Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Mar 17 Ago 2004 15:05:16 Europe/Rome
A: icdsm-italia@ yahoogroups. com
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Scott Taylor and Sarah Flounders
Scott Taylor and Sarah Flounders
1. Behind Bars with Slobodan Milosevic (By Scott Taylor)
Scott Taylor, saggista e giornalista canadese con una lunga esperienza
di cose balcaniche, e' tra le persone che hanno gia' accettato di
presentarsi all'Aia per testimoniare in favore di Slobodan Milosevic
alla ripresa del "processo". In questo articolo egli descrive sei ore
passate in una stanza del carcere dell'Aia insieme a Milosevic e ad una
macchinetta di caffe'...
2. Hague court tries to silence Milosevic (By Sara Flounders)
Sara Flounders - nota attivista dello statunitense International Action
Center di Ramsey Clark e co-autrice dell'eccezionale libro: 'Hidden
Agenda--the U.S.-NATO takeover of Yugoslavia' - commenta i vergognosi
tentativi, da parte del "Tribunale ad hoc" dell'Aia, di impedire che
Milosevic si autodifenda dalle accuse mossegli...
---( 1 )---
http://www.espritdecorps.ca/new_page_231.htm
http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/jugoslavija/2004-08-17.html
Behind Bars with Slobodan Milosevic
By Scott Taylor
ESPRIT DE CORPS - August 16, 2004
Esprit de Corps publisher and military author Scott Taylor has agreed
to testify at The Hague War Crime Tribunal at the request of former
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic. In preparation for his upcoming
court appearance, Taylor spent six hours behind bars with the indicted
war criminal who serves as his own legal counsel. Taylor writes of his
experience.
“How would you like your coffee?” Even as I answered, the whole
situation was so surreal. Here was Slobodan Milosevic, the former
President of Serbia and an indicted war criminal, making me a Nescafe
in a plastic cup. Having reported on the Balkan wars for the past 12
years, Mr. Milosevic had, for me, always been a somewhat larger than
life figure throughout that period. Whether he was loved by the
million-plus crowd that chanted “Slobo! Slobo!” in June 1989, or hated
by the similar-size angry mob that ousted him from power in October
2000.
Now I was suddenly face to face with the man in a prison cell. The
whole experience was surprisingly casual. It was definitely unnerving,
almost like seeing the curtain pulled back on the wizard of Oz. To be
fair, I must point out that I was not there to interview Mr Milosevic,
rather, I was the one being questioned.
Under the terms of his incarceration, the former Serbian president is
not allowed to meet with media or make public statements. In order for
me to have access to the prisoner I had to sign a very strict
non-disclosure agreement that prevents me from describing any aspect of
the actual detention facility in which Mr. Milosevic is being detained
nor can I speak of “The health of the accused, including his mental
health and physical appearance.”
While I obviously cannot describe in detail the actual set of security
measures at the detention facility, I would simply advise any future
witnesses to be sure to wear clean underwear on the day of their visit.
While not intrusive the searches were thorough.
As for his person, I believe that I can safely mention that Mr.
Milosevic wore a plaid shirt buttoned to the top and casual slacks, but
I cannot reveal any detail that would describe his mood or emotions
during our six-hour meeting.
Another rule forbids me from disclosing “Any other information relating
to … any detainee other than the accused.” However, I do not think that
it would be a violation of these guidelines to point out that when Mr.
Milosevic came into contact with other Serbian prisoners he was greeted
cordially as “Slobo” and was introduced respectfully to their visiting
family members.
I also don’t think I’m violating the spirit of the signed agreement by
stating that Mr. Milosevic speaks excellent if somewhat accented
English. The only confusion we had during our conversation was when he
discussed Canadian Justice Louise Arbour’s indictment of Milosevic on
26 May 1999. I mentioned that at that time I was actually in Belgrade
reporting on the NATO air strikes. As chief prosecutor for the newly
formed was crimes tribunal, Arbour had startled the world with her
surprise mid-war announcement of the Serbian President’s indictment.
“That was funny.” I heard him say, but when I questioned his response
Milosevic corrected himself. “Phoney” he said and after a moment’s
hesitation, he added “and funny too.”
