the
Chamber. This would have been followed by submission of the demand and
its
formal acceptance. He therefore broke Rules 9 and 10, which to him
should
have been inviolable.
(1. continua)
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Contributi e segnalazioni: <jugocoord@...>
Sito WEB : http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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Oggetto: Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia
Data: Wed, 08 Nov 2000 20:34:54 +0100
Da: global reflexion <office@...>
A: office@...
The Global Reflexion Foundation contributes, according to her ability,
to
the distribution of information on international issues that in the
media
does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We
receive information from different sources, that does not necessary
reflect
our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail.
Dear readers,
Till November 27 our office will be closed. Untill that date Jared
Israel
of Emperors Clothes will send you directly his updates.
Sincerely,
Nico Varkevisser
******************************************************
Wednesday, November 8, 2000
1. Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia
2. Who is Goran Svilanovic?
3. Unjust from the Start: The War Crimes Tribunal vs. General Djordje
Djukic
4. Bernard Kouchner's Legacy of Failure
****************************************************
Kostunica grapples with war crimes in Yugoslavia (excerpts)
Monday, November 6 11:25 PM SGT
BELGRADE, Nov 6 (AFP)
"The first move would be to "enable" the ICTY to open its office
in
Yugoslavia, and "together with our investigators, collect crimes
that
can be found on our territory," Svilanovic said."
President Vojislav Kostunica has agreed to allow the UN war crimes
tribunal to open an office in Belgrade and plans to set up a truth
commission to deal with Yugoslavia's wartime past, the foreign minister
said Monday.
"We cannot and we should not avoid facing the consequences of war and
responsibility for crimes," Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic was quoted
by the Beta news agency as saying.
Kostunica told visiting Austrian Foreign Minister Benita
Ferrero-Waldner
that the decision to allow the war crimes tribunal office to open did
not
indicate a shift in position over the fate of Slobodan Milosevic, wanted
for trial for crimes against humanity, an Austrian diplomat said.
Kostunica reiterated that he had other priorities than to hand over the
former Yugoslav president for trial at the Hague-based International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), said the diplomat.
The diplomat said Kostunica had indicated that it was more important
for
the country to tackle "its current severe economic problems" than
handing
Milosevic over to the ICTY.
In talks with Ferrero-Waldner, who currently heads the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Kostunica said he was "ready
to
accept the opening of an ICTY bureau in Belgrade," said the diplomat.
The people of Yugoslavia should be informed about "everything that was
done either in the name of alleged Serb national interests or against
the
Serb people," said Svilanovic, who was appointed as part of the new
government on the weekend.
The first move would be to "enable" the ICTY to open its office in
Yugoslavia, and "together with our investigators, collect crimes that
can
be found on our territory," Svilanovic said. (3)
"The second step would be to form a truth commission, comprising people
of full confidence of our public," he said, adding that such findings
should be followed by "establishing concrete responsibility and trials
in
the territory of our country."
Such a commission would be based on one established in South Africa
after
the end of apartheid, which probed human rights abuses under apartheid
and
recommended reparations for victims.
***
Further reading
1) 'An Impartial Tribunal? Really?' by Christopher Black at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/Impartial.htm
2) 'Meeting with Carla del Ponte on NATO's Crimes of War'
by Michael Mandel at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/mandel.htm
(3) 'David Rohde, Srebrenica and the New Justice' by Jared Israel at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/fulltext.htm
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/grappling.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
*******************************************************************
Who is Goran Svilanovic?
The Man Who Invited The War Crimes Tribunal to Belgrade
by Jared Israel (11-7-2000)
Goran Svilanovic became Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia last weekend.
Exactly how Svilanovic achieved this post without a vote of the Yugoslav
Parliament is a mystery, but in his newly acquired post, Svilanovic just
announced, with the apparent approval of Vojislav Kostunica, who has
taken
the post of President, that the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia (the 'War Crimes Tribunal') will establish an office
in
Belgrade and that 'his' government will fully cooperate in hunting down
'war criminals.'
This represents a reversal of Yugoslav policy. That policy was
established
by a government with a
majority of seats in the Federal Parliament. It does not appear that
Parliament has discussed this change; it has simply been announced.
Goran Svilanovic is Chairperson of the miniscule Serbian Citizens'
Alliance
party (GSS). He ascended to that position in August, 1999. The GSS has
had
the warmest relations with Washington. Its previous
chair, Vesna Pesic, was a founder of the Washington-funded group, 'Women
in
Black,' which simulated the appearance of a peace movement while
actively
discouraging resistance to the Washington/Bonn assault on Yugoslavia.
Pesic
is widely despised in Yugoslavia as a traitor. Another GSS leader, Zoran
Korac, a Belgrade psych professor, has appeared in Western mass media as
an
expert witness, arguing his pet theory, that the Yugoslav wars of
secession
were caused by Serbian aggression stemming from paranoia, the much
acclaimed 'victim mentality.'
Mr. Svilanovic met several times with US Special Envoy to the Balkans,
Robert Gelbard; for instance on August 4, 1999. ('Middle East News
Items,'
August 10, 1999 )
On Nov. 3. 1999 Svilanovic and other opposition leaders met in
Washington
with Madeline Albright who promised them more money and other support
and
praised their courage, etc. Following is the text of Svilanovic's
statement
made at that time, from Washington, D.C.:
Text of Svilanovic's statement, broadcast on Radio B2-92, Belgrade,
1600 gmt 4 Nov 99:
"Announcer: The chairman of the Serbian Civic Alliance GSS - member
of
the Alliance for Change
, Goran Svilanovic, has joined his party's news conference from
Washington by phone and said hat
the main achievement of meetings in Washington is the announcement
that a joint working group
of the US, the EU [European Union] and the Serbian opposition
representatives will be set up.
"Svilanovic: They see this working group here as a trilateral
commission. The US has publicly said
that it wishes, in conjunction with the EU, to establish a
committee
which would cooperate with a
democratic Serbia in the process of democratic reforms in the
country.
The idea that the EU and
the USA want and wish to work together and to define a joint policy
regarding Serbia is, as far as I
am concerned, the main achievement of all these meetings."
The URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/news/goran.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
********************************************************
Unjust from the Start: The War Crimes Tribunal vs. General Djordje
Djukic
By Dr. Kosta Cavoski (posted 11-8-2000)
[Note: Prof. Kosta Cavoski is a distinguished Yugoslav law scholar who
has taught theory of law at the University of Belgrade. This is the
first
of a 4 part series by Dr. Cavoski on the International Criminal
Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia, the ICTY or War Crimes Tribunal.]
"Doctor Slobodan Ivkovic, who looked after [General] Djordje
Djukic during his last days, said that "inadequate treatment and
therapy during his time in [the War Crimes Tribunal] prison and
hospital brought on a sudden deterioration in the General's
health"
and added that General Djukic received salted, greasy food which
"third and fourth year medical students know that patients
operated
on for cancer of pancreas must not eat." Nasa Borba, 9 February
1996. [From footnote 6, below]
If things begin well there is a good chance that they will end well and
vice versa. The start of the first important case that was presented to
the International Criminal Tribunal was a complete fiasco. The case in
question was that of the Tribunal Prosecutor versus Djordje Djukic. It
ended disgracefully, leaving behind a sad example of serious violation
of
the guarantees and institutions of criminal law which are applied and
respected in all civilized countries.
Illegitimate Arrest
The arrest of a person is an exceptionally serous and dangerous act
with
regard to elementary human rights and should therefore be carried out
with
utmost caution. In civilized countries it is undertaken in accordance
with
procedural guarantees involving an arrest warrant when there exists
reasonable doubt that a crime has been carried out, or as apprehension
in
the line of duty during the actual perpetration of a serious crime.
General
Djordje Djukic was arrested by the Muslim authorities on a road that was
under the protection of the Implementation Force (IFOR). Neither the
court
in Muslim Sarajevo nor The Hague International Criminal Tribunal (i.e.
the
Prosecutor) had accused, let alone suspected him of any criminal act.
