The MacKENZIE GENERAL the FIRST VICTIM Of

MÉTAPOLITIQUE

  Last October, the cantonal prosecutor of Sarajevo Oleg Tchavka had announced the opening of a judicial enquiry against the Canadian general Lewis MacKenzie, the first commander of the forces of the United Nations in Bosnia. He shows it to have taken part in the rape of the Moslem women imprisoned by the Serb ones in the Sonja camp at the beginning of the war in Bosnia. According to him several victims would be ready to testify against the general.

        According to the same prosecutor, the investigation against him had begun several years before, but the authorities of Sarajevo did not have the possibility of stopping the suspect one which hides behind international immunity. Let us notice that the notion of international immunity does not exist in the international law. The prosecutor adds that the Bosnian authorities had already on several occasions required of the Canadian government the extradition of the general, but that all the requests had encountered an end not-to receive. It doubts that the general can find himself one day in front of a Bosnian court. In truth, that one would be well embarrassed to see Canada delivered the defendant to him, sight the weakness of the loads retained against him. No need to be a large clerk to understand that this charge does not aim its arrest but only its discredit.

         An imaginary crime can sometimes hide a real crime. Thus, behind that which one shows the MacKenzie general hides that of the massacre made in Sarajevo street Vasa Miskin, on May 27th, 1992 by the men of Alija Izetbegovic. For the Bosnian government, the general is guilty to have strongly questioned the official thesis of the Serb responsibility. Privileged witness, the general had written in The Road to Sarajevo:

        “The Bosnian Presidency denounces a Serb bombardment. The Serb ones speak about an explosive load prepared in advance. Our soldiers (Canadians) say that there is a certain number of details which do not stick. The street was blocked right before the incident. Once the queue (in front of a bakery) formed, the Bosnian media made their appearance, but remained remotely before ruer on the spot as soon as the finished attack.”

       Curiously, the new load against the Canadian general overlooked in the mediate Westerners. This dumbness is explained by the inconsistency of the Western policy vis-a-vis the Yugoslav conflict.  If the odd charges of the Bosnian government against the general had been spread out in the media, Canada would have been obliged to explain why he refused to deliver one of his officers to the Bosnian authorities. That was likely to throw the shade on the policy promusulmane of Ottawa. Placed in front of the dilemma: to deliver a Canadian general to an integrist government or to disavow its policy, the Canadian government chose silence.

       It should be recognized that Canada, wedged géopolitiquement and economically in the North-American system, did not have much choice in its Balkan policy, from where its ambiguity. Thus, in spite of the Canadian participation in the war against Yugoslavia, there was no discriminatory policy against the Canadians of Serb origin. In the same way, in spite of the satanisation the Serb ones by the majority of the media, these could express freely against the aggression of NATO in 1999. Let us notice that they did not have this right in France and Belgium.

           The case of the MacKenzie general is revealing of a vaster phenomenon and than one would be tempted to call the métapolitique one. The latter, appeared in the Occident after the fall of the Soviet empire, consists in being unaware of immediate reality in the name of a future unavowable planetary order. The métapolitique one endeavors to substitute, thanks to a powerful machine of propaganda, with rough reality a virtual reality intended to anaesthetize the public opinion.

          The métapolitique one is basically a realpolitik, based on the power struggle, but disguised under the rhetoric of Western values. These last are seldom specified, in order not to highlight the difference between the word and the act. It is méta, because it is beyond the immediate perception of a commun run of mortals. Its arcans is known by a restricted number of the initiates.

       The general Lewis MacKenzie was one of first victims of the distortion between rough reality and that the métapolitique one. Having pointed the responsibility for the Moslems in the massacre of the street Miskin, he had contravened the line of metapolitic Western which prescribed necessarily the Serb culpability. He made put office at the retirement. The fate of the ambassador from Canada in Belgrade, James Bisett, was almost identical. He also made put at the retirement, because its reports/ratios on the conflict in Yugoslavia were not appropriate for waitings of its government. In a case as in the other one is tempted to speak about the offense about not initiated. Since this time the MacKenzie general and the Bisett ambassador endeavor to make known with the public opinion the truth on the war in ex Yugoslavia.

