Telepolis knews: USA: Unliebsame Recherchen unterbunden(italiano / francais / english / deutsch)
Memoria 2011 / 6
Nazi-Kriegsverbrecher auf NATO-Dienst
1) Eichmann-Akte:
* Flashbacks
* Unscrupulous. << The files, made public in Washington, shed a light on the cooperation between the post war elite of West Germany and the surviving Nazi personnel, who were integrated into the new state structures or enjoyed their secret protection. The BND served as one of the centers for this cooperation. "Now we know that at least a dozen veterans of Eichmann's 'Jewish Affairs Section' (...) worked as secret agents for the CIA and the BND (...) in the aftermath of 1945" >> (GFP / Christopher Simpson 11.06.2006)
* Eichmann, der BND und die Expertenkommission (Gaby Weber 21.01.2011)
2) Eichmann, le spie Usa sapevano ma tacquero / Eichmann, Globke, Gehlen furono salvati dagli americani in nome della guerra fredda e della ricostruzione di una Germania occidentale fedelmente alleata agli Stati Uniti (il manifesto, 2006)
3) Klaus-Barbie-Akte:
* Nazi “Butcher of Lyon” was a German intelligence agent (wsws.org 22.1.2011)
LINKS:
Neue Legitimität
27.01.2011 - HAMBURG/MÜNCHEN/PARIS (Eigener Bericht) - Die wegen der NS-Vergangenheit ihres Namensgebers schwer belastete Alfred Toepfer Stiftung (Hamburg) tritt als Bewahrerin des Erbes der von den Nazis ermordeten Geschwister Scholl auf und kündigt eine Scholl-Gedenk-Ausstellung in den Hamburger Toepfer-Räumen an. Sie soll Ende Januar beginnen. Alfred Toepfers Betriebe lieferten an die SS-Verwaltung des Ghettos Lodz (Litzmannstadt) Löschkalk für die rückstandslose Beseitigung der Leichen von Juden. Die Geschwister Scholl starben etwa zur selben Zeit unter der Guillotine der NS-Führung, die von Toepfer hofiert wurde und mit der er persönlich bekannt war. Die Ausstellung in den Räumen eines prominenten NS-Täters wird von der Münchner Weiße Rose Stiftung e.V. ausdrücklich begrüßt. Auch deutsche Historiker nehmen an den Toepfer-Aktivitäten teil, so der Leiter der KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme und der im Auftrag der Toepfer-Stiftung mehrfach tätige Hans Mommsen. Proteste kommen fast ausschließlich aus dem Ausland, wo seit Jahrzehnten darauf hingewiesen wird, dass die Stiftung einer eindeutigen Abkehr von der Politik ihres Namensgebers noch immer auszuweichen suche. Die millionenschwere Stiftung, deren Vorstandsvorsitzender ein früherer Bertelsmann-Projektleiter ist, lehnt eine Entschuldigung für die Taten Toepfers ab. Toepfer beschäftigte in der Nachkriegszeit mehrere hochrangige NS-Verbrecher, darunter der Beauftragte des Deutschen Reichs in Ungarn, Edmund Veesenmayer. Veesenmayer ist für die Deportation von 430.000 ungarischen Juden zur Ermordung nach Auschwitz persönlich verantwortlich...
LA NOSTRA PAGINA DEDICATA A RATLINES E ODESSA
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/ratlines2.htmRatlines. La guerra della Chiesa contro il comunismo: le reti di fuga dei criminali di guerra nazisti e ustascia nel secondo dopoguerra, con la copertura del Vaticano (sintesi dal libro di Mark Aarons e John Loftus)
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/ratlines.htm
=== 1 ===
FLASHBACKS:
Eichmann schwieg über Adenauers rechte Hand Hans Globke
Der Arm des BND reichte bis in Eichmanns Jerusalemer Todeszelle (Ulrich Sander 01.07.06)
Bundeskanzleramt sperrt Eichmann-Akte des BND
Die 50 Jahre zurückliegenden Geheimdienstoperationen bezüglich des Massenmörders Adolf Eichmann bleiben ein Staatsgeheimnis (Markus Kompa 23.09.2009)
http://www.heise.de/tp/r4/artikel/32/32886/1.html
Nazivergangenheit unter Verschluss
Berliner Kanzleramt verweigert Freigabe von Eichmann-Akten. Ehemalige Fluchthelfer im BND werden geschützt. Kritik von Bundesverwaltungsgericht (Harald Neuber 01.07.2010)
http://www.heise.de/tp/r4/artikel/32/32886/1.html
USA: Unliebsame Recherchen unterbunden
Deutsche Journalistin abgeschoben. Gaby Weber wollte unter anderem Akten über Nazi-Kriegsverbrecher recherchieren (Harald Neuber, 19.08.2010)
http://www.heise.de/tp/blogs/6/148232
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AUF DEUTSCH: Skrupellos
11.06.2006 - WASHINGTON/MÜNCHEN/BERLIN (Eigener Bericht) - (...) Die in Washington veröffentlichten Erkenntnisse beleuchten das Zusammenspiel zwischen den westdeutschen Nachkriegseliten und dem überlebenden NS-Personal, das in die neuen Staatsstrukturen eingemeindet wurde oder unter deren heimlichem Schutz stand. Eines der staatlichen Kooperationszentren war der Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND). "Wir wissen jetzt, dass wenigstens ein Dutzend Veteranen aus Eichmanns Judenreferat (...) nach 1945 als Geheimagenten für die CIA und den BND (...) arbeiteten", schreibt Prof. Christopher Simpson von der American University (Washington D.C.) in einem Beitrag für
german-foreign-policy.com.