Arrest implies a legal process, but he was not even arrested, he was
simply
kidnapped in a form of highway robbery before the eyes of the IFOR.
This took place on 30 January 1996 on a road secured by IFOR. General
Lieutenant Colonel Djordje Djukic, assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics
of
the Republika Srpska Army in the rear, Aleksa Krsmanovic, Deputy
Commander
of the Sarajevo-Romanija Rear Corps, and driver Radenko
Todorovic, were driving along this road in a car with civilian
registration plates, having first informed IFOR of their route. In view
of
this, the arrest of General Djordje Djukic, Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic
and
Radenko Todorovic was an arbitrary act and in violation of the
well-known
legal institution of habeas corpus - the guarantee against arbitrary
arrest. At the moment of arrest none of these persons were breaking the
law, neither did there exist a valid warrant for their arrest.
Following their arrest General Djukic and Colonel Krsmanovic were
illegally detained for a full six days (from 30 January to 4 February
1996)
in police custody, even though the current law on criminal procedure in
Muslim Sarajevo states that police custody can only last 72 hours. It
was
only on 6 February that they were handed a ruling on custody when the
Sarajevo High Court instituted proceedings (court ruling no. Ki - 57/96)
against General Djordje Djukic on the grounds of suspected war crimes
against civilians. Until then General Djordje Djukic was subjected to
eight
days of torture and mental distress as a result of interminable
interrogation, sometimes lasting for 20 hours a day. All this was done
in
spite of Djukic's timely warning that he was seriously ill and that he
needed medical care and medication.
The Prosecutor's Gullibility and Rashness
However heinous and unforgivable this illegal and arbitrary behavior on
the part of the Muslim authorities, it didn't surprise anyone. In civil
and
religious wars mutual hatred has provoked many worse and more dangerous
crimes, particularly since the international actors in Bosnia were
biased
towards one side if not indifferent. What was surprising, however, was
the
tendency of the International Criminal Tribunal in the Hague, and
especially its prosecutor Richard Goldstone, to incorrectly apply and
breach the very rules that it had instituted. From November 1993 when
eleven judges were appointed and the Tribunal began to work, up to 30
January 1996 (two years and two months later), the Prosecutor's office
carefully collected all available data related to war crimes on the
territory of former Yugoslavia, in particular in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
During this time absolutely no-one marked General Djordje Djukic and
Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic as suspected war criminals, even though all
sides, including the Muslim authorities in Sarajevo assisted in the
collection of data and the compilation of a list of suspects. This fact
should have prescribed at the very least restraint and great caution on
the
part of Prosecutor Richard Goldstone when he heard that high ranking
Serbian officers had been kidnapped as suspected war criminals by Muslim
authorities on a road supervised by IFOR. Instead of this, the ambitious
Richard Goldstone decided on 7 February to instigate proceedings against
General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic, thereby validating
the lawlessness of the Muslims and their alleged suspicion of the two
for
being war criminals. He then sent his experts to Sarajevo to investigate
this long awaited case. During talks with CSCE representatives in
Vienna,
Goldstone clearly stated that proof against Djukic and Krsmanovic "was
serious enough to call for
an investigation"(1). Hence Christian Chartier, spokesman of The Hague
Tribunal announced that Goldstone "had concluded that there were
adequate
grounds to take the Bosnian charges seriously and carry out an
investigation into the possible guilt of the suspects for acts under the
jurisdiction of the International Tribunal"(2).
On 12 February 1996, at the request of Prosecutor Richard Goldstone,
General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic were transferred to
the International Tribunal prison in The Hague as suspects. This implied
that in accordance with Rule 2 of the Tribunal "the Prosecutor possesses
reliable information which tends to show that they may have committed a
crime over which the Tribunal has jurisdiction". It is hardly necessary
to
say that the most important component of this sentence is the
reliability
of the information regarding alleged crimes committed by the suspects.
The Prosecutor's Violation of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence
To his great regret, Richard Goldstone very quickly realized that the
information he had received from Sarajevo was not at all reliable, and
that
the thirty or so officials sent to The Hague by the US Ministry of
Justice
at its own expense had not discovered anything of importance in the
meantime. Only then did he realize that at the very beginning of the
case
he had made an unforgivable mistake and seriously violated the
Tribunal's
Rules of Procedure and Evidence.
According to article 8 of the Statute of the International Tribunal of
25
May 1993, the Tribunal has concurrent jurisdiction with national courts
in
the pursuit of people who have seriously violated international
humanitarian laws on the territory of former Yugoslavia since 1 January
1991. At the
same time the primacy of the International Tribunal over national
courts
is stipulated. However, the practical application of such primacy occurs
only if at any stage in the procedure the International Tribunal demands
of
the national court that it defer its competence in accordance with the
Statute
and its Rules of Procedure and Evidence.
Since the High Court in Sarajevo had already instituted criminal
proceedings against General Djordje Djukic and Colonel Aleksa Krsmanovic
under its ruling no. Ki-57/96, in order to initiate his own
investigation, Prosecutor Richard Goldstone should have fist proposed
to
the Trial Chamber that it submit a formal demand for deferral of
competence
of the national court to that of the Tribunal. The Trial Chamber would
then
have had to adopt his proposal so that the International Tribunal could
submit a formal demand to the state in question for its court to defer
competence. Only then the national court deferred competence to the
International Tribunal could the Prosecutor initiate an investigation
and
seek the transferal of the suspects to The Hague. Richard Goldstone,
however, did both - he initiated investigation and transferred the
suspects
- without having first proposed to the Trial Chamber that a formal
demand
for competence deferral be made, and waited for the decision of the
Chamber. This would have been followed by submission of the demand and
its
formal acceptance. He therefore broke Rules 9 and 10, which to him
should
have been inviolable.
(1. continua)
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(2. continua)
Blackmail and Extortion of Proof
If Richard Goldstone had possessed reliable and incriminating evidence
against Djukic and Krsmanovic, the disturbing realization that he had
broken the Rules of the Tribunal would not have bothered him much.
Since,
however, there was no such proof or the hope that it would be found,
Goldstone was forced to twist, distort and falsify the facts in an
attempt
to extract himself. In this he was generously assisted by the president
of
the First Trial Chamber, French judge Claude Jorda. The first step was
to
change the legal status of Djordje Djukic and Aleksa Krsmanovic. To do
this
Richard Goldstone and the responsible judges off-handedly forgot that on
13
February 1996 The Hague Tribunal spokesman, Christian Chartier, publicly
announced that investigation into
two hig ranking officers had begun, that as uspects they had been
informed
that they had the right not to answer questions, the right to choose a
lawyer and that they would have at their disposal a court translator.
The
very next day, 14 February 1996, Goldstone himself announced that Djukic
and Krsmanovic had been transferred to The Hague "under suspicion that
during the conflict in former Yugoslavia they had committed serious
breaches of international humanitarian laws". However, instead of this
qualification, on 28 February Goldstone suddenly changed the status of
the
prisoners to potential witnesses, to the shock of defense lawyers, Toma
Fila and Milan Vujin, who immediately stated that this was "the first
time"
they had heard their clients were witnesses and not suspects. (3)
The real reason behind the change in the prisoners' status was due to
the
fact that in order to summon witnesses to The Hague it was not necessary
to
have either a formal demand for competence deferral by the Trial Chamber
or
a formal decision by the Sarajevo High Court deferring its competence to
the International Tribunal. According to Rule 90 bis which was
subsequently
added, the International Tribunal can demand, in the interest of a
testimony, temporary access to detained persons. Thus it turns out that
Djukic and Krsmanovic were kidnapped and formally placed under criminal
investigation in Sarajevo so that, hand cuffed, they could be
transferred
to The Hague prison in order to supposedly testify. In this way the
Prosecutor and the judges 'enriched' the international practice of
criminal
law by instituting the preventive arrest of witnesses - something
unknown
to any civilized criminal legislation. A witness can only be forcefully
brought to court if he or she does not respond to a subpoena or excuse
their absence.
