FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
FEDERAL MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS


YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY


BELGRADE, 27 January 2000 No. 2861

S P E C I A L I S S U E


INTERVIEW OF FEDERAL MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ZIVADIN JOVANOVIC TO JOURNALISTS OF
THE NEWSPAPERS "NEZAVISIMAYA GAZETA"
D. GORNOSTAEV AND "VREMIA" Y. PETROVSKA
(Belgrade, 20 January 2000)

Q: Could you please give us your assessment of the current relations
between Yugoslavia and Russia as well as an assessment of the prospects
for
the further development of relations between the two States?

A: Yugoslavia and Russia, the Yugoslav and Russian peoples are bound by
their Slav origin, common history and culture, shared goals of peace and
stability in Europe and the world. We are also bound by the
strategically
important political, security, economic, cultural and many other
interests.
Therefore, it is no accident that Yugoslavia and Russia - the Serbian,
Montenegrin and Russian peoples - have at crucial periods of history
been
on the same side, the side of the principles of protection of values and
humanity. We jointly fought Nazis in World War Two and, thanks to that
alliance, we defeated that greatest evil in the history of our
civilization. That is why we attach strategic importance to the further
development and strengthening of the friendly and traditionally close
relations between Yugoslavia and the Russian Federation, i.e. between
the
Yugoslav and Russian peoples.
Today, we share common challenges and goals: to enhance our friendship
through the development of economic, cultural, scientific, technical and
all other co-operation. We both face positive challenges. We aspire to
contribute, through this co-operation and close mutual relationship,
towards all positive in Europe and the world at large.
However, we also face a specific challenge. That of efforts to combat
separatism and terrorism. Those efforts may only be successful if there
is
an inter-action, and if there is awareness that terrorism and separatism
today are directed, first and foremost, against the Slav peoples and
that
it also constitutes a universal threat to the world. The phenomena of
terrorism and separatism - with which Serbia, Yugoslavia and Russia are
dramatically faced - are not only related in terms of the times in which
they take place but also in terms of personalities. The terrorists move
from one region to another - from trans-Caucasus to Chechenya and Kosovo
and Metohija but also further afield - from Kashmere, Afghanistan,
Chechenya, Kosovo and further to the west, since terrorism is a
universal
evil.
The efforts to combat terrorism and separatism are all the more
difficult
today, considering that the proponents of a unipolar world order are
using
those factors of destruction for their strategic purposes. Separatism
and
terrorism in Chechenya and Kosovo and Metohija are no accidental
occurrences. Terrorism in these regions is encouraged and supported by,
and
it receives financial assistance, expertise and arms from the proponents
of
the concept of unipolarity, and that, in our view, is the current US
Administration. By encouraging separatism and offering support to
terrorists, they seek to fragment all those countries and peoples who
stand
in the way of hegemony, expansionism and neo-colonialism. In this
respect,
it is clear that such policy is directed against Yugoslavia, against its
integrity and sovereignty as well as against Russia as a great power and
factor resisting the unipolar concept of international relations.
In other words, in addition to positive approaches and our strategy to
ensure, through mutual co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia,
improved
conditions for economic, social, democratic, technological and cultural
development, we also face common threats that make us turn to each other
to
co-operate and develop closer relations.
We estimate that co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia is based on
friendship, respect, mutual confidence and on very important common
strategic interests. We have achieved positive results in this
co-operation, the results which are all the more significant because
they
have been achieved in very difficult circumstances and under stringent
restrictions.
As far as Yugoslavia is concerned, these restrictions mean sanctions,
isolation, the outer wall of sanctions. In the eight years of sanctions,
Yugoslavia has suffered losses of nearly 150 billion dollars.
Constraints
is also an enormous destruction of Yugoslavia during the NATO aggression
that has reduced our economic potential and opportunities. Losses due to
aggression are estimated at 100 billion dollars. Briefly, as a result of
the sanctions and NATO destruction, Yugoslavia has had losses of 250
billion dollars in total over the last eight years.
At the same time, we also hosted a million refugees. It is our human and
moral obligation to assist them and care for them regardless of the
sanctions, isolation and other hardship. We do not enjoy any financial
or
material support of international financial institutions and other
organizations such as the IMF or the World Bank.
New constraints on us have also been due to the imposition on our
neighbours of the will of the NATO aggressors spearheaded by the US
Administration. The American Administration, Washington ordered them to
discontinue their co-operation with Yugoslavia, to comply with the
embargo,
to suspend air links with it, not to allow deliveries of oil and other
goods to it.
Russia, on its part, has its own constraints that I would not like to
dwell on. However, it is a fact that for all the constraints on both
sides,
we have developed a successful co-operation. We very much appreciate the
credit line extended by Russia, by the Russian Government, to
Yugoslavia.
Part of this line of credit has already been drawn, while the rest will
be
put into use later on. Russia's assistance in natural gas deliveries is
also very important, especially in conditions when Western Europe and
the
United States prevent us from importing heating oil. Our trade is
successful, although very modest. In fact, we wish to develop our trade
further and, in that context, we would like to remove customs,
administrative and all other barriers to our co-operation.
Right now we are in the process of signing a Trade Liberalization
Agreement to allow free flow of goods between Yugoslavia and Russia both
ways that will substantially increase the volume of trade co-operation.
We
also maintain good cultural and scientific-technical co-operation, even
though it can be improved and upgraded in all areas. Our plan is to
establish a Cultural Centre in Moscow in order to contribute to a better
co-operation in that way too.
We have a good co-operation at the international level. In particular,
we
maintain fairly regular contacts and co-operation on the implementation
of
UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), concerning Kosovo and
Metohija.
Our demands are identical: to ensure a consistent and full
implementation
of the Resolution and to put a stop to the present dramatic
deterioration
of the overall situation in Kosovo and Metohija. We co-operate at the
United Nations and on other issues of common concern.
In our opinion, the period ahead of us will be a period of further
expansion and comprehensive development of our overall relations and
bilateral co-operation. We have adopted a very active attitude towards
the
ideas and initiatives encouraging the development of our relations and
co-operation in line with the historical achievements and future
interests
of our two countries and our two peoples. Such an all-round development
of
relations between Yugoslavia and Russia is in the joint interest, and
such
co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia is of strategic importance
for
peace and stability in South Eastern Europe, as well as for peace and
stability in Europe as a whole.