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/de/fulltext/56393EN FRANCAIS: Sans scrupules
11/06/2006 - WASHINGTON/MUNICH/BERLIN (Compte-rendu de la rédaction) - (...) Ces révélations publiées à Washington mettent en lumière la coopération entre les élites ouest-allemandes de l'après-guerre et les personnalités nazies survivantes qui ont été intégrées dans les structures du nouvel état ou qui se trouvaient sous sa protection secrète. Un de ces lieux de coopération était le BND. "On sait maintenant qu'au moins une dizaine de vétérans du 'bureau des juifs' d'Eichmann (...) travaillaient comme agents secrets pour la CIA et le BND après 1945" écrit le professeur Christopher Simpson de l'American University (située à Washington D.C.) dans un article pour
german-foreign-policy.com.
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/fr/fulltext/55885
After a long legal battle with the US government, the files at the US-National Archives and Record Administration (NARA) were declassified, and are causing a sensation in the USA. The German press relegated these news items to their back pages or merely laconicly quoted press agency reports out of Washington. Exposure of the BND's inactivity in the pursuit of the mass murderer, Eichmann, comes at an unfavorable moment. The BND stands under suspicion of having engaged in numerous illegal activities [1] and is seen as being out of control.[2] With its more than 10.000 employees in Munich and Berlin, this secret service organization is one of the most powerful state apparatuses of Germany. It is seen as capable of steering subversive movements both abroad and at home.
Leadership Trio
As critics have repeatedly stated, the internal situation of the German secret services cannot be explained without knowledge of their early links to the surviving Nazi personnel. The BND's predecessor, the "Organization Gehlen", (named after its founder and long time director, Reinhard Gehlen), which was established under direct supervision of the US intelligence services, beginning in 1946, had already integrated personnel from the Nazi espionage structures. After its crossover to become the BND (April 1, 1956), Reinhard Gehlen became chief of BND operations. During World War II, he was head of the General Staff's Division "Fremde Heere Ost" (Foreign Forces - East), that was responsible for carrying out espionage against the Soviet Union. Gerhard Wessel, appointed by Gehlen in the summer of 1942 to the post of director of "Group I" of the "Fremde Heere Ost", and thus responsible for the daily reports on operations, became, in 1946, the director of the analysis department of the new secret service organization. In 1968, he succeeded his former boss, to become President of the BND. Hermann Baun, in charge of procurement in the "Organization Gehlen" since 1946, had already been in the espionage trade during the war, as head of the Central Office of Front Line Intelligence - I East. He boasted of supervising an extensive espionage network inside the USSR.
Old Job
As Gehlen frankly admitted in his memoirs, the respective US agencies had given him the explicit "go ahead" to establish the new secret service "using the existing potential" and to continue with "the old job toward the same objectives".[3] According to more recent estimates, approximately ten per cent of the 4,000 agents, working for Gehlen in the summer of 1949, had previously been members of the SS, the SD and the Gestapo, in addition to a large number of former Wehrmacht soldiers. Among "Organization Gehlen's" Nazi personnel, were several war criminals e.g. Wilhelm Krichbaum, a former SS Standartenfuehrer and Gestapo Southeast Border inspector. Krichbaum was in charge of a BND network of "sleeping agents", who, in the case of a Soviet attack, would remain behind the advancing Soviet lines and subsequently carry out sabotage behind the front. Former SS Obersturmfuehrer Hans Sommer became Gehlen's employee in 1950. Sommer was responsible for the demolition of seven synagogues in Paris and was promoted in Nice to SD chief.[4]
Eichmann's Aide-de-Camp
Among the Nazi criminals taken in by the organization Gehlen was also Adolf Eichmann's former Aide-de-Camp, Alois Brunner. In France; Brunner was found guilty of the mass murder of more than 120,000 European Jews and was sentenced to death in absentia. In the 1950s Brunner was the resident in Damascus for the German secret service.[5] Secret service operations in favor of Egyptian security forces, involving 100 German "advisors," fell within the range of his Middle East activities in the 1950s. Numerous Nazi functionaries were among the assistants from Germany, whose recruitment had been directed by Otto Skorzeny. As an SS expert for sabotage and covert actions inside states under Nazi occupation, Skorzeny was active in Germany's subjugation of Europe.[6]
Updated
One of the first western scholars, who had assembled reliable information on the postwar German Nazi secret service network, was the US historian Christopher Simpson. His book "Blowback" published in 1988 named the names of several dozen German war criminals and mass murderers, who had made successful postwar careers with the CIA and the BND.[7] According to Christopher Simpson, Wilfried Strik-Strikfeldt, was also in this circle. Strik-Strikfeldt was the ex-BND chief's liaison officer to Eastern European Nazi collaborators. He maintained these contacts in the post-war period and placed them at the disposal of revisionist exile organizations, planning terrorist attacks and maintaining contacts to the German "Expellees" scene. In this criminal environment, the German Reich's hegemonic concepts of Europe were updated - it is now garbed in an allegedly people-uniting European "Integration".[8]
Myth
As Christopher Simpson writes, in his article for
german-foreign-policy.com, "brutality, stupidity and lawlessness" characterizes the commissioning into service of well-known Nazi criminals for the postwar political interests of the US and their German allies. To keep the Nazi race theoretician Hans Globke, in his position as undersecretary of state in the Federal Chancellor's Office, in Bonn, "the CIA initiated a campaign with the objective of suppressing information about Globke's affiliations with Eichmann." Globke had been helpful as West German liaison to NATO. This service was more important than Globkes responsibility for anti-Semitic persecution. "The recent scandal", which lays bare the passivity and aid furnished by both German and US prosecution authorities, puts into question a transparent post-war "myth", writes Christopher Simpson: Instead of "Freedom and Democracy" - unscrupulous cooperation between the BND, the CIA and globally wanted mass murderers, such as Adolf Eichmann.