Illegal Indictment
The act of issuing a bill of indictment against General Djordje Djukic
in
itself was a new and serious violation of the Rules of Procedure and
Evidence. In the surprising change of Djukic's and rsmanovic's status
from
suspects to witnesses, Richard Goldstone tacitly admitted that the Rules
had been seriously violated since there had been no previous institution
of
competence deferral procedures. Therefore, it could be assumed that the
same mistake would not be made again. It has already
been said that investigation against General Djordje Djukic and his
detention in prison had been set in motion by ruling no. Ki-57/96 of the
High Court in Sarajevo of 6 February. This meant that criminal
proceedings
before the court of the Muslim-Croat Federation had been instigated.
Under
such circumstances, especially as he did not possess any proof, the
Tribunal Prosecutor was not in the position to directly press charges
against Djukic. To do this he first had to propose to the Trial Chamber
that it submit a formal demand for deferral of competence. Only when the
High Court in Sarajevo delivered its decision to defer its competence to
the jurisdiction of the International Tribunal would Richard Goldstone
have
had the authority to issue a bill of indictment. However, he once again
broke Rules 9 and 10 of the Tribunal and did just this without the
Sarajevo
High Court deferring competence to the International Tribunal, or indeed
the International Tribunal taking over jurisdiction of this case. To
make
matters worse, Goldstone was supported by Justice Adolphus Godwin
Karibi-Whyte, who accepted the bill of indictment and signed the arrest
warrant fully aware that formal take-over of jurisdiction had not taken
place. Once again it was made clear that neither the Prosecutor nor
certain
of the judges afforded minimum respect to the Rules that should have
been-the backbone of their work.
Aside from formal default the indictment against Djukic had
inadmissible
material shortcomings - Djukic's responsibility was neither specified
nor
backed by any reliable evidence. It was stated that General Djordje
Djukic,
in his capacity as assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics, was
responsible
for the following duties: rear area supplies to all units of the Bosnian
Serb army; recommendations for all cadre appointments; issuance of
orders
related to the delivery of supplies for the Bosnian Serb army
units, regulation of rear area transfers; decisions on the procurement
and
use of materials and technical equipment from the Bosnian Serb army
warehouses. Furthermore, "Djordje Djukic, in agreement with others,
planned, prepared or aided the actions and operations of the Bosnian
Serb
army and its allies", which included the bombing of civilian buildings.
This bombing lasted from May 1992 until December 1995. During this time
"the Bosnian Serb armed forces in Sarajevo deliberately, arbitrarily and
on
a widespread and systematic basis, bombed civilian targets that were of
no
military importance in order to kill, wound, terrorize and demoralize
the
civilian population of Sarajevo".
Hence, by supplying the entire Republika Srpska army, Djukic was
directly
responsible for the war crimes committed. This indictment however, did
not
provide sufficient evidence on the basis of which a causal relationship
could have been established between the deeds of the accused and their
consequences that were qualified as war crimes. Instead of this there
was
an attempt to "prove" that General Djordje Djukic, as assistant Chief of
Staff of Logistics was directly responsible for all operations on the
front
surrounding Sarajevo.
Special attention should be paid to the fact that the Prosecutor did
not
submit the exact dates of the shelling during the given period. This
would
have lent support to the presumed causal relationship between Djordje
Djukic's acts and their consequences - the wounding, killing, and
terrorizing of the civilian population. The Prosecutor did not do this
knowing that throughout the period in question, Djordje Djukic's poor
state
of health had resulted in his extended absence from work for treatment
in
the Military Medical Academy hospital in Belgrade. In fact, had the
exact
dates of the bombing been specified Djukic would have had the perfect
alibi
- reliable proof that on the days in question he was undergoing serious
medical treatment instead of planning and preparing the crimes he was
allegedly
responsible for.
Such incomplete and inexact charges could be used as an indictment
against
thousands of other Serbian soldiers simply by introducing their personal
information and stressing their strict liability for action in any area
of
the front. This, of course, could only happen if strict liability were
an
accepted concept within the criminal law of the International Tribunal
in
The Hague. However, this is something long discarded in civilized
countries.
The evidence collected by the prosecutor was the weakest aspect in the
indictment against General Djordje Djukic. It was based on an overview
of
the organizational structure of the civil and military authority in
Republika Srpska and the internal organization of certain political
parties, including
that of Arkan (Zeljko Raznjatovic). It consisted of information related
only to General Djukic, in particular the way in which he assumed his
position in the Republika Srpska army and his official duties and
obligations. Especially surprising is the fact that this indictment
included data on
Radovan Karadzic. President of Republika Srpska, and General Ratko
Mladic,
Commander of the Republika Srpska army, and their alleged activities
(despite the fact that Richard Goldstone had already charged the two
separately). In all likelihood this was an attempt on the part of
Richard
Goldstone to implicate General Djordje Djukic merely because he
belonged
to the same military organization as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic.
A
tabular schedule of the alleged bombing of civilian targets and
population
was provided with no reference to who drew up this schedule
(it could have been done by a journalist on the basis of newspaper
reports), or how reliable the data were.
On the basis of such unconvincing and totally undetermined evidence,
Richard Goldstone detained and indicted Djordje Djukic of alleged action
that could have resulted in life imprisonment. He thereby made it clear
that the Bosnian Serbs came under a special legal category subject to
the
rule of the Queen of Hearts from Alice in Wonderland: "Sentence first -
verdict afterwards".
Professional Defeat Portrayed As "Victory of Humanism"
The Prosecutor knew very well that the offered "facts" were no sort of
proof of Djukic's individual responsibility, but he hoped that by the
time
the case (which was constantly postponed) came to court either something
convincing would be found, or the accused, in his poor state of health
would agree to "cooperate" with the Tribunal as a witness thereby more
or
less validating his presence at The Hague. However, when it became clear
that this last hope would come to nothing, Richard Goldstone summoned
the
strength to make one more desperate move: he proposed the dropping of
charges. Instead of publicly admitting that he had not succeeded in
collecting reliable and convincing evidence, he tried to promote his own
magnanimity and humanity. Despite the fact that he knew of Djukic's
incurable illness from the very beginning, Goldstone only now found it
necessary to inform the Tribunal that according to the independent
opinion
of Danish doctors, Djukic was suffering from terminal cancer that had
already metastased to other organs, including the spine. To save face,
he
ended with hoping that "the withdrawal of the indictment will not be
against his right to indict the accused at some time in the future for
these same offenses should the medical condition of the accused change".
Had the Prosecutor been truly prepared to face up to his own
professional
and human conscience, he would have had to ask himself whether the
kidnapping of Djordje Djukic, his long and debilitating "interrogation"
and
torture in the prison in Muslim Sarajevo, as well as his indictment did
not
exacerbate an accelerated worsening of his already fatal state of
health.
Would Djordje Djukic not have lived longer had he not been exposed to
such
maltreatment, loss of freedom and unfounded accusation? Instead of this
Richard Goldstone coldly noted that the accused probably would not
survived his trial and even if he did, the progressive worsening of his
health would make him almost incapable or meaningfully participating in
his
own defense. Under such conditions his trial would be inherently unfair.
Djukic's defense lawyers, Milan Vujin and Toma Fila, immediately
opposed
Richard Goldstone's proposal and his attempt to wash his hands, under
the
guise of humanity, of his numerous mistakes and the great harm he had
done
Djordje Djukic. With good reason, the defense lawyers claimed that the
Prosecutor had not backed his indictment with any form of evidence of
the
alleged guilt of Djordje Djukic. They demanded of the Tribunal that it
unconditionally free Djukic due to lack of evidence. They
also warned that any other resolution would leave the shadow of
suspicion
of Djukic's guilt as a war criminal thereby damaging his reputation and
honor.
