* Appoggiamo i detenuti in sciopero della fame a Kosovska Mitrovica !
* La KFOR garantisce l'impunita' agli assassini pan-albanesi
* La Albanian-American Civil League spalanca la porta del Congresso USA
al killer dell'UCK Ramush Hajredinaj
* Ancora un articolo sulla alleanza USA-UCK
* 5 marzo: leader del "disciolto" UCK commemora il terrorista Jashari
tra gli spari urlando "Lunga vita all'UCK!"
---
Pls. support this call. We intent to hand over the petition by a
solidarity
delegation to K Mitrovica. The specific Austrian references will be
omitted
for the use in Kosovo.
JÖSB, Vienna, April 29, 2000
*******
To:
Bernard Kouchner, UNMIK governor
Juan Ortuno, KFOR commander
chief protectorate prosecutor
Kaplan Baruti, president of the court of Kosovska Mitrovica
Sven Eric Laarsen, UNMIK police chief of Kosovska Mitrovica
Benita Ferrero-Waldner, minister of foreign affairs
Albert Rohan, general secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Freedom for the political prisoners in Kosovo who are in hunger strike
We, the undersigned individuals and organisations, request the UN
protectorate authorities, UNMIK, to immediately release the thirty-six
Serbs
and Roma who are in hunger strike, as well as their five fellow
detainees in
the UN prison of Kosovska
Mitrovica, if they are only being accused of summary offences.
We request the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to bring their
influence
to bear in this sense.
Substantiation:
1
For almost one year the non-Albanian detainees are being held without
the
prospect of trials in court. According to press statements, not even
preliminary examinations are being conducted.
2
At the same time, assassins motivated by Albanian nationalism?such as
the
recent case of Dzeljalj Ademi, who threw a hand grenade in the Serb
Ghetto
of Mitrovica, injuring 22 Serb civilians and 14 French NATO soldiers?are
released without being tried.
3
Until now the protectorate judiciary was not at all able to dispel the
massive doubts of their impartiality.
4
Under the given circumstances?as the UÇK/KSK is still armed and still
acting
as a belligerent power in a civil war and expelled great parts of the
national minorities and political critics?to own and to carry weapons,
which
is the main accusation against
the detained non-Albanians, is pure self-defence.
To detain the non-Albanians of Kosovska Mitrovica obviously has
political
and nationalist motives and they have to be freed immediately.
Yugoslav Austrian Solidarity Movement
(Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung)
Vienna, April 27th, 2000
****************************
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB)
PF 217, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
joesb@...
---
KFOR refused to arrest Albanian assassin
http://www.serbia-info.com, April 14, 2000
Kosovska Vitina, April
14th, - KFOR patrol
refused to arrest
20-year-old Albanian,
who, on October 22nd last
year, killed teacher
Milivoje Ilic from Binca
near Kosovska Vitina with
a gun shot, radio amateurs
reported today.
This young Albanian was identified by late Ilic`s
family
near Serbian Orthodox Church St. Petka in Vitina. The
family appealed to the nearest KFOR patrol demanding
that this Albanian be arrested. The patrol refused to
do
so, explaining that they were not authorized for such
actions and that it was UNMIK police's
responsibility.
UNMIK police arrived only after one hour, as the
amateur radio report says, but in the meantime
Albanian
interpreter warned his suspected compatriot and he
managed to run away.
KFOR has arrested Serbs so far even without the
International Police's presence, without evidence and
according to false charges on the Albanian side.
Ilic was wounded on October 22nd last year, radio
amateurs remind, when a group of Albanians ran into
his
front yard, allegedly looking for their tractor. When
Ilic
said that there was no tractor around, the young
Albanian shot him in cold blood, after which the
terrorists escaped from the crime scene by car.
Milivoje
Ilic died from his wounds a month later.
---
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Public "servants" must be required sub-poena to divulge contributions///
Tue, 11 Apr 2000 13:27:32 -0400
From: deepfrote
In the Rayburn Building DioGuardi and his KLA cronies, including
Cdr Ramush will be lying.
WHY IS THE U.S. CONGRESS HOSTING THE TERRORIST RAMUSH HAJREDINAJ?
One of today's invited speakers is the commander of the KLA's
Southern Region, Ramush Hajredinaj. While most Congressmen may not at
this
time be aware of Commander Ramush's background as a cold-blooded
terrorist,
his record over the past two years, including his attacks on moderate
Albanians, makes him a better candidate for a prison cell than as a
speaker
in the home of American democracy. This memorandum provides some
background information on the murderer who was invited to sit before you
today.
The first Associated Press article chronicles Hajredinaj's
"hard-line" refusal to participate in a peaceful solution to Kosovo's
mayhem. Among his other exploits, Hajredinaj oversaw the grenade attack
on
the "Panda" cafe in Pec in December 1998, in which six children were
killed. Note particularly his uncompromising desire for Kosovo's
violent
secession, and his stated willingness to use force to achieve this
aim. NATO and UN policy opposes Kosovo's secession from
Yugoslavia. Despite this policy, Hajredinaj has been appointed as a
deputy
commander of the KLA's successor, the Kosovo Protection Force, placing
him
in a position to subvert the agreement that ended the war. Instead of
promoting stability in Kosovo, the appointment of this "hard-liner" is a
guarantee of future violence.
The second Associated Press article describes a KLA-run torture
center in Prizren where moderate Albanians and Roma were subject to
physical abuse, and several were killed. The KLA commander responsible
for
this barbaric treatment of his fellow citizens? None other than Ramush
Hajredinaj, the man invited here today.
The Times of London (Oct. 10, 1999) quotes a diplomat's
description of Hajredinaj as one of "a bunch of
local thugs". Perhaps Hajredinaj does qualify as an expert on Kosovo's
violence, because he was responsible for so much of it.
Kosovo Rebels Won't Give Up Guns, by Anne Thompson, The Associated Press
(March 8, 1999)
JABLANICA, Yugoslavia (AP) -- Sitting in his headquarters along the
snow-capped mountains of the Albanian border, hard-line rebel commander
Ramush Hajredinaj remains adamant that the Kosovo Liberation Army will
never give up its guns.
