Comment
The quisling of Belgrade
- The Guardian, Friday 14 March 2003 02.45 GMT
In western newspaper obituaries Djindjic has been almost universally acclaimed as an ex-student agititator who bravely led a popular uprising against a tyrannical dictator and endeavoured to steer his country into a new democratic era.
But beyond the CNN version of world history, the career of Zoran Djindjic looks rather different. Those who rail against the doctrine of regime change should remember that Iraq is far from being the first country where the US and other western governments have tried to engineer the removal of a government that did not suit their strategic interests. Three years ago it was the turn of Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia.
In his recent biography of Milosevic, Adam LeBor reveals how the US poured $70m into the coffers of the Serb opposition in its efforts to oust the Yugoslav leader in 2000. On the orders of Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, a covert US Office of Yugoslav Affairs was set up to help organise the uprising that would sweep the autocratic Milosevic from power.
At the same time, there is evidence that underworld groups, controlled by Zoran Djindjic and linked to US intelligence, carried out a series of assassinations of key supporters of the Milosevic regime, including Defence Minister Pavle Bulatovic and Zika Petrovic, head of Yugoslav Airlines.
With Slobo and his socialist party finally toppled, the US got the "reforming" government in Belgrade it desired. The new President Vojislav Kostunica received the bouquets, but it was the State Department's man, Zoran Djindjic, who held the levers of power - and he certainly did not let his Washington sponsors down.
The first priority was to embark on a programme of "economic reform" - new-world-order-speak for the selling of state assets at knockdown prices to western multinationals. Over 700,000 Yugoslav enterprises remained in social ownership and most were still controlled by employee-management committees, with only 5% of capital privately owned. Companies could only be sold if 60% of the shares were allocated to workers.
Djindjic moved swiftly to change the law and the great sell-off could now begin. After two years in which thousands of socially owned enterprises have been sold (many to companies from countries which took part in the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia), last month's World Bank report was lavish in its praise of the Djindjic government and its "engagement of international banks in the privatisation process".
But it wasn't just state assets that Djindjic was under orders to sell. Milosevic had to go too, for a promised $100m, even if it effectively meant kidnapping him in contravention of Yugoslav law, and sending him by RAF jet to a US-financed show trial at the Hague. When a man has sold his country's assets, its ex-president and his main political rivals, what else is there to sell? Only the country itself. And in January this year Djindjic did just that. Despite the opposition of most of its citizens, the "heralder of democracy" followed the requirements of the "international community" and after 74 years the name of Yugoslavia disappeared off the political map. The strategic goal of its replacement with a series of weak and divided protectorates had finally been achieved.
Sometimes, though, even the best executed plans go awry. Despite the western eulogies, Djindjic will be mourned by few in Serbia. For the great majority of Serbs, he will be remembered as a quisling who enriched himself by selling his country to those who had waged war against it so mercilessly only a few years earlier. Djindjic's much lauded reforms have led to soaring utility prices, unemployment has risen sharply to over 30%, real wages have fallen by up to 20% and over two-thirds of Serbs now live below the poverty line.
It is still unclear who fired the shots that killed Zoran Djindjic. The likelihood is that it was an underworld operation, his links to organised crime finally catching up with him. But, harsh though it sounds, there are many in Serbia who would willingly have pulled the trigger. On a recent visit to Belgrade, I was struck not only by the level of economic hardship, but by the hatred almost everyone I met felt towards their prime minister, whose poll ratings had fallen below 10%.
The lesson from Serbia for today's serial regime changers is a simple one. You can try to subjugate a people by sanctions, subversion and bombs. You can, if you wish, overthrow governments you dislike and seek to impose your will by installing a Hamid Karzai, General Tommy Franks or a Zoran Djindjic to act as imperial consul. But do not imagine that you can then force a humiliated people to pay homage to them.
· Neil Clark is writing a book about the recent history of Yugoslavia
TRAGIČNA SMRT NE ABOLIRA FAŠISTIČKA DELA
Tragično preminuli neofašistički premijer Đinđić ne prestaje da bude predmet radikalne idealizacije i obožavanja buržoaskih partija u Srbiji. Ovih dana uoči datuma njegove smrti smo ponovo bili svedoci različitih propagandnih manifestacija poput šetnji za Zorana, tribina za Zorana, koncerata za Zorana... Svi ti sletovi na koje se troše ogromne sume naših para buržuji koriste kako bi dalje raspirivali mit o njegovom vizionarstvu kojim pokušavaju da dočaraju sliku ojađenim i izgladnelim građanima naše zemlje o tome da je san bio tako lako ostvariv i moguć, samo da ga njegovi kerovi na lancu koji su ga u pučističkom prevratu 5. okobra doveli na vlast nisu rastrgli. Niko ne krije njegovu duboku upletenost u prljave mafijaške rabote dojučerašnjih najbližih saradnika Željka Ražnatovića Arkana, a i kako bi kada se sećamo članaka iz naše štampe u kojima je sam Đinđić govorio o Legiji kao svom velikom prijatelju, kom je uostalom imao da zahvali za lojalnost kad mu je bila najpotrebnija, bez koje ne bi oborio Miloševića, pa ga potom i uhapsio i isporučio imperialstičkom oruđu, sudu u Hagu.