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The recent news from Washington DC is that the CIA has been forced to release a 1958 document demonstrating that the Agency declined to investigate or capture Adolf Eichmann in order to protect Konrad Adenauer's Kanzleramt chief Hans Globke, who had worked with Eichmann during the Nazi years, as well as a number of lesser-known Nazi agents who had been enlisted by western intelligence agencies in the wake of World War II. The CIA has been forced to open these and other records, including new documentation about the Gehlen organization, by an eight-year-long legal and archival investigation under the Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act.
The brutality, stupidity and lawlessness characteristic of post-World War II recruitment of Nazi criminals remains front page news at least in part because of the similarities between that era and our own. Today our propaganda continues to conjure up a world in which any violence perpetrated on the enemy is and must be authorized. Our new, total-war-with-a-human-face requires torture of others and a form of self-inflicted psychological war upon ourselves that grows all the more painful as its effectiveness wears off. Our latest conflict – like the others before it – is once again one in which the strong must rule because the stakes are supposedly the survival of 'civilization' itself.
The most recent round of scandal again chips away at the official myths upon the postwar alliance was built between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States. Those myths, in their simplest form, have long been that the crimes of Nazi Germany were the responsibility of a quite small number of people, mainly psychopaths, found exclusively in the higher ranks of the NSDAP and the SS, plus a handful of concentration camp guards.
These myths have long been transparently untrue for any student, soldier, or news reporter who has examined the history of either country. But the myths have remarkable resilience, in part because they underpinned the power structures of both countries, especially during the Cold War years.
The document that has received the most attention in the media is rather routine: In March 1958, the CIA's bureau chief in Munich wrote to headquarters noting that the BND had provided a list of wanted Nazi criminals to the CIA. Number three on the list was Eichmann, who was reported to be in Jerusalem or, alternately, hiding in Buenos Aires, Argentina, under the name of 'Clemens.' The latter claim had been circulated for some years by the Simon Wiesenthal organization, though that was not acknowledged in the memo. Wiesenthal (and the BND and CIA) misspelled Eichmann's cover name of 'Klement,' but the report concerning Argentina otherwise eventually proved to be accurate. Neither the BND nor the CIA took action on the Eichmann information in the 1958 memo.
The reason for the failure to act became clear in the wake of Israel's kidnapping and eventual trial of Eichmann: Washington worried that Eichmann would publicly confirm the accounts of Nazi-era activities of Hans Globke, who was at that time the chief national security advisor to Konrad Adenauer as well as Germany's most senior contact with the CIA and with NATO. The East Germans had for years been hammering away at the theme that Globke had played a pivotal role in writing the Nuremburg race laws during the Nazi years, and had in that capacity cooperated with Eichmann in the Nazi Party's Jewish Affairs Office during opening years of Nazi attempts to exterminate Jews, Romani and many others. On this point the DDR had been quite right.
Perhaps the most interesting revelation of the new documentation is that once Eichmann was arrested, the CIA undertook a concerted campaign to suppress information concerning Eichmann's links to Globke. They intervened with the major weekly newsmagazine Life, for example, to suppress sections of Eichmann's memoirs (which had been purchased by Life) that mentioned Globke. This silence concerning Globke's association with Eichmann is also found throughout other major US media of the period.
We also know in retrospect that at least a dozen veterans of Eichmann's Jewish Affairs office alone, not to mention other SS and SD recruits, were recruited as clandestine agents after 1945 by the CIA, the BND and predecessor groups such as the Gehlen Org.
Turn now for a moment to the modern context of the recent round of disclosures. For the present US government, the Eichmann/Globke scandal is not in any sense a reason to strengthen democratic accountability of intelligence agencies. Quite the contrary.