Q: As regards closer ties between our peoples, the idea of Yugoslavia
joining the parliamentary alliance of Russia and Belarus, in which
Yugoslavia now has an observer status, has been put into operation. What
turn will the development of relations in this field take in the future?

A: First of all, we are pleased that Russia and Belarus have signed an
alliance agreement. In our assessment, this event is extremely important
to
Russia and Belarus, and it has a wider positive significance in Europe.
Yugoslavia is satisfied that the alliance of Russia and Belarus is open
for
co-operation. Therefore, it is happy to have participated and to
continue
to participate in observer status in the parliamentary alliance of these
two countries.
Yugoslavia has expressed its interest in joining the Russia-Belarus
alliance. We believe that after Russia and Belarus had entered into
alliance, pre-conditions have been put in place for the consideration
and
realization of this Yugoslav initiative. We consider that Yugoslavia's
participation in the alliance of Russia and Belarus is a positive
development, not only for the peoples of Russia, Belarus and Yugoslavia,
but that it is also a contribution to the positive aspirations and
positive
developments in Europe. It is primarily beneficial to defence and
consolidation of peace and stability, as well as to prosperity in
Europe.

Q: Mister Minister, could you please tell us about your specific
position
as a diplomat and Foreign Minister in conditions where your country is
exposed to pressures from Europe and the United States?