The Trial Chamber presided over by French Justice Claude Jorda
immediately
perceived that Richard Goldstone's proposal was not in accordance with
Rule
51, which states:"The Prosecutor may withdraw an indictment without
leave,
at any time before its confirmation, but thereafter only with leave of
the
Judge who confirmed it or, if at trial only with leave of the Trial
Chamber". As no conditions are specified for the withdrawal of an
indictment as for example in the case of ill health of the accused, it
can
be assumed that this can only be done if the grounds for indictment
disappear. This implies that there was no longer any suspicion, let
alone
evidence, that war crimes had been committed by General Djukic. Thus the
withdrawal of the indictment as proposed by he Prosecutor, meant that it
should never have been made. To indict again for the same offenses
could
not be done as a result of Djukic's improvement of health since
conditional
withdrawal of an indictment does not exist. He could only be indicted
again
on the basis of new, collected evidence.
Confronted by this state of affairs, the Trial Chamber tried to find a
solution which would, at least temporarily, save the face of the
Tribunal
and its Prosecutor. Citing Rule 65 on provisional release, it decided to
free Djukic from detention due to his poor state of health and the lack
of
proper medical care in the prison, leaving the indictment in force.
However, this was a breach of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence that
were
passed by the Tribunal itself. Paragraph (B) of Rule 65 states that a
detained person can be temporarily released "only in exceptional
circumstances, after hearing the representatives of the host country",
i.e.
Holland, and possibly of the Yugoslav Federal Republic where Djukic
traveled to on his release. In a feverish rush to find a way out of this
worrying and humiliating position, the Trial Chamber conveniently forgot
this important stipulation, and gave
no hearing to either Dutch or Yugoslav Government representatives.
Thereby
Djukic's case ended as it began - by flagrant and shameful breach of the
rules that are laid down in civilized criminal procedures. There only
remained for the Appeals Chamber to rule on the Prosecutor's appeal and
the complaint lodged by the defense lawyers who persistently demanded
that
the case be closed with a meritorious, and not procedural, verdict -
meaning that Djordje Djukic be freed on lack of evidence which would
preserve his reputation. Despite their professional and moral defeat,
the
Prosecutor and judges at The Hague at least had the satisfaction of
knowing
that they had shortened the life (6) of General Djordje Djukic by
speeding
up his death - like the riders of the Apocalypse. Djukic's death
came very fast. Already on 18 May 1996, General Djordje Djukic silently
passed away.
If at first glance this looked like clumsy and naive sophistry, in
essence
and by its consequences it was diabolical subterfuge. By changing the
status of the prisoners from suspects to witnesses, the Prosecutor
practically "offered" General Djukic and Colonel Krsmanovic the
opportunity
to testify
against other people in return for their own release from the charges
and
trial. Clearly this was a form of blackmail and extortion. The
Prosecutor
must have known that such "testimony" is of doubtful credibility since
it
is hard to believe someone who would implicate someone else in order to
be
absolved. What is worse is that the blackmail was substantiated by a
dangerous threat: either you "sing" here in The Hague or we'll hand you
back to your torturers in Muslim Sarajevo. That this was blackmail and
threat was clear to the president of the Trial Chamber, Claude Jorda,
who
almost incredulously asked General Djukic and his lawyer - Milan Vujin
and
Toma Fila - a number of times whether they were aware that if Djukic did
not "voluntarily" testify at The Hague he would be returned to Muslim
Sarajevo where his only hope was the death sentence for alleged
participation in genocide (4) to say nothing of abuse and torture in
prison, something the Muslim police are accustomed and partial to.
In face of the firm refusal of General Djordje Djukic and Colonel
Aleksa
Krsmanovic to "cooperate" with the Prosecutor, at the beginning of May
1996
Richard Goldstone pulled another diabolical move: he decided to separate
the fates of the two Hague prisoners by indicting General Djukic and
returning Colonel Krsmanovic to the mercy of the Muslim police and
Sarajevo
judiciary. This separation was difficult because both were rear officers
-
Djukic was assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics of the Republika Srpska
army, and Krsmanovic deputy commander of the Sarajevo-Romanija rear
corps.
If General Djukic was charged with taking part in the bombing and
destruction of Sarajevo because he supplied with food and ammunition the
Sarajevo-Romanija corps that had surrounded Muslim Sarajevo, why should
Colonel Krsmanovic, who sent the supplies he received from Djukic to the
artillery batteries on the heights around Sarajevo, not answer for the
same
crime? However, what was impossible from the point of view of legal
logic
and principles, was permissible and possible from a practical point of
view, and this is the only thing that seemed to govern Richard
Goldstone.
And what was this practical purpose? When the Prosecutor offered Djukic
and Krsmanovic the opportunity to "cooperate" by implicating their
seniors
(5), their refusal would have had to be so severely punished that in the
future any other person forcefully brought to "testify" at The Hague
would
have had in mind their example and been aware there was no choice but
to
cooperate. This is why Krsmanovic was immediately returned to Sarajevo,
even though the Prosecutor and judges knew very well the danger their
untried witness, against whom they could bring absolutely no charges, no
matter how great their desire to do so, would be exposed to. Richard
Goldstone issued a bill of indictment against General Djordje Djukic
with
the intention of punishing him in a likewise manner for refusing to
"cooperate". Thus he offered the Tribunal its first big opportunity to
bring to trial a high ranking officer of the Serbian Army. Perhaps he
hoped
that this indictment along with the serious state of Djukic's health
would
force Djukic to give in and "sing". Goldstone was not at all worried by
the
cruel abuse of Djukic's serious state of health since all means are
allowed
in carrying out of international justice.
***
To be posted soon, PART II: The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic
.
Footnotes
(1) Nasa Borba, 9 February 1996, according to FoNet report of 8
February 1996.
(2) Nasa Borba, 8 February 1996, according to a report by Mirko Klarin,
correspondent in Brussels.
(3) Nasa Borba, 28 February 1996, according to a report by Mirko
Klarin, correspondent in Brussels
(4) Nasa Borba, 1 March 1996 according to a report by Mirko Klarin,
correspondent in Brussels.
(5) In a conversation with Tribunal President Antonio Cassese, one of
the
attorneys asked if President Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic
were those who they had in mind. Cassese answered that they needed to
go much higher as if he were sure who was above Karadzic and Mladic
(6) "Doctor Slobodan Ivkovic, who looked after Djordje Djukic during
his
last days, said that "inadequate treatment and therapy during his time
in
prison and hospital brought on a sudden deterioration in the General's
health" and added that General Djukic received salted, greasy food
which
"third and fourth year medical students know that patients operated on
for
cancer of pancreas must not eat". Nasa Borba, 9 February 1996.
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
***********************************************************
Bernard Kouchner's Legacy of Failure
by T.V. Weber & Alida Weber (11-7-2000)
We have long complained about the U.S. news media and its failure to
inform the public about the Clinton Administration's legacy of anarchy
and
mayhem in Kosovo. The news media in the U.S. has been virtually silent
about the ongoing genocide against Serbs and other minorities who
continue
to be victimized by terrorists associated with the "disbanded" KLA and
its
sympathizers in the U.N./KFOR occupation.
Over the past few months, though, the level of bloodshed has increased
enough that news of it begins to trickle through the blockade in the
mainstream U.S. news media.
In a 'Newsweek' interview May 15, Bernard Kouchner, the U.N. official
in
charge of the occupation of Kosovo, even admitted, "Apparently a Serb
has a
20 times greater chance of being a victim of a crime than an Albanian
does." But the tone of the Newsweek interview made it clear that neither
Kouchner nor the magazine's interviewer were unduly concerned about this
fact.