In Bush world, the solution to the Eichmann/Globke scandal is not more democracy; it is, rather, keeping fewer records in the first place, and destroying those records before they get into the hands of the public, even 50 years later. The clumsy strongmen of the Bush administration are using this and other examples of intelligence abuses as further opportunity to radicalize intelligence and military bureaucracies in Washington. Through a series of administrative maneuvers, the administration is disassembling or sidestepping many of the laws that led to the disclosure of intelligence abuses. He is promoting new, rival covert operations agencies and intelligence analysis groups inside the Pentagon that he hopes will never become publicly known in the first place.
So, too, with the next generation's version of the Eichmann/Globke scandal. There is a genuine danger that not only will the relevant records be secret; they may not exist in the first place.
Christopher Simpson
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TELEPOLIS
Eichmann, der BND und die Expertenkommission
Gaby Weber 21.01.2011
Wie der Geheimdienst und das Bundeskanzleramt mit einem von der Autorin erwirkten Urteil zur Herausgabe von Akten umgehen
Man hatte ihn abkommandiert, zu seinem ersten "Fronteinsatz": Bodo Hechelhammer, Leiter der Forschungsgruppe Geschichte des Bundesnachrichtendienstes, promovierter Historiker mit Spezialgebiet Kreuzzüge (1). Das erste Mal, dass er in der Öffentlichkeit sein Gesicht zeigt, gestand er. Am vergangenen Montag saß er im Berliner Institut für Medien und Kommunikationspolitik (2) auf dem Podium und musste, da der eingeladene Kanzleramtschef Ronald Pofalla gekniffen hatte, den versammelten Journalisten und Historikern Rede und Antwort zum "Fall Adolf Eichmann und die Bundesregierung" stehen. Und natürlich ging es um die gerade gegründete BND-Historikerkommission - die Antwort der in die Defensive geratenen Bundesregierung unter dem Motto: die beste Methode, einen Skandal zu verdecken, ist die Gründung einer Expertenkommission. Denn nachdem Angela Merkel vergeblich das Thema aussitzen wollte, muss am Ende und nach heftigem Widerstand nun doch auch der BND seine braunen Wurzeln aufarbeiten.
Als "Experten" wurden vier Historiker handverlesen: Jost Dülffer (3) (Köln), Wolfgang Krieger (4) (Marburg), Klaus-Dietmar Henke (5) (Dresden) und Rolf-Dieter Müller (6) (Potsdam). Henke wollte darin gleich einen "Kulturwandel" im Kanzleramt sehen. Worin der genau besteht, ist bisher nicht klar. Auch der BND-Kenner Erich Schmidt-Eenboom, der über die Organisation Gehlen promoviert, sieht keine grundlegende Kursänderung sondern "eher eine Nebelkerze".
Nicht einer der angeblichen Experten hat sich durch Werke über die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus hervorgetan. "Müller vom Militärgeschichtlichen Forschungsamt der Bundeswehr hat als Gutachter bei der Rehabilitierung der sogenannten Kriegsverräter in mindestens zwei Fällen gelogen", behauptete Jan Korte (7) (MbB Die Linke), "und ausgerechnet so einer soll die Nazi-Vergangenheit des BND erhellen"? Hechelhammer, der Kreuzzugsexperte, schwieg dazu.
Im Prinzip, sagt der BND, sollen die vier Historiker alles sehen dürfen. Ob und wann dieses Material auch der Öffentlichkeit zugänglich gemacht werden wird? Ja, das sei noch unklar. Wahrscheinlich werden die zitierten Unterlagen irgendwann im Bundesarchiv landen, hieß es. Und die nicht-zitierten Dokumente und die Papiere, gegen deren Veröffentlichung der Dienst sein Veto einlegen kann? Hmmm. Und ob sich an der bisherigen Auskunftsunwilligkeit etwas ändert? "An der Praxis ändert sich an dem bisherigen Verfahren erst mal nichts durch die Kommission", so der Kreuzzügler, "es gibt weiter die Möglichkeit, zu Sachthemen und Personen, Akteneinsicht zu beantragen, und über die wird dann entsprechend entschieden. Positiv oder negativ".
Gegründet wurde der BND an einem Ersten April 1956, hervorgegangen aus der Organisation Gehlen, einer CIA-Gründung unter dem Kommando des Nazi-Generals Reinhard Gehlen. Er rekrutierte seine alten Kameraden für den Kalten Krieg, dort zählte nur der Antikommunismus. Ob jemand sein Handwerk bei der SS oder der Gestapo gelernt hatte, interessierte nicht. Auch nach dem Ende des Kalten Kriegs änderte sich in Pullach wenig. Während nordamerikanische Geheimdienste seit den siebziger Jahren - meist nach Gerichtsurteilen - ihre Unterlagen herausgeben müssen, wurde in der Bundesrepublik erst 2005 das Informationsfreiheitsgesetz verabschiedet, das die Geheimdienste ausdrücklich ausnimmt. Sie wähnten sich in der Sicherheit, daß ihnen niemals jemand in die Karten beziehungsweise ins Archiv gucken würde! Böse Zungen behaupten übrigens, das Archiv des BND sei ein Saustall, in dem nicht einmal die eigenen Leute etwas finden. Das Koblenzer Bundesarchiv stellt deshalb seit Jahren - um schlimmeres für die Zukunft zu vermeiden - eine eigene Beamtin ab.