A: Of course, that position is not simple, but I must say that it is a
special challenge to my country, to its leadership and to me as Minister
for Foreign Affairs. We are deeply convinced that the sanctions,
isolation
and pressures are directed against peace, stability, humanity and
prosperity. They are instruments of destabilization and creation of
instability. Those countries, those governments and those individuals
who
advocate sanctions are opposed to closer links between countries and
peoples; they are against the betterment of this region in South Eastern
Europe. Indeed, they are all in favour of mass violations of human
rights.
As a matter of fact, there is no such massive violation of human rights
as
the sanctions and the embargo imposed on Yugoslavia.
Actually, I think that sanctions are a remnant of an old philosophy and
that some quarters in Europe and the United States play an old record
which
is not suitable to present realities. It may be that they are powerless
to
change the tune, because they know that they are responsible for the
aggression against Yugoslavia and are unable to think differently except
as
a guilty one.
Why is this old tune not in touch any more? Because they do not see that
an overwhelming majority of mankind on this planet stands by Yugoslavia,
by
the Yugoslav people, and is on our side. Here I do not only have in mind
the fact that Russia, China as the most populated country in the world
and
India as a large country are on our side. I have in mind, for instance,
that almost all Asian countries, all African countries and the entire
Latin
America have sided with Yugoslavia.
And this is not all. More importantly, the public in the aggressor
countries like the American public, the publics in France, Spain, Italy,
Germany and intellectual, scientific and other circles, have unmasked
the
lie that initiated the concept of the aggression and that the sanctions
rely on. The rationale behind the aggression, sanctions and
destabilization
is still insisted on by the innermost circles in power, the same ones
who
have been denounced by their own public opinion and who have lost or are
losing elections.
I need not, for example, remind you of the outcome of provincial
elections
in Germany or those held in some other European countries, but the mood
of
people in the countries neighbour to Yugoslavia is also indicative
enough.
Take a look at the moods of people in Greece, Macedonia, Bulgaria and
finally Romania: All of them are heart and soul with Yugoslavia, aware
that
Yugoslavia's policy and positions are on the side of justice, truth,
peace
and understanding. You see, those sentiments and assessments make me, as
Minister for Foreign Affairs, persist in this foreign policy
orientation,in
the defence of freedom, independence and safeguarding of vital national
and
State interests of Yugoslavia.
Such efforts are very much rewarding for me personally. For these past
five months, for instance, I have met and discussed with about a hundred
Foreign Ministers or with other high-ranking representatives from a
hundred
world countries. No Foreign Minister of an embargoed country can pride
himself on having so many contacts and talks.
To add, Yugoslavia has 110 diplomatic and consular missions throughout
the
world. At the same time, there are some hundred foreign missions in
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, taking into account the resident offices of
international organizations. There are a few hundred foreign
correspondents
in Yugoslavia. Trade, cultural, scientific, but also Government,
delegations visit Yugoslavia every day. In short, Yugoslavia has a large
number of friends in the world and an increasing number of trading
partners.
We in the Government and in this Ministry very often receive letters
from
the United States, Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, from all
these NATO countries. They express an admiration for the courage and
determination with which we resisted the NATO aggression. I think that
these letters are not merely polite and that they are not complementary
without reason. People who wrote those letters are not known to us, but
they expressed their true feelings about a small country summing up
courage
to resist the most powerful military machinery in the history of human
kind
and that it succeeded in defending its freedom.
Having said this, I would not like to pretend that we have no problems
at
all, or that our goals are less complex and difficult to accomplish. I
only
wish to say that we are fully aware where we are, who is with us, what
our
possibilities are, and we are very clear about what we aspire to. That
what
we aspire to is not egotism or autarky, but are actually the goals of
peace, co-operation, stability, solidarity - the goals that are for the
well-being of South Eastern Europe and Europe as a whole.
With regard to our goals or the goals of my Ministry and our diplomacy,
I
said that they were complex. Our foremost goal is to defend and protect
our
sovereignty and integrity. That is an extremely important task in view
of
the separatism and terrorism that are going on in Kosovo and Metohija,
but
also in view of the aggression being continued by other non-military
means.
The trade embargo imposed amounts actually to an economic aggression.
Besides, there is also a political aggression by looking for internal
enemies to destabilize Yugoslavia from within. The media aggression as a
third segment of the non-military means of aggression is being carried
out
- true, with less and less success - by spreading lies about Yugoslavia.
What is our response to this new aggression? We respond to the economic
aggression by mobilizing our own economic resources in the
reconstruction
and rebuilding of the country and by co-operating with those countries
and
partners who accept our co-operation. Such partners and such countries
are
more and more numerous. It goes without saying, that our strongest
partners
are Russia, China and some other countries, including EU countries. The
success of our response to the economic aggression is proved by the 40
reconstructed and rebuilt bridges and by the keys being given to all
those
people who had been rendered homeless by NATO.
You will remember the graphite bombs and the heavy destruction of our
power supply system. However, this harsh winter that is more severe than
some other in the past, we do not have any more serious problems with
electricity. NATO demolished the heating plant in Novi Beograd which
provides the heating for 500,000 people. This heating plant was restored
and is now fully operational. Also restored were the heating plants in
Kragujevac, Kru{evac and Ni{. They destroyed or damaged 340 schools.
Have
you heard about any school not being open or about any schoolchildren
not
attending classes! They knocked down hospitals, maternity wards and
other
health institutions. They have all been restored to their former glory
and
are operational.
The lies that they used to justify the destruction of bridges, the
killing
of children, students, refugees and the shelling of refugee centres are
a
disgrace to Europe, a disgrace to modern-day civilization. Take the most
recent example, the Grdelica gorge bridge. That bridge was bombed twice