Disarmament is the biggest barrier to getting the KLA to sign a
U.S.-backed
peace agreement, and a second day of ethnic Albanian rebel meetings
Monday
produced no firm results despite the entreaties of U.S. envoy
Christopher
Hill.
The deal envisions the KLA becoming a political party, with some rebels
joining an ethnic Albanian-run police force. But after years of covert
planning, of training in the woods and smuggling guns into Kosovo for
the
fight for independence, the KLA is unwilling to forsake the army it
worked
so hard to build up.
They also fear not having a defensive force against the Serbs.
"Not to have an army would be a big mistake," said Hajredinaj, one of
five
KLA commanders invited to visit Washington in another diplomatic move to
persuade rebels to adopt the deal for Kosovo self-rule.
Without the rebels, Kosovo Albanian politicians will not sign. And
without
full cooperation from all Albanian factions, NATO cannot follow through
on
military threats aimed at getting Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
to
also agree.
The negotiations come after a year of bitter ethnic war in Kosovo, a
southern province in the Serb republic that dominates Yugoslavia, where
ethnic Albanians outnumber Serbs nine to one.
Hajredinaj (pronounced high-re-DEE-nai) is one of the most militant
commanders in the rebel army, and some observers worry hard-liners might
continue to fight even if politicians and other rebel leaders accept
peace.
His men already are suspected of carrying out the Panda Cafe murders,
when
masked rebels opened fire in December on a restaurant the city of Pec,
killing six Serbian youths. His men also are suspected of shooting at
U.S.
diplomatic monitors. And Hajredinaj himself is wanted by the Serb regime
as
a terrorist.
His territory, along the western flank of Kosovo, hums with a military
spark and efficiency, with a tight chain of command and a fierce loyalty
to
a leader almost worshipped for his fighting skill and strategic prowess.
"When I mention his name, I feeling like bowing. That's how much I
respect
him,"' said battalion leader Arzen Bytyqi, 23, wearing a red beret and a
green camouflage uniform with KLA patches emblazoned with their emblem:
the
two-headed black eagle.
Now 30, Hajredinaj served one year in the Yugoslav army, during which he
says he was learning to be a soldier to fight for Kosovo independence.
Like
many ethnic Albanians, he also lived in Switzerland and France, earning
money for the cause before coming home in the early 1990s to take up
arms.
"I've been thinking of independence since I was a child. It was my
training
from my parents," said the commander.
His wife also serves in the KLA, as do his sister and five brothers.
"We can accept everything that doesn't destroy the way to independence,"
Hajredinaj said Monday, suggesting that he, like other commanders, are
ready to accept autonomy as a first step. "If NATO comes, we won't have
to
be a liberation army anymore. We'll change and become a regular army,"
the
commander said.
"Washington knows what we want," he added with a smile. "We've been
clear
from the very beginning."
AP-NY-03-08-99 1527EST
KLA discovered torturing Albanians in Kosovo, by Melissa Eddy,
Associated
Press (June 18, 1999)
PRIZREN, Yugoslavia -- (AP) -- German soldiers detained 25 ethnic
Albanian
rebels today after finding one elderly man dead and more than 15 others
hurt in a police station that had been under control of the Kosovo
Liberation Army since early this week.
Most of the victims seemed to be ethnic Albanians or Gypsies between the
ages of 50 and 60, said Lt. Col. Dietmar Jeserich, a spokesman for the
German army serving in the Kosovo peace force in the region.
During the Kosovo conflict that started February 1998 and ended in a
peace
deal last week, the KLA had assassinated not only Serbs but also ethnic
Albanians and Gypsies believed loyal to the Belgrade regime of Slobodan
Milosevic.
One man in his 70s was found dead, chained to a chair. He appeared to
have
died shortly before the German soldiers arrived, Jeserich said. Most of
the
injured had bloody wounds and bruises, many on their faces. One man had
huge purple welts across his back. Two or three others had what
appeared
to be stab wounds in their legs. Many were found chained to radiators,
Jeserich said.
The wounded received first aid at the scene, then were transferred to a
nearby military hospital.
About 25 KLA members were detained and marched away from the police
station
under German guard. It was unclear where they were taken. One man, who
gave
his name as Gani Berisha, said the KLA had beaten him, although he
insisted
he had done nothing wrong.
German troops found a stash of weapons, including grenades, machine
guns,
mortars and shells. They also found heavy wooden sticks and spikes with
nails that they said appeared to be "instruments of torture."
Memorandum prepared on April 11, 2000.
At 10:49 PM 04/07/2000 -0400, Penn1023@... wrote:
>THE ALBANIAN AMERICAN CIVIC LEAGUE
>
>is pleased to announce the arrival of a delegation from Kosova
>
>for
>
>THE FIRST CONGRESSIONAL HEARING ON POSTWAR KOSOVA
>
>Capitol Hill, Washington, DC, Tuesday, April 11
>
>Testimony for Kosova will be given by:
>
>Bajram Rexhepi, M.D., Mayor of Mitrovice
>Major General Ramush Haradinaj, TMK, formerly Supreme Command, UCK
>Prof. Muhamet Mustafa, President, Riinvest Institute for Development
>Research
>Former Congressman Joe DioGuardi, President, Albanian American Civic League
>Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi, Balkan Affairs Adviser, Albanian American Civic
>League
>
>The delegation from Kosova also includes Halil Berani, chairman of the
>Mitrovice chapter of the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and
>Freedoms, Musa Januzi, Council of Trepca Mine Workers, Shyqyri Kelmendi,
>former director of the Trepca mines, and Dr. Esad Stavileci, Professor of
>Law, University of Prishtina.
>
---
British documentary substantiates US-KLA collusion in
provoking war with Serbia
Related Sunday Times article alleges CIA role
By Chris Marsden
16 March 2000
On Sunday, March 12, Britain's BBC2 television channel ran a documentary
by Alan Little entitled
"Moral Combat: NATO At War". The program contained damning evidence of
how the Clinton
administration set out to create a pretext for declaring war against the
Milosevic regime in Serbia
by sponsoring the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), then pressed
this decision on its
European allies. The revelations in the documentary were reinforced by
an accompanying article in
the Sunday Times.