An article by 'Associated Press' writer Danica Kirka, "Three Killed in
Shooting in Kosovo," appeared in the 'Washington Post' May 29, 2000. The
article describes an act of senseless slaughter, in which an
unidentified
attacker, "thought to be an Albanian terrorist" and "armed with an
automatic weapon,
opened fire on a group of Serbs gathered in a store in Cernica." Killed
in
the attack were three Serbs: 4-year-old Milos Petrovic; Petrovic's
grandfather, Vojin Vasic, 60; and Tihomir Simjanovic, 45.
Bernard Kouchner was ready with crocodile tears, saying, "What can
possibly be gained by killing a child?"
But according to the article, Kouchner insisted that "only the regime
of
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic stands to gain by unrest in this
southern Serb province."
By making such a statement, Kouchner attempts to shift the blame for
this
innocent child's death to Mr. Milosevic. But that's ridiculous.
Milosevic,
for nearly a year, has had no control, nor even any influence, over
events
in Kosovo. Kouchner himself is the man in charge.
This incident is particularly revealing of Kouchner's true nature, but
the
murder of yet another Serb in Kosovo is, sadly, no isolated event. Too
many
other such crimes have been committed in recent months to repeat all of
them here, but an abundance of reports are available in news archives on
the Internet, for those who can stand to read such a catalogue of
tragedy
and horror.
Most revealing of all is the recent action by Doctors Without Borders
(a/k/a M�decins Sans Fronti�res or MSF), an organization that Kouchner
himself helped to found.
It should tell us something when even MSF can't keep up the charade any
longer. On August 7, 2000, MSF announced in a news release that their
organization is withdrawing from Kosovo. In their words:
"M�decins Sans Fronti�res has decided to reduce its teams and to
stop its present operations in the Kosovar enclaves. The
humanitarian organisation refuses to continue its operations on
behalf of the ethnic minorities in a context where basic
protection
for these populations is not being guaranteed by the military and
civilian administration of Kosovo." (See
http://www.msf.org/projects/europe/kosovo/reports/2000/08/pr-enclaves/
and http://www.egroups.com/message/decani/33582.).
MSF's news release was picked up by 'Associated Press 'and appeared in
'Nando Times' but did not receive wide coverage in the U.S.
Like so many other self-styled do-gooders who have made their careers
in
corrupt government bureaucracies and equally corrupt NGOs, Kouchner is a
trafficker in human misery. He won't willingly do anything to put
himself
and his fellow vultures out of business. After all, the longer he keeps
the
misery going, the longer he, and others like him, keep their jobs. But
this
works only so long as he can continue blaming the misery on someone
other
than himself. And it's getting harder for him to get away with that.
As Kouchner's term as administrator of occupied Kosovo draws to a
close,
it is clear that the reign of corruption, lawlessness, and terror in
Kosovo
represents Kouchner's personal failure. The rest of the world knows it,
even if Kouchner does not.
Further reading
1) For more articles by the Webers, please go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/artbyauth.html and click on "W"
2) Bernard Kouchner has been amazingly open in his advocacy of Kosovo
'independence' (in quotes because it comes the independence movement has
been inspired for 15 years by promises of aid and massive aid from the
U./S. and Germany) see: 'Solana and Kouchner push Kosovo 'Independence'
at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/lovein.htm
3) For more on the character of U.N. control of Kosovo see 'How will
you
plead at the trial, Mr. Annan?' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/howwill.htm
***
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/weber/weber.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands
(fine)
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Blackmail and Extortion of Proof
If Richard Goldstone had possessed reliable and incriminating evidence
against Djukic and Krsmanovic, the disturbing realization that he had
broken the Rules of the Tribunal would not have bothered him much.
Since,
however, there was no such proof or the hope that it would be found,
Goldstone was forced to twist, distort and falsify the facts in an
attempt
to extract himself. In this he was generously assisted by the president
of
the First Trial Chamber, French judge Claude Jorda. The first step was
to
change the legal status of Djordje Djukic and Aleksa Krsmanovic. To do
this
Richard Goldstone and the responsible judges off-handedly forgot that on
13
February 1996 The Hague Tribunal spokesman, Christian Chartier, publicly
announced that investigation into
two hig ranking officers had begun, that as uspects they had been
informed
that they had the right not to answer questions, the right to choose a
lawyer and that they would have at their disposal a court translator.
The
very next day, 14 February 1996, Goldstone himself announced that Djukic
and Krsmanovic had been transferred to The Hague "under suspicion that
during the conflict in former Yugoslavia they had committed serious
breaches of international humanitarian laws". However, instead of this
qualification, on 28 February Goldstone suddenly changed the status of
the
prisoners to potential witnesses, to the shock of defense lawyers, Toma
Fila and Milan Vujin, who immediately stated that this was "the first
time"
they had heard their clients were witnesses and not suspects. (3)
The real reason behind the change in the prisoners' status was due to
the
fact that in order to summon witnesses to The Hague it was not necessary
to
have either a formal demand for competence deferral by the Trial Chamber
or
a formal decision by the Sarajevo High Court deferring its competence to
the International Tribunal. According to Rule 90 bis which was
subsequently
added, the International Tribunal can demand, in the interest of a
testimony, temporary access to detained persons. Thus it turns out that
Djukic and Krsmanovic were kidnapped and formally placed under criminal
investigation in Sarajevo so that, hand cuffed, they could be
transferred
to The Hague prison in order to supposedly testify. In this way the
Prosecutor and the judges 'enriched' the international practice of
criminal
law by instituting the preventive arrest of witnesses - something
unknown
to any civilized criminal legislation. A witness can only be forcefully
brought to court if he or she does not respond to a subpoena or excuse
their absence.
Illegal Indictment
The act of issuing a bill of indictment against General Djordje Djukic
in
itself was a new and serious violation of the Rules of Procedure and
Evidence. In the surprising change of Djukic's and rsmanovic's status
from
suspects to witnesses, Richard Goldstone tacitly admitted that the Rules
had been seriously violated since there had been no previous institution
of
competence deferral procedures. Therefore, it could be assumed that the
same mistake would not be made again. It has already
been said that investigation against General Djordje Djukic and his
detention in prison had been set in motion by ruling no. Ki-57/96 of the
High Court in Sarajevo of 6 February. This meant that criminal
proceedings
before the court of the Muslim-Croat Federation had been instigated.
Under
such circumstances, especially as he did not possess any proof, the
Tribunal Prosecutor was not in the position to directly press charges
against Djukic. To do this he first had to propose to the Trial Chamber
that it submit a formal demand for deferral of competence. Only when the
High Court in Sarajevo delivered its decision to defer its competence to
the jurisdiction of the International Tribunal would Richard Goldstone
have
had the authority to issue a bill of indictment. However, he once again
broke Rules 9 and 10 of the Tribunal and did just this without the
Sarajevo
High Court deferring competence to the International Tribunal, or indeed
the International Tribunal taking over jurisdiction of this case. To
make
matters worse, Goldstone was supported by Justice Adolphus Godwin
Karibi-Whyte, who accepted the bill of indictment and signed the arrest
warrant fully aware that formal take-over of jurisdiction had not taken
place. Once again it was made clear that neither the Prosecutor nor
certain
of the judges afforded minimum respect to the Rules that should have
been-the backbone of their work.
Aside from formal default the indictment against Djukic had
inadmissible
material shortcomings - Djukic's responsibility was neither specified
nor
backed by any reliable evidence. It was stated that General Djordje
Djukic,
in his capacity as assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics, was
responsible
for the following duties: rear area supplies to all units of the Bosnian
Serb army; recommendations for all cadre appointments; issuance of
orders
related to the delivery of supplies for the Bosnian Serb army
units, regulation of rear area transfers; decisions on the procurement
and
use of materials and technical equipment from the Bosnian Serb army
warehouses. Furthermore, "Djordje Djukic, in agreement with others,
planned, prepared or aided the actions and operations of the Bosnian
Serb
army and its allies", which included the bombing of civilian buildings.