in
broad daylight and as an international passenger trained passed through.
On
that occasion, NATO officials said that the pilot did not have time to
abort action, supporting it by video shots. Later on, the shots were
found
to be doctored. Very famous experts proved on 17 January 2000 that the
train movement on the video was accelerated 4.7 times.
Can you imagine, dear friends, what kind of democracy is offered to us
and
our neighbours by those lying to their own people and hiding from them
that
they had deliberately targeted an international train in order to scare
people in Yugoslavia. Or, say, another bridge, in Varvarin over the
Velika
Morava river, was bombed at noon on 30 May 1999, on the great Orthodox
Christian holiday of Holy Trinity. As many as 12 civilians, including a
fourteen-year old Sanja Milenkovi} who used to win many European and
regional competitions for young talents in mathemetics, were killed on
that
bridge. The pilots saw people on the bridge and targeted them and not
the
bridge!
The bridge was repaired thanks to the assistance of Serbs living in
Switzerland. It cost around 3 million Deutsche marks and is now twice as
wide as and safer than the old one.
This period of sanctions and the embargo speaks of our economic response
to aggression. Our GDP rose 5 to 8 per cent annually in the past five
years. We were under sanctions, feeling its consequences alongside the
influx of refugees and lack of access to the IMF and the World Bank. We
were barred from the Paris club of government creditors and the London
club
of commercial creditors. We had no access, either, to international
commercial capital markets. As much 400 million dollars worth of our
cash
funds held at American and other banks abroad were frozen. During all
that
time they considered us as a country lacking democracy.
Our neighbours such as Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania and others like
Moldova, Ukraine and the entire Eastern Europe, all the while,
experienced
a GDP growth of 1.7 per cent. Concurrently with this, according to the
US
State Department, Bulgaria, Macedonia are democratic countries. They
are
members of the World Bank and the IMF, and they have access to
international capital markets. They enjoy full freedom and political
support. All this is self-evident. The only thing which is not clear is
where are the results of this socio-economic development?!
Even in conditions of an isolation and economic sanctions, i.e. in the
period of the economic aggression against Yugoslavia, we have managed to
get foreign loans and foreign humanitarian assistance, as well as
financial
assistance and to attack foreign investors. At the same time, the
"democratic countries" in our neighbourhood have had trouble feeding
their
nations, while we have enough food for the population. They are viewed
as
being successful transition countries and as having completed the
privatization of their economies. The only problem they have is that
there
is no output. In some of our neighbouring countries that prided
themselves
on the production and export of food and which exported cheese,
vegetables
and many other products even to Russia, now sell Dutch cheese and
vegetables from the European Union in their shops. Their domestic
production has been extinguished. In our country, on the other hand,
there
are both goods originating from the country and those imported.
In the framework of the political aggression, centres for
destabilization
of Yugoslavia have been established. Madam Albright and her associates
along with some satellites from Europe set up such centres in Timisoara,
Budapest, Szeged and Sofia. This is where they invite some individuals
from
Yugoslavia, from Belgrade, who follow their instructions for money. US
administration and European Commission say that they give money to their
collaborators in Belgrade. As a matter of fact, Mr Bzezinski wrote in
his
latest book that in their strategy towards Eastern Europe they rely on
the
elite that is financially dependent on America. This is no secret. Only
the
bribe-takers from Yugoslavia who take money do not like to be told that
they are taking money, but the facts speak that they do that. How much -
probably not a lot.
In those centres for destabilization they have seminars, where they are
assigned tasks and are supervised in their implementation. These days,
they
are having a trilateral meeting - whether it is trilateral,
quadrilateral
or multilateral - it is nevertheless the same old tune. We have been
listening to it for a long time and it is boring. We know it and pay
attention no more.
Political destabilization is a part of the concept of destabilization of
Yugoslavia. One of the elements is assistance to independent media in
Belgrade. What kind of independence is it if you have to do something
for
money? This looks more like an expression of hopelessness on the part of
those promoting the ideas of aggression and pressures on Yugoslavia than
something that has any perspective. This political aggression encourages
also separatism in Yugoslavia. They are looking for individuals,
separatists from national minorities to join them to the so called Serb
opposition.
What is our reply to the political aggression? It is - the unity of the
country, the unity of the people, the unity towards economic, cultural,
social progress, resistance to hegemonism and enslavement, unity towards
rebuilding and reconstruction of the country, the unity in achieving
greater productivity, bigger wages, a better life. The results achieved
so
far in these areas speak for themselves.
Yesterday (19 January), the production of the most popular Yugoslav
car,
JUGO, was resumed. Manufacturing a car in a destroyed economy is not a
simple task. It does not imply only the reconstruction of the factory
where
parts are assembled but many other factories as well, in which those
parts
are made. So, our Government and our leadership are acting in unison
along
this positive course.
As for media aggression, our reply is - truth. Our Government is
presenting the facts to the domestic and foreign public. The facts on
the
aggression, on the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, on continued
terrorism
in Kosovo and Metohija, the facts on economic development, our open
policy
of equal cooperation with other countries. Our truth is increasingly
gaining ground in the world.
Several days ago, the representatives of the Yugoslav Ministry formally
submitted a Memorial to the International Court of Justice in The Hague
against NATO aggressors and against international representatives
responsible for the crimes in Kosovo and Metohija, now committed under
their leadership. It has been welcomed in Russia, in Moscow, in Bejing,
India and many European towns.
The day before yesterday (18 January) I received a letter from a lawyer
from the Netherlands, from The Hague, who wishes to represent free of
charge the parents of Sanja Milenkovic, killed on 30 May 1999 on the
bridge
across the Velika Morava river, near Varvarin. The world over, NATO
crimes
are being more and more condemned. The international public has
uncovered
the lies spread by NATO when they embarked upon the destruction of
Yugoslavia.

Q: This is not The Hague Tribunal?

A: No. It is the International Court of Justice in The Hague, an organ
of
the United Nations, established in 1945 by the Charter of the United
Nations. As opposed, the so called Hague Tribunal is not an instrument
for
the administration of justice but a NATO instrument. It has been
established so that the aggressors may punish the victims of aggression.
Have you ever heard that a Vietnam Tribunal has been established? Have
there been no crimes there? Or a Somalia Tribunal? The Hague Tribunal is
an
extended arm of NATO pact, fearing its own responsibility for the crimes
against peace and humanity, for the crimes of genocide in Yugoslavia,
which
is trying to defend itself by making a victim look like a culprit. This
of
course does not work, it cannot possibly work.
No aggression, no pressure or interference into internal affairs can
derail Yugoslavia from its path to freedom. Should anyone think this to
be
an exaggeration he should read history books and see what side the Serb
and
Montenegrin peoples were on in the past. Have they ever been aggressors,
have they ever been on the wrong side?
So, we and the Russians have always had the same attitude towards
history,
towards our roots, culture - and those who should understand and realize
that - it simply is not in their interest to understand that. They would
rather hold on to their aggressive position which is, in the case of
aggression and overall attitude towards Yugoslavia, also a racist
attitude.
That racism is reflected also in the current efforts of certain circles
seking to teach the Serb people democracy. Can you imagine the state of
mind of those US and European Ministers who send messages to the Serb
people - what is their mental capacity if they think that the Serb
people
is under-educated and that it needs to be taught democracy from the
outside? Who will give lessons - those who only yesterday rained death?
There are many analyses on personal responsibility for the aggression
against Yugoslavia. You have probably heard of some theories that there
was
some kind of a private aggression against Yugoslavia. Just think of
those
people who sent bombers on Serb children, Serb workers, Serb peasants
-now
they talk from the pedestal to the Serb people - we love you, it is just
that you do not understand that and that is why we came to explain it to
you in person.
That lady and those Ministers who talk to the Serb people start from a
sick premise that people are divided on the gifted and handicapped, and
that the task of the gifted is to teach the handicapped. The Serb people
has no time to listen to those lessons and sick advice. The Serb people
has
always been against patrionasing attitudes, against racism and any kind
of
discrimination. The Serb people has faith in itself in the first place
and
in its proven historical friends. It cannot trust liars, those who lie
to
their own people.
The Serb people will not trust those who are not trusted, for example,
by
the Americans or British or the people in Germany. You know for yourself
who lied and about what, in political and in private life, remember all
those indecretions. One just does not have enough time to deal with
numerous examples of corruption, aberrations and deviations of all those
alleged teachers of democracy.