Über Jahrzehnte gab Pullach überhaupt nichts preis, nicht einmal den Parlamentariern. Der Bundesrechnungshof darf bis heute operative Vorgänge nicht einsehen, etwa beurteilen, ob die Ausgaben in einem akzeptablen Verhältnis zu den Ergebnissen stehen. Der Geheimschutz verhindert eine Qualitätskontrolle, und das Ergebnis ist unvermeidbar: Erfolge hat der Dienst nicht vorzuweisen, die Ausgaben sind astronomisch. Kritiker werden als "Verschwörungstheoretiker" abgetan und das Material wird vorenthalten. Und das ging viele Jahre gut. Freiwillig gab man so gut wie nichts heraus: peinlich unbedeutende Wochen- und Tagesmeldungen, die im Bundesarchiv lagern, dann einige Aufklärungsergebnisse über die militärische und wirtschaftliche Situation in der DDR. Das, was kritische Geister wissen wollten, wird zurückgehalten - die Politik spielt ja mit, und die Öffentlichkeit hat sich dran gewöhnt.
Da war die Überraschung groß, als Ende April 2010 das Bundesverwaltungsgericht in Leipzig meiner Klage auf Herausgabe der BND-Akten zu Adolf Eichmann stattgab. Die Richter erklärten die Sperrerklärung des Bundeskanzleramtes für rechtswidrig. Nach 30 Jahren, so besagt es das Bundesarchivgesetz, seien amtliche Unterlagen grundsätzlich offen. Daß sie irgendwann einmal als "Geheim" gestempelt worden seien, reiche alleine nicht aus. Doch statt das Urteil zu respektieren und die Akten nunmehr komplett vorzulegen, schaltete das Bundeskanzleramt auf stur und präsentierte erneut eine Sperrerklärung. Sie benutzt dieselben, vom Gericht für rechtswidrig erklärten Argumenten, um diese Papiere aus den fünfziger Jahren bis 1961 weiterhin der Öffentlichkeit vorzuenthalten. Soviel zum Thema "Kulturwandel".
Die Klage auf Herausgabe der kompletten Akten ist anhängig, womit sich der BND-Historiker Hechelhammer am Montag für sein Schweigen entschuldigte.
(Noch) kein Verfahren ist anhängig wegen der verweigerten Auskunft zur Colonia Dignidad - jener deutschen Siedlung in Südchile, in der über Jahrzehnte gefoltert wurde und in der man Kinder sexuell missbrauchte. Der BND-Waffenhändler Gerhard Mertins von der Firma Merex AG leitete den "Freundeskreis der Colonia Dignidad" in Deutschland. Zu diesem Thema verweigert der BND komplett die Auskunft. Zunächst verschanzte er sich hinter der generellen Geheimhaltung, dann bat er um Aussetzung des Auskunftsverfahrens bis zur Entscheidung in Leipzip über die Eichmann-Akten, und jetzt hat Pullach dem Bundesarchiv statt Akten ein Dokument über eine "Notvernichtungshandlung" vorgelegt. Warum die Akten vernichtet worden seien? Schweigen von Hechelhammer. Das Bundeskanzleramt wird demnächst auf eine parlamentarische Anfrage antworten müssen, warum sie nicht nur den barmherzigen Mantel der Geheimhaltung über einen nationalsozialistischen Massenmörder legen will sondern auch über die deutschen Päderasten in Chile.
Auf ihre Partei und den Koalititonspartner kann sich Frau Merkel verlassen. Bei einer aktuellen Debatte im Bundestag zum Thema Eichmann meinte am Mittwoch der parlamentarische Geschäftsführer der CDU, Manfred Grund, "ein Nachrichtendienst wäre kein Nachrichtendienst, wenn er alle seine Unterlagen auf den Marktplätzen der Welt ausbreiten würde". Die Redner der FDP beschränkten sich darauf, über die Stasi-Vergangenheit der Linkspartei herzuziehen. Die SPD hüllte sich in schöne Worte und legte sich, wie immer, nicht fest. Bei wem es sich um den SS-Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann eigentlich gehandelt hatte - darüber ging es im Bundestag ebensowenig wie um seine Opfer. Seit 65 Jahre entweicht aus den Schornsteinen der NS-Vernichtungsmaschinerie kein Rauch mehr, und die heutigen, sich "demokratisch" nennenden Politiker nehmen sich das Recht heraus, Akten über die Täter geheim zu halten und uns die Wahrheit zu verschweigen. Sie verkünden es und gehen zur Tagesordnung über. Das ist unerträglich.
Links
(1) http://www.thorbecke.de/kreuzzug-und-herrschaft-unter-friedrich-ii-p-852.html
(2) http://medienpolitik.eu/cms/index.php?idcatside=62
(3) http://histsem1.phil-fak.uni-koeln.de/duelffer0.html
(4) http://www.staff.uni-marburg.de/~kriegerw/publikationen.htm
(5) http://rcswww.urz.tu-dresden.de/~zge/Mitarbeiter/mitarbeiter%20henke.htm
(6) http://www.mgfa.de/html/institut_mitarbeiter_2005.php?do=display&ident=3997ed6485ff2
(7) http://www.jankorte.de/
Telepolis Artikel-URL: http://www.heise.de/tp/r4/artikel/34/34056/1.html
Copyright © Heise Zeitschriften Verlag
=== 2 ===
il manifesto, 08 Giugno 2006
Eichmann, le spie Usa sapevano ma tacquero
Dai documenti dei National Archives americani: nel '58 la Cia sapeva dove si nascondeva il criminale nazista ma non disse nulla agli israeliani
Em. Gio.*
Ci sono personaggi il cui passato continua a riaffiorare dai buchi neri della storia. Quello di Adolf Eichmann ad esempio. Ma anche quello di chi protesse, semplicemente tacendo, la sua fuga in Argentina dopo la caduta del Reich. Da una settimana aiNational Archives americani, qualcosa come 27mila pagine di documenti desecretati e relativi al lavoro dei servizi segreti sui dossier che riguardavano i crimini di guerra di nazisti e giapponesi, sono adesso a disposizione degli storici. E parecchie cose sono già saltate fuori. Ad esempio che la Cia sapeva che Eichmann, uno dei pianificatori della «soluzione finale», fuggito nelle Americhe dopo cinque anni di clandestinità nella campagne tedesche, viveva libero e felice in Argentina. Sapeva che l'uomo per il quale Hannah Harendt coniò l'espressione «la banalità delmale», viveva sotto il falso nome di Ricardo Klement a Buenos Aires, per dove era salpato, con la complicità di ecclesiastici di rango, agli inizi degli anni '50. Ma ignorò l'informazione. L'intelligence americana riteneva infatti che una cattura di Eichmann avrebbe potuto danneggiare il lavoro di altri dirigenti nazisti che erano considerati alleati importanti degli americani. Tra questiHans Globke, consigliere di Adenauer che dopo il nazismo si era rifatto un nome. La Cia fece il possibile perché il suo passato ingombrante (con non poche responsabilità nella persecuzione degli ebrei) non venisse a galla e quando gli israeliani catturarono Eichmann, la Cia fece pressioni suimedia americani perché non saltasse fuori il nome di Globke. La cosa era nota ma adesso un memo di Allen Dulles, direttore dell'intelligence spiega bene come, nel settembre del '60, la Cia ritenesse un successo il fatto che Life avesse omesso di menzionare Globke dopo che la prestigiosa rivista aveva acquistato le memorie di Eichmann ormai sotto processo in Israele. Dove fu condannato amorte e giustiziato nel '62 nel carcere Ramleh di Tel Aviv. La sua cattura era stata rocambolesca: nel 1957 un ebreo ceco di nome Lothar Hermann aveva scoperto che l'Obersturmbannfuhrer delle Ss, il «logista» dello sterminio, viveva nella capitale argentina. Ne informò unmagistrato tedesco che a sua volta lo fece sapere al Mossad. I servizi israeliani preparano le cose con cura durante tre anni e nel '60 lo rapirono e lo trasferirono segretamente in Israele, evitando le procedure regolari che avrebbero impedito la sua cattura visto che l'Argentina era stata scelta dai nazisti proprio perché non prevedeva l'estradizione. E' lecito supporre che in questa operazione non furono aiutati dai colleghi americani. *Lettera22
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il manifesto, 20 Agosto 2006
I gerarchi nazisti al fronte occidentale
Archivi americani. Eichmann, Globke, Gehlen furono salvati dagli americani in nome della guerra fredda e della ricostruzione di una Germania occidentale fedelmente alleata agli Stati Uniti
Fabrizio Tonello
Nel mondo compiutamente orwelliano del Corriere della sera del 12 agosto solo pochi centimetri di piombo, in prima pagina, separavano l'editoralista alla moda che predicava il ritorno alla tortura dallo sprezzante critico di Günter Grass che irrideva alla pretesa di quest'ultimo di esercitare un qualunque magistero morale. In altre parole, chi a 17 anni ha fatto parte di un'unità militare SS senza mai aver compiuto alcun crimine, e nemmeno essere stato impegnato in combattimento, dovrebbe astenersi dal dare lezioni di etica pubblica ai governi, lezioni che ci dovrebbero essere impartite, invece, dai sostenitori della tortura i quali, né a 17 anni né in età più matura, hanno mai letto (o compreso) Cesare Beccaria.
C'è qualcosa di leggermente disgustoso, maleodorante, nell'orgia di ipocrisia seguita alle dichiarazioni di Günter Grass del 12 agosto. Ignoranti della storia, giornalisti senza pudore, scribacchini invidiosi e storici improvvisati si sono lanciati sulla ghiotta preda senza darsi la pena di verificare le informazioni, reperibili in qualsiasi buon manuale di storia della seconda guerra mondiale.