Little conducted frank interviews with leading players in the Kosovo
conflict, the most pertinent
being those with US Secretary of State Madeline Albright, Assistant
Secretary of State James
Rubin, US Envoy Richard Holbrooke, William Walker, head of the UN
Verification Mission, and
KLA leader Hashim Thaci. These were supplemented by many others.
The documentary set out to explain how "a shared enmity towards
Milosevic" made "allies of a
shadowy band of guerrillas and the most powerful nations on
earth”.
Ever since the Bosnian war of 1995, the KLA, seeking to capitalise on
popular resentment among
Kosovan Albanians against the regime in Belgrade, had pursued a strategy
of destabilising the
Serbian province of Kosovo by acts of terrorism, in the hope that the US
and NATO would
intervene. They ambushed Serb patrols and killed policemen.
"Any armed action we undertook would bring retaliation against
civilians," KLA leader Thaci
explained. "We knew we were endangering a great number of civilian
lives." The benefits of this
strategy were made plain by Dug Gorani, a Kosovo Albanian negotiator not
tied to the KLA: "The
more civilians were killed, the chances of international intervention
became bigger, and the KLA
of course realised that. There was this foreign diplomat who once told
me, 'Look, unless you pass
the quota of five thousand deaths you'll never have anybody permanently
present in Kosovo from
foreign diplomacy.'"
Albright was receptive to the KLA's strategy because the US was anxious
to stage a military
conflict with Serbia. Her series of interviews began chillingly with the
words: "I believed in the
ultimate power, the goodness of the power of the allies and led by the
United States." The KLA's
campaign of provocations was seized upon as the vehicle through which
the use of this power could
be sanctioned.
A March 5, 1998 attack by the Serbian army on the home in Prekaz of a
leading KLA commander,
Adem Jashari, in which 53 people died, became the occasion for a meeting
of the Contact group of
NATO powers four days later. Albright pushed for a tough anti-Serbian
response. "I thought it
behoved me to say to my colleagues that we could not repeat the kinds of
mistakes that had
happened over Bosnia, where there was a lot of talk and no action," she
told Little.
NATO threatened Belgrade with a military response for the first time.
"The ambitions of the KLA,
and the intentions of the NATO allies, were converging," Little
commented. He then showed how a
subsequent public meeting between US Envoy Richard Holbrooke and KLA
personnel at Junik
angered Belgrade and gave encouragement to the Albanian separatists.
General Nebojsa Pavkovic,
the commander of the Yugoslav army in Kosovo, states, "When the official
ambassador of another
country arrives here, ignores state officials, but holds a meeting with
the Albanian terrorists, then
it's quite clear they are getting support."
Lirak Cejal, a KLA soldier, went further, "I knew that since then, that
the USA, NATO, will put us
in their hands. They were looking for the head of the KLA, and when they
found it they will have it
in their hand, and then they will control the KLA."
By October 1998 NATO had succeeded in imposing a cease-fire agreement,
partly by threat of
force and partly because of Serbia's success in routing the KLA. A
cease-fire monitoring force [the
Kosovo Verification Mission] was sent into the province under the
auspices of the Organisation for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and headed by William Walker.
The interview with Cejal is the only reference to US control of the KLA
in Little's documentary,
and then it is only anecdotal. It seems that the BBC for its own reasons
chose to back-pedal on this
issue, given the article in the Sunday Times that ran the same day
Little's documentary was aired.
Times journalists Tom Walker and Aidan Laverty wrote: "Several Americans
who were directly
involved in CIA activities or close to them have spoken to the makers of
Moral Combat, a
documentary to be broadcast on BBC2 tonight, and to The Sunday Times
about their clandestine
roles ‘in giving covert assistance to the KLA' before NATO began
its bombing campaign in
Kosovo."
The Sunday Times explained that the anonymous sources "admitted they
helped to train the Kosovo
Liberation Army". They add that CIA officers were "cease-fire monitors
in Kosovo in 1998 and
1999, developing ties with the KLA and giving American military training
manuals and field
advice on fighting the Yugoslav army and Serbian police.”
The Times article continued: "When the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE), which co-ordinated the monitoring, left Kosovo a week before
airstrikes began a year
ago, many of its satellite telephones and global positioning systems
were secretly handed to the
KLA, ensuring that guerrilla commanders could stay in touch with NATO
and Washington.
Several KLA leaders had the mobile phone number of General Wesley Clark,
the NATO
commander."
The article goes on to cite unnamed "European diplomats then working for
the OSCE" who "claim
it was betrayed by an American policy that made air strikes inevitable."
They cite a European
envoy accusing OSCE head of mission Walker of running a CIA operation:
"The American agenda
consisted of their diplomatic observers, aka the CIA, operating on
completely different terms to the
rest of Europe and the OSCE."
Walker was the American ambassador to El Salvador when the US was
helping to suppress leftist
rebels there and is widely suspected of being a CIA operative. He denies
this, but admitted to the
Sunday Times that the CIA was almost certainly involved in the countdown
to air strikes:
"Overnight we went from having a handful of people to 130 or more. Could
the agency have put
them in at that point? Sure they could. It's their job."
The newspaper cites the more candid comments of its CIA sources: "It was
a CIA front, gathering
intelligence on the KLA's arms and leadership," one says. "I'd tell them
[the KLA] which hill to
avoid, which wood to go behind, that sort of thing," said another.
To back up these claims, the Sunday Times notes that Shaban Shala, a KLA
commander now active
in the campaign to destabilise ethnic Albanian areas in Serbia, claims
to have met British,
American and Swiss agents in northern Albania in 1996.
Little's BBC documentary makes no such explicit suggestion of CIA
backing for the KLA, but it
does put flesh on the bones of how the cease-fire became the occasion
for strengthening the
separatists' grip on Kosovo. He explains that wherever the Serbs
withdrew their forces in
compliance with the agreement, the KLA moved in. KLA military leader
Agim Ceku says, "The
cease-fire was very useful for us, it helped us to get organised, to
consolidate and grow." Nothing
was done to prevent this, despite Serbian protests.