Q: There is an ongoing discussion in Russia on how much Russia
contributed,
how much Yeltsin did, Igor Ivanov or the Russian Embassy, to stop NATO
aggression, i.e. whether they did all they could and later on, to
protect
the interests of Serbia. What is your view on the role of Ivanov,
Yeltsin,
and Victor Chernomyrdin in these events?
A: In the period before the NATO aggression and during the aggression
itself we had a continuous dialogue with Russian representatives. This
dialogue was useful. In the talks with the Russian representatives we
underlined in particular the fact that the aggression against Yugoslavia
was only an experiment which would later be applied to Russia.
Yugoslavia
is an important country. Throughout their history Serbian and
Montenegrin
peoples are well known for their steadfastness and courage, for their
contribution to culture, civilization and defence of the interests of
Europe.
We are quite aware that such qualities of a country and a people are not
favoured by the proponents of hegemony and occupation. It is evident
that
we have been and that we remain to be an obstacle standing in the way of
hegemony, neocolonialism, exploitation, occupation. We have always
repeated
to Russia that Yugoslavia is not the final target. The final target is
Russia, China, Europe - the big powers, while the aggression against
Yugoslavia should have been only an experiment, to feel the pulse not
only
of Russia and China, but of other countries as well.
Along these line we sought a concrete support and assistance of Russia.
We have shared identical views in respect to many issues and global
assessments. We have also agreed that the American goal was the Caspian
basin, and that the Caucasus is the so-called "south belly" of Russia.
But, differences emerged when those general assessments about all global
dangers were transferred to the field of concrete positions and
relations
in the preparatory stage of the aggression as well as during the
aggression
of NATO Alliance against Yugoslavia. We believed that it was necessary
to
achieve a higher level of agreement on concrete issues. In the
negotiations
concerning the ending of the aggression which we had with Mr.
Chernomyrdin
special attention was attached to elimination of Chapter VII of the
Charter
of the United Nations from the text of the then future Security Council
resolution 1244 (1999). However, in spite of the promise that Russia
would
not allow Chapter VII to be invoked in the resolution, that Chapter was
still mentioned in a certain form in resolution 1244.

Q: Chernomyrdin promised that to you personally?

A: Yes, he promised that Russia would not accept that. But we must turn
ourselves to the present and future. We have to turn to the things which
constitute bulwark of the protection of vital national and State
interests.
In concrete terms, we rely on the guarantees concerning the sovereignty
and
territorial integrity given in the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin document which
were reaffirmed later in Security Council resolution 1244. This is a
positive element of strategic importance that has been achieved.
The other element of strategic importance is a guarantee that the
situation in Kosovo and Metohija will be solved by political means
through
dialogue and with respect of sovereignty and integrity of Serbia and
Yugoslavia, providing an autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia.
The third extremely important element is the fact that the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations must be observed in the process of
finding a solution for the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, i.e. that
this
problem is to be resolved through the Security Council, and not through
the
NATO Alliance. Those are crucial elements and we insist on a full
respect
for the principles from the Ahtissaari-Chernomyrdin document and
Security
Council resolution 1244.
Having in mind those three elements Yugoslavia approved the deployment
of
international civilian and security missions in Kosovo and Metohija
under
the auspices of the United Nations. The responsibility for the respect
of
these fundamental principles lies with the United Nations, i.e. the
Security Council as a body that is most responsible for peace and
security.
Within this framework, we count on and expect the support and active
involvement of Russia as a Security Council permanent member and a
factor
which directly participated in the conclusion of a peace agreement, and
understandably as a friendly country and Yugoslav ally.
The support of China as a Security Council permanent member is also very
important and we expect from other Security Council members to manifest
a
greater realism. As far as non-permanent members of the Security Council
are concerned, we have noticed that they expressed significant
understanding for our positions and interests. Positive changes in
respect
to Yugoslavia are particularly visible in the General Assembly itself,
where the majority of its 188 members share the positions and
principles
advocated by Yugoslavia.
The European Union bears great responsibility for the consistent
implementation of resolution 1244 and the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin
document
which served as a basis for the Security Council resolution, because Mr.
Ahtisaari participated in those negotiations in the capacity of the
Chairman of the Union. We think that Europe is not still aware of the
importance and significance of its responsibility for the consistent
implementation of Security Council resolution 1244. Europe has a twofold
responsibility - because it participated in the negotiations through
Ahtisaari and because Yugoslavia is an integral part of Europe.
There are certain signs of a greater realism in Europe but also of being
held hostage to the passive approach and to the pressures of the US
Administration. There is a growing concern for the continuous
deterioration
of security and the overall situation in Kosovo and Metohija. It is
clear
that European and American interests in Yugoslavia, i.e. in Kosovo and
Metohija, cannot be and are not identical. In our opinion, this
evolution
towards a greater realism and better understanding of one's own
strategic
interests in South Eastern Europe and the Balkans is highly disputable.
Europe is still seriously suffering from extensive American syndrome of
giving in to the great control and pressures of the US Administration.
This has become evident on the example of the lifting of the sanctions
against Yugoslavia. It is positive that 13 out of 15 members of the
European Union have voted for the lifting of the flights ban and the oil
embargo. It is interesting to note, however, that Britain is persistent
in
advocating American interests in the European Union and opposing the
reaching of a consensus. We are, understandably, optimistic in respect
to
the future developments because we believe that the process of
identification of Europe with its own interests is irreversible,
irrespective of its slow pace.
Kosovo and Metohija is far from a solution to the situation.
Representatives of the international civil and security presence, and
ultimately the Security Council, are accountable for the lack of a just
and
principled solution, the solution in accordance with the Security
Council
resolution.
We hope that it is still not late for the Security Council to undertake
appropriate and concrete measures to ensure the implementation of its
own
decisions:
- to stop terrorism;
- to disband and disarm the terrorist organization "KLA";
- to stop and suspend all decisions in contradiction with the
sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia;
- to halt the ethnic cleansing of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks;
- to ensure conditions for a free and safe return of 350 000 expelled
Serbs and other non-Albanian population;
- to expel over 200 000 foreign citizens, mainly the citizens of Albania
who illegally entered into the Yugoslav territory with the consent of
the
international presence;
- to ensure the implementation of the provision concerning the return of
the Yugoslav army and police to Kosovo and Metohija and to Yugoslav
borders;
- to eliminate other violations of the resolution and sovereignty of
Serbia and Yugoslavia such as opening of foreign missions in Kosovo and
Metohija, banning of flights between Belgrade and Pristina;
- to restore the property rights concerning the private, public and
State
property.
We hope that it is not late for the Security Council to really undertake
an effort to have its decisions implemented, rather than to delegate
this
to NATO, which committed an aggression against Yugoslavia. We are for a
peaceful, political solution, for the full respect of the Security
Council
resolution and the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin document, irrespective of the
fact that most of their provisions are not in acordance with the Serbian
and Yugoslav principled interests and rights.
In view of the above, we shall never recognize a single decision or
state
of affairs which is contrary to the Security Council resolution, which
represents the violation of those documents, and in particular any
solution
which constitutes a violation of sovereignty and integrity of Serbia and
Yugoslavia. Neither NATO nor Clinton will stay in Kosovo for ever.
Kosovo
was under provisional occupations several times throughout its history.
Those who are counting on supporting separatism and terrorism, who are
counting on a lasting occupation of Kosovo and Metohija, are advised to
look back what happened to the former occupier of this part of Serbia
throughout the history, either in the Middle ages or in the twentieth
century. Serbia has its roots and its place in European civilization,
it
has its self-confidence and dignity. And all of this is related to
Kosovo
and Metohija. It is an illusion to make plans with criminals and
terrorists. Any solution, except the solution within Serbia, is not
realistic.



--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
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