(english / deutsch / français / italiano)
Dal Kosovo al Belgio. La dissezione (germanica) dell'Europa (1/2)
1) Anschlusspläne / Accession Plans
"... The ongoing current government crisis in Brussels is provoking discussions of
secession projects in Belgium's Germanophonic eastern cantons (...) The Germanophonic
community (DG), an administrative conglomeration, representing the 70.000
Germanophonic minority around Eupen and St. Vith (...) It has its own parliament and its
own government. Questions are being raised about the DG's future - if Flanders separates
from Wallonia. (...) "If Belgium splits, we, of course, have to keep all options open" ..."
(GFP 2007/12/11)
2) Das Ende von Belgien?
Kleinstaaten für das internationale Kapitalmonopol: Wie die »Zeitung für Deutschland« die
Landkarte Europas neu zeichnet
Von Andreas Wehr (junge Welt - 31.12.2007)
3) La Vallonia è preoccupata per le conseguenze dell'indipendenza kosovara
(Radio Serbia 13 dicembre 2007)
4) Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe
Experts have calculated that in the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in
Europe
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 19, 2007
5) Opponents of Kosovo Independence Fear Separatist Reaction
Will an independent Kosovo give rise to separatist movements elsewhere?
Deutsche Welle - December 11, 2007
6) Kosovo independence seen fueling nationalist movements in EU
EU Business - December 11, 2007
VEDI ANCHE / SEE ALSO:
Le foto della manifestazione per l'unità del Belgio /
Manifestation pour l'unité de la Belgique à Bruxelles, 18 novembre 2007
http://www.ptb.be/fr/nouvelles/article/manifestation-pour-lunite-de-la-belgique-a-
bruxelles.html
E' la fine del Belgio?
Un drammatico ma significativo allarme sui progetti di destrutturazione sociale e statuale
della borghesia nel cuore dell'Europa
di Herwig Lerouge
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5705
The End of Belgium?
Door Herwig Lerouge
http://www.pvda.be/nl/nieuws/article/the-end-of-belgium.html
Belgique - Transferts Flandre-Wallonie: mythes et vérités
« Séparer le pays ? Non, mais il faut arrêter les transferts d'argent de la Flandre vers la
Wallonie», entend-on souvent au Nord du pays. Enquête sur les chiffres.
David Pestieau & Herwig Lerouge - http://www.solidaire.org/ mardi, 4 septembre 2007
http://www.michelcollon.info/articles.php?dateaccess=2007-09-
09%2015:51:02&log=invites
An uncertain future
The year that was: As an enlarged EU searched for a raison d'etre, Belgium spent much of
this year struggling with its own identity crisis
Khaled Diab, The Guardian, December 26, 2007
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/khaled_diab/2007/12/an_uncertain_future.html
German "Imperium" Europe
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56041
http://www.freenations.freeuk.com/gc-63.html
Deutsches Imperium Europa
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/56679
L'Europe, empire allemand
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/fr/fulltext/55940
=== 1 ===
(Der folgende Artikel ist auch auf Deutsch zu lesen:
Anschlusspläne
11.12.2007 - Angesichts der anhaltenden Regierungskrise in Brüssel werden
Sezessionspläne für die deutschsprachigen Ostkantone Belgiens diskutiert...
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/57099 )
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56118
Accession Plans
2007/12/11
BRUSSELS/EUPEN/DUESSELDORF/BERLIN (Own report) - The ongoing current government
crisis in Brussels is provoking discussions of secession projects in Belgium's
Germanophonic eastern cantons. If the two large regions in Belgium, Flanders and
Wallonia, really separate, why should the Eupen and St. Vith region not reorient itself - is
a question being raised among the 70.000 Germanophones in eastern Belgium, who are
also discussing their region's possible accession to Luxemburg or Germany. Intensive
preparations by Germany's North Rhine-Westphalia, in close cooperation with the
Germanophonic administration in eastern Belgium, point toward the German option. The
two regions initiated new forms of cooperation last summer. Flemish separatism is at the
root of Belgium's current government crisis and could, eventually, lead to a breakup of the
country. In the past, Flemish separatism was strongly influenced by an anti-French
alliance with a westward spreading German hegemonic policy. Berlin's objective was
always to roll back French influence on its western neighbor.
Government Crisis
Belgium's current government crisis which has persisted for several months began during
coalition negotiations following the June 10, 2007 legislative elections, that were won by
Yves Leterme, from the conservative Partei Christen Democratisch en Vlaams (CD en V).
His efforts to form a government alliance failed because of demands advanced by Dutch
speaking Flanders. For years Flemish forces, demanding a halt to the flow of tax money
from this wealthier northern region to the poorer French-speaking region, Wallonia, have
been gaining strength. Included among them are also those seeking the secession of
Flanders from Belgium. Flemish separatism has its base in influential milieus. This year -
with the aid of the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA) political party - it was able to enter an
electoral alliance with the conservatives (CD en V), and play an important role in the
coalition negotiations. But the Wallonian partners in the negotiations refuse to meet the
demands to transfer powers from the central government in Brussels to regional
governments, as raised by the CD en V and N-VA - because of their well-founded fear of
the breakup of Belgium, as a nation.
Options
The persistent dispute around the formation of a government in Brussels has provoked
debates about Belgium's future, including its eastern cantons. The Germanophonic
community (DG), an administrative conglomeration, representing the 70.000
Germanophonic minority around Eupen and St. Vith, has been granted numerous
autonomous rights over the past decades. It has its own parliament and its own
government. Questions are being raised about the DG's future - if Flanders separates from
Wallonia. As Karl-Heinz Lambertz, the social-democrat prime minister in Eupen declared:
"If Belgium splits, we, of course, have to keep all options open." According to Lambertz,
several scenarios are currently on the table - ranging from sovereignty to unifying with
Luxemburg to the south or accession to Germany to the east.[1] In the DG one hears that
Luxemburg's prosperity is to its advantage, "salaries are excellent and pensions not
bad".[2] The long preparatory political work speaks in favor of Germany.
Project Promotion
For a long time, German influence in eastern Belgium was centered on cultural affairs,
through subsidies for Germanophonic Belgians paid, among others, by the Hermann-
Niermann-Foundation (Duesseldorf / North Rhine-Westphalia). In the late 1980s, this
foundation was heavily criticized because some of its personnel came from the extreme-
rightist milieu and because of contacts to terrorist circles in South Tyrol, which persisted
up to 1987.[3] At the end of 1994 the Hermann-Niermann-Foundation ceased financial
support for eastern Belgium, but successfully won lawsuits against east Belgian critics,
strongly protesting German financial interference in east Belgian cultural affairs. At the
time the suits was filed, an undersecretary of the German interior ministry, in charge of
the promotion of Germanophonic minorities abroad, was board chairman of the
foundation.[4] The critics resistance against Germany's interference collapsed with their
defeat in court. Today there is little protest heard against DG's close collaboration with the
Federal Union of European Nationalities, FUEN. FUEN, subsidized with German taxes, has
built a network connecting Germanophonic minorities all over Europe with officials of the
German interior ministry.[5]
Cooperation Treaty
The cultural lobbying, with financial aid for selected projects, was replaced by a
cooperation treaty between the DG in Eupen and the administration of North Rhine-
Westphalia. On March 4, 2004, the respective prime ministers signed a "common
Declaration" aimed at establishing "a close linkage between the two regions," including the
fields of "the educational system, art and culture, the media, recreation, sports and
tourism, youth, social security and health, professional training and employment, Europe
and regional structural policies as well as general administrative affairs." In all of these
areas, the DG has autonomous authority independent of the central government in
Brussels.[6] Too small to have their own sovereign policy, the east Belgian cantons are now
transferring these responsibilities to the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Just last
summer, ministries from eastern Belgium and North Rhine-Westphalia intensified their
cooperation in the fields of education and research. But independently from that, German
and Belgian communes are intensifying their cross border collaboration, mainly within the
so-called "Euregio Maas-Rhein" framework.[7]
Opposing Interests
If Flanders separates from Wallonia, Flemish separatism would release and irretrievably
detach the DG from Brussels. Throughout its history, Flemish separatism, especially its
radical variation, has been also influenced by Germany. When, in the course of World War I,
the government of the German Reich realized that its chances to win were fading away and
was preparing for a compromise peace, it intensified its so-called Flemish policy.