Little explains that the BBC has obtained confidential minutes of the
North Atlantic Council or
NAC, NATO's governing body, which state that the KLA was "the main
initiator of the violence"
and that privately Walker called its actions a "deliberate campaign of
provocation". It was this
covert backing for the KLA by the US which provoked Serbia into ending
its cease-fire and
sending the army back into Kosovo.
The next major turn of events leading up to NATO's war against Serbia
was the alleged massacre
of ethnic Albanians at Racek on January 15, 1999. To this day, the issue
of whether Serbian forces
killed civilians in revenge attacks at Racek is hotly contested by
Belgrade, which claims that the
KLA staged the alleged massacre, using corpses from earlier fighting.
It is certainly the case that when the Serb forces pulled out after
announcing the killing of 15 KLA
personnel, international monitors who entered the village reported
nothing unusual. It was not until
the following morning, after the KLA had retaken control of the village,
that Walker made a visit
and announced that a massacre by the Serbian police and the Yugoslav
army had occurred. Little
confirms that Walker had contacted both Holbrooke and General Clarke
before making his
announcement.
Racek was to prove the final pretext for a declaration of war, but first
Washington had to make
sure that the European powers, which, aside from Britain, were still
pushing for a diplomatic
solution, would come on board. Talks were convened at Rambouillet,
France backed by the threat
of war.
Little explains: "The Europeans, some reluctant converts to the threat
of force, earnestly pressed for
an agreement both the Serbs and the Albanians could accept. But the
Americans were more
sceptical. They had come to Rambouillet with an alternative outcome in
mind."
Both Albright and Rubin are extraordinarily candid about what they set
out to accomplish at
Rambouillet. They presented an ultimatum that the Serbian government
could not possibly accept,
because it demanded a NATO occupation of not just Kosovo, but
unrestricted access to the whole of
Serbia. As Serbian General Pavcovic comments: "They would have unlimited
rights of movement
and deployment, little short of occupation. Nobody could accept it."
This was the US's intention. Albright told the BBC: "If the Serbs would
not agree [to the
Rambouillet ultimatum], and the Albanians would agree, then there was a
very clear cause for
using force." Rubin added, "Obviously, publicly, we had to make clear we
were seeking an
agreement, but privately we knew the chances of the Serbs agreeing were
quite small."
KLA leader Thaci was the only problem, because he was demanding the
inclusion of a referendum
on independence. So Albright was despatched on St. Valentines Day to
take charge of winning him
over. Veton Suroi, a political rival of the KLA involved in the talks,
gives a candid description of
Albright's message to Thaci: "She was saying, you sign, the Serbs don't
sign, we bomb. You sign,
the Serbs sign, you have NATO in. So it's up to you."
After three weeks of discussions, Thaci finally agreed to sign the
Rambouillet Accord. The path
was cleared for the US to begin an open war against Serbia, a war that
had been prepared with the
aid of CIA dirty tricks and political manoeuvring with terrorist forces.
---
Kosovo Albanian fighters put on show of force PREKAZ, Yugoslavia, March
5 (AFP) -
A memorial service for a slain ethnic Albanian warlord Sunday became a
show of force for the ex-Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) as 20,000 people
stood in the snow to hear heated speeches. The ceremony took place in
Prekaz, in the heart of the KLA stronghold of central Drenica, where
Adem Jashari and 50 others -- mostly women, children and elderly men --
were gunned down by Serbs exactly two years ago.
More than 1,000 members of the KLA's civilian successor, the Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), filed into town both in formation and
individually.
While officially a demilitarised disaster-relief organisation, the KPC
paraded in military-style fatigues and berets, with many members
carrying side arms.
After a march-past to review his "troops" and the raising the Albanian
two-headed eagle flag, KPC commander General Agim Ceku saluted his
"general staff, the Kosovo guard, the companies of the six zones, the
military academy ... and squadron number 70 of the air force." "By being
united, we soldiers of the KLA, who joined the ranks of the KPC, will
make of the KPC the force that Kosovo really needs," said Ceku in a
speech punctuated by celebratory salvoes of Kalashnikov gunfire from
youths in KLA berets.
The KLA's former political leader Hashim Thaci also made a fiery speech
pledging to "liberate" the divided town of Kosovska Mitrovica. "The
legendary commander Adem Jashari wanted a single Kosovo, free and
independent. We will bring that about. Mitrovica, like all the other
parts of Kosovo, will be liberated. Kosovo will be ruled by Kosovars,"
Thaci said.
Mitrovica has been split between Serbian and ethnic Albanian communities
since last June, when NATO bombed Yugoslav forces out of Kosovo and
installed the international peacekeeping force KFOR. In his address,
Thaci recalled the situation in southwest Serbia, home to some 75,000
ethnic Albanians and scene of gunfights this week between an Albanian
rebel group and Serb police.
Thaci, now a leading member of a joint Kosovo administration sponsored
by the United Nations, accused Belgrade of "pursuing a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Albanian population" in Presevo,
Medvedja and Bujanovac, the main towns of southwest Serbia. "We are
following events there with great concern," he said, adding that he was
"studying the issue with the international community and in particular
with those good friends of the Albanians, the Americans," who patrol the
Kosovo side of the boundary.
"The ethnic Albanians of these regions cannot afford to make mistakes in
trying to stop Belgrade's campaign. Let Belgrade make its own mistakes
and they will be severely punished for it," he said. KFOR peacekeepers
have denounced the presence of "ethnic Albanian extremists" in the
five-kilometre (three-mile) wide border zone, demilitarised under an
accord between NATO and Belgrade which ended the Atlantic alliance's air
campiagn.
The self-styled "Liberation Army for Presevo, Medvedja and Bujanovac
(UCPMB)" has vowed to protect local ethnic Albanians from a Serbian
police force they accuse of killing two Albanian brothers in January.
The UCPMB fought Serb police around its base in the village of Dobrosin,
a few hundred metres (yards) from US checkpoints late Friday, KFOR said.
