FINALMENTE ANCHE IN BOSNIA "IL GRANDE FRATELLO"

La trasmissione televisiva piu' geniale ed interessante di questi anni,
gia' popolare in decine di paesi occidentali, sara' esportata finalmente
anche in Bosnia-Erzegovina. Lutti e tragedie della guerra fratricida e
di spartizione imperialista hanno evidentemente sortito il loro effetto:
anche in Bosnia vincono i profondi valori e la raffinata cultura del
sistema massmediatico occidentale.

"Il Grande Fratello" si basa sulla ripresa diretta e continuata della
vita quotidiana di alcune persone di modesta condizione sociale e scarsa
cultura, recluse in un piccolo ambiente per alcune settimane. Dopo
questo periodo di squallido voyerismo/esibizionismo della propria
nullita', viene dichiarato vincitore chi e' riuscito a dimostrarsi tanto
povero di spirito da non esplodere e non scappare. "Il Grande Fratello"
mira a propagandare la positivita' della vita contemporanea, condotta
senza interessi ne' speranze sotto il vigile, continuo controllo
dell'occhio della cinepresa, che rappresenta in maniera emblematica
Echelon e tutti gli altri sistemi di registrazione/spionaggio della vita
personale, dal Bancomat alla tessera elettronica del bus.

(Italo Slavo)

'BIG BROTHER' GOES TO BOSNIA

Only one thing marred TV viewers' enjoyment of the Bosnian version of
'Big Brother' - nobody took their clothes off.

By Ozren Kebo in Sarajevo

A Bosnian version of the 'Big Brother' television show has riveted
audiences and for once driven ethnic and political prejudice out of
peoples' minds.
The main complaint was an absence of those shower scenes which so roused
such attention in Britain.

It was Bosnia's first 'reality show' and viewers, accustomed to a diet
of sterner TV fare, lapped it up eagerly. The producers sought to show
that Sarajevans want to catch up with Western ways and enjoy themselves
in the process.

None of the five young participants - Mima, from central Bosnian town of
Travnik, Jana from the Slovenian capital Ljubljana, Lav from the
Croatian capital Zagreb, and Slaven and Aleksandra from Sarajevo -
engaged in anything like erotic behaviour.

But their activities in a rented attic were discussed breathlessly all
over the country. The audience divided into two clear camps. Older
people mostly hated it. Younger viewers loved it. Just about nobody
seemed to be indifferent.

The 'Big Brother' participants remained under the TV spotlight for 60
hours.
Their adventure was wound up recently with typically loud Sarajevan
party.

It was so noisy that neighbours called the police. One young officer
turned up but the partygoers thought he was a spoof policeman sent along
by the producers. They ripped off his hat, seized his club and pushed
him into the middle of the dancing crowd.

The officer took it all in good part and joined in the fun. People
afterwards wondered what might have happened if the assignment had
fallen to an older, less good natured cop. 'Big Brother' might have
ended on a less happy note.

The event drew huge interest. There were more then 90,000 visits to the
website that broadcast the show simultaneously as it went out on the
independent OBN television station.

Hundreds of messages were recorded on the Internet, most of them
commenting on the appearance of the participants. "The Slovenian girl
has the best breasts" or "Mima is the cutest" were typical samples.

But occasionally politics and ethnic hatreds did creep in. "Slaven,
Aleksandra, all the Serbs are with you, kill the Ustashas (derogatory
term for Croats) while they are sleeping," read one message.

Another said, "Hey people, did you notice that the Muslims sit only on
the green (colour of many Islamic flags) sofa, and the others on the
white one?" There was some suspicion these messages were
tongue-in-cheek.

Most of the attention focused not on nationalities but on the refusal of
participants to display themselves naked. Six months ago, a girl from
Zagreb, Andrea, had a shower in front of the cameras during a similar
show in Croatia. She won the hearts of Croatians but later lost her job
as a salesperson.

On the morning after the Sarajevo show ended, the five performers found
they had become stars. When they went into the city for breakfast, they
were mobbed by viewers. Almost everyone in the crowd seemed to know who
they were.

The marketing agency Fabrika (Factory), which helped organise the show,
was deluged with applications from young people seeking a part in the
next 'Big Brother'. So far no follow-up programme has been planned.