Strengthening Flemish collaborators, Germany was hoping to keep Belgium under its
influence after a peace accord. In 1917, to the advantage of Flemish nationalists, the
German occupying power divided Belgium into two administrative regions - Flanders and
Wallonia. This collaboration "gave birth to the notion of contradictory vital interests
between `Flanders' and `Belgium', which had been largely unknown to the Flemish
movement before the war," according to an analysis of the German-Flemish
relationship.[8] Flemish separatism is today still based on this notion.
Knowledge and Support
Following its defeat in 1918, the German Reich considered Flemish nationalism to be a
guarantee against France becoming stronger. As assumed by the historian Robert Paul
Oszwald (Potsdam) in 1927, Paris was struggling "with all its intellectual, economic and
military means to win influence in northwestern Europe, to take control over the German
lifeline, the estuary of the Rhine." Only the nationalist and radically Anti-French Flemish
came into question as a counteracting force.[9] Oszwald, who was "the key figure in the
relationship between German and Flemish nationalists during the Weimar epoch" [10]
served as advisor to the German foreign ministry in the 1920s. He functioned as a broker
between the German Reich and the "niederlaendischen Kulturkreis" (Dutch cultural circle)
"with the knowledge and support of the foreign ministry, up to 1932, when government
policy changed course" wrote Oszwald in a "report on the situation of the neutral western
states Belgium and Holland,"[11] in early February 1940 - just three months before the
German invasion of its western neighbors. But already in 1933, he was able to continue his
work - on behalf of Division VII of the Reich's Propaganda Ministry.
Against Paris
The anti-French posture is still an element of Flemish separatism. When the winner of the
June 10, elections, Yves Leterme, was asked by a TV reporter to sing the Belgian national
anthem, he chimed in the wrong melody. Rather than the Belgian national anthem,
Leterme, the known promoter of a greater autonomy for Flanders, began to sing the
Marseillaise. The candidate for the prime minister's office thereby underlined an important
element of his policy. It is directed against French influence in Belgium, thus favoring
Berlin.
Please read also: Autonomy for "German" Belgium, "Dissolve frontiers like a sugar lump in
tea", Anschluss an Deutschland: "Kein Fehlverhalten", German pressure group in East
Belgium, Brückenkopf im Westen, Identitätsfindung, Baldiger Anschluss, Gemeinsam mehr
erreichen! and Ethno-Netzwerk.
[1] Ostbelgier sehen die Regierungskrise noch gelassen; Aachener Zeitung 08.11.2007
[2] Eine Nation gerät ins Wanken; Südwest Presse 15.11.2007
[3] see also Baldiger Anschluss and Ethno-Netzwerk
[4] see also "Conspiracy against Belgium" and Fliehkräfte
[5] see also Aktionseinheiten
[6] Ministerpräsident Peer Steinbrück: "Zusammenarbeit zwischen NRW und der
Deutschsprachigen Gemeinschaft Belgiens vorbildhaft"; Landespresse- und
Informationsamt Nordrhein-Westfalen 04.03.2004. See also Ostbelgien im deutschen Netz
[7] see also "Die Potenziale des Nachbarn nutzen", "Raumordnung" um Aachen herum and
Stilles Wachstum
[8] Winfried Dolderer: Der flämische Nationalismus und Deutschland zwischen den
Weltkriegen, in: Burkhard Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen,
Münster 2003
[9] Robert Paul Oszwald: Nordwesteuropa, in: Volk und Reich Jahrgang 3 Nummer 12,
Dezember 1927
[10] Winfried Dolderer: Der flämische Nationalismus und Deutschland zwischen den
Weltkriegen, in: Burkhard Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen,
Münster 2003
[11] Stephan Laux: Flandern im Spiegel der "wirklichen Volksgeschichte", in: Burkhard
Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen, Münster 2003
=== 2 ===
http://www.jungewelt.de/2007/12-31/052.php
31.12.2007 / Schwerpunkt / Seite 3
Das Ende von Belgien?
Kleinstaaten für das internationale Kapitalmonopol: Wie die »Zeitung für Deutschland« die
Landkarte Europas neu zeichnet
Von Andreas Wehr
Nun also Belgien! Die Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, die sich in ihren bisherigen
Berichten über das Auf und Ab in der sich nun schon seit einem halben Jahr hinziehenden
belgischen Regierungskrise mal belustigt, mal mäßig besorgt zeigte, sprach jetzt ihr
Verdikt: »Das Ende von Belgien«, ausdrücklich ohne ein Fragezeichen versehen, lautete die
Überschrift eines Zweispalters von Dirk Schümer im Feuilleton der »Zeitung für
Deutschland« Mitte Dezember (siehe auszugsweise Dokumentation unten). Ganz so, als sei
dieses Ende bereits eingetreten. Und genau so ist es auch gemeint. Zwar wird dem
Gesamtstaat eine Gnadenfrist eingeräumt, da diesmal »der landestypische Kompromiß«
wohl noch mal erzielt werde. Doch der kann nach Schümer nur »der letzte sein«. Und so
macht sich der Autor bereits Gedanken darüber, was aus Brüssel, dem Königshaus und der
»maroden Wallonie« anschließend werden soll.
Daß tatsächlich nur wenige im Land, bei aller Gereiztheit und Ratlosigkeit über die nicht
endenwollende Regierungskrise, ernsthaft über eine Scheidung nachdenken, ist für
Schümer nebensächlich: »Zwar spricht sich nur eine Minderheit von weniger als zwanzig
Prozent der Belgier für eine sofortige Teilung aus, doch dürfte die Spaltung auf mittlere
Sicht gar nicht mehr zu verhindern sein (...)«. Daß die in Europa einflußreiche Frankfurter
Allgemeine mit Sympathie über eine Auflösung des Nachbarstaats schreibt, wird von den
flämischen Separatisten aufmerksam registriert und als Ermutigung verstanden werden.
Wie bereits zuvor bei der Zerstörung Jugoslawiens, der Auflösung der Sowjet union und
der Teilung der Tschechoslowakei ist auch jetzt wieder die Rede von einem »Kunststaat«,
der zu Recht untergehe. Laut FAZ soll auch »Belgien als lukratives Kunstprodukt
erschaffen« worden sein und »zwar von einem kleinen Kreis reicher Kulturfranzosen«. Da
kann man nur staunen! Nicht etwa das von oben zusammengezimmerte, auf
mittelalterlichen Dynastien errichtete und mit Hilfe eines Krieges aus der Taufe gehobene
Bismarcksche Deutsche Reich war ein Kunststaat, nein, dies soll vielmehr das 40 Jahre
zuvor gegründete Belgien sein. Und so zählen die seinerzeit beispiellose liberale und mo
derne Verfassung und die dort gelebten Freiheitsrechte des 1830 gegründeten, ersten
wirklich bürgerlichen Staates Europas nichts. Ein natürlicher und eben nicht »künstlicher«
Staat ist nach Meinung Schümers offensichtlich nur einer, der sich durch einheitliche
Sprache, ethnische Geschlossenheit und auch Blutsverwandtschaft der Stämme
auszeichnet. Dies ist klassisch romantisch, durch und durch reaktionär und leider auch
sehr deutsch. Wir wissen, wohin das bei uns geführt hat. Erst nach dem Zusammenbruch
des Wilhelminischen Reiches konnte Deutschland – gut 90 (!) Jahre nach Gründung
Belgiens – an jene dort vorweggenommene Entwicklung endlich anknüpfen.