This bombing lasted from May 1992 until December 1995. During this time
"the Bosnian Serb armed forces in Sarajevo deliberately, arbitrarily and
on
a widespread and systematic basis, bombed civilian targets that were of
no
military importance in order to kill, wound, terrorize and demoralize
the
civilian population of Sarajevo".
Hence, by supplying the entire Republika Srpska army, Djukic was
directly
responsible for the war crimes committed. This indictment however, did
not
provide sufficient evidence on the basis of which a causal relationship
could have been established between the deeds of the accused and their
consequences that were qualified as war crimes. Instead of this there
was
an attempt to "prove" that General Djordje Djukic, as assistant Chief of
Staff of Logistics was directly responsible for all operations on the
front
surrounding Sarajevo.
Special attention should be paid to the fact that the Prosecutor did
not
submit the exact dates of the shelling during the given period. This
would
have lent support to the presumed causal relationship between Djordje
Djukic's acts and their consequences - the wounding, killing, and
terrorizing of the civilian population. The Prosecutor did not do this
knowing that throughout the period in question, Djordje Djukic's poor
state
of health had resulted in his extended absence from work for treatment
in
the Military Medical Academy hospital in Belgrade. In fact, had the
exact
dates of the bombing been specified Djukic would have had the perfect
alibi
- reliable proof that on the days in question he was undergoing serious
medical treatment instead of planning and preparing the crimes he was
allegedly
responsible for.
Such incomplete and inexact charges could be used as an indictment
against
thousands of other Serbian soldiers simply by introducing their personal
information and stressing their strict liability for action in any area
of
the front. This, of course, could only happen if strict liability were
an
accepted concept within the criminal law of the International Tribunal
in
The Hague. However, this is something long discarded in civilized
countries.
The evidence collected by the prosecutor was the weakest aspect in the
indictment against General Djordje Djukic. It was based on an overview
of
the organizational structure of the civil and military authority in
Republika Srpska and the internal organization of certain political
parties, including
that of Arkan (Zeljko Raznjatovic). It consisted of information related
only to General Djukic, in particular the way in which he assumed his
position in the Republika Srpska army and his official duties and
obligations. Especially surprising is the fact that this indictment
included data on
Radovan Karadzic. President of Republika Srpska, and General Ratko
Mladic,
Commander of the Republika Srpska army, and their alleged activities
(despite the fact that Richard Goldstone had already charged the two
separately). In all likelihood this was an attempt on the part of
Richard
Goldstone to implicate General Djordje Djukic merely because he
belonged
to the same military organization as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic.
A
tabular schedule of the alleged bombing of civilian targets and
population
was provided with no reference to who drew up this schedule
(it could have been done by a journalist on the basis of newspaper
reports), or how reliable the data were.
On the basis of such unconvincing and totally undetermined evidence,
Richard Goldstone detained and indicted Djordje Djukic of alleged action
that could have resulted in life imprisonment. He thereby made it clear
that the Bosnian Serbs came under a special legal category subject to
the
rule of the Queen of Hearts from Alice in Wonderland: "Sentence first -
verdict afterwards".
Professional Defeat Portrayed As "Victory of Humanism"
The Prosecutor knew very well that the offered "facts" were no sort of
proof of Djukic's individual responsibility, but he hoped that by the
time
the case (which was constantly postponed) came to court either something
convincing would be found, or the accused, in his poor state of health
would agree to "cooperate" with the Tribunal as a witness thereby more
or
less validating his presence at The Hague. However, when it became clear
that this last hope would come to nothing, Richard Goldstone summoned
the
strength to make one more desperate move: he proposed the dropping of
charges. Instead of publicly admitting that he had not succeeded in
collecting reliable and convincing evidence, he tried to promote his own
magnanimity and humanity. Despite the fact that he knew of Djukic's
incurable illness from the very beginning, Goldstone only now found it
necessary to inform the Tribunal that according to the independent
opinion
of Danish doctors, Djukic was suffering from terminal cancer that had
already metastased to other organs, including the spine. To save face,
he
ended with hoping that "the withdrawal of the indictment will not be
against his right to indict the accused at some time in the future for
these same offenses should the medical condition of the accused change".
Had the Prosecutor been truly prepared to face up to his own
professional
and human conscience, he would have had to ask himself whether the
kidnapping of Djordje Djukic, his long and debilitating "interrogation"
and
torture in the prison in Muslim Sarajevo, as well as his indictment did
not
exacerbate an accelerated worsening of his already fatal state of
health.
Would Djordje Djukic not have lived longer had he not been exposed to
such
maltreatment, loss of freedom and unfounded accusation? Instead of this
Richard Goldstone coldly noted that the accused probably would not
survived his trial and even if he did, the progressive worsening of his
health would make him almost incapable or meaningfully participating in
his
own defense. Under such conditions his trial would be inherently unfair.
Djukic's defense lawyers, Milan Vujin and Toma Fila, immediately
opposed
Richard Goldstone's proposal and his attempt to wash his hands, under
the
guise of humanity, of his numerous mistakes and the great harm he had
done
Djordje Djukic. With good reason, the defense lawyers claimed that the
Prosecutor had not backed his indictment with any form of evidence of
the
alleged guilt of Djordje Djukic. They demanded of the Tribunal that it
unconditionally free Djukic due to lack of evidence. They
also warned that any other resolution would leave the shadow of
suspicion
of Djukic's guilt as a war criminal thereby damaging his reputation and
honor.
The Trial Chamber presided over by French Justice Claude Jorda
immediately
perceived that Richard Goldstone's proposal was not in accordance with
Rule
51, which states:"The Prosecutor may withdraw an indictment without
leave,
at any time before its confirmation, but thereafter only with leave of
the
Judge who confirmed it or, if at trial only with leave of the Trial
Chamber". As no conditions are specified for the withdrawal of an
indictment as for example in the case of ill health of the accused, it
can
be assumed that this can only be done if the grounds for indictment
disappear. This implies that there was no longer any suspicion, let
alone
evidence, that war crimes had been committed by General Djukic. Thus the
withdrawal of the indictment as proposed by he Prosecutor, meant that it
should never have been made. To indict again for the same offenses
could
not be done as a result of Djukic's improvement of health since
conditional
withdrawal of an indictment does not exist. He could only be indicted
again
on the basis of new, collected evidence.
Confronted by this state of affairs, the Trial Chamber tried to find a
solution which would, at least temporarily, save the face of the
Tribunal
and its Prosecutor. Citing Rule 65 on provisional release, it decided to
free Djukic from detention due to his poor state of health and the lack
of
proper medical care in the prison, leaving the indictment in force.
However, this was a breach of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence that
were
passed by the Tribunal itself. Paragraph (B) of Rule 65 states that a
detained person can be temporarily released "only in exceptional
circumstances, after hearing the representatives of the host country",
i.e.
Holland, and possibly of the Yugoslav Federal Republic where Djukic
traveled to on his release. In a feverish rush to find a way out of this
worrying and humiliating position, the Trial Chamber conveniently forgot
this important stipulation, and gave
no hearing to either Dutch or Yugoslav Government representatives.
Thereby
Djukic's case ended as it began - by flagrant and shameful breach of the
rules that are laid down in civilized criminal procedures. There only
remained for the Appeals Chamber to rule on the Prosecutor's appeal and
the complaint lodged by the defense lawyers who persistently demanded
that
the case be closed with a meritorious, and not procedural, verdict -
meaning that Djordje Djukic be freed on lack of evidence which would
preserve his reputation. Despite their professional and moral defeat,
the
Prosecutor and judges at The Hague at least had the satisfaction of
knowing
that they had shortened the life (6) of General Djordje Djukic by
speeding
up his death - like the riders of the Apocalypse. Djukic's death
came very fast. Already on 18 May 1996, General Djordje Djukic silently
passed away.