There is also a strict guideline whereby The Hague Tribunal can deny
access to a visitor if they believe their purpose is “to obtain
information which may be subsequently only reported in the media.”
However, I am not prevented from discussing my personal experience and
potential testimony, which was the reason for my visit to The Hague.
The genesis of this trip began when I received a telephone call from
Belgrade in mid-July. The caller, Branko Rakic, identified himself as a
legal assistant to Slobodan Milosevic. He advised me that three of my
books- Tested Mettle, Inat and Diary of an Uncivil War had been
obtained by the defense team and submitted to The Hague’s International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) as evidence. Mr.
Rakic also told me that Mr. Milosevic wished to interview me as a
potential witness and I was told upfront that I would not be compelled
to testify. My cooperation would have to be voluntary.
From a personal standpoint, I naturally had reservations about
appearing before such a tribunal, particularly as I have frequently
questioned the impartiality and legitimacy of such a post-war judicial
process –established and funded by the victors to determine the guilt
of the defeated. However, as a journalist and author, having spent so
many years covering the complex Balkan conflict, the prospect of
meeting one of the central figures was too powerful a lure to decline.
The entire administration process of becoming a Tribunal witness was
also fascinating. Following the formal request for an interview by
Milosevic’s team, the travel arrangements were then processed by the
ICTY’s Witness and Victims Section. Approximately 34 clerks and field
workers are assigned to facilitate such visits to The Hague. While the
cloak-and-dagger precautions – from coded signs held by the airport
guide to the anonymous hotel registration –seemed somewhat excessive,
they served to remind me of the magnitude of the crimes committed and
of the far-reaching power of many of the accused. Many of the witnesses
actually appear under the condition of Tribunal protection. While this
option was offered to me, given that my books are public documents I
declined.
As the Tribunal is technically in recess throughout the month of
August, I happened to be the only witness called during this particular
72 hour period. When the cases are being heard the Witness and Victims
Section handles as many as 30-40 individuals a day. For privacy and
security reasons they are housed in a number of different hotels
located throughout the city.
My hotel happened to be located very close to the detention center and
only meters from The Hague’s beaches. As one of northern Europe’s most
popular seaside resorts, there were thousands of topless bathers making
the most of the mid-summer heat wave just a half kilometre from the war
crimes prison. Perhaps fortunately for the inmates, the packed beaches
cannot be seen over the red bricked walls of their confines.
Judging from the volumes of documents and books cluttering his desk and
bookshelves, Mr. Milosevic would have little time for such
distractions. He has only until August 31 to prepare and finalize his
defence, and he plans to call several hundred witnesses. Included in
his wish list are a number of potentially ‘hostile’ witnesses such as;
Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and former NATO spokeperson Jamie Shea. While
there is little chance that any of them would willingly agree to
testify, the request to compel their attendance will be a difficult
challenge to the prosecutors. Not that there is any shortage of legal
expertise arrayed to contest such a challenge. The number of lawyers
and researchers on the prosecution team is estimated to consist of
several hundred personnel – a large percentage of whom are Canadians.
Although he is representing himself in this case, Mr. Milosevic is
being assisted by a very small team of legal supporters and
researchers. They operate with only a minimum of financial assistance
from the Tribunal, and most of their financial support comes from
private donations-mostly by Serbian expatriates, including several
Canadians.
Researcher Cathrin Schuetz accompanied me when I met with Mr.
Milosevic. The 33-year-old German political science graduate commutes
by train from her hometown near Frankfurt-a five-hour trip to The Hague
– to process potential witnesses. “We operate on a shoestring budget,”
she explained, “but we believe that everything must be done to try and
achieve a fair trial.”
One of the things most disconcerting to the small defence team is that
the Tribunal is once again trying to impose its own legal counsel on
Mr. Milosevic. “They say that it is for health reasons, but that is not
true,” said Ms. Schuetz.
“They told him ten days before his defence was supposed to begin that
the trial was postponed. He stopped his preparations of their orders,
but the Tribunal did not inform the media,” continued Ms. Schuetz. “
Instead, they allowed foreign journalists to register and then brought
Mr. Milosevic to the trial chamber on the original date. When he
explained that he was not prepared because of the health restriction,
the Tribunal used this as further proof that they must impose counsel
on him. It was courtroom theatrics.”