»Kunststaaten« wären nach diesem Maßstab übrigens die meisten Länder der Welt. Und so
ist das herbeigeschriebene Schicksal Belgiens denn auch nur ein Menetekel für
Kommendes. In der Ankündigung des FAZ-Artikels heißt es: »Ein Staat zerfällt. Dieses
Szenario werden wir bald noch häufiger erleben, bei den Schotten, den Kosovaren, auch
den Südtirolern.«
Was zerreißt nun auch westeuropäi sche Staaten in einem historischen Augenblick, in dem
sich doch Europa angeblich gerade vereint? Es ist genau jener europäische
Einigungsprozeß, der ja nichts anderes ist als ein Ein- und Unterordnungsprozeß in das
System der Globalisierung, der die Nationalstaaten sprengt. Lange war angenommen
worden, daß die Grundfreiheiten der EU, der freie Waren-, Personen-, Dienstleitungs- und
Kapitalverkehr allein die Mitgliedsstaaten in einen erbarmungslosen Standortnationalismus
treibt. Nun machen sich auch die reichen Regionen dieser Länder auf, die innerstaatliche
Solidarität aufzukündigen und notleidende Gebiete abzuschütteln. Im erbarmungslosen
Kampf der Regionen jede gegen jede wird innerstaatliche Solidarität zu einem Luxus. In
Belgien ist es Flandern, das dem »maroden Wallonien« angeblich »die Renten- und
Sozialkassen alimentiert«. Die Schotten wollen die Einnahmen aus dem Nordseeöl nicht
länger teilen, die Anhänger der italienischen Lega Nord nicht für den armen Süden zahlen,
und die reichen Katalanen fühlen sich eh als ein eigenständiges Mittelmeervolk. Die Liste
ließe sich um einige Kandidaten verlängern, auch um deutsche. »Aus deutscher
Perspektive zeigt der Verfall Belgiens, daß eine Nation mit eingebautem Wohlstandsgefälle
nur schwer überlebt«, resümiert Dirk Schümer. Und die FAZ weist schon mal den Weg:
»Diese wohlhabenden Entitäten, denen der Nationalstaat des vorigen Jahrhunderts zu eng
wird, eint der Wille, nach dem Loswerden der Zentralmacht und einer angepeilten
›Unabhängigkeit‹ schnellstmöglich der EU beizutreten.« Und so könnten statt der heute 27
bald 40 oder gar 50 Staaten diese Union bilden. Das internationale Monopolkapital wird es
freuen, sind doch solche Kleinstaaten Wachs in ihren Händen.
Der Kapitalismus neoliberalen Zuschnitts macht sich auf, die Landkarte Europas neu zu
zeichnen. Die nationalen Bourgeoisien sind an großen und einheitlichen Territorien immer
weniger interessiert, spielen doch Grenzen dank der EU-Binnenmarktfreiheiten für den
ungehinderten Kapital- und Warenfluß keine Rolle mehr. Doch Nationalstaaten sind nach
dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges in harten Klassenauseinandersetzungen und unter dem
Eindruck des Vorbilds des Ostens auch Sozialstaaten geworden. In ihnen wird Solidarität
durch den Transfer erheblicher Mittel zugunsten notleidender Regionen geübt. Dafür ist
die EU kein Ersatz. Der Kampf für den Erhalt des Nationalstaats ist daher in erster Linie
eine soziale Auseinandersetzung. Traditionelle und liebgewordene antietaistische
Sichtweisen trüben in diesem Kampf nur den Blick auf die wirklichen Gefahren.
Der Autor lebt und arbeitet in Brüssel
MEHR AUS DER RUBRIK SCHWERPUNKT (31.12.2007)
Ein Nationalstaat zerfällt – Das Ende von Belgien
Auszüge aus dem FAZ-Artikel vom 14.12.07
=== 3 ===
www.radioserbia
La Vallonia è preoccupata per le conseguenze dell'indipendenza kosovara
13 dicembre 2007 15:24
I deputati di tutti i partiti politici della Vallonia, regione meridionale belga in cui si parla il
francese, hanno espresso una seria preoccupazione per la possibile indipendenza del
Kosovo, valutando che questo potrebbe avere un effetto-domino sul Belgio, di cui la parte
settentrionale, Flandria, in cui si parla la lingua olandese, tende a secedere. Dobbiamo
fermare la nascita di nuovi, artificiali stati in Europa, ha dichiarato il deputato del
principale partito di Vallonia, Movimento riformista, Francois Xavier de Donneas. Il
deputato del partito ecologista Josie Dubier ha dichiarato di temere che, come ha detto, si
stia accendendo una macchina infernale separatista, e il socialista Patrick Morieau ha
avvisato che esiste il pericolo del separatismo nel cuore dell'Europa. Il Belgio si trova in
una delle più profonde crisi politiche nella sua storia, perché i partiti politici della Vallonia
e della Flandria, a causa di insuperabili divergenze nelle posizioni sul futuro ordinamento
del paese, non riescono già da sei mesi a formare il governo.
=== 4 ===
http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20071219/93261437.html
Russian Information Agency Novosti
December 19, 2007
Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe
MOSCOW - The Kosovo issue has been forwarded to the UN
Security Council. The Russian Foreign Ministry
suggests that Belgrade and Pristina should have
another chance to come to terms. A decision on
Kosovo's cessation from Serbia will create a precedent
and violate international law.
Today, Europe is the venue of both integration and
separatist processes. Experts have calculated that in
the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in
Europe.
The Basque Country is the most traditional example of
European separatism.
In Spain, about two million Basques live in three
provinces of what is called the Basque Country.
It has broader powers than other Spanish regions; the
living standards are above the average; and Basque is
recognized as an official language. But despite this
devolution deal, the advocates of secession from Spain
(to be merged with the Basque-populated part of
France) are not going to stop at that.
Francisco Franco was responsible for the growth of
separatism - the Basques were not allowed to publish
books and newspapers; conduct instruction in Basque
(native name - euskara); give children Basque names or
put out their national flag.
Euskadi Ta Askatasuna or ETA (Basque for "Basque
Homeland and Freedom") was set up in 1959 as an
anti-Franco party. Franco has long been dead and the
Basque country has received autonomous status, but
this does not prevent the Basque terrorists from
fighting. More than 900 people have fallen victim to
the struggle for "independence."
Catalonia, an autonomous province in the northeast of
Spain, is also a headache for Madrid.
Having their own language and culture, the Catalans
have always stressed their separate identity in Spain.
Their province enjoys extensive autonomy in Spain, a
constitutional monarchy.
Relations with the central government in Madrid are
being regulated by a separate charter. In 2005, the
new version of the charter said that the Catalans are
a separate nation.
However, there are dozens of parties and public
organizations in the region, mostly left-wing, which
are advocating cessation from Spain. Their goal is to
hold a referendum on independence until 2014.
Another Spanish province, Valencia, received new
autonomous status in July 2007.
France has long-standing experience of resisting
separatism and extremism on its territory, above all
in the Mediterranean island of Corsica.
Corsican national groups clashed with the French army
in the middle 1970s.
The Corsican Nationalist Union and the Movement for
Self-Determination are the biggest and most
influential among these groups.
Both have combat units.
In the last 25 years, the island's status was upgraded
twice - in 1982 and 1990 the local authorities were
given increasingly broad powers in the economy,
agriculture, energy industry, transportation,
education, and culture.
Several years ago, the French parliament recognized
the existence of the Corsican nation. This decision
was later cancelled as contradicting the Constitution
of the French Republic.
The Breton Revolutionary Army (BRA) has operated in
Bretagne, a north-western French province, since the
early 1970s.
The descendants of the Celts, who once came from the
British Isles, do not identify themselves fully with
the French, or consider themselves special among other
French citizens.
During censuses, many of them call themselves Bretons
although put French as their native tongue. The BRA
(apparently named by analogy with the Irish Republican
Army - IRA) belongs to the extremist wing of the
nationalist movement Emgann, which is fighting against
the "French oppressors."
In Italy, separatist attitudes are strong in the
industrially advanced northern regions. The
influential League of the North has so far given up
its demand of secession and insists on Italy becoming
a federation. There are also people wishing to see
South Tirol [Tyrol], which Italy received after WWI,
reunited with Austria.
Belgium may separate into northern Flanders (whose
residents speak Dutch and are leaning towards the
Netherlands) and southern French-speaking Wallonia.
This confrontation between Belgium's two linguistic
communities is rooted in the beginning of Belgium's
independent history when the Walloons and the Flemish
formed a union against the Netherlands.
Having once united in the name of freedom, they have
been trying to break apart for almost two centuries.
Appeals for independence are growing stronger and
stronger - the economically advanced Flanders does not
want to "feed" the Walloon Region. Polls show that
more than 60% of the Flemish and over 40% of the
Walloons believe that Belgium may disintegrate.
In Britain, the separatist attitudes have moved from
Ulster [Northern Ireland] to Scotland.
The recent Scottish parliamentary elections were won
by the supporters of the formation of a new
independent state from the Scottish National Party
(SNP).
The head of the Scottish government Alex Salmond
declared that Scotland may become independent within a
decade.
So far, only 23% of Scots support the idea of their
independence (as compared with 30% a year ago).
However, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon
Brown (the current British Prime Minister) warned in
the press that Britain would be threatened with
"Balkanization" if the 300 year-long union between
England and Scotland continued weakening.
Denmark's Faroe Islands are a semi-autonomous
territory, living on the government's subsidies of
almost $170 million a year. This fact is a restraint
for the local separatists, although five years ago
they tried to conduct a referendum on independence.
Quiet Switzerland also has its own separatists. The
Front for the Liberation of Yura has been demanding
this canton's independence from the confederation for
over 30 years.
At one time, Yura, inhabited by French-speaking
Catholics, was transferred to the canton of Bern with
its predominantly German-speaking Protestant
population. The Front's leaders admit that their
chances of success are minimal.
Vojvodina is a Serbian autonomous region located some
35 km (22 miles) away from Belgrade.
The Alliance of Vojvodina's Magyars, whose
representatives control almost 70% of the region's
territory, demand a republican status for the region,
a referendum on secession from Serbia and a
confederation with Hungary.
Late last March, the Association asked the European
Union to send a mission to study the situation.
Hungarians now account for more than 40% of the
region's population.
A similar scenario is developing in Romanian
Transylvania (in 1940-1945 it belonged to Hungary; in
1919-1939 to Romania; and before that to
Austria-Hungary).
The percentage of Hungarians there already exceeds
45%.
The Union for the Revival of Hungarian Transylvania,
set up under Ceausescu, has already held referendums
on territorial autonomy in three Transylvanian
districts late last March. The local Hungarians
expressed themselves for the maximal autonomy from
Bucharest and independent relations with Budapest.
"Anti-colonial" raids have become more frequent in
Italian Sardinia, and in the Austrian provinces of
Stiria and particularly Carinthia, mostly populated by
Croatians and Slovenians.
The South Albanian Greeks and residents of the
Portuguese Azores have also become increasingly active
in demanding autonomy.
=== 5 ===
http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,2998982,00.html
Deutsche Welle - December 11, 2007
Opponents of Kosovo Independence Fear Separatist Reaction
Will an independent Kosovo give rise to separatist movements elsewhere?
The expected declaration of independence by Kosovo has
a number of nations on edge. Those who oppose Kosovo's
autonomy harbor separatists of their own. A free
Kosovo could be just the rallying call these movements
need.
With all the signs pointing towards a declaration of
independence from Kosovo after the UN-set deadline for
reaching a settlement passes on Monday, the European
Union is bracing itself for a wave of renewed calls
for autonomy from separatist movements across Europe.
If Kosovo declares independence from Serbia, it will
set a powerful precedent for movements from Spain to
Scotland, all wanting to rewrite the map of Europe and
form their own independent states, according to
experts.
"There is a real risk that the quasi-dogma of the
intangibility of borders which has existed since the
end of the World War II will fall," French political
scientist Jean-Yves Camus of the Paris-based IRIS
institute told AFP. "This would benefit movements
which seek to rewrite the map of Europe based on
ethnic, linguistic or cultural criteria," added Camus,
a specialist on separatist movements in Europe.
The emergence of similar lifestyles and English as a
common language in Europe, combined with the
disappearance of borders and the lack of democratic
legitimacy of EU bodies, had fueled "the development
of micro-distinctive identities," said Camus.
While Kosovo's ethnic majority leaders have vowed not
to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia
without US and European Union approval, they are
expected to announce their intentions to form a new
state in early 2008.
Opposition includes fear of own breakaway states
Many of the countries which oppose the creation of an
independent state of Kosovo have at least one
separatist movement working towards autonomy within
their own borders.
Serbia's ally Russia, which leads the opposition, has
problems with separatists in Chechnya and the Caucasus
region while Spain has had a long-running dispute with
the armed ETA movement. Other countries against
Kosovo's independence such as Cyprus and Greece have
ethnic minorities which demand more power.
"In the West, this [Kosovo] solution will set off
separatists in Europe," Russian President Vladimir
Putin said in an interview published in French
newspaper Le Figaro earlier this year. "Look at
Scotland, Catalonia and the Basque Country."
Spain is currently experiencing a period of unease as
its northern Basque Country and its wealthy
northeastern region of Catalonia have stepped up their
demands for more autonomy.
Last year Catalan voters overwhelmingly backed a new
charter which recognized the region as a "nation"
within Spain and grants it enhanced powers in taxation
and judicial matters.
Separatists claim EU structure makes autonomy possible
As in other separatist regions of Europe like
Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium,
and northern Italy, supporters said Catalonia deserved
extra powers because it makes a bigger contribution to
the economy.
The armed Basque separatist group ETA ended a 15-month
ceasefire in June while the Scottish National Party,
which came to power in May, plans to hold a referendum
on independence in 2010.
Belgium meanwhile has been without a government for
six months after a general election on June 10
highlighted deep divisions between the nation's
majority Dutch-speakers and Francophones.
For many nationalists, membership in the 27-nation
European Union has only served to make separation seem
more viable.
"Europe can regulate our functionings and transfer
payments. Why must we maintain this intermediate roof
we call Belgium," the leader of the Flemish
nationalist party, Bart De Wever, told French daily Le
Monde last month.
Russia to block independence at UN level
Meanwhile, Russia stepped up its opposition Tuesday by
announcing that it would demand that the UN Security
Council annul any unilateral declaration of
independence by Kosovo.
"Russia will of course demand the annulment of such a
decision. We will demand a meeting of the Security
Council because it would be a violation of a Council
resolution," Russia's Interfax news agency quoted the
country's chief Kosovo negotiator Alexander
Botsan-Kharchenko as saying.
=== 6 ===
http://www.eubusiness.com/news-eu/1197337627.56
EU Business - December 11, 2007
Kosovo independence seen fueling nationalist movements in EU
MADRID - If Kosovo declares independence from Serbia
after Monday's UN-set deadline for reaching a
settlement has passed, a powerful precedent will be
set for separatist movements across Europe, from Spain
to Scotland, observers say.
"There is a real risk that the quasi-dogma of the
intangibility of borders which has existed since the
end of the Second World War will fall," French
political scientist Jean-Yves Camus of the Paris-based
IRIS institute told AFP.
"This would benefit movements which seek to rewrite
the map of Europe based on ethnic, linguistic or
cultural criteria," added Camus, a specialist on
separatist movements in Europe.
Kosovo's ethnic majority leaders are widely expected
to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia in
early 2008 but have vowed not to do so without US and
European Union approval.
Although the province formally remains part of Serbia,
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations and NATO
since 1999, when NATO airstrikes ended a Serbian
crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Serbia, backed by its ally Russia, opposes Kosovo's
plan and at least four EU nations - Cyprus, Greece,
Slovakia and Spain - are reluctant to recognise a
unilateral declaration of independence, in part
because of the precedent it might set for separatists
nearer to home.
"In the West, this solution will set off separatists
in Europe. Look at Scotland, Catalonia, the Basque
Country," Russian President Vladimir Putin said in an
interview published in French newspaper Le Figaro
earlier this year.
Kosovo's expected declaration of independence comes at
a time when Spain's northern Basque Country and its
wealthy northeastern region of Catalonia have stepped
up their demands for more authonomy.
Last year Catalan voters overwhelmingly backed a new
charter which recognized the region as a "nation"
within Spain and grants it enhanced powers in taxation
and judicial matters.
As in other separatist regions of Europe like
Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium,
and northern Italy, supporters said Catalonia deserved
extra powers because it makes a bigger contribution to
the economy.
The armed Basque separatist group ETA ended a 15-month
ceasefire in June while the Scottish National Party,
which came to power in May, plans to hold a referendum
on independence in 2010.
Belgium meanwhile has been without a government for
six months after a general election on June 10
highlighted deep divisions between the nation's
majority Dutch-speakers and Francophones.
For many nationalists, membership in the 27-nation
European Union has only served to make separation seem
more viable.
"Europe can regulate our functionings and transfer
payments. Why must we maintain this intermediate roof
we call Belgium," the leader of the Flemish
nationalist party, Bart De Wever, told French daily Le
Monde last month.
The emergence of similar lifestyles and English as a
common language in Europe, combined with the
disappearance of borders and the lack of democratic
legitimacy of EU bodies, had fueled "the development
of microdistinctive identities," said Camus.