Thaci ended his speech by proclaiming "Long Live the KLA!" a declaration
greeted by prolonged salvoes of automatic rifle fire.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* La KFOR garantisce l'impunita' agli assassini pan-albanesi
* La Albanian-American Civil League spalanca la porta del Congresso USA
al killer dell'UCK Ramush Hajredinaj
* Ancora un articolo sulla alleanza USA-UCK
* 5 marzo: leader del "disciolto" UCK commemora il terrorista Jashari
tra gli spari urlando "Lunga vita all'UCK!"
---
Pls. support this call. We intent to hand over the petition by a
solidarity
delegation to K Mitrovica. The specific Austrian references will be
omitted
for the use in Kosovo.
JÖSB, Vienna, April 29, 2000
*******
To:
Bernard Kouchner, UNMIK governor
Juan Ortuno, KFOR commander
chief protectorate prosecutor
Kaplan Baruti, president of the court of Kosovska Mitrovica
Sven Eric Laarsen, UNMIK police chief of Kosovska Mitrovica
Benita Ferrero-Waldner, minister of foreign affairs
Albert Rohan, general secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Freedom for the political prisoners in Kosovo who are in hunger strike
We, the undersigned individuals and organisations, request the UN
protectorate authorities, UNMIK, to immediately release the thirty-six
Serbs
and Roma who are in hunger strike, as well as their five fellow
detainees in
the UN prison of Kosovska
Mitrovica, if they are only being accused of summary offences.
We request the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to bring their
influence
to bear in this sense.
Substantiation:
1
For almost one year the non-Albanian detainees are being held without
the
prospect of trials in court. According to press statements, not even
preliminary examinations are being conducted.
2
At the same time, assassins motivated by Albanian nationalism?such as
the
recent case of Dzeljalj Ademi, who threw a hand grenade in the Serb
Ghetto
of Mitrovica, injuring 22 Serb civilians and 14 French NATO soldiers?are
released without being tried.
3
Until now the protectorate judiciary was not at all able to dispel the
massive doubts of their impartiality.
4
Under the given circumstances?as the UÇK/KSK is still armed and still
acting
as a belligerent power in a civil war and expelled great parts of the
national minorities and political critics?to own and to carry weapons,
which
is the main accusation against
the detained non-Albanians, is pure self-defence.
To detain the non-Albanians of Kosovska Mitrovica obviously has
political
and nationalist motives and they have to be freed immediately.
Yugoslav Austrian Solidarity Movement
(Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung)
Vienna, April 27th, 2000
****************************
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB)
PF 217, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
joesb@...
---
KFOR refused to arrest Albanian assassin
http://www.serbia-info.com, April 14, 2000
Kosovska Vitina, April
14th, - KFOR patrol
refused to arrest
20-year-old Albanian,
who, on October 22nd last
year, killed teacher
Milivoje Ilic from Binca
near Kosovska Vitina with
a gun shot, radio amateurs
reported today.
This young Albanian was identified by late Ilic`s
family
near Serbian Orthodox Church St. Petka in Vitina. The
family appealed to the nearest KFOR patrol demanding
that this Albanian be arrested. The patrol refused to
do
so, explaining that they were not authorized for such
actions and that it was UNMIK police's
responsibility.
UNMIK police arrived only after one hour, as the
amateur radio report says, but in the meantime
Albanian
interpreter warned his suspected compatriot and he
managed to run away.
KFOR has arrested Serbs so far even without the
International Police's presence, without evidence and
according to false charges on the Albanian side.
Ilic was wounded on October 22nd last year, radio
amateurs remind, when a group of Albanians ran into
his
front yard, allegedly looking for their tractor. When
Ilic
said that there was no tractor around, the young
Albanian shot him in cold blood, after which the
terrorists escaped from the crime scene by car.
Milivoje
Ilic died from his wounds a month later.
---
STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Public "servants" must be required sub-poena to divulge contributions///
Tue, 11 Apr 2000 13:27:32 -0400
From: deepfrote
In the Rayburn Building DioGuardi and his KLA cronies, including
Cdr Ramush will be lying.
WHY IS THE U.S. CONGRESS HOSTING THE TERRORIST RAMUSH HAJREDINAJ?
One of today's invited speakers is the commander of the KLA's
Southern Region, Ramush Hajredinaj. While most Congressmen may not at
this
time be aware of Commander Ramush's background as a cold-blooded
terrorist,
his record over the past two years, including his attacks on moderate
Albanians, makes him a better candidate for a prison cell than as a
speaker
in the home of American democracy. This memorandum provides some
background information on the murderer who was invited to sit before you
today.
The first Associated Press article chronicles Hajredinaj's
"hard-line" refusal to participate in a peaceful solution to Kosovo's
mayhem. Among his other exploits, Hajredinaj oversaw the grenade attack
on
the "Panda" cafe in Pec in December 1998, in which six children were
killed. Note particularly his uncompromising desire for Kosovo's
violent
secession, and his stated willingness to use force to achieve this
aim. NATO and UN policy opposes Kosovo's secession from
Yugoslavia. Despite this policy, Hajredinaj has been appointed as a
deputy
commander of the KLA's successor, the Kosovo Protection Force, placing
him
in a position to subvert the agreement that ended the war. Instead of
promoting stability in Kosovo, the appointment of this "hard-liner" is a
guarantee of future violence.
The second Associated Press article describes a KLA-run torture
center in Prizren where moderate Albanians and Roma were subject to
physical abuse, and several were killed. The KLA commander responsible
for
this barbaric treatment of his fellow citizens? None other than Ramush
Hajredinaj, the man invited here today.
The Times of London (Oct. 10, 1999) quotes a diplomat's
description of Hajredinaj as one of "a bunch of
local thugs". Perhaps Hajredinaj does qualify as an expert on Kosovo's
violence, because he was responsible for so much of it.
Kosovo Rebels Won't Give Up Guns, by Anne Thompson, The Associated Press
(March 8, 1999)
JABLANICA, Yugoslavia (AP) -- Sitting in his headquarters along the
snow-capped mountains of the Albanian border, hard-line rebel commander
Ramush Hajredinaj remains adamant that the Kosovo Liberation Army will
never give up its guns.