If at first glance this looked like clumsy and naive sophistry, in
essence
and by its consequences it was diabolical subterfuge. By changing the
status of the prisoners from suspects to witnesses, the Prosecutor
practically "offered" General Djukic and Colonel Krsmanovic the
opportunity
to testify
against other people in return for their own release from the charges
and
trial. Clearly this was a form of blackmail and extortion. The
Prosecutor
must have known that such "testimony" is of doubtful credibility since
it
is hard to believe someone who would implicate someone else in order to
be
absolved. What is worse is that the blackmail was substantiated by a
dangerous threat: either you "sing" here in The Hague or we'll hand you
back to your torturers in Muslim Sarajevo. That this was blackmail and
threat was clear to the president of the Trial Chamber, Claude Jorda,
who
almost incredulously asked General Djukic and his lawyer - Milan Vujin
and
Toma Fila - a number of times whether they were aware that if Djukic did
not "voluntarily" testify at The Hague he would be returned to Muslim
Sarajevo where his only hope was the death sentence for alleged
participation in genocide (4) to say nothing of abuse and torture in
prison, something the Muslim police are accustomed and partial to.
In face of the firm refusal of General Djordje Djukic and Colonel
Aleksa
Krsmanovic to "cooperate" with the Prosecutor, at the beginning of May
1996
Richard Goldstone pulled another diabolical move: he decided to separate
the fates of the two Hague prisoners by indicting General Djukic and
returning Colonel Krsmanovic to the mercy of the Muslim police and
Sarajevo
judiciary. This separation was difficult because both were rear officers
-
Djukic was assistant Chief of Staff of Logistics of the Republika Srpska
army, and Krsmanovic deputy commander of the Sarajevo-Romanija rear
corps.
If General Djukic was charged with taking part in the bombing and
destruction of Sarajevo because he supplied with food and ammunition the
Sarajevo-Romanija corps that had surrounded Muslim Sarajevo, why should
Colonel Krsmanovic, who sent the supplies he received from Djukic to the
artillery batteries on the heights around Sarajevo, not answer for the
same
crime? However, what was impossible from the point of view of legal
logic
and principles, was permissible and possible from a practical point of
view, and this is the only thing that seemed to govern Richard
Goldstone.
And what was this practical purpose? When the Prosecutor offered Djukic
and Krsmanovic the opportunity to "cooperate" by implicating their
seniors
(5), their refusal would have had to be so severely punished that in the
future any other person forcefully brought to "testify" at The Hague
would
have had in mind their example and been aware there was no choice but
to
cooperate. This is why Krsmanovic was immediately returned to Sarajevo,
even though the Prosecutor and judges knew very well the danger their
untried witness, against whom they could bring absolutely no charges, no
matter how great their desire to do so, would be exposed to. Richard
Goldstone issued a bill of indictment against General Djordje Djukic
with
the intention of punishing him in a likewise manner for refusing to
"cooperate". Thus he offered the Tribunal its first big opportunity to
bring to trial a high ranking officer of the Serbian Army. Perhaps he
hoped
that this indictment along with the serious state of Djukic's health
would
force Djukic to give in and "sing". Goldstone was not at all worried by
the
cruel abuse of Djukic's serious state of health since all means are
allowed
in carrying out of international justice.
***
To be posted soon, PART II: The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic
.
Footnotes
(1) Nasa Borba, 9 February 1996, according to FoNet report of 8
February 1996.
(2) Nasa Borba, 8 February 1996, according to a report by Mirko Klarin,
correspondent in Brussels.
(3) Nasa Borba, 28 February 1996, according to a report by Mirko
Klarin, correspondent in Brussels
(4) Nasa Borba, 1 March 1996 according to a report by Mirko Klarin,
correspondent in Brussels.
(5) In a conversation with Tribunal President Antonio Cassese, one of
the
attorneys asked if President Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic
were those who they had in mind. Cassese answered that they needed to
go much higher as if he were sure who was above Karadzic and Mladic
(6) "Doctor Slobodan Ivkovic, who looked after Djordje Djukic during
his
last days, said that "inadequate treatment and therapy during his time
in
prison and hospital brought on a sudden deterioration in the General's
health" and added that General Djukic received salted, greasy food
which
"third and fourth year medical students know that patients operated on
for
cancer of pancreas must not eat". Nasa Borba, 9 February 1996.
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
***********************************************************
Bernard Kouchner's Legacy of Failure
by T.V. Weber & Alida Weber (11-7-2000)
We have long complained about the U.S. news media and its failure to
inform the public about the Clinton Administration's legacy of anarchy
and
mayhem in Kosovo. The news media in the U.S. has been virtually silent
about the ongoing genocide against Serbs and other minorities who
continue
to be victimized by terrorists associated with the "disbanded" KLA and
its
sympathizers in the U.N./KFOR occupation.
Over the past few months, though, the level of bloodshed has increased
enough that news of it begins to trickle through the blockade in the
mainstream U.S. news media.
In a 'Newsweek' interview May 15, Bernard Kouchner, the U.N. official
in
charge of the occupation of Kosovo, even admitted, "Apparently a Serb
has a
20 times greater chance of being a victim of a crime than an Albanian
does." But the tone of the Newsweek interview made it clear that neither
Kouchner nor the magazine's interviewer were unduly concerned about this
fact.
An article by 'Associated Press' writer Danica Kirka, "Three Killed in
Shooting in Kosovo," appeared in the 'Washington Post' May 29, 2000. The
article describes an act of senseless slaughter, in which an
unidentified
attacker, "thought to be an Albanian terrorist" and "armed with an
automatic weapon,
opened fire on a group of Serbs gathered in a store in Cernica." Killed
in
the attack were three Serbs: 4-year-old Milos Petrovic; Petrovic's
grandfather, Vojin Vasic, 60; and Tihomir Simjanovic, 45.
Bernard Kouchner was ready with crocodile tears, saying, "What can
possibly be gained by killing a child?"
But according to the article, Kouchner insisted that "only the regime
of
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic stands to gain by unrest in this
southern Serb province."
By making such a statement, Kouchner attempts to shift the blame for
this
innocent child's death to Mr. Milosevic. But that's ridiculous.
Milosevic,
for nearly a year, has had no control, nor even any influence, over
events
in Kosovo. Kouchner himself is the man in charge.
This incident is particularly revealing of Kouchner's true nature, but
the
murder of yet another Serb in Kosovo is, sadly, no isolated event. Too
many
other such crimes have been committed in recent months to repeat all of
them here, but an abundance of reports are available in news archives on
the Internet, for those who can stand to read such a catalogue of
tragedy
and horror.
Most revealing of all is the recent action by Doctors Without Borders
(a/k/a M�decins Sans Fronti�res or MSF), an organization that Kouchner
himself helped to found.
It should tell us something when even MSF can't keep up the charade any
longer. On August 7, 2000, MSF announced in a news release that their
organization is withdrawing from Kosovo. In their words:
"M�decins Sans Fronti�res has decided to reduce its teams and to
stop its present operations in the Kosovar enclaves. The
humanitarian organisation refuses to continue its operations on
behalf of the ethnic minorities in a context where basic
protection
for these populations is not being guaranteed by the military and
civilian administration of Kosovo." (See
http://www.msf.org/projects/europe/kosovo/reports/2000/08/pr-enclaves/
and http://www.egroups.com/message/decani/33582.).
MSF's news release was picked up by 'Associated Press 'and appeared in
'Nando Times' but did not receive wide coverage in the U.S.
Like so many other self-styled do-gooders who have made their careers
in
corrupt government bureaucracies and equally corrupt NGOs, Kouchner is a
trafficker in human misery. He won't willingly do anything to put
himself
and his fellow vultures out of business. After all, the longer he keeps
the
misery going, the longer he, and others like him, keep their jobs. But
this
works only so long as he can continue blaming the misery on someone
other
than himself. And it's getting harder for him to get away with that.