Dal Kosovo al Belgio. La dissezione (germanica) dell'Europa (1/2)
1) Anschlusspläne / Accession Plans
"... The ongoing current government crisis in Brussels is provoking discussions of
secession projects in Belgium's Germanophonic eastern cantons (...) The Germanophonic
community (DG), an administrative conglomeration, representing the 70.000
Germanophonic minority around Eupen and St. Vith (...) It has its own parliament and its
own government. Questions are being raised about the DG's future - if Flanders separates
from Wallonia. (...) "If Belgium splits, we, of course, have to keep all options open" ..."
(GFP 2007/12/11)
2) Das Ende von Belgien?
Kleinstaaten für das internationale Kapitalmonopol: Wie die »Zeitung für Deutschland« die
Landkarte Europas neu zeichnet
Von Andreas Wehr (junge Welt - 31.12.2007)
3) La Vallonia è preoccupata per le conseguenze dell'indipendenza kosovara
(Radio Serbia 13 dicembre 2007)
4) Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe
Experts have calculated that in the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in
Europe
Russian Information Agency Novosti - December 19, 2007
5) Opponents of Kosovo Independence Fear Separatist Reaction
Will an independent Kosovo give rise to separatist movements elsewhere?
Deutsche Welle - December 11, 2007
6) Kosovo independence seen fueling nationalist movements in EU
EU Business - December 11, 2007
VEDI ANCHE / SEE ALSO:
Le foto della manifestazione per l'unità del Belgio /
Manifestation pour l'unité de la Belgique à Bruxelles, 18 novembre 2007
http://www.ptb.be/fr/nouvelles/article/manifestation-pour-lunite-de-la-belgique-a-
bruxelles.html
E' la fine del Belgio?
Un drammatico ma significativo allarme sui progetti di destrutturazione sociale e statuale
della borghesia nel cuore dell'Europa
di Herwig Lerouge
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/5705
The End of Belgium?
Door Herwig Lerouge
http://www.pvda.be/nl/nieuws/article/the-end-of-belgium.html
Belgique - Transferts Flandre-Wallonie: mythes et vérités
« Séparer le pays ? Non, mais il faut arrêter les transferts d'argent de la Flandre vers la
Wallonie», entend-on souvent au Nord du pays. Enquête sur les chiffres.
David Pestieau & Herwig Lerouge - http://www.solidaire.org/ mardi, 4 septembre 2007
http://www.michelcollon.info/articles.php?dateaccess=2007-09-
09%2015:51:02&log=invites
An uncertain future
The year that was: As an enlarged EU searched for a raison d'etre, Belgium spent much of
this year struggling with its own identity crisis
Khaled Diab, The Guardian, December 26, 2007
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/khaled_diab/2007/12/an_uncertain_future.html
German "Imperium" Europe
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56041
http://www.freenations.freeuk.com/gc-63.html
Deutsches Imperium Europa
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/56679
L'Europe, empire allemand
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/fr/fulltext/55940
=== 1 ===
(Der folgende Artikel ist auch auf Deutsch zu lesen:
Anschlusspläne
11.12.2007 - Angesichts der anhaltenden Regierungskrise in Brüssel werden
Sezessionspläne für die deutschsprachigen Ostkantone Belgiens diskutiert...
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/57099 )
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56118
Accession Plans
2007/12/11
BRUSSELS/EUPEN/DUESSELDORF/BERLIN (Own report) - The ongoing current government
crisis in Brussels is provoking discussions of secession projects in Belgium's
Germanophonic eastern cantons. If the two large regions in Belgium, Flanders and
Wallonia, really separate, why should the Eupen and St. Vith region not reorient itself - is
a question being raised among the 70.000 Germanophones in eastern Belgium, who are
also discussing their region's possible accession to Luxemburg or Germany. Intensive
preparations by Germany's North Rhine-Westphalia, in close cooperation with the
Germanophonic administration in eastern Belgium, point toward the German option. The
two regions initiated new forms of cooperation last summer. Flemish separatism is at the
root of Belgium's current government crisis and could, eventually, lead to a breakup of the
country. In the past, Flemish separatism was strongly influenced by an anti-French
alliance with a westward spreading German hegemonic policy. Berlin's objective was
always to roll back French influence on its western neighbor.
Government Crisis
Belgium's current government crisis which has persisted for several months began during
coalition negotiations following the June 10, 2007 legislative elections, that were won by
Yves Leterme, from the conservative Partei Christen Democratisch en Vlaams (CD en V).
His efforts to form a government alliance failed because of demands advanced by Dutch
speaking Flanders. For years Flemish forces, demanding a halt to the flow of tax money
from this wealthier northern region to the poorer French-speaking region, Wallonia, have
been gaining strength. Included among them are also those seeking the secession of
Flanders from Belgium. Flemish separatism has its base in influential milieus. This year -
with the aid of the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA) political party - it was able to enter an
electoral alliance with the conservatives (CD en V), and play an important role in the
coalition negotiations. But the Wallonian partners in the negotiations refuse to meet the
demands to transfer powers from the central government in Brussels to regional
governments, as raised by the CD en V and N-VA - because of their well-founded fear of
the breakup of Belgium, as a nation.
Options
The persistent dispute around the formation of a government in Brussels has provoked
debates about Belgium's future, including its eastern cantons. The Germanophonic
community (DG), an administrative conglomeration, representing the 70.000
Germanophonic minority around Eupen and St. Vith, has been granted numerous
autonomous rights over the past decades. It has its own parliament and its own
government. Questions are being raised about the DG's future - if Flanders separates from
Wallonia. As Karl-Heinz Lambertz, the social-democrat prime minister in Eupen declared:
"If Belgium splits, we, of course, have to keep all options open." According to Lambertz,
several scenarios are currently on the table - ranging from sovereignty to unifying with
Luxemburg to the south or accession to Germany to the east.[1] In the DG one hears that
Luxemburg's prosperity is to its advantage, "salaries are excellent and pensions not
bad".[2] The long preparatory political work speaks in favor of Germany.
Project Promotion
For a long time, German influence in eastern Belgium was centered on cultural affairs,
through subsidies for Germanophonic Belgians paid, among others, by the Hermann-
Niermann-Foundation (Duesseldorf / North Rhine-Westphalia). In the late 1980s, this
foundation was heavily criticized because some of its personnel came from the extreme-
rightist milieu and because of contacts to terrorist circles in South Tyrol, which persisted
up to 1987.[3] At the end of 1994 the Hermann-Niermann-Foundation ceased financial
support for eastern Belgium, but successfully won lawsuits against east Belgian critics,
strongly protesting German financial interference in east Belgian cultural affairs. At the
time the suits was filed, an undersecretary of the German interior ministry, in charge of
the promotion of Germanophonic minorities abroad, was board chairman of the
foundation.[4] The critics resistance against Germany's interference collapsed with their
defeat in court. Today there is little protest heard against DG's close collaboration with the
Federal Union of European Nationalities, FUEN. FUEN, subsidized with German taxes, has
built a network connecting Germanophonic minorities all over Europe with officials of the
German interior ministry.[5]
Cooperation Treaty
The cultural lobbying, with financial aid for selected projects, was replaced by a
cooperation treaty between the DG in Eupen and the administration of North Rhine-
Westphalia. On March 4, 2004, the respective prime ministers signed a "common
Declaration" aimed at establishing "a close linkage between the two regions," including the
fields of "the educational system, art and culture, the media, recreation, sports and
tourism, youth, social security and health, professional training and employment, Europe
and regional structural policies as well as general administrative affairs." In all of these
areas, the DG has autonomous authority independent of the central government in
Brussels.[6] Too small to have their own sovereign policy, the east Belgian cantons are now
transferring these responsibilities to the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Just last
summer, ministries from eastern Belgium and North Rhine-Westphalia intensified their
cooperation in the fields of education and research. But independently from that, German
and Belgian communes are intensifying their cross border collaboration, mainly within the
so-called "Euregio Maas-Rhein" framework.[7]
Opposing Interests
If Flanders separates from Wallonia, Flemish separatism would release and irretrievably
detach the DG from Brussels. Throughout its history, Flemish separatism, especially its
radical variation, has been also influenced by Germany. When, in the course of World War I,
the government of the German Reich realized that its chances to win were fading away and
was preparing for a compromise peace, it intensified its so-called Flemish policy.