Weeks after it ended, the show remained a hot topic of conversation.
Most older people still like to talk about the beautifully decorated
attic where the show was staged. They criticised the "futile life which
modern youngsters lead".

One elderly women complained on a radio talk show that "three of them
turned their back to the camera and chatted over the Internet, while two
others just played video games. They spent 90 per cent of their time
like that.

"There was no intelligent discussion, no joke, not even one mature or
interesting remark. It seemed that the five of them hadn't read more
than 10 books in their lives."

Younger people had no such complaints. They talked approvingly about the
choice of music, the clothes and the tattoos. Haris Pasovic, a
well-known movie director from Sarajevo, said he hated the reality show
concept which he sees as yet another attempt to make TV the most
important element in people's lives. However, even Pasovic took comfort
from the fact that Bosnia is, at least, following world trends.

Ozren Kebo is a commentator for the Sarajevo weekly Slobodna Bosna.

(Source:
IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 268, August 3, 2001
http://www.iwpr.net)

---

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THE GLOBE AND MAIL,
Tuesday, July 31, 2001 p.A13 (Print Edition Only)

We created a monster

Albanian terrorists, armed by the West to fight
in Kosovo, are destroying
Macedonia, says Canada's former ambassador to
Yugoslavia

JAMES BISSETT

When Canadian pilots joined in the NATO bombing of
Yugoslavia in March 1999,
we were told by Lloyd Axworthy and Art Eggleton
that the intervention in
Kosovo was necessary to prevent the violence
there from spreading and
de-stabilizing the Balkans. Yet we now know that
long before the bombing it
was NATO countries themselves that were inciting
violence in Kosovo and
attempting to de-stabilize that Serbian
province. Moreover despite the
bombing the violence has spread -in Kosovo
itself, in southern Serbia, and
more recently in Macedonia.

Media reports have revealed that as early as
1998, the central intelligence
agency assisted by the British Special Armed
Services were arming and
training Kosovo Liberation Army members in
Albania to foment armed rebellion
in Kosovo. The KLA terrorists were sent back
into Kosovo to assassinate
Serbian mayors, ambush Serbian policemen and do
everything possible to
incite murder and chaos. The hope was that with
Kosovo in flames NATO could
intervene and in so doing, not only overthrow
Slobodan Milosevic the Serbian
strong man, but more importantly, provide the
aging and increasingly
irrelevant military organization with a reason
for its continued existence.

After bombing Yugoslavia into submission, NATO
then stood by and
submissively allowed the KLA to murder, pillage
and burn. The KLA was given
a free hand to do as they wished. Almost all of the
non-Albanian population
was ethnically cleansed from Kosovo under the
watchful eyes of 40,000 NATO
troops. Moreover, in defiance of United Nations
resolution 1244 which
brought an end to the fighting, NATO adamantly
refused to disarm the KLA
fighters. Instead, NATO converted this ragtag
band of terrorists into the
Kosovo Protection Force- allegedly to maintain
peace and order in Kosovo.

To add insult to injury NATO appointed an
alleged war criminal, Agim Ceku,
as commander of this force. Agim Ceku is an
Albanian Kosovar who led the
Croatian army in "operation storm" which
ethnically cleansed all of the
Serbian population from their ancestral lands in
Croatia. Some news reports
have suggested that there is a sealed indictment
against Ceku held by the
war crimes tribunal in the Hague but not acted
upon because to do so would
embarrass his NATO bosses. On june10 of this
year the London Times reported
that in early march, Agim Ceku ordered 800 KLA
reservists from Kosovo to
enter Macedonia to help their fellow Albanians
in their rebellion against the government there.

Few Albanian nationalists in the Balkans had
forgotten that under the
fascist and Nazi regimes of the 1940's, Albania
was given control of Kosovo,
parts of Macedonia and northern Greece. Those
latent dreams of Greater
Albania have been given new life by NATO's policy of
encouraging and actively supporting the Albanians of Kosovo to
use violence and force to
achieve their political goals. It appears our
NATO leaders did not realize
[or did not care] that by supporting Albanian
extremists the scourge of
Albanian racism would be unleashed in the
Balkans. Now in Macedonia the
broader consequences of NATO's ill-considered
intervention in that troubled
region of Europe is becoming more evident.