Disarmament is the biggest barrier to getting the KLA to sign a
U.S.-backed
peace agreement, and a second day of ethnic Albanian rebel meetings
Monday
produced no firm results despite the entreaties of U.S. envoy
Christopher
Hill.
The deal envisions the KLA becoming a political party, with some rebels
joining an ethnic Albanian-run police force. But after years of covert
planning, of training in the woods and smuggling guns into Kosovo for
the
fight for independence, the KLA is unwilling to forsake the army it
worked
so hard to build up.
They also fear not having a defensive force against the Serbs.
"Not to have an army would be a big mistake," said Hajredinaj, one of
five
KLA commanders invited to visit Washington in another diplomatic move to
persuade rebels to adopt the deal for Kosovo self-rule.
Without the rebels, Kosovo Albanian politicians will not sign. And
without
full cooperation from all Albanian factions, NATO cannot follow through
on
military threats aimed at getting Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
to
also agree.
The negotiations come after a year of bitter ethnic war in Kosovo, a
southern province in the Serb republic that dominates Yugoslavia, where
ethnic Albanians outnumber Serbs nine to one.
Hajredinaj (pronounced high-re-DEE-nai) is one of the most militant
commanders in the rebel army, and some observers worry hard-liners might
continue to fight even if politicians and other rebel leaders accept
peace.
His men already are suspected of carrying out the Panda Cafe murders,
when
masked rebels opened fire in December on a restaurant the city of Pec,
killing six Serbian youths. His men also are suspected of shooting at
U.S.
diplomatic monitors. And Hajredinaj himself is wanted by the Serb regime
as
a terrorist.
His territory, along the western flank of Kosovo, hums with a military
spark and efficiency, with a tight chain of command and a fierce loyalty
to
a leader almost worshipped for his fighting skill and strategic prowess.
"When I mention his name, I feeling like bowing. That's how much I
respect
him,"' said battalion leader Arzen Bytyqi, 23, wearing a red beret and a
green camouflage uniform with KLA patches emblazoned with their emblem:
the
two-headed black eagle.
Now 30, Hajredinaj served one year in the Yugoslav army, during which he
says he was learning to be a soldier to fight for Kosovo independence.
Like
many ethnic Albanians, he also lived in Switzerland and France, earning
money for the cause before coming home in the early 1990s to take up
arms.
"I've been thinking of independence since I was a child. It was my
training
from my parents," said the commander.
His wife also serves in the KLA, as do his sister and five brothers.
"We can accept everything that doesn't destroy the way to independence,"
Hajredinaj said Monday, suggesting that he, like other commanders, are
ready to accept autonomy as a first step. "If NATO comes, we won't have
to
be a liberation army anymore. We'll change and become a regular army,"
the
commander said.
"Washington knows what we want," he added with a smile. "We've been
clear
from the very beginning."
AP-NY-03-08-99 1527EST
KLA discovered torturing Albanians in Kosovo, by Melissa Eddy,
Associated
Press (June 18, 1999)
PRIZREN, Yugoslavia -- (AP) -- German soldiers detained 25 ethnic
Albanian
rebels today after finding one elderly man dead and more than 15 others
hurt in a police station that had been under control of the Kosovo
Liberation Army since early this week.
Most of the victims seemed to be ethnic Albanians or Gypsies between the
ages of 50 and 60, said Lt. Col. Dietmar Jeserich, a spokesman for the
German army serving in the Kosovo peace force in the region.
During the Kosovo conflict that started February 1998 and ended in a
peace
deal last week, the KLA had assassinated not only Serbs but also ethnic
Albanians and Gypsies believed loyal to the Belgrade regime of Slobodan
Milosevic.
One man in his 70s was found dead, chained to a chair. He appeared to
have
died shortly before the German soldiers arrived, Jeserich said. Most of
the
injured had bloody wounds and bruises, many on their faces. One man had
huge purple welts across his back. Two or three others had what
appeared
to be stab wounds in their legs. Many were found chained to radiators,
Jeserich said.
The wounded received first aid at the scene, then were transferred to a
nearby military hospital.
About 25 KLA members were detained and marched away from the police
station
under German guard. It was unclear where they were taken. One man, who
gave
his name as Gani Berisha, said the KLA had beaten him, although he
insisted
he had done nothing wrong.
German troops found a stash of weapons, including grenades, machine
guns,
mortars and shells. They also found heavy wooden sticks and spikes with
nails that they said appeared to be "instruments of torture."
Memorandum prepared on April 11, 2000.
At 10:49 PM 04/07/2000 -0400, Penn1023@... wrote:
>THE ALBANIAN AMERICAN CIVIC LEAGUE
>
>is pleased to announce the arrival of a delegation from Kosova
>
>for
>
>THE FIRST CONGRESSIONAL HEARING ON POSTWAR KOSOVA
>
>Capitol Hill, Washington, DC, Tuesday, April 11
>
>Testimony for Kosova will be given by:
>
>Bajram Rexhepi, M.D., Mayor of Mitrovice
>Major General Ramush Haradinaj, TMK, formerly Supreme Command, UCK
>Prof. Muhamet Mustafa, President, Riinvest Institute for Development
>Research
>Former Congressman Joe DioGuardi, President, Albanian American Civic League
>Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi, Balkan Affairs Adviser, Albanian American Civic
>League
>
>The delegation from Kosova also includes Halil Berani, chairman of the
>Mitrovice chapter of the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and
>Freedoms, Musa Januzi, Council of Trepca Mine Workers, Shyqyri Kelmendi,
>former director of the Trepca mines, and Dr. Esad Stavileci, Professor of
>Law, University of Prishtina.
>
---
British documentary substantiates US-KLA collusion in
provoking war with Serbia
Related Sunday Times article alleges CIA role
By Chris Marsden
16 March 2000
On Sunday, March 12, Britain's BBC2 television channel ran a documentary
by Alan Little entitled
"Moral Combat: NATO At War". The program contained damning evidence of
how the Clinton
administration set out to create a pretext for declaring war against the
Milosevic regime in Serbia
by sponsoring the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), then pressed
this decision on its
European allies. The revelations in the documentary were reinforced by
an accompanying article in
the Sunday Times.
Little conducted frank interviews with leading players in the Kosovo
conflict, the most pertinent
being those with US Secretary of State Madeline Albright, Assistant
Secretary of State James
Rubin, US Envoy Richard Holbrooke, William Walker, head of the UN
Verification Mission, and
KLA leader Hashim Thaci. These were supplemented by many others.
The documentary set out to explain how "a shared enmity towards
Milosevic" made "allies of a
shadowy band of guerrillas and the most powerful nations on
earth”.
Ever since the Bosnian war of 1995, the KLA, seeking to capitalise on
popular resentment among
Kosovan Albanians against the regime in Belgrade, had pursued a strategy
of destabilising the
Serbian province of Kosovo by acts of terrorism, in the hope that the US
and NATO would
intervene. They ambushed Serb patrols and killed policemen.
"Any armed action we undertook would bring retaliation against
civilians," KLA leader Thaci
explained. "We knew we were endangering a great number of civilian
lives." The benefits of this
strategy were made plain by Dug Gorani, a Kosovo Albanian negotiator not
tied to the KLA: "The
more civilians were killed, the chances of international intervention
became bigger, and the KLA
of course realised that. There was this foreign diplomat who once told
me, 'Look, unless you pass
the quota of five thousand deaths you'll never have anybody permanently
present in Kosovo from
foreign diplomacy.'"
Albright was receptive to the KLA's strategy because the US was anxious
to stage a military
conflict with Serbia. Her series of interviews began chillingly with the
words: "I believed in the
ultimate power, the goodness of the power of the allies and led by the
United States." The KLA's
campaign of provocations was seized upon as the vehicle through which
the use of this power could
be sanctioned.
A March 5, 1998 attack by the Serbian army on the home in Prekaz of a
leading KLA commander,
Adem Jashari, in which 53 people died, became the occasion for a meeting
of the Contact group of
NATO powers four days later. Albright pushed for a tough anti-Serbian
response. "I thought it
behoved me to say to my colleagues that we could not repeat the kinds of
mistakes that had
happened over Bosnia, where there was a lot of talk and no action," she
told Little.
NATO threatened Belgrade with a military response for the first time.
"The ambitions of the KLA,
and the intentions of the NATO allies, were converging," Little
commented. He then showed how a
subsequent public meeting between US Envoy Richard Holbrooke and KLA
personnel at Junik
angered Belgrade and gave encouragement to the Albanian separatists.
General Nebojsa Pavkovic,
the commander of the Yugoslav army in Kosovo, states, "When the official
ambassador of another
country arrives here, ignores state officials, but holds a meeting with
the Albanian terrorists, then
it's quite clear they are getting support."
Lirak Cejal, a KLA soldier, went further, "I knew that since then, that
the USA, NATO, will put us
in their hands. They were looking for the head of the KLA, and when they
found it they will have it
in their hand, and then they will control the KLA."
By October 1998 NATO had succeeded in imposing a cease-fire agreement,
partly by threat of
force and partly because of Serbia's success in routing the KLA. A
cease-fire monitoring force [the
Kosovo Verification Mission] was sent into the province under the
auspices of the Organisation for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and headed by William Walker.
The interview with Cejal is the only reference to US control of the KLA
in Little's documentary,
and then it is only anecdotal. It seems that the BBC for its own reasons
chose to back-pedal on this
issue, given the article in the Sunday Times that ran the same day
Little's documentary was aired.
Times journalists Tom Walker and Aidan Laverty wrote: "Several Americans
who were directly
involved in CIA activities or close to them have spoken to the makers of
Moral Combat, a
documentary to be broadcast on BBC2 tonight, and to The Sunday Times
about their clandestine
roles ‘in giving covert assistance to the KLA' before NATO began
its bombing campaign in
Kosovo."
The Sunday Times explained that the anonymous sources "admitted they
helped to train the Kosovo
Liberation Army". They add that CIA officers were "cease-fire monitors
in Kosovo in 1998 and
1999, developing ties with the KLA and giving American military training
manuals and field
advice on fighting the Yugoslav army and Serbian police.”
The Times article continued: "When the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE), which co-ordinated the monitoring, left Kosovo a week before
airstrikes began a year
ago, many of its satellite telephones and global positioning systems
were secretly handed to the
KLA, ensuring that guerrilla commanders could stay in touch with NATO
and Washington.
Several KLA leaders had the mobile phone number of General Wesley Clark,
the NATO
commander."
The article goes on to cite unnamed "European diplomats then working for
the OSCE" who "claim
it was betrayed by an American policy that made air strikes inevitable."
They cite a European
envoy accusing OSCE head of mission Walker of running a CIA operation:
"The American agenda
consisted of their diplomatic observers, aka the CIA, operating on
completely different terms to the
rest of Europe and the OSCE."
Walker was the American ambassador to El Salvador when the US was
helping to suppress leftist
rebels there and is widely suspected of being a CIA operative. He denies
this, but admitted to the
Sunday Times that the CIA was almost certainly involved in the countdown
to air strikes:
"Overnight we went from having a handful of people to 130 or more. Could
the agency have put
them in at that point? Sure they could. It's their job."
The newspaper cites the more candid comments of its CIA sources: "It was
a CIA front, gathering
intelligence on the KLA's arms and leadership," one says. "I'd tell them
[the KLA] which hill to
avoid, which wood to go behind, that sort of thing," said another.
To back up these claims, the Sunday Times notes that Shaban Shala, a KLA
commander now active
in the campaign to destabilise ethnic Albanian areas in Serbia, claims
to have met British,
American and Swiss agents in northern Albania in 1996.
Little's BBC documentary makes no such explicit suggestion of CIA
backing for the KLA, but it
does put flesh on the bones of how the cease-fire became the occasion
for strengthening the
separatists' grip on Kosovo. He explains that wherever the Serbs
withdrew their forces in
compliance with the agreement, the KLA moved in. KLA military leader
Agim Ceku says, "The
cease-fire was very useful for us, it helped us to get organised, to
consolidate and grow." Nothing
was done to prevent this, despite Serbian protests.