         The engagements in the pocket of Medak had also highlighted the difference between rough reality and the virtual reality of the métapolitique one. About the middle of the September 1993 the Canadian troops fought an important battle against the Croatian troops putting at fire and blood the Serb village of Srpski Tchitluk. The majority of its inhabitants were massacred. For the Canadian troops, this engagement, which lasted several days, was most important since the war of Korea. During the engagements, the Canadians were supported by the French units. The battle cost the life several tens of Croatian soldiers and much of Canadians were wounded. However, it is in vain that one would seek in the Western press, known as free, the least trace of this episode of the war.  Why this conspiracy of silence? Because, like previously, the line of metapolitic assigned with Serb the role of attackers and not that of the victims. All the business was revealed only in October 1996 by the daily newspaper Ottawa Citizen, but three years later that did not interest anybody.

        The métapolitique one also explains why the Canadian media have never questioned the soldiers having taken part in the maintenance of peace in the ex Yugoslavia nor spoke about the sergeant Marc Leger, still a Canadian who refused to be initiated and who, eyewitness of the events in Bosnia, had created a foundation to help the Serb ones of this area.

      Is it still necessary to mention famous Dutch battalion stationed in Srebrnica in July 1995, at the time when the city fell to the hands from the Serb ones? Its soldiers and its officers were subjected to the interrogation of a parliamentary commission in the Netherlands and, roof of absurdity, reprimands because they had not seen the massacres made by the Serb ones! Eleven years later, the government of the Netherlands granted to this battalion a high military distinction, tardily admitting not having anything to reproach its men.

        Undoubtedly, the métapolitique one is not an entirely new phenomenon. Already at the time of the Soviet Union official rhetoric modified and refitted systematically the image of reality according to the Marxist vision of the world. However, the war in Balkans brought a new element. For the first time since the end of the Second world war it is the Occident which endeavors to build a virtual reality according to an idea globalist and saving of the world. Admittedly, it is not as structured as the Marxism, nevertheless its contours are perceptible in the language of its protagonists. It would be interesting to release the governing ideas of the policy globalist starting from the jargon of his followers.

        If one adopts the point of view of a French philosopher according to whom morals is in last analysis a question of truth or forgery, it would have to be concluded that the métapolitique one is immoral and irrational. However, it is the rational side of the Occident which a long time attracted the inhabitants of the Eastern European countries towards the democracies of the West. The war in Balkans put by its irrationality and its immorality the end at this capacity of attraction. That is not yet clearly perceptible at the generation of current leaders of the old countries of the Soviet block, but that is likely to become it in the rising generations. In another way, the destruction of Yugoslavia brought enormous moral and psychological collateral damage to the Occident. The Western leaders, too concerned about the immediate problems geostrategic and economic, are not yet able to become aware of it.

           Let us notice that the expression international community, often used in connection with the war in Yugoslavia, is an imposture. The mediate Westerners want to make believe by there that their opinion is shared by the whole world, but that in truth it does not reflect, generally, that the point of view of metapolitic Western.

           In truth, the metapolitic changing of the syndrome of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. Side Mr. Hide, his protagonists, impregnated of the Christian culture, dream to rebuild ici-bas the paradise whose man was driven out following his original sin. In the United States, they are the spiritual heirs to first colonists who unloading on the ground of North America proclaimed in the famous declaration of Mayflower that the goal of their establishment in the New World is the continuation off hapiness. This paradisiac world, was in extreme cases to lead at the end of the history. On this point, there is a resemblance striking to the ultimate objectives of the Marxism. Nothing of astonishing when it is known that the two movements plunge their roots in the same compost of Christianity.

        Alas! the man is cheap, egoistic and corrupted. Make indignant, it refuses the happiness whose handle of initiates would like to monopolize it. From where need for forcing it with happiness by the force. It is there that appears the side Dr. Jekyll of the métapolitique one. Sometimes to draw up the unsubdued men, as animals are drawn up, it is necessary to use the whip, the stick and even the setting with death. In the spirit of the initiates of metapolitic that will justify itself by the later happiness of very whole humanity.  At the bottom, there is a similarity striking and distressing in all the projects to make the men happy by force. Reinhard Tristan Heydrich, guard of Bohemian and Moravie, explained during the Second world war with clearness the tragic destiny of all the benefactors of the people. According to him, certain faultfinders find Führer pitiless and cruel, but one day, the future generations of the German people will be grateful to him.

        The equation, unresolved, of metapolitic and all the companies aiming at creating a utopian company could be defined in the following way: To set up this ideal world, one is obliged to resort, temporarily, with immoral means, but they end up corrupting the very whole company. It is the vicious circle of all the revolutions and all the Great saving Ideas of humanity. It is the trap in which the Occident is locked up gradually and from which it will be released only by one start from the consciences or a cataclysm.

  Négovan Rajic

(Three-rivers, Q - Canada)