The KLA learned early in the Yugoslavian
campaign that NATO countries are
unwilling to risk the lives of their soldiers to
resolve Balkan problems. It
is one thing to bomb targets in Yugoslavia from
15,000 feet with little or
no risk to its pilots. It is quite another thing
to become involved in armed
conflict on the ground against a well-armed and
determined enemy.
Confirmation of this was evident when the KLA
went into to southern Serbia.
NATO was not prepared to intervene militarily to
halt that aggression. It
was only when NATO was able to strike a deal
with the new democratic powers
in Serbia to have Serbian troops restore order
in that region that the KLA were stopped.

Thwarted, at least temporarily, in southern
Serbia, the KLA then turned its
attention to Macedonia and in March started a
new military campaign in that
country. Their tactics were the same as those used
successfully in Kosovo,
i.e. assassination, ambush, and intimidation of
the local population. Again
as in Kosovo the KLA is armed and equipped by
western powers. The Macedonian
authorities in order to put down the armed
rebellion have used the same
tactics as employed by the Serbian forces in Kosovo;
shelling of villages occupied by KLA fighters with consequent
civilian casualties and refugees.

Unlike Kosovo, however, NATO authorities are
unable to react to the
Macedonian crisis as they did two years earlier
in Kosovo because obviously
bombing Macedonia is not the answer. Macedonia
is not headed by a Slobodan
Milosevic and its record of dealing with its
Albanian minority is, by Balkan
standards, exemplary. The issue is further
complicated by the reality that
the KLA is NATO's own creature and continues to
be looked upon favorably by
its previous masters. There seems little doubt
that NATO intends to ensure
that Kosovo remains under KLA control.

Even more alarming is the fact that the KLA and
its brethren in Macedonia
continue to receive assistance and military help
from NATO countries. Last
month when Macedonian forces were closing in on
KLA rebels near the town of
Aracinovo, NATO intervened and helped evacuate
the KLA fighters. According
to German media reports the intervention was
ordered because among the KLA
forces were 17 American advisors from an
American private mercenary
organization that has been actively engaged in
the Balkans during the
Yugoslav wars. It would not do to have had a
number of former us military
personnel captured along with KLA terrorists.

Although embarrassed by the actions of the KLA
in Macedonia NATO has shown
no inclination to bring a stop to this naked
aggression against a democratic
and peaceful nation. To do so would result in
armed clashes with the KLA
with consequent loss of NATO lives. It would
also underline the bankruptcy
of NATO's policy in the Balkans. This is not
something that Lord Robertson
or our NATO political leaders wish to have
highlighted.

Unwilling to confront the KLA the response so
far from NATO has been to
bring diplomatic pressure on the government of
Macedonia forcing it to yield
to Albanian demands. The secretary general of
NATO, Lord Robertson and the
European Union's foreign minister, Javier Solana
have arrived in Skopje to
press home NATO's insistence that Macedonia's
sovereignty must be
compromised. In the meantime KLA rebels are
reinforcing their forces who
have occupied most of western and northern
Macedonia. So much for NATO's
dedication to democratic ideals, the rule of law
and the peaceful resolution of international disputes.


James Bissett is a former Canadian ambassador to
Yugoslavia.

letters@...

---

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> http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/refutat.htm

[Emperor's Clothes]

ARTICLES ON SREBRENICA (with brief descriptions)
[3 August 2001]

The media is using the - in our opinion -
outrageous conviction of General
Krstic by NATO's Hague 'Tribunal' to
broadcast massive amounts of sheer
misinformation about what happened in
the town of Srebrenica 6 years ago. The
following list of articles about Srebrenica
includes brief descriptions:

1 - MISTREATMENT OF GENERAL KRSTIC. The
following two articles deal with the
brutal mistreatment of General Krstic.
(Abuse of Serbs by The Hague
'Tribunal' is commonplace; the latest
example is the completely unjustified
confinement of President Slobodan Milosevic
in total isolation from other
prisoners, and even from his wife.)
The articles on Krstic are: 'Appeal:
Help Save The Life of Gen. Krstic, Tormented at the Hague' at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/news/citizens.htm
and 'Statement of the Daughter of General Krstic' at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/news/child.htm

2- SINISTER SUGGESTION FROM A SURPRISING SOURCE:
'Refuting the Srebrenica Myth: An Islamist
Perspective' by Konstantin Kilibarda.
Statements from embittered leaders of the
Islamist forces in Srebrenica and
information from the United Nations
suggest that Washington and the
Izetbegovic government in Sarajevo
conspired to fabricate a massacre story
for propaganda purposes. Can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/kilibarda/islamist.htm