In addition, members of his defence team allege that events are being
orchestrated to deliberately isolate Mr. Milosevic with the aim of
heightening his stress levels.
“Following the indictment of Mira [Markovic] in Serbia last year,
Slobodan has not been allowed to see his wife,” said Ms. Schuetz. “This
only further isolated him and denied him personal support.” In most
published accounts concerning the Milosevics, they were always
described a “inseparable” and considered “soul mates.” While she
conducted her own political career, her Party was always seen as an
extension of her husband’s Socialists. When Slobodan was first handed
over to The Hague, Mira would make frequent trips to visit him in jail
and to attend the tribunal hearings.
Next week, on 20 August, Mr. Milosevic will mark his 63rd birthday
alone in his cell. This will be his fourth such non-celebration since
his handover to The Hague on June 28, 2001.
The hundreds of witnesses Mr. Milosevic intends to call also includes a
large number of Canadians. While I cannot disclose any information as
to their identities or potential testimony, Mr. Milosevic will be
tabling evidence in his defence from all aspects of the Balkan wars-
dating back to the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1990.
For my part, the evidence cited from my books concerns a number of
issues pertaining to the atrocities witnessed by Canadian troops
serving in Bosnia and Croatia between 1992 and 1995. One incident of
particular interest to Mr. Milosevic was the September 1993
confrontation in the Medak Pocket. Although Canadian soldiers had
engaged Croatian troops and officially recorded the atrocities the
Croats had committed against Serbian villagers, many of the key
participants were never brought to justice before The Hague.
Furthermore, one of those responsible in the massacre ended up playing
a lead role –with NATO’s blessing –in the 1999 conflict in Kosovo.
The Milosevic defence team recognized my role in first breaking the
previously untold story of the Medak (with David Pugliese of the Ottawa
Citizen) in the fall of 1996. The events of the Medak Pocket were also
detailed in my books Tested Mettle: Canada’s Peacekeepers at War (1998)
and Inat: Images of Serbia and the Kosovo Conflict (2001).
While some of my peers have already questioned me as to why I would
take the stand to defend an alleged war criminal, when I discovered the
nature of my intended testimony I realized that I would simply be
defending the stories I had already written. I believe it would
undermine any journalist’s credibility if he or she was to refuse to
stand by their reports under such circumstances.
When I was finally ushered out of the detention center at the
conclusion of our meeting, Slobodan Milosevic was taken by the guards
back to his private cell. In addition to making coffee for witnesses,
the ex-president in now apparently responsible for preparing his own
meals.
Esprit de Corps © 2002-2004
---( 2 )---
http://www.iacenter.org/milos_ctsilence.htm
Hague court tries to silence Milosevic
By Sara Flounders
6 July 2004
As powerful defense case is about to open - Hague court tries to stop
Milosevic from representing himself at trial.
Despite objections from former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic,
the NATO-created International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) at The Hague stopped him on July 5 from presenting
the defense half of his trial based on Milosevic's medical problems.
Milosevic's supporters call this an attempt to use his medical
condition to "silence the truth."
Tiphaine Dickson, an attorney from Canada who is assisting Milosevic's
supporters, said, "The Prosecutor is attempting, yet again, to force
President Milosevic to accept legal counsel to represent him, using his
poor health as an excuse. President Milosevic has insisted that he
represent himself from the onset. Within the U.S., the Supreme Court
has recognized this as a right under the Sixth Amendment to the
Constitution. To refuse to allow him this right would turn the already
illegal ICTY hearings into a star-chamber proceeding."
In a conversation with his aide Vladimir Krsljanin regarding the latest
developments, Milosevic said, "This illegal court is daring to judge
biological and medical issues after they have proven incapable of
judging legal and historical issues. This court is like the
Inquisition."
The defense was finally set to open after two years of prosecution
testimony that included some 300 witnesses hostile to President
Milosevic. Many observers believe that the prosecution has failed to
present credible witnesses who can connect the defendant with the
crimes with which he has been charged.
Madeleine Albright, who was U.S. secretary of state during the 1999
U.S.-NATO war against Yugoslavia, was seen in The Hague at the ICTY
building on July 5. Supporters of Milosevic believe that her presence
is connected with the court's decision to postpone the trial and its
attempt to change the rules.
Milosevic’s long-time aide, Vladimir Krsljanin, speaking from Belgrade
on July 5, said, "What we have seen at The Hague is the worse kind of
political theater. It is a legal outrage directed at the president.
Slobodan Milosevic was brought to trial while he was suffering bad
health conditions. Despite our pleas and complaints and the petitions
of medical experts to the ICTY, it refused our demands for more time
for preparation and rest for President Milosevic."
"First the court created conditions that worsened his health and now
they are using his ill health to justify stifling his presentation of
his powerful defense case," said Krsljanin.
In a recent document, former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark has
made himself clear on the issue of Milosevic’s right to defend himself:
"President Milosevic chose to 'defend himself in person,' a fundamental
human right recognized by the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights."
On the prisoner's health and the ICTY's responsibility, Clark wrote in
a recent document: 'In the interest of truth, fairness in fact and
appearance, justice and respect for international law and
organizations, Slobodan Milosevic must be afforded medical and health
care, living conditions that protect his well being, require
presentation of prosecution evidence through witness testimony and
provide the time and means necessary to present his defense in a fair
trial in the absence of the abolition of the ICTY."
Prosecution case: Two years long -
The ICTY opened the prosecution case in February 2002 after a year of
preparation. At that time, the ICTY and the media presented the
Milosevic case as "the trial of the century." That's when the
prosecution hoped to use it as a show trial to convict the Yugoslav
leader and blame him and the entire Serb people for the wars in the
Balkans.
Within the first month, however, Milosevic had so ably handled his
political and legal presentation, and had so effectively cross-examined
hostile witnesses that many reporters had to admit that publicity on
the case damaging NATO’s justification for the war.
Throughout the two years of prosecution that ended last February,
President Milosevic was plagued by high blood pressure and a heart
ailment. The court delayed proceedings, but refused to release him from
the harsh prison conditions or to give him the medical care of his
choice.
The ICTY allowed Milosevic only 90 days to prepare his defense and was
to allow only 150 days for him to present it, half the time the court
took for the prosecution. Any time there is a delay for his health, the
court refuses to allow him access to any papers or books or to
interview potential witnesses at leisure. He even lost 50 of the 90
days preparation for this reason.
As part of his defense case, Milosevic was preparing to call as
witnesses a number of political analysts and activists who have
written, spoken and organized against U.S. and NATO intervention in the
Balkans. Some of these potential witnesses have contributed articles to
'Hidden Agenda--the U.S.-NATO takeover of Yugoslavia,' edited by John
Catalinotto and Sara Flounders and published in 2002 by the
International Action Center (IAC).
Flounders, who is a co-director of the IAC, was among those scheduled
to be among the early witnesses and met with Milosevic in The Hague on
June 28. She said that, "The attempt to remove Milosevic as his own
attorney is an admission of President Milosevic's innocence of the
war-crimes charges and of the U.S. and NATO guilt in planning,
executing and carrying out a 10-year war that broke a strong and
successful Yugoslav Federation up into a half-dozen weak colonies and
neo-colonies subservient to the United States and Western Europe.
“Just as the weapons of mass destruction have never been found in
Iraq,” Flounders continued, "the charge of massacres, mass graves and
genocide proved to be an utter fabrication in Kosovo. It is essential
that President Milosevic have a full opportunity expose NATO's war
crimes and to defend Yugoslavia and to answer these charges against his
government."
Contact numbers:
Sara Flounders International Action Center
(212) 633-6646 x 27,
Maitre Tiphaine Dickson of Canada, assisting the
International Committee for the Defense of Slobodan
Milosevic, is ready to deliver press statements:
450-263-7974,
Vladimir Krsljanin, who is Milosevic’s closest aide and
head of the Sloboda (Freedom) organization:
381-63-886-2301 (Belgrade),
Distributed by:
International Action Center
39 West 14th St., #206, New York, NY, 10011
Tel: 212-633-6646, Fax: 212-633-2889, www.iacenter.org
<http://www.iacenter.org/>
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
tel/fax +39-06-4828957
email: icdsm-italia @ libero.it
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
sito internet:
http://www.pasti.org/linkmilo.htm
Data: Mar 17 Ago 2004 15:05:16 Europe/Rome
A: icdsm-italia@ yahoogroups. com
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Scott Taylor and Sarah Flounders
Scott Taylor and Sarah Flounders
1. Behind Bars with Slobodan Milosevic (By Scott Taylor)
Scott Taylor, saggista e giornalista canadese con una lunga esperienza
di cose balcaniche, e' tra le persone che hanno gia' accettato di
presentarsi all'Aia per testimoniare in favore di Slobodan Milosevic
alla ripresa del "processo". In questo articolo egli descrive sei ore
passate in una stanza del carcere dell'Aia insieme a Milosevic e ad una
macchinetta di caffe'...
2. Hague court tries to silence Milosevic (By Sara Flounders)
Sara Flounders - nota attivista dello statunitense International Action
Center di Ramsey Clark e co-autrice dell'eccezionale libro: 'Hidden
Agenda--the U.S.-NATO takeover of Yugoslavia' - commenta i vergognosi
tentativi, da parte del "Tribunale ad hoc" dell'Aia, di impedire che
Milosevic si autodifenda dalle accuse mossegli...
---( 1 )---
http://www.espritdecorps.ca/new_page_231.htm
http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/jugoslavija/2004-08-17.html
Behind Bars with Slobodan Milosevic
By Scott Taylor
ESPRIT DE CORPS - August 16, 2004
Esprit de Corps publisher and military author Scott Taylor has agreed
to testify at The Hague War Crime Tribunal at the request of former
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic. In preparation for his upcoming
court appearance, Taylor spent six hours behind bars with the indicted
war criminal who serves as his own legal counsel. Taylor writes of his
experience.
“How would you like your coffee?” Even as I answered, the whole
situation was so surreal. Here was Slobodan Milosevic, the former
President of Serbia and an indicted war criminal, making me a Nescafe
in a plastic cup. Having reported on the Balkan wars for the past 12
years, Mr. Milosevic had, for me, always been a somewhat larger than
life figure throughout that period. Whether he was loved by the
million-plus crowd that chanted “Slobo! Slobo!” in June 1989, or hated
by the similar-size angry mob that ousted him from power in October
2000.
Now I was suddenly face to face with the man in a prison cell. The
whole experience was surprisingly casual. It was definitely unnerving,
almost like seeing the curtain pulled back on the wizard of Oz. To be
fair, I must point out that I was not there to interview Mr Milosevic,
rather, I was the one being questioned.
Under the terms of his incarceration, the former Serbian president is
not allowed to meet with media or make public statements. In order for
me to have access to the prisoner I had to sign a very strict
non-disclosure agreement that prevents me from describing any aspect of
the actual detention facility in which Mr. Milosevic is being detained
nor can I speak of “The health of the accused, including his mental
health and physical appearance.”
While I obviously cannot describe in detail the actual set of security
measures at the detention facility, I would simply advise any future
witnesses to be sure to wear clean underwear on the day of their visit.
While not intrusive the searches were thorough.
As for his person, I believe that I can safely mention that Mr.
Milosevic wore a plaid shirt buttoned to the top and casual slacks, but
I cannot reveal any detail that would describe his mood or emotions
during our six-hour meeting.
Another rule forbids me from disclosing “Any other information relating
to … any detainee other than the accused.” However, I do not think that
it would be a violation of these guidelines to point out that when Mr.
Milosevic came into contact with other Serbian prisoners he was greeted
cordially as “Slobo” and was introduced respectfully to their visiting
family members.
I also don’t think I’m violating the spirit of the signed agreement by
stating that Mr. Milosevic speaks excellent if somewhat accented
English. The only confusion we had during our conversation was when he
discussed Canadian Justice Louise Arbour’s indictment of Milosevic on
26 May 1999. I mentioned that at that time I was actually in Belgrade
reporting on the NATO air strikes. As chief prosecutor for the newly
formed was crimes tribunal, Arbour had startled the world with her
surprise mid-war announcement of the Serbian President’s indictment.
“That was funny.” I heard him say, but when I questioned his response
Milosevic corrected himself. “Phoney” he said and after a moment’s
hesitation, he added “and funny too.”
There is also a strict guideline whereby The Hague Tribunal can deny
access to a visitor if they believe their purpose is “to obtain
information which may be subsequently only reported in the media.”
However, I am not prevented from discussing my personal experience and
potential testimony, which was the reason for my visit to The Hague.
The genesis of this trip began when I received a telephone call from
Belgrade in mid-July. The caller, Branko Rakic, identified himself as a
legal assistant to Slobodan Milosevic. He advised me that three of my
books- Tested Mettle, Inat and Diary of an Uncivil War had been
obtained by the defense team and submitted to The Hague’s International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) as evidence. Mr.
Rakic also told me that Mr. Milosevic wished to interview me as a
potential witness and I was told upfront that I would not be compelled
to testify. My cooperation would have to be voluntary.
From a personal standpoint, I naturally had reservations about
appearing before such a tribunal, particularly as I have frequently
questioned the impartiality and legitimacy of such a post-war judicial
process –established and funded by the victors to determine the guilt
of the defeated. However, as a journalist and author, having spent so
many years covering the complex Balkan conflict, the prospect of
meeting one of the central figures was too powerful a lure to decline.
The entire administration process of becoming a Tribunal witness was
also fascinating. Following the formal request for an interview by
Milosevic’s team, the travel arrangements were then processed by the
ICTY’s Witness and Victims Section. Approximately 34 clerks and field
workers are assigned to facilitate such visits to The Hague. While the
cloak-and-dagger precautions – from coded signs held by the airport
guide to the anonymous hotel registration –seemed somewhat excessive,
they served to remind me of the magnitude of the crimes committed and
of the far-reaching power of many of the accused. Many of the witnesses
actually appear under the condition of Tribunal protection. While this
option was offered to me, given that my books are public documents I
declined.
As the Tribunal is technically in recess throughout the month of
August, I happened to be the only witness called during this particular
72 hour period. When the cases are being heard the Witness and Victims
Section handles as many as 30-40 individuals a day. For privacy and
security reasons they are housed in a number of different hotels
located throughout the city.
My hotel happened to be located very close to the detention center and
only meters from The Hague’s beaches. As one of northern Europe’s most
popular seaside resorts, there were thousands of topless bathers making
the most of the mid-summer heat wave just a half kilometre from the war
crimes prison. Perhaps fortunately for the inmates, the packed beaches
cannot be seen over the red bricked walls of their confines.
Judging from the volumes of documents and books cluttering his desk and
bookshelves, Mr. Milosevic would have little time for such
distractions. He has only until August 31 to prepare and finalize his
defence, and he plans to call several hundred witnesses. Included in
his wish list are a number of potentially ‘hostile’ witnesses such as;
Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and former NATO spokeperson Jamie Shea. While
there is little chance that any of them would willingly agree to
testify, the request to compel their attendance will be a difficult
challenge to the prosecutors. Not that there is any shortage of legal
expertise arrayed to contest such a challenge. The number of lawyers
and researchers on the prosecution team is estimated to consist of
several hundred personnel – a large percentage of whom are Canadians.
Although he is representing himself in this case, Mr. Milosevic is
being assisted by a very small team of legal supporters and
researchers. They operate with only a minimum of financial assistance
from the Tribunal, and most of their financial support comes from
private donations-mostly by Serbian expatriates, including several
Canadians.
Researcher Cathrin Schuetz accompanied me when I met with Mr.
Milosevic. The 33-year-old German political science graduate commutes
by train from her hometown near Frankfurt-a five-hour trip to The Hague
– to process potential witnesses. “We operate on a shoestring budget,”
she explained, “but we believe that everything must be done to try and
achieve a fair trial.”
One of the things most disconcerting to the small defence team is that
the Tribunal is once again trying to impose its own legal counsel on
Mr. Milosevic. “They say that it is for health reasons, but that is not
true,” said Ms. Schuetz.
“They told him ten days before his defence was supposed to begin that
the trial was postponed. He stopped his preparations of their orders,
but the Tribunal did not inform the media,” continued Ms. Schuetz. “
Instead, they allowed foreign journalists to register and then brought
Mr. Milosevic to the trial chamber on the original date. When he
explained that he was not prepared because of the health restriction,
the Tribunal used this as further proof that they must impose counsel
on him. It was courtroom theatrics.”