As Kouchner's term as administrator of occupied Kosovo draws to a
close,
it is clear that the reign of corruption, lawlessness, and terror in
Kosovo
represents Kouchner's personal failure. The rest of the world knows it,
even if Kouchner does not.
Further reading
1) For more articles by the Webers, please go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/artbyauth.html and click on "W"
2) Bernard Kouchner has been amazingly open in his advocacy of Kosovo
'independence' (in quotes because it comes the independence movement has
been inspired for 15 years by promises of aid and massive aid from the
U./S. and Germany) see: 'Solana and Kouchner push Kosovo 'Independence'
at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/lovein.htm
3) For more on the character of U.N. control of Kosovo see 'How will
you
plead at the trial, Mr. Annan?' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/howwill.htm
***
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/weber/weber.htm
www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes]
Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands
(fine)
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Contributi e segnalazioni: <jugocoord@...>
Sito WEB : http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Una newsletter personale,
un forum web personale,
una mailing list personale, ...?
Gratis sotto
http://www.ecircle.de/ad308444/www.ecircle.it
Yugoslavia poised to resume diplomatic relations with U.S.
Kostunica: Ties with U.S. 'restored in days'
November 2, 2000
Web posted at: 3:20 PM EST (2020 GMT)
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (CNN) -- President Vojislav Kostunica has revealed
that Yugoslavia will restore diplomatic relations with the United States in "a
matter of days."
In an exclusive interview with CNN's Alessio Vinci on Thursday, Kostunica
said: "Very soon, it is practically a matter of days, week or so.
"I do not know how much time it will take. First of all we must have a new
government."
Kostunica was speaking as the Belgrade press hailed Yugoslavia's entry into
the United Nations as a sign that the country had "rejoined the world."
In Serbia, several papers gave credit to the new leadership for moving
speedily to get Yugoslavia into the world body after eight years on the
margins under former president Slobodan Milosevic.
The 189-member General Assembly's unanimous decision, in the middle of
the night in Europe, to admit Yugoslavia came too late for newspapers to
produce considered commentaries on its wider significance, but the
coverage was prominent and positive.
IN-DEPTH
Uprising in Serbia
. Milosevic profile
. Kostunica profile
. Ambition and wealth
. Timeline 1945-2000
. Shrinking of Yugoslavia
. Message board
. Sanctions highlights
. Sick society
. Aftermath of an uprising
. Serbia: A day of change
. Protest in pictures
"We are part of the world again" proclaimed Belgrade's Politika daily in its
main front page headline.
Kostunica readily admitted to facing hurdles witihin the republic as tall as
those on the international arena. But he was more guarded on the prospects
of ousted Yugoslav president and indicted war criminal Slobodan Milosevic.
Milosevic "will come to trial"
Kostunica admitted his biggest challenges now lay in revitalising a moribund
economy and revitalising institutions that had waned or disappeared under
Milosevic's reign.
"The Milosevic regime was more than authoritarian -- we had nothing that
looked like normal elections, like normal media -- and because of the
discontent (that bred) there was a feeling of instability throughout society,"
Kostunica said.
The successor to the leadership insisted that Milosevic would be tried for his
crimes.
Kostunica had previously said he would pursue a trial against Milosevic
within Yugoslavia but on Thursday he refused to rule out handing over the
former leader to a war crimes tribunal in the Hague.
"The most serious punishment for Milosevic was to lose power. There are all
sorts of trials and Milosevic will come to that trial -- but I am not so narrow in
speaking about whether it will be the Hague or some sort of trial within the
country," he said.
The Yugoslav Parliament is expected to convene on Friday and give its
confidence on the new interim government on Saturday.
But the process may not go smoothly.
The leader of the multi-party alliance backing Kostunica said on Thursday it
would take no further part in the work of the Serbian government unless state
security chief Rade Markovic resigned.
Zoran Djindjic said the bloc had also unanimously demanded Yugoslav Army
chief of staff General Nebojsa Pavkovic's removal and was surprised his
position was not discussed when Kostunica chaired a meeting of the body
overseeing the army on Wednesday.
Djindjic, co-ordinator of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia bloc, said both
men were symbols of the repressive regime of Milosevic and had to go.
The DOS is sharing power with Milosevic's Socialists in a transitional
government intended to rule up to the elections planned for December.
But Djindjic said the DOS would not take part in Serbian government work
unless Markovic quit or was removed -- a measure which would require the
Socialists' consent. Several attempts to force Markovic out in the past week
have not succeeded.
-----------------------------------------------------------end
------
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Kostunica: Ties with U.S. 'restored in days'
November 2, 2000
Web posted at: 3:20 PM EST (2020 GMT)
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (CNN) -- President Vojislav Kostunica has revealed
that Yugoslavia will restore diplomatic relations with the United States in "a
matter of days."
In an exclusive interview with CNN's Alessio Vinci on Thursday, Kostunica
said: "Very soon, it is practically a matter of days, week or so.
"I do not know how much time it will take. First of all we must have a new
government."
Kostunica was speaking as the Belgrade press hailed Yugoslavia's entry into
the United Nations as a sign that the country had "rejoined the world."
In Serbia, several papers gave credit to the new leadership for moving
speedily to get Yugoslavia into the world body after eight years on the
margins under former president Slobodan Milosevic.
The 189-member General Assembly's unanimous decision, in the middle of
the night in Europe, to admit Yugoslavia came too late for newspapers to
produce considered commentaries on its wider significance, but the
coverage was prominent and positive.
IN-DEPTH
Uprising in Serbia
. Milosevic profile
. Kostunica profile
. Ambition and wealth
. Timeline 1945-2000
. Shrinking of Yugoslavia
. Message board
. Sanctions highlights
. Sick society
. Aftermath of an uprising
. Serbia: A day of change
. Protest in pictures
"We are part of the world again" proclaimed Belgrade's Politika daily in its
main front page headline.
Kostunica readily admitted to facing hurdles witihin the republic as tall as
those on the international arena. But he was more guarded on the prospects
of ousted Yugoslav president and indicted war criminal Slobodan Milosevic.
Milosevic "will come to trial"
Kostunica admitted his biggest challenges now lay in revitalising a moribund
economy and revitalising institutions that had waned or disappeared under
Milosevic's reign.
"The Milosevic regime was more than authoritarian -- we had nothing that
looked like normal elections, like normal media -- and because of the
discontent (that bred) there was a feeling of instability throughout society,"
Kostunica said.
The successor to the leadership insisted that Milosevic would be tried for his
crimes.
Kostunica had previously said he would pursue a trial against Milosevic
within Yugoslavia but on Thursday he refused to rule out handing over the
former leader to a war crimes tribunal in the Hague.
"The most serious punishment for Milosevic was to lose power. There are all
sorts of trials and Milosevic will come to that trial -- but I am not so narrow in
speaking about whether it will be the Hague or some sort of trial within the
country," he said.
The Yugoslav Parliament is expected to convene on Friday and give its
confidence on the new interim government on Saturday.
But the process may not go smoothly.
The leader of the multi-party alliance backing Kostunica said on Thursday it
would take no further part in the work of the Serbian government unless state
security chief Rade Markovic resigned.
Zoran Djindjic said the bloc had also unanimously demanded Yugoslav Army
chief of staff General Nebojsa Pavkovic's removal and was surprised his
position was not discussed when Kostunica chaired a meeting of the body
overseeing the army on Wednesday.
Djindjic, co-ordinator of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia bloc, said both
men were symbols of the repressive regime of Milosevic and had to go.
The DOS is sharing power with Milosevic's Socialists in a transitional
government intended to rule up to the elections planned for December.
But Djindjic said the DOS would not take part in Serbian government work
unless Markovic quit or was removed -- a measure which would require the
Socialists' consent. Several attempts to force Markovic out in the past week
have not succeeded.
-----------------------------------------------------------end
------
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
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Contributi e segnalazioni: <jugocoord@...>
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