Cominciamo dal capire cos'era la divisione SS a cui è appartenuto lo scrittore tra il 10 novembre 1944 e l'8 maggio 1945, quando fu catturato dagli americani in Cecoslovacchia. La 10° Panzer-Division delle SS «Frundsberg» era una unità di costituzione recente, che dopo aver subito durissime perdite in Russia, venne trasferita in Normandia, in seguito allo sbarco delle truppe alleate il 6 giugno 1944. Dopo aspri combattimenti nella sacca di Falaise e altre operazioni difensive venne trasferita in Olanda, dove subì altre gravi perdite e solo il 18 novembre '44 arrivò ad Aquisgrana per un periodo di riposo e ricostituzione dei ranghi. La cartolina precetto arrivò a Grass in questa fase, quando gran parte della forza della divisione era costituita da giovanissimi soldati che avevano bisogno di addestramento. Infatti, lo scrittore afferma che non fu mai impegnato in combattimento. Nel gennaio '45 la «Frundsberg» fu trasferita nell'alto corso del Reno, destinata a forza di riserva, e il 10 febbraio fece ritorno sul Fronte Orientale, dove, dopo un durissimo mese di combattimenti venne costretta a ritirarsi al di là dell'Oder, presso Stettino. A metà aprile era nell'area di Dresda, dove il comandante Harmel, per il suo rifiuto di eseguire gli ordini di Hitler, venne destituito. I resti della «Frundsberg» si consegnarono agli americani, l'8 maggio '45.
Grass, dunque, non fu veramente volontario nelle SS (a 15 anni aveva chiesto di prestare servizio nella più romantica ed esotica delle unità militari, i sottomarini) e quando gli arrivò la convocazione non dovette sottoporsi ad alcun esame di fedeltà al nazismo: le Waffen SS, a partire dal '44, reclutavano tutto ciò che potevano, compresi i giovanissimi, per ricostituire i loro ranghi decimati. Lo stesso Joachim Fest, uno dei più aspri critici di Grass in Germania, sottolinea di essersi arruolato nell'esercito per «sfuggire alla coscrizione obbligatoria nelle SS». Grass non prestò servizio come guardia in un lager, non fece carriera nell'esercito, men che meno nel partito nazista. Il suo unico peccato fu quello di subire il fascino delle uniformi, come milioni dei suoi coetanei.
Esaminiamo, invece, il caso di tre tedeschi la cui sorte fu ben diversa dalla sua: altissimi funzionari del partito nazista, direttamente coinvolti nello sterminio, furono salvati dagli americani in nome della guerra fredda e della ricostruzione di una Germania occidentale fedele alleata agli Usa. Il primo è quello di Adolf Eichmann, uno degli architetti della «soluzione finale del problema ebraico», i cui documenti sono depositati nei National Archives Usa (numero di identificazione XE004471). I documenti dimostrano che la Cia aveva individuato Eichmann in Argentina almeno dal '58 ma si guardò dal fornire le informazioni sul criminale di guerra a Israele, che lo avrebbe rintracciato, portato a Gerusalemme, processato e condannato a morte nel 1962.
Perché la Cia protesse Eichmann? Sembra che lo abbia fatto per proteggere Hans Globke, il consigliere per la sicurezza nazionale del cancelliere tedesco Adenauer. E chi era Globke? Un nazista che aveva lavorato nel dipartimento Affari Ebraici e che era stato forse coinvolto nella stessa elaborazione delle leggi razziali. Lungi dall'assere processato, o escluso da incarichi pubblici, Globke era stato integrato in una posizione di altissima responsablità nel governo della Repubblica Federale. Günter Grass, del resto, ricorda nella sua intervista che il giudice che condannò alla fucilazione sommaria suo zio Franz, arrestato a Danzica, continuò la sua carriera nella magistratura tedesca dopo la guerra. E infine c'è il caso del general Reinhard Gehlen, il capo dei servizi segreti nazisti, che alla fine della guerra venne semplicemente assunto dagli americani per continuare ciò che sapeva fare meglio: lo spionaggio all'Est. Per decenni Gehlen lavorò indisturbato per i nuovi padroni e per la Germania Federale malgrado le sue responsabilità durante la II guerra mondiale. Le informazioni su di lui sono state tenute segrete per 50 anni e solo dal maggio 2004 sono diventate consultabili nei National Archives (Record Group 319, Entry 134A, Boxes 144A-147). Si trattava di tre onesti patrioti, tre persone costrette a collaborare per sfamare la famiglia? Questo è lo specioso argomento invocato da Fest nell'intervista a Repubblica. Al contrario, Eichmann, Globke e Gehlen avrebbero meritato di essere processati a Norimberga assieme a quelle altre centinaia di gerarchi nazisti di livello inferiore che sfuggirono alla cattura grazie al Vaticano e agli Stati Uniti, spesso partendo dal porto di Genova. Gli ammiratori dell'amministrazione Bush, gli scribi e i farisei che si stracciano le vesti al sentire la parola «SS» hanno mai sentito il detto biblico sulla pagliuzza nell'occhio dell'altro, da confrontare con la trave nel proprio?