Little explains that the BBC has obtained confidential minutes of the
North Atlantic Council or
NAC, NATO's governing body, which state that the KLA was "the main
initiator of the violence"
and that privately Walker called its actions a "deliberate campaign of
provocation". It was this
covert backing for the KLA by the US which provoked Serbia into ending
its cease-fire and
sending the army back into Kosovo.
The next major turn of events leading up to NATO's war against Serbia
was the alleged massacre
of ethnic Albanians at Racek on January 15, 1999. To this day, the issue
of whether Serbian forces
killed civilians in revenge attacks at Racek is hotly contested by
Belgrade, which claims that the
KLA staged the alleged massacre, using corpses from earlier fighting.
It is certainly the case that when the Serb forces pulled out after
announcing the killing of 15 KLA
personnel, international monitors who entered the village reported
nothing unusual. It was not until
the following morning, after the KLA had retaken control of the village,
that Walker made a visit
and announced that a massacre by the Serbian police and the Yugoslav
army had occurred. Little
confirms that Walker had contacted both Holbrooke and General Clarke
before making his
announcement.
Racek was to prove the final pretext for a declaration of war, but first
Washington had to make
sure that the European powers, which, aside from Britain, were still
pushing for a diplomatic
solution, would come on board. Talks were convened at Rambouillet,
France backed by the threat
of war.
Little explains: "The Europeans, some reluctant converts to the threat
of force, earnestly pressed for
an agreement both the Serbs and the Albanians could accept. But the
Americans were more
sceptical. They had come to Rambouillet with an alternative outcome in
mind."
Both Albright and Rubin are extraordinarily candid about what they set
out to accomplish at
Rambouillet. They presented an ultimatum that the Serbian government
could not possibly accept,
because it demanded a NATO occupation of not just Kosovo, but
unrestricted access to the whole of
Serbia. As Serbian General Pavcovic comments: "They would have unlimited
rights of movement
and deployment, little short of occupation. Nobody could accept it."
This was the US's intention. Albright told the BBC: "If the Serbs would
not agree [to the
Rambouillet ultimatum], and the Albanians would agree, then there was a
very clear cause for
using force." Rubin added, "Obviously, publicly, we had to make clear we
were seeking an
agreement, but privately we knew the chances of the Serbs agreeing were
quite small."
KLA leader Thaci was the only problem, because he was demanding the
inclusion of a referendum
on independence. So Albright was despatched on St. Valentines Day to
take charge of winning him
over. Veton Suroi, a political rival of the KLA involved in the talks,
gives a candid description of
Albright's message to Thaci: "She was saying, you sign, the Serbs don't
sign, we bomb. You sign,
the Serbs sign, you have NATO in. So it's up to you."
After three weeks of discussions, Thaci finally agreed to sign the
Rambouillet Accord. The path
was cleared for the US to begin an open war against Serbia, a war that
had been prepared with the
aid of CIA dirty tricks and political manoeuvring with terrorist forces.
---
Kosovo Albanian fighters put on show of force PREKAZ, Yugoslavia, March
5 (AFP) -
A memorial service for a slain ethnic Albanian warlord Sunday became a
show of force for the ex-Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) as 20,000 people
stood in the snow to hear heated speeches. The ceremony took place in
Prekaz, in the heart of the KLA stronghold of central Drenica, where
Adem Jashari and 50 others -- mostly women, children and elderly men --
were gunned down by Serbs exactly two years ago.
More than 1,000 members of the KLA's civilian successor, the Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), filed into town both in formation and
individually.
While officially a demilitarised disaster-relief organisation, the KPC
paraded in military-style fatigues and berets, with many members
carrying side arms.
After a march-past to review his "troops" and the raising the Albanian
two-headed eagle flag, KPC commander General Agim Ceku saluted his
"general staff, the Kosovo guard, the companies of the six zones, the
military academy ... and squadron number 70 of the air force." "By being
united, we soldiers of the KLA, who joined the ranks of the KPC, will
make of the KPC the force that Kosovo really needs," said Ceku in a
speech punctuated by celebratory salvoes of Kalashnikov gunfire from
youths in KLA berets.
The KLA's former political leader Hashim Thaci also made a fiery speech
pledging to "liberate" the divided town of Kosovska Mitrovica. "The
legendary commander Adem Jashari wanted a single Kosovo, free and
independent. We will bring that about. Mitrovica, like all the other
parts of Kosovo, will be liberated. Kosovo will be ruled by Kosovars,"
Thaci said.
Mitrovica has been split between Serbian and ethnic Albanian communities
since last June, when NATO bombed Yugoslav forces out of Kosovo and
installed the international peacekeeping force KFOR. In his address,
Thaci recalled the situation in southwest Serbia, home to some 75,000
ethnic Albanians and scene of gunfights this week between an Albanian
rebel group and Serb police.
Thaci, now a leading member of a joint Kosovo administration sponsored
by the United Nations, accused Belgrade of "pursuing a policy of ethnic
cleansing and genocide against the Albanian population" in Presevo,
Medvedja and Bujanovac, the main towns of southwest Serbia. "We are
following events there with great concern," he said, adding that he was
"studying the issue with the international community and in particular
with those good friends of the Albanians, the Americans," who patrol the
Kosovo side of the boundary.
"The ethnic Albanians of these regions cannot afford to make mistakes in
trying to stop Belgrade's campaign. Let Belgrade make its own mistakes
and they will be severely punished for it," he said. KFOR peacekeepers
have denounced the presence of "ethnic Albanian extremists" in the
five-kilometre (three-mile) wide border zone, demilitarised under an
accord between NATO and Belgrade which ended the Atlantic alliance's air
campiagn.
The self-styled "Liberation Army for Presevo, Medvedja and Bujanovac
(UCPMB)" has vowed to protect local ethnic Albanians from a Serbian
police force they accuse of killing two Albanian brothers in January.
The UCPMB fought Serb police around its base in the village of Dobrosin,
a few hundred metres (yards) from US checkpoints late Friday, KFOR said.
Thaci ended his speech by proclaiming "Long Live the KLA!" a declaration
greeted by prolonged salvoes of automatic rifle fire.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
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