Strengthening Flemish collaborators, Germany was hoping to keep Belgium under its
influence after a peace accord. In 1917, to the advantage of Flemish nationalists, the
German occupying power divided Belgium into two administrative regions - Flanders and
Wallonia. This collaboration "gave birth to the notion of contradictory vital interests
between `Flanders' and `Belgium', which had been largely unknown to the Flemish
movement before the war," according to an analysis of the German-Flemish
relationship.[8] Flemish separatism is today still based on this notion.
Knowledge and Support
Following its defeat in 1918, the German Reich considered Flemish nationalism to be a
guarantee against France becoming stronger. As assumed by the historian Robert Paul
Oszwald (Potsdam) in 1927, Paris was struggling "with all its intellectual, economic and
military means to win influence in northwestern Europe, to take control over the German
lifeline, the estuary of the Rhine." Only the nationalist and radically Anti-French Flemish
came into question as a counteracting force.[9] Oszwald, who was "the key figure in the
relationship between German and Flemish nationalists during the Weimar epoch" [10]
served as advisor to the German foreign ministry in the 1920s. He functioned as a broker
between the German Reich and the "niederlaendischen Kulturkreis" (Dutch cultural circle)
"with the knowledge and support of the foreign ministry, up to 1932, when government
policy changed course" wrote Oszwald in a "report on the situation of the neutral western
states Belgium and Holland,"[11] in early February 1940 - just three months before the
German invasion of its western neighbors. But already in 1933, he was able to continue his
work - on behalf of Division VII of the Reich's Propaganda Ministry.
Against Paris
The anti-French posture is still an element of Flemish separatism. When the winner of the
June 10, elections, Yves Leterme, was asked by a TV reporter to sing the Belgian national
anthem, he chimed in the wrong melody. Rather than the Belgian national anthem,
Leterme, the known promoter of a greater autonomy for Flanders, began to sing the
Marseillaise. The candidate for the prime minister's office thereby underlined an important
element of his policy. It is directed against French influence in Belgium, thus favoring
Berlin.
Please read also: Autonomy for "German" Belgium, "Dissolve frontiers like a sugar lump in
tea", Anschluss an Deutschland: "Kein Fehlverhalten", German pressure group in East
Belgium, Brückenkopf im Westen, Identitätsfindung, Baldiger Anschluss, Gemeinsam mehr
erreichen! and Ethno-Netzwerk.
[1] Ostbelgier sehen die Regierungskrise noch gelassen; Aachener Zeitung 08.11.2007
[2] Eine Nation gerät ins Wanken; Südwest Presse 15.11.2007
[3] see also Baldiger Anschluss and Ethno-Netzwerk
[4] see also "Conspiracy against Belgium" and Fliehkräfte
[5] see also Aktionseinheiten
[6] Ministerpräsident Peer Steinbrück: "Zusammenarbeit zwischen NRW und der
Deutschsprachigen Gemeinschaft Belgiens vorbildhaft"; Landespresse- und
Informationsamt Nordrhein-Westfalen 04.03.2004. See also Ostbelgien im deutschen Netz
[7] see also "Die Potenziale des Nachbarn nutzen", "Raumordnung" um Aachen herum and
Stilles Wachstum
[8] Winfried Dolderer: Der flämische Nationalismus und Deutschland zwischen den
Weltkriegen, in: Burkhard Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen,
Münster 2003
[9] Robert Paul Oszwald: Nordwesteuropa, in: Volk und Reich Jahrgang 3 Nummer 12,
Dezember 1927
[10] Winfried Dolderer: Der flämische Nationalismus und Deutschland zwischen den
Weltkriegen, in: Burkhard Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen,
Münster 2003
[11] Stephan Laux: Flandern im Spiegel der "wirklichen Volksgeschichte", in: Burkhard
Dietz, Helmut Gabel, Ulrich Tiedau (Hg.): Griff nach dem Westen, Münster 2003
=== 2 ===
http://www.jungewelt.de/2007/12-31/052.php
31.12.2007 / Schwerpunkt / Seite 3
Das Ende von Belgien?
Kleinstaaten für das internationale Kapitalmonopol: Wie die »Zeitung für Deutschland« die
Landkarte Europas neu zeichnet
Von Andreas Wehr
Nun also Belgien! Die Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, die sich in ihren bisherigen
Berichten über das Auf und Ab in der sich nun schon seit einem halben Jahr hinziehenden
belgischen Regierungskrise mal belustigt, mal mäßig besorgt zeigte, sprach jetzt ihr
Verdikt: »Das Ende von Belgien«, ausdrücklich ohne ein Fragezeichen versehen, lautete die
Überschrift eines Zweispalters von Dirk Schümer im Feuilleton der »Zeitung für
Deutschland« Mitte Dezember (siehe auszugsweise Dokumentation unten). Ganz so, als sei
dieses Ende bereits eingetreten. Und genau so ist es auch gemeint. Zwar wird dem
Gesamtstaat eine Gnadenfrist eingeräumt, da diesmal »der landestypische Kompromiß«
wohl noch mal erzielt werde. Doch der kann nach Schümer nur »der letzte sein«. Und so
macht sich der Autor bereits Gedanken darüber, was aus Brüssel, dem Königshaus und der
»maroden Wallonie« anschließend werden soll.
Daß tatsächlich nur wenige im Land, bei aller Gereiztheit und Ratlosigkeit über die nicht
endenwollende Regierungskrise, ernsthaft über eine Scheidung nachdenken, ist für
Schümer nebensächlich: »Zwar spricht sich nur eine Minderheit von weniger als zwanzig
Prozent der Belgier für eine sofortige Teilung aus, doch dürfte die Spaltung auf mittlere
Sicht gar nicht mehr zu verhindern sein (...)«. Daß die in Europa einflußreiche Frankfurter
Allgemeine mit Sympathie über eine Auflösung des Nachbarstaats schreibt, wird von den
flämischen Separatisten aufmerksam registriert und als Ermutigung verstanden werden.
Wie bereits zuvor bei der Zerstörung Jugoslawiens, der Auflösung der Sowjet union und
der Teilung der Tschechoslowakei ist auch jetzt wieder die Rede von einem »Kunststaat«,
der zu Recht untergehe. Laut FAZ soll auch »Belgien als lukratives Kunstprodukt
erschaffen« worden sein und »zwar von einem kleinen Kreis reicher Kulturfranzosen«. Da
kann man nur staunen! Nicht etwa das von oben zusammengezimmerte, auf
mittelalterlichen Dynastien errichtete und mit Hilfe eines Krieges aus der Taufe gehobene
Bismarcksche Deutsche Reich war ein Kunststaat, nein, dies soll vielmehr das 40 Jahre
zuvor gegründete Belgien sein. Und so zählen die seinerzeit beispiellose liberale und mo
derne Verfassung und die dort gelebten Freiheitsrechte des 1830 gegründeten, ersten
wirklich bürgerlichen Staates Europas nichts. Ein natürlicher und eben nicht »künstlicher«
Staat ist nach Meinung Schümers offensichtlich nur einer, der sich durch einheitliche
Sprache, ethnische Geschlossenheit und auch Blutsverwandtschaft der Stämme
auszeichnet. Dies ist klassisch romantisch, durch und durch reaktionär und leider auch
sehr deutsch. Wir wissen, wohin das bei uns geführt hat. Erst nach dem Zusammenbruch
des Wilhelminischen Reiches konnte Deutschland – gut 90 (!) Jahre nach Gründung
Belgiens – an jene dort vorweggenommene Entwicklung endlich anknüpfen.
»Kunststaaten« wären nach diesem Maßstab übrigens die meisten Länder der Welt. Und so
ist das herbeigeschriebene Schicksal Belgiens denn auch nur ein Menetekel für
Kommendes. In der Ankündigung des FAZ-Artikels heißt es: »Ein Staat zerfällt. Dieses
Szenario werden wir bald noch häufiger erleben, bei den Schotten, den Kosovaren, auch
den Südtirolern.«
Was zerreißt nun auch westeuropäi sche Staaten in einem historischen Augenblick, in dem
sich doch Europa angeblich gerade vereint? Es ist genau jener europäische
Einigungsprozeß, der ja nichts anderes ist als ein Ein- und Unterordnungsprozeß in das
System der Globalisierung, der die Nationalstaaten sprengt. Lange war angenommen
worden, daß die Grundfreiheiten der EU, der freie Waren-, Personen-, Dienstleitungs- und
Kapitalverkehr allein die Mitgliedsstaaten in einen erbarmungslosen Standortnationalismus
treibt. Nun machen sich auch die reichen Regionen dieser Länder auf, die innerstaatliche
Solidarität aufzukündigen und notleidende Gebiete abzuschütteln. Im erbarmungslosen
Kampf der Regionen jede gegen jede wird innerstaatliche Solidarität zu einem Luxus. In
Belgien ist es Flandern, das dem »maroden Wallonien« angeblich »die Renten- und
Sozialkassen alimentiert«. Die Schotten wollen die Einnahmen aus dem Nordseeöl nicht
länger teilen, die Anhänger der italienischen Lega Nord nicht für den armen Süden zahlen,
und die reichen Katalanen fühlen sich eh als ein eigenständiges Mittelmeervolk. Die Liste
ließe sich um einige Kandidaten verlängern, auch um deutsche. »Aus deutscher
Perspektive zeigt der Verfall Belgiens, daß eine Nation mit eingebautem Wohlstandsgefälle
nur schwer überlebt«, resümiert Dirk Schümer. Und die FAZ weist schon mal den Weg:
»Diese wohlhabenden Entitäten, denen der Nationalstaat des vorigen Jahrhunderts zu eng
wird, eint der Wille, nach dem Loswerden der Zentralmacht und einer angepeilten
›Unabhängigkeit‹ schnellstmöglich der EU beizutreten.« Und so könnten statt der heute 27
bald 40 oder gar 50 Staaten diese Union bilden. Das internationale Monopolkapital wird es
freuen, sind doch solche Kleinstaaten Wachs in ihren Händen.
Der Kapitalismus neoliberalen Zuschnitts macht sich auf, die Landkarte Europas neu zu
zeichnen. Die nationalen Bourgeoisien sind an großen und einheitlichen Territorien immer
weniger interessiert, spielen doch Grenzen dank der EU-Binnenmarktfreiheiten für den
ungehinderten Kapital- und Warenfluß keine Rolle mehr. Doch Nationalstaaten sind nach
dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges in harten Klassenauseinandersetzungen und unter dem
Eindruck des Vorbilds des Ostens auch Sozialstaaten geworden. In ihnen wird Solidarität
durch den Transfer erheblicher Mittel zugunsten notleidender Regionen geübt. Dafür ist
die EU kein Ersatz. Der Kampf für den Erhalt des Nationalstaats ist daher in erster Linie
eine soziale Auseinandersetzung. Traditionelle und liebgewordene antietaistische
Sichtweisen trüben in diesem Kampf nur den Blick auf die wirklichen Gefahren.
Der Autor lebt und arbeitet in Brüssel
MEHR AUS DER RUBRIK SCHWERPUNKT (31.12.2007)
Ein Nationalstaat zerfällt – Das Ende von Belgien
Auszüge aus dem FAZ-Artikel vom 14.12.07
=== 3 ===
www.radioserbia
La Vallonia è preoccupata per le conseguenze dell'indipendenza kosovara
13 dicembre 2007 15:24
I deputati di tutti i partiti politici della Vallonia, regione meridionale belga in cui si parla il
francese, hanno espresso una seria preoccupazione per la possibile indipendenza del
Kosovo, valutando che questo potrebbe avere un effetto-domino sul Belgio, di cui la parte
settentrionale, Flandria, in cui si parla la lingua olandese, tende a secedere. Dobbiamo
fermare la nascita di nuovi, artificiali stati in Europa, ha dichiarato il deputato del
principale partito di Vallonia, Movimento riformista, Francois Xavier de Donneas. Il
deputato del partito ecologista Josie Dubier ha dichiarato di temere che, come ha detto, si
stia accendendo una macchina infernale separatista, e il socialista Patrick Morieau ha
avvisato che esiste il pericolo del separatismo nel cuore dell'Europa. Il Belgio si trova in
una delle più profonde crisi politiche nella sua storia, perché i partiti politici della Vallonia
e della Flandria, a causa di insuperabili divergenze nelle posizioni sul futuro ordinamento
del paese, non riescono già da sei mesi a formare il governo.
=== 4 ===
http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20071219/93261437.html
Russian Information Agency Novosti
December 19, 2007
Hotbeds of separatism in modern Europe
MOSCOW - The Kosovo issue has been forwarded to the UN
Security Council. The Russian Foreign Ministry
suggests that Belgrade and Pristina should have
another chance to come to terms. A decision on
Kosovo's cessation from Serbia will create a precedent
and violate international law.
Today, Europe is the venue of both integration and
separatist processes. Experts have calculated that in
the 21st century more than 10 new states may emerge in
Europe.
The Basque Country is the most traditional example of
European separatism.
In Spain, about two million Basques live in three
provinces of what is called the Basque Country.
It has broader powers than other Spanish regions; the
living standards are above the average; and Basque is
recognized as an official language. But despite this
devolution deal, the advocates of secession from Spain
(to be merged with the Basque-populated part of
France) are not going to stop at that.
Francisco Franco was responsible for the growth of
separatism - the Basques were not allowed to publish
books and newspapers; conduct instruction in Basque
(native name - euskara); give children Basque names or
put out their national flag.
Euskadi Ta Askatasuna or ETA (Basque for "Basque
Homeland and Freedom") was set up in 1959 as an
anti-Franco party. Franco has long been dead and the
Basque country has received autonomous status, but
this does not prevent the Basque terrorists from
fighting. More than 900 people have fallen victim to
the struggle for "independence."
Catalonia, an autonomous province in the northeast of
Spain, is also a headache for Madrid.
Having their own language and culture, the Catalans
have always stressed their separate identity in Spain.
Their province enjoys extensive autonomy in Spain, a
constitutional monarchy.
Relations with the central government in Madrid are
being regulated by a separate charter. In 2005, the
new version of the charter said that the Catalans are
a separate nation.
However, there are dozens of parties and public
organizations in the region, mostly left-wing, which
are advocating cessation from Spain. Their goal is to
hold a referendum on independence until 2014.
Another Spanish province, Valencia, received new
autonomous status in July 2007.
France has long-standing experience of resisting
separatism and extremism on its territory, above all
in the Mediterranean island of Corsica.
Corsican national groups clashed with the French army
in the middle 1970s.
The Corsican Nationalist Union and the Movement for
Self-Determination are the biggest and most
influential among these groups.
Both have combat units.
In the last 25 years, the island's status was upgraded
twice - in 1982 and 1990 the local authorities were
given increasingly broad powers in the economy,
agriculture, energy industry, transportation,
education, and culture.
Several years ago, the French parliament recognized
the existence of the Corsican nation. This decision
was later cancelled as contradicting the Constitution
of the French Republic.
The Breton Revolutionary Army (BRA) has operated in
Bretagne, a north-western French province, since the
early 1970s.
The descendants of the Celts, who once came from the
British Isles, do not identify themselves fully with
the French, or consider themselves special among other
French citizens.
During censuses, many of them call themselves Bretons
although put French as their native tongue. The BRA
(apparently named by analogy with the Irish Republican
Army - IRA) belongs to the extremist wing of the
nationalist movement Emgann, which is fighting against
the "French oppressors."
In Italy, separatist attitudes are strong in the
industrially advanced northern regions. The
influential League of the North has so far given up
its demand of secession and insists on Italy becoming
a federation. There are also people wishing to see
South Tirol [Tyrol], which Italy received after WWI,
reunited with Austria.
Belgium may separate into northern Flanders (whose
residents speak Dutch and are leaning towards the
Netherlands) and southern French-speaking Wallonia.
This confrontation between Belgium's two linguistic
communities is rooted in the beginning of Belgium's
independent history when the Walloons and the Flemish
formed a union against the Netherlands.
Having once united in the name of freedom, they have
been trying to break apart for almost two centuries.
Appeals for independence are growing stronger and
stronger - the economically advanced Flanders does not
want to "feed" the Walloon Region. Polls show that
more than 60% of the Flemish and over 40% of the
Walloons believe that Belgium may disintegrate.
In Britain, the separatist attitudes have moved from
Ulster [Northern Ireland] to Scotland.
The recent Scottish parliamentary elections were won
by the supporters of the formation of a new
independent state from the Scottish National Party
(SNP).
The head of the Scottish government Alex Salmond
declared that Scotland may become independent within a
decade.
So far, only 23% of Scots support the idea of their
independence (as compared with 30% a year ago).
However, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon
Brown (the current British Prime Minister) warned in
the press that Britain would be threatened with
"Balkanization" if the 300 year-long union between
England and Scotland continued weakening.
Denmark's Faroe Islands are a semi-autonomous
territory, living on the government's subsidies of
almost $170 million a year. This fact is a restraint
for the local separatists, although five years ago
they tried to conduct a referendum on independence.
Quiet Switzerland also has its own separatists. The
Front for the Liberation of Yura has been demanding
this canton's independence from the confederation for
over 30 years.
At one time, Yura, inhabited by French-speaking
Catholics, was transferred to the canton of Bern with
its predominantly German-speaking Protestant
population. The Front's leaders admit that their
chances of success are minimal.
Vojvodina is a Serbian autonomous region located some
35 km (22 miles) away from Belgrade.
The Alliance of Vojvodina's Magyars, whose
representatives control almost 70% of the region's
territory, demand a republican status for the region,
a referendum on secession from Serbia and a
confederation with Hungary.
Late last March, the Association asked the European
Union to send a mission to study the situation.
Hungarians now account for more than 40% of the
region's population.
A similar scenario is developing in Romanian
Transylvania (in 1940-1945 it belonged to Hungary; in
1919-1939 to Romania; and before that to
Austria-Hungary).
The percentage of Hungarians there already exceeds
45%.
The Union for the Revival of Hungarian Transylvania,
set up under Ceausescu, has already held referendums
on territorial autonomy in three Transylvanian
districts late last March. The local Hungarians
expressed themselves for the maximal autonomy from
Bucharest and independent relations with Budapest.
"Anti-colonial" raids have become more frequent in
Italian Sardinia, and in the Austrian provinces of
Stiria and particularly Carinthia, mostly populated by
Croatians and Slovenians.
The South Albanian Greeks and residents of the
Portuguese Azores have also become increasingly active
in demanding autonomy.
=== 5 ===
http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,2998982,00.html
Deutsche Welle - December 11, 2007
Opponents of Kosovo Independence Fear Separatist Reaction
Will an independent Kosovo give rise to separatist movements elsewhere?
The expected declaration of independence by Kosovo has
a number of nations on edge. Those who oppose Kosovo's
autonomy harbor separatists of their own. A free
Kosovo could be just the rallying call these movements
need.
With all the signs pointing towards a declaration of
independence from Kosovo after the UN-set deadline for
reaching a settlement passes on Monday, the European
Union is bracing itself for a wave of renewed calls
for autonomy from separatist movements across Europe.
If Kosovo declares independence from Serbia, it will
set a powerful precedent for movements from Spain to
Scotland, all wanting to rewrite the map of Europe and
form their own independent states, according to
experts.
"There is a real risk that the quasi-dogma of the
intangibility of borders which has existed since the
end of the World War II will fall," French political
scientist Jean-Yves Camus of the Paris-based IRIS
institute told AFP. "This would benefit movements
which seek to rewrite the map of Europe based on
ethnic, linguistic or cultural criteria," added Camus,
a specialist on separatist movements in Europe.
The emergence of similar lifestyles and English as a
common language in Europe, combined with the
disappearance of borders and the lack of democratic
legitimacy of EU bodies, had fueled "the development
of micro-distinctive identities," said Camus.
While Kosovo's ethnic majority leaders have vowed not
to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia
without US and European Union approval, they are
expected to announce their intentions to form a new
state in early 2008.
Opposition includes fear of own breakaway states
Many of the countries which oppose the creation of an
independent state of Kosovo have at least one
separatist movement working towards autonomy within
their own borders.
Serbia's ally Russia, which leads the opposition, has
problems with separatists in Chechnya and the Caucasus
region while Spain has had a long-running dispute with
the armed ETA movement. Other countries against
Kosovo's independence such as Cyprus and Greece have
ethnic minorities which demand more power.
"In the West, this [Kosovo] solution will set off
separatists in Europe," Russian President Vladimir
Putin said in an interview published in French
newspaper Le Figaro earlier this year. "Look at
Scotland, Catalonia and the Basque Country."
Spain is currently experiencing a period of unease as
its northern Basque Country and its wealthy
northeastern region of Catalonia have stepped up their
demands for more autonomy.
Last year Catalan voters overwhelmingly backed a new
charter which recognized the region as a "nation"
within Spain and grants it enhanced powers in taxation
and judicial matters.
Separatists claim EU structure makes autonomy possible
As in other separatist regions of Europe like
Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium,
and northern Italy, supporters said Catalonia deserved
extra powers because it makes a bigger contribution to
the economy.
The armed Basque separatist group ETA ended a 15-month
ceasefire in June while the Scottish National Party,
which came to power in May, plans to hold a referendum
on independence in 2010.
Belgium meanwhile has been without a government for
six months after a general election on June 10
highlighted deep divisions between the nation's
majority Dutch-speakers and Francophones.
For many nationalists, membership in the 27-nation
European Union has only served to make separation seem
more viable.
"Europe can regulate our functionings and transfer
payments. Why must we maintain this intermediate roof
we call Belgium," the leader of the Flemish
nationalist party, Bart De Wever, told French daily Le
Monde last month.
Russia to block independence at UN level
Meanwhile, Russia stepped up its opposition Tuesday by
announcing that it would demand that the UN Security
Council annul any unilateral declaration of
independence by Kosovo.
"Russia will of course demand the annulment of such a
decision. We will demand a meeting of the Security
Council because it would be a violation of a Council
resolution," Russia's Interfax news agency quoted the
country's chief Kosovo negotiator Alexander
Botsan-Kharchenko as saying.
=== 6 ===
http://www.eubusiness.com/news-eu/1197337627.56
EU Business - December 11, 2007
Kosovo independence seen fueling nationalist movements in EU
MADRID - If Kosovo declares independence from Serbia
after Monday's UN-set deadline for reaching a
settlement has passed, a powerful precedent will be
set for separatist movements across Europe, from Spain
to Scotland, observers say.
"There is a real risk that the quasi-dogma of the
intangibility of borders which has existed since the
end of the Second World War will fall," French
political scientist Jean-Yves Camus of the Paris-based
IRIS institute told AFP.
"This would benefit movements which seek to rewrite
the map of Europe based on ethnic, linguistic or
cultural criteria," added Camus, a specialist on
separatist movements in Europe.
Kosovo's ethnic majority leaders are widely expected
to unilaterally declare independence from Serbia in
early 2008 but have vowed not to do so without US and
European Union approval.
Although the province formally remains part of Serbia,
Kosovo has been run by the United Nations and NATO
since 1999, when NATO airstrikes ended a Serbian
crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Serbia, backed by its ally Russia, opposes Kosovo's
plan and at least four EU nations - Cyprus, Greece,
Slovakia and Spain - are reluctant to recognise a
unilateral declaration of independence, in part
because of the precedent it might set for separatists
nearer to home.
"In the West, this solution will set off separatists
in Europe. Look at Scotland, Catalonia, the Basque
Country," Russian President Vladimir Putin said in an
interview published in French newspaper Le Figaro
earlier this year.
Kosovo's expected declaration of independence comes at
a time when Spain's northern Basque Country and its
wealthy northeastern region of Catalonia have stepped
up their demands for more authonomy.
Last year Catalan voters overwhelmingly backed a new
charter which recognized the region as a "nation"
within Spain and grants it enhanced powers in taxation
and judicial matters.
As in other separatist regions of Europe like
Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium,
and northern Italy, supporters said Catalonia deserved
extra powers because it makes a bigger contribution to
the economy.
The armed Basque separatist group ETA ended a 15-month
ceasefire in June while the Scottish National Party,
which came to power in May, plans to hold a referendum
on independence in 2010.
Belgium meanwhile has been without a government for
six months after a general election on June 10
highlighted deep divisions between the nation's
majority Dutch-speakers and Francophones.
For many nationalists, membership in the 27-nation
European Union has only served to make separation seem
more viable.
"Europe can regulate our functionings and transfer
payments. Why must we maintain this intermediate roof
we call Belgium," the leader of the Flemish
nationalist party, Bart De Wever, told French daily Le
Monde last month.
The emergence of similar lifestyles and English as a
common language in Europe, combined with the
disappearance of borders and the lack of democratic
legitimacy of EU bodies, had fueled "the development
of microdistinctive identities," said Camus.