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Nazi “Butcher of Lyon” was a German intelligence agent
By Dietmar Henning
22 January 2011
Klaus Barbie, the Nazi war criminal infamously known as the “Butcher of Lyon”, was an agent of the German Federal Intelligence Service (BND) in the 1960s. This was revealed recently by the news magazine Der Spiegel.
Adopting the name Klaus Altmann at the time, Barbie operated under the code name “Eagle” (agent number V-43118) and provided the BND with at least 35 political reports in 1966. His payment for this—up to DM 500 (deutschmarks)—was transferred to him via a branch of the Chartered Bank of London in San Francisco. BND files praised the “quintessentially German attitude” of this “decisive enemy of communists”. At the turn of 1966-67, the BND terminated contact with its source, Barbie alias Altmann, paying him a final cash settlement of DM 1,000.
This last point was discovered by a history student at the University of Mainz, Peter Hammerschmidt. He is currently working on a degree thesis entitled “‘The Butcher of Lyon’ in the pay of the United States: Concerning the relations between Klaus Barbie and the American secret service”. In September, Hammerschmidt was able to view Barbie’s BND file as part of his scientific work and released his findings about Barbie’s BND past earlier this year.
As a captain in the SS (Hitler’s elite force) from 1940 to 1942, Klaus Barbie tortured and murdered people in the German occupied Netherlands and Belgium. During this time, he was “head of Jewish affairs in the main office of the Reich (empire) Security Department” in The Hague.
From November 1942, he was chief of the Gestapo (Nazi secret police) in Lyon in the area of southern France administered by the pro-fascist Vichy regime of General Petain. His horrifically cruel crimes committed there earned him the title “Butcher of Lyon”. His victims were workers, peasants and members of the resistance—including Jean Moulin, whose arms, legs and ribs were broken in the course of daily interrogations. Women were beaten unconscious, raped and sodomised. Thousands of men and women were tortured, sent to extermination camps or killed by Barbie. These included 41 Jewish children from Izieu, France, aged 3 to 13, whose deportations were arranged by Barbie on April 6, 1944. They died in the gas chambers at Auschwitz.
Towards the end of 1944, Barbie suddenly disappeared, going into hiding somewhere in Germany shortly before the end of war. Accused of numerous crimes, he was sentenced to death in absentia by the French authorities for the first time in 1947, and again in 1952 and 1954 following the discovery of further crimes.
However, the wanted war criminal was protected by both the intelligence service of the US army, its Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC), and the German authorities. Hammerschmidt claims that Barbie’s name appeared on the CIC’s payroll in April 1947, although it had been on the allies’ wanted list in the spring of 1946. This saved him from extradition to France and he was able to live in Germany undisturbed.
As an agent of the CIA from 1950, Barbie recruited members for the far-right League of German Youth (BDJ) that was later to be banned. The BDJ was the German vanguard organisation of the infamous Gladio NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) troops in Europe. This paramilitary organisation with close ties to extreme right-wing terrorists was set up to carry out sabotage and assassinations behind enemy lines in the event of an attack from the Soviet Union. Aided by the US in 1951, Barbie emigrated to Bolivia under the name of Klaus Altmann via the so-called “rat lines”.
Unlike many other war criminals in South America, Barbie did not simply disappear from the scene, but rose to the position of official adviser to Bolivia’s right-wing military dictatorships. Operating from the army’s headquarters, he passed on experience acquired in Lyon that was useful to members of the military secret service in their suppression of political opposition: “interrogation techniques”, “torture methods” and “anti-guerrilla tactics”. Under René Barrientos Ortuno’s military junta, Barbie rose to the post of military advisor for counterinsurgency in 1964-65, receiving a diplomatic passport in 1966.
At the same time, Barbie managed a sawmill under the name of Altmann. He became rich owing to the Vietnam War, when he sold vast quantities of cinchona plant—the raw material for the antimalarial analgesic quinine—to the German chemical company Böhringer in Mannheim.
He was simultaneously involved in the arms and drug trades. From the mid- to late 1960s, the Butcher of Lyon travelled to South American countries and to Spain and Portugal, supplying their respective dictatorships with weapons. After Colonel Hugo Banzer Suárez’s bloody CIA-backed coup in 1971, Barbie was promoted to a paid consultant to the interior ministry and counter-espionage division of the Bolivian army. In addition, he established his own paramilitary force, which he used to support the military coup by General Luis García Meza in 1980.
During the rule of President Hernán Siles Zuazo two-and-a-half years later, the Bolivian police arrested Barbie on January 19, 1983. In the same year, he was extradited to France and brought to court in Lyon. According to Hammerschmidt, who was also able to carry out research in the US National Archives (NARA) in Washington, a CIA document from December 1983 mentions that the prevailing French government of Francois Mitterrand—for domestic political reasons—had purchased Barbie’s sudden extradition from Bolivia with weapons: small arms, machine guns, antitank weapons and ammunition.
Barbie was accused of crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment on July 4, 1987. He died in prison in 1991.