In addition, members of his defence team allege that events are being
orchestrated to deliberately isolate Mr. Milosevic with the aim of
heightening his stress levels.
“Following the indictment of Mira [Markovic] in Serbia last year,
Slobodan has not been allowed to see his wife,” said Ms. Schuetz. “This
only further isolated him and denied him personal support.” In most
published accounts concerning the Milosevics, they were always
described a “inseparable” and considered “soul mates.” While she
conducted her own political career, her Party was always seen as an
extension of her husband’s Socialists. When Slobodan was first handed
over to The Hague, Mira would make frequent trips to visit him in jail
and to attend the tribunal hearings.
Next week, on 20 August, Mr. Milosevic will mark his 63rd birthday
alone in his cell. This will be his fourth such non-celebration since
his handover to The Hague on June 28, 2001.
The hundreds of witnesses Mr. Milosevic intends to call also includes a
large number of Canadians. While I cannot disclose any information as
to their identities or potential testimony, Mr. Milosevic will be
tabling evidence in his defence from all aspects of the Balkan wars-
dating back to the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1990.
For my part, the evidence cited from my books concerns a number of
issues pertaining to the atrocities witnessed by Canadian troops
serving in Bosnia and Croatia between 1992 and 1995. One incident of
particular interest to Mr. Milosevic was the September 1993
confrontation in the Medak Pocket. Although Canadian soldiers had
engaged Croatian troops and officially recorded the atrocities the
Croats had committed against Serbian villagers, many of the key
participants were never brought to justice before The Hague.
Furthermore, one of those responsible in the massacre ended up playing
a lead role –with NATO’s blessing –in the 1999 conflict in Kosovo.
The Milosevic defence team recognized my role in first breaking the
previously untold story of the Medak (with David Pugliese of the Ottawa
Citizen) in the fall of 1996. The events of the Medak Pocket were also
detailed in my books Tested Mettle: Canada’s Peacekeepers at War (1998)
and Inat: Images of Serbia and the Kosovo Conflict (2001).
While some of my peers have already questioned me as to why I would
take the stand to defend an alleged war criminal, when I discovered the
nature of my intended testimony I realized that I would simply be
defending the stories I had already written. I believe it would
undermine any journalist’s credibility if he or she was to refuse to
stand by their reports under such circumstances.
When I was finally ushered out of the detention center at the
conclusion of our meeting, Slobodan Milosevic was taken by the guards
back to his private cell. In addition to making coffee for witnesses,
the ex-president in now apparently responsible for preparing his own
meals.
Esprit de Corps © 2002-2004
---( 2 )---
http://www.iacenter.org/milos_ctsilence.htm
Hague court tries to silence Milosevic
By Sara Flounders
6 July 2004
As powerful defense case is about to open - Hague court tries to stop
Milosevic from representing himself at trial.
Despite objections from former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic,
the NATO-created International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) at The Hague stopped him on July 5 from presenting
the defense half of his trial based on Milosevic's medical problems.
Milosevic's supporters call this an attempt to use his medical
condition to "silence the truth."
Tiphaine Dickson, an attorney from Canada who is assisting Milosevic's
supporters, said, "The Prosecutor is attempting, yet again, to force
President Milosevic to accept legal counsel to represent him, using his
poor health as an excuse. President Milosevic has insisted that he
represent himself from the onset. Within the U.S., the Supreme Court
has recognized this as a right under the Sixth Amendment to the
Constitution. To refuse to allow him this right would turn the already
illegal ICTY hearings into a star-chamber proceeding."
In a conversation with his aide Vladimir Krsljanin regarding the latest
developments, Milosevic said, "This illegal court is daring to judge
biological and medical issues after they have proven incapable of
judging legal and historical issues. This court is like the
Inquisition."
The defense was finally set to open after two years of prosecution
testimony that included some 300 witnesses hostile to President
Milosevic. Many observers believe that the prosecution has failed to
present credible witnesses who can connect the defendant with the
crimes with which he has been charged.
Madeleine Albright, who was U.S. secretary of state during the 1999
U.S.-NATO war against Yugoslavia, was seen in The Hague at the ICTY
building on July 5. Supporters of Milosevic believe that her presence
is connected with the court's decision to postpone the trial and its
attempt to change the rules.
Milosevic’s long-time aide, Vladimir Krsljanin, speaking from Belgrade
on July 5, said, "What we have seen at The Hague is the worse kind of
political theater. It is a legal outrage directed at the president.
Slobodan Milosevic was brought to trial while he was suffering bad
health conditions. Despite our pleas and complaints and the petitions
of medical experts to the ICTY, it refused our demands for more time
for preparation and rest for President Milosevic."
"First the court created conditions that worsened his health and now
they are using his ill health to justify stifling his presentation of
his powerful defense case," said Krsljanin.
In a recent document, former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark has
made himself clear on the issue of Milosevic’s right to defend himself:
"President Milosevic chose to 'defend himself in person,' a fundamental
human right recognized by the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights."
On the prisoner's health and the ICTY's responsibility, Clark wrote in
a recent document: 'In the interest of truth, fairness in fact and
appearance, justice and respect for international law and
organizations, Slobodan Milosevic must be afforded medical and health
care, living conditions that protect his well being, require
presentation of prosecution evidence through witness testimony and
provide the time and means necessary to present his defense in a fair
trial in the absence of the abolition of the ICTY."
Prosecution case: Two years long -
The ICTY opened the prosecution case in February 2002 after a year of
preparation. At that time, the ICTY and the media presented the
Milosevic case as "the trial of the century." That's when the
prosecution hoped to use it as a show trial to convict the Yugoslav
leader and blame him and the entire Serb people for the wars in the
Balkans.
Within the first month, however, Milosevic had so ably handled his
political and legal presentation, and had so effectively cross-examined
hostile witnesses that many reporters had to admit that publicity on
the case damaging NATO’s justification for the war.
Throughout the two years of prosecution that ended last February,
President Milosevic was plagued by high blood pressure and a heart
ailment. The court delayed proceedings, but refused to release him from
the harsh prison conditions or to give him the medical care of his
choice.
The ICTY allowed Milosevic only 90 days to prepare his defense and was
to allow only 150 days for him to present it, half the time the court
took for the prosecution. Any time there is a delay for his health, the
court refuses to allow him access to any papers or books or to
interview potential witnesses at leisure. He even lost 50 of the 90
days preparation for this reason.
As part of his defense case, Milosevic was preparing to call as
witnesses a number of political analysts and activists who have
written, spoken and organized against U.S. and NATO intervention in the
Balkans. Some of these potential witnesses have contributed articles to
'Hidden Agenda--the U.S.-NATO takeover of Yugoslavia,' edited by John
Catalinotto and Sara Flounders and published in 2002 by the
International Action Center (IAC).
Flounders, who is a co-director of the IAC, was among those scheduled
to be among the early witnesses and met with Milosevic in The Hague on
June 28. She said that, "The attempt to remove Milosevic as his own
attorney is an admission of President Milosevic's innocence of the
war-crimes charges and of the U.S. and NATO guilt in planning,
executing and carrying out a 10-year war that broke a strong and
successful Yugoslav Federation up into a half-dozen weak colonies and
neo-colonies subservient to the United States and Western Europe.
“Just as the weapons of mass destruction have never been found in
Iraq,” Flounders continued, "the charge of massacres, mass graves and
genocide proved to be an utter fabrication in Kosovo. It is essential
that President Milosevic have a full opportunity expose NATO's war
crimes and to defend Yugoslavia and to answer these charges against his
government."
Contact numbers:
Sara Flounders International Action Center
(212) 633-6646 x 27,
Maitre Tiphaine Dickson of Canada, assisting the
International Committee for the Defense of Slobodan
Milosevic, is ready to deliver press statements:
450-263-7974,
Vladimir Krsljanin, who is Milosevic’s closest aide and
head of the Sloboda (Freedom) organization:
381-63-886-2301 (Belgrade),
Distributed by:
International Action Center
39 West 14th St., #206, New York, NY, 10011
Tel: 212-633-6646, Fax: 212-633-2889, www.iacenter.org
<http://www.iacenter.org/>
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