Međutim kakav je to san koji smo bespovratni ispustili da dosanjamo tom ogromnom brzinom koju nam je njegov besprekorni tempo rada bio omogućio? Promovišući taj san buržuji žele da sakriju košmar bede u kojoj naše društvo svakodnevno grca, a nikakav vizionar, istinski vizionar, ne može da je previdi. Dobronamerni ljudi svesni istorijske uloge i dela ubijenog premijera, u najboljem bi slučaju za Đinđića rekli da je on bio samo jedan naivni idealista koji nije shvatio kakav nam se zapravo košmar s njegovim snom sprema. Međutim, mi kao marksisti-lenjinisti, revolucionari, ne možemo biti dobronamerni prema klasnom neprijatelju, a Đinđić je bio egzamplarni model klasnog neprijatelja radnog naroda naše zemlje.
Mi skojevci ćemo uvek između antikomunizma i fašizma podvlačiti znak jednakosti. Zoran Đinđić je bio ostrašćeni antikomunista. To potvrđuje bezbroj njegovih izjava, članaka i knjiga u kojima se on koristi autentičnom fašističkom argumentacijom kojom komunizam naziva „bolešću“, a svoju političku misiju vidi u nalaženju „leka“ za istu. Taj svoj lek on nam je prepisao na najbrutalniji način dolaskom na vlast, munjevito odstranjujući milion zaposlenih, odstranjujući besplatno obrazovanje, državno vlasništvo nad preduzećima u mnogim granama privrede, odstranjujući 50 do 70 % stočnog fonda, udvostručavanjem pa kasnije i utostručavanjem spoljnog duga, a za kasnije, sovojim naslednicima je ostavio u amanet i odstranjivanje Kosova i Metohije iz Srbije. Sve to je bio njegov lek za teško izlečive „bolesti komunizma“ koje smo spomenuli. Antikomunizam Zorana Đinđića je logična reakcija kojom su bila odgajana mnoga deca titovih oficira poput njega u revizionističkom titoizmu u Jugoslaviji, u kom su bile podsticane različite reakcionarne i antikomunističke devijantne buržoaske ideje. Tako je mladi Zoki za sebe tvrdio da je anarhista, ludo zagriženi kropotkinovac, što je samo izdigao na viši nivo odlaskom na postdiplomske studije u Saveznu Republiku Nemačku (neće sigurno iz titove Jugoslavije da ide na studije u Demokratsku Republiku Nemačku) gde je mogao da dodatno unapredi svoja reakcionarna i nenaučna anarhistička gledišta koja ga konačno vode do onoga do čega svaki napredni anarhista na kraju svog „revolucionarnog“ puta stiže – liberalzam, i to „neo“! Takav nam se Zoki vraća u domovinu zaglibanu u nasleđene „bolesti komunizma“ i njegove radikalne titoističke reakcije i „pravilno“ shvata da sve ono čega su ga naučili anarhizam i neoliberalizam može da postigne samo raspirivanjem histeričnog antikomunizma kom je najbolji saveznik oduvek bio malograđanski i šovinistički nacionalizam. Ne sedi Zoran skrštenih ruku, i kako imperijalisti otpočinju sa rušenjem naše domovine SFRJ formira stranku istočnik buržoaske i proimerijalističke misli i organizacija u Srbiji, otpočinje i rat, te on organizuje ultrancionalističke paravojne formacije, peče vola na Palama s Radovanom Karadžićem, tokom NATO agresije na SR Jugoslaviju odlazi na zapad da ih moli da dodatno intenziviraju napade kako bi on što pre došao na vlast, a na kraju svoj prljavi malograđanski pir zaokružuje uvođenjem veronauke u škole pravdajući to „visoko demokratskim činom“. Međutim, malograđanski nacionalizam koji je Đinđić tokom devedesetih jednako raspirivao kao i njegovi saborci i tobožnji protivnici iz buržoaskih partija u Srbiji pokazo se samo maskom brutalnog klasnog tlačenja koje je njegova osnovna suština i koje postaje više nego očigledno kako Đinđić preuzima apsolutnu vlast u Srbiji. Ovaj apsolutista vlada kratko i umire kako bi mit mogao da živi.
Danas, u toku predizborne kampanje bržoaskih partija kada se u Srbiji sprovodi brutalna klasna eksploatacija radnog naroda, kada nezaposlenost, spoljni dug, inflacija i školarine strmoglavo rastu, mit o Đinđiću je jedino za šta se buržuji mogu čvrsto držati u svojoj propagandi laži. Slika svakodnevice radnog naroda Srbije taj mit rastura u paran parčad, a neće još mnogo vremena proći kada ćemo jednom zauvek strgnuti tu ljagu s naše istorije u novim pobedama radnog naroda u klasnom ratu.
Savez komunističke omladine Jugoslavije
Beograd, 12. mart 2012. godine
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