3 - Jared Israel's 'Five Years On & the
Lies Continue' appeared last year as
a full page ad in the 'Sydney Herald'
and the 'New York Post.' The article,
which can be read at http://emperors-
clothes.com/articles/jared/texts.htm ,
argues that it wasn't the Islamists but
ordinary Serbian villagers who were
slaughtered by the terrorists under Nasir
Oric at Srebrenica. The Australian
advertisement led to an intense debate
on Australian Public Radio between
Israel and the 'NY Times' Srebrenica 'expert' David Rohde.
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/texts.htm

3- David Rohde vs. Max Sinclair and Jared Israel

David Rohde wrote the original Srebrenica
massacre story when he was a
'Christian Science Monitor' reporter in
1995. By making loud if unsubstantiated
accusations against the Bosnian Serbs he landed a perch at
the 'NY Times' from which he has been
issuing fanciful Srebrenica updates at
strategic intervals ever since.

The debate between Emperor's Clothes
and Rohde began with the publication of
'Why has the War Crimes Tribunal
suppressed testimony about Srebrenica?' by
Max Sinclair and Jared Israel at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/sinclair/why.htm

David Rohde replied to Sinclair and
Israel in an email which he sent to Prof.
Drasko Jovanovic, with whom he had been
corresponding about Srebrenica. Go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/letters/inaccurate.htm

Jovanovic forwarded Rohde's comments
to Sinclair and Israel who answered
Rohde by email at
http://emperors-clothes.com/letters/reply.htm

Prof. Jovanovic also sent Emperor's
Clothes a short memoir concerning his
experience as a boy in Nazi occupied
Yugoslavia. which can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/letters/letterj.htm
Here Prof. Jovanovic dealt
with real genocide, as opposed to
the Rohde's unsubstantiated claims.

Rohde then took his dispute with
Emperors Clothes to the pages of the 'NY
Times,' writing an article in which he
omitted nothing but Israel and
Sinclair's actual arguments. Jared
Israel replied to Rohde's 'Times' piece at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/fulltext.htm.

Prof. Jovanovic also replied, at
http://emperors-clothes.com/letters/farewell.htm

4 - George Pumphrey has written perhaps
the two best- documented articles
exposing government and media fabrications
about Srebrenica. The first is
'Srebrenica: 3 Years Later and Still Searching;' it can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/pumphrey/Srebrenica.html'
The more recent piece is 'Scandal in the Hague' at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/pumphrey/scandal.htm,
which includes an introduction by Jared Israel
dealing with 'justice' as practiced at the Hague 'Tribunal.'

5 - Ren� Gr�maux and Abe de Vries'
analysis, 'The Construction of a Trauma.'
is ostensibly noncommittal regarding
whether there was in fact a massacre,
but the documentation argues against.
Here you will find firm refutation from
the Dutch -UN command as well as
self-contradictory testimony from supposed
witnesses. Can be read at http://emperors-
clothes.com/analysis/falsely.htm

6 - Sarah Standefer has written a
sharp rebuttal to the Srebrenica argument
which has been revived, as she points
out, to suit NATO's current propaganda
needs. See 'Thoughts On Srebrenica ' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/standefer/hoax.htm

7 - Here are some Useful Articles
on the 'International Criminal Tribunal for
Yugoslavia' (ICTY) also known as The Hague 'Tribunal'

* In 'Illegal Tribunal - Illegal Indictment'
Dr. Hans Koechler, the distinguished philosopher
and social-legal analyst associated with the United
Nations examines the Tribunal and does not
like what he finds. Can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm

* In 'An Impartial Tribunal? Really?',
Attorney Chris Black examines the
Tribunal's history and methods of operations. Can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/Impartial.htm

* Dr. Kosta Cavoski, a distinguished
Yugoslav legal scholar, has written a
mind-boggling four-part series.


In 'The War Crimes Tribunal vs. Gen. Djordje Djukic' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-1.htm
and 'The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa Krsmanovic' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-2.htm
Professor Cavoski deals with the torture and
physical destruction of Serbian 'defendants'.

In Illegal Origins' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-3.htm
Professor Cavoski analyzes the Tribunal's
legal rationale, or lack of same.

In 'Learning from the Inquisition' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-4.htm
Professor Cavoski describes the practices of
the Tribunal, which thoroughly violate what we
would consider natural legal guarantees

---

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[Partial translation; original in German follows.]

DER SPIEGEL (Hamburg), Monday, July 30, 2001

MACEDONIA: THE DOUBLE GAME OF THE AMERICANS

by Renate Flottau, Olaf Ihlau, Susanne Koelbl and
Alexander Szandar

There is growing irritation among the Europeans over
Washington's dubious actions in the Balkans: As
godfather of the UCK it shares responsibility for
the worsening conflict between Albanians and Macedonian
Slavs. [3 paragraphs omitted in translation]

Europe looks at its southeastern back yard with dismay.
Once again the fuse of an ethnic explosion is
smoldering. After the decade of the Yugoslav
succession wars that cost the lives of almost 300,000
people, another bloodbath in the Balkans looms with
the open civil war between two ethnic groups that
could plunge the entire region into chaos. [3
paragraphs omitted in translation]

So as not to appear as the clear villain, before the
new round of talks began the UCK cleared its forward
positions at Tetovo and withdrew to mountain posts, from
which it can easily strike again. But the separatist
Albanians will do the same if they do not obtain by the
political route what they are actually striving for:
First certified equality as an ethnic group through a
constitutional amendment, then the de facto
division of Macedonia, and finally a greater Albanian
fatherland.

There are reasons behind the outcry of Skopje's head of
government Ljubco Georgievski, himself a dedicated Slav
nationalist, over the West's alleged partisanship. In
this sad spectacle over Macedonia's future the UCK is
the main villain and the Americans play the shady part.

The UCK fighters were once schooled by American and
British trainers in Albanian camps for use against
Milosevic's soldiers in Kosovo. No one knows the main
actors, the UCK's commando structure and its financiers
and arms suppliers as well as the CIA, which keeps the
Albanian secret service close to its side as a subsidiary.

When in February UCK irregulars from Kosovo instigated
skirmishes in the West Macedonian border region,
initially the KFOR peacekeeping troops idly
observed. At that time Prime Minister Georgievski
accused Washington, but also Berlin, of having
withheld key information on planned terrorist
actions. The US government knew of at least 300
rebels, he said.

To confidants German defense minister Rudolf Scharping
complained that the "international community," meaning
first of all the Americans, had "not acted consistently"
and thus "shared responsibility" for the current crisis.

In fact, German soldiers in Macedonia are already
standing between the fronts. Last week they hastily
evacuated a depot in Tetovo when the barracks
was caught in a cross-fire between UCK marksmen and
the Macedonian army.

The great oversight of the Alliance is that, under
Washington's influence, after the air war against the
Serbs it treated the UCK independence fighters
as allies. Top Bundeswehr soldiers internally complain
of the constant camaraderie since 1999.

The Kosovo example: It should not have happened that
after the KFOR troops marched in the UCK made thousands
of guns, pistols and mortars disappear.
German soldiers who acted firmly against UCK members
who were carrying weapons despite the ban were reined
in by their superiors. 'That is not in compliance with
the NATO policy' was their commanders' implicit message.

The earlier UCK supreme commander Hashim Thaci, a protege
of then-US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, put a
few thousand of his fighters in the so-called Kosovo
Defense Corps (KPC for short), a sort of technical
relief organization officially intended to help in
repairing destroyed houses.

German KFOR commander Klaus Reinhardt warned in vain of
new activities by the underground UCK; the Americans
kept flirting with it. Reinhardt later complained that
politicians, diplomats and the NATO supreme commander for
Europe, Wesley Clark, regularly brushed aside warning
cries from the KFOR headquarters in Pristina.

As early as the start of December 1999, when the NATO
peacekeeping force had not yet been in the country for
half a year, KFOR reconnaissance patrols in the Presevo
valley noticed suspicious young Kosovars. The area belongs
to the so-called Ground Safety Zone (GSZ), a demilitarized
buffer zone between the Serbian heartland and Kosovo.

The Americans monitored the main traffic arteries so
loosely that the area quickly became a trading center
for arms runners, drug dealers and traffickers in young
women, controlled by the UCK and mafia. A "Presevo,
Medvedja and Bujanovac Liberation Army" (UCPMB) quickly
occupied villages, drove out Serb residents and called
for annexation to Kosovo.

KFOR leader Reinhardt called in vain on US officers
to act vigorously against illegal border crossers. NATO
supreme commander Clark always merely answered the
warnings about the firebrands in the Presovo valley with
questions about the old enemy: "And where do the Serbs
stand?"

When Serbian security forces moved into the Presevo valley
last March with NATO's consent, many UCK members went over
the land border to Macedonia or back to Kosovo. Scharping
suspiciously asked NATO colleagues how UCK members
were being prevented at checkpoints in the American Kosovo
sector from giving up their weapons but "two kilometers
further are taking up new weapons and continuing on to
Macedonia?" The news tickers gave the answer:
Freshly armed UCK members were again proclaiming "liberated
zones" in Macedonia.

While NATO had long been making plans for the
intervention, including disarming the UCK rebels, in
late June US special units evacuated 400 UCK fighters
from the guerilla stronghold of Aracinovo surrounded
by Macedonian troops, right in front of the gates to
Skopje. Not only UCK fighters found refuge in armored
personnel carriers and buses with KFOR markings, but
also 17 American civilians. They were declared to be
"observers" but instead of dissuading the UCK members
from playing with fire they served them as trainers.

Moreover, thanks to US assistance the UCK's command center
was set up in Aracinovo, with direct satellite phone
connection to the Pentagon. "We have confiscated weapons,"
a police representative said with annoyance in Skopje,
"whose serial numbers clearly indicate NATO resources."
Also videocassettes of Macedonian military positions that
in his opinion had been filmed from KFOR helicopters and
made available to the UCK by the Americans.

A questionable maneuver: In NATO the USA urges the allies
to intervene in Macedonia while at the same time the
Americans are training the UCK, and the Macedonian army
also receives help from Washington as well.

Once again the Germans and the other allies are
irritated at the dual strategy of NATO supremacy.
Reports "of American ex-officers as trainers with the
Macedonian UCK," notes Green Bundestag deputy
Winfried Nachtwei, "once again raise doubts about US
policy in the region." And CDU deputy Willy Wimmer
speculates that the USA is supporting a "greater
Albania well-disposed toward it" in the Balkans,
obviously for strategic reasons.

The suspicion is well-founded. The Berlin government
knows from secret service reports that in Macedonia
the same court clique being pampered by the USA is
stoking the fires of war: Since May the head of the
purportedly civilian Kosovo defense force, Agim Ceku,
has been assembling UCK reservists to prepare them in
Albanian training camps for the new war. The military
supreme command of the Macedonian UCK is under former
Ceku deputy Ramush Haradinaj.

The person procuring the money is a man who already
enjoyed the Americans' trust at the talks in
Rambouillet as a negotiator next to Thaci: Xhavit
Haliti was already collecting donations for the UCK
before the Kosovo war; in recent weeks, the secret
services report, he has collected another 43 million
marks from Albanians in Germany and Switzerland.

The trio of Haliti, Thaci and Haradinaj has not by
any means funded their Kalashnikov policy from
donations alone: "The unrest in Macedonia and the
related instability in the region," a secret service
file states, are "the absolute precondition for their
criminal business" - meaning illicit dealings in
drugs, weapons and young women.

Fed by such facts, the Europeans' pressure on the USA
is clearly beginning to show an impact. In late June
President George W. Bush prohibited 21 UCK leaders
from traveling to the USA and barred US citizens from
money transactions with the extremists. Top people of
the Kosovo Defense Corps were also on the Bush list;
only later were they fired.

Meanwhile, the pathetic praise expressed by Bush for
the American border patrols in a drop-by visit last
week in Kosovo struck Scharping and his military
people as scornful. As Bush said in all seriousness
in his appearance in the fortress-like Camp
Bondsteel, they prevented "weapons from falling into
rebel hands," which is why there is now "hope for
peace" in Macedonia. But Bush also warned the UCK to
keep quiet in neighboring Macedonia: "The Kosovars
should concentrate on Kosovo."

Now the Berlin government is wondering: Is Bush doing
an about-face, or is he once again just lulling the
suspicious NATO partners? After all, at the end of
the day they are the ones to pick up the pieces of
the questionable US policy in Macedonia.

The Americans themselves do not want to send any
combat troops to Macedonia to disarm the UCK. They
feel troops of the European NATO allies should be the
only ones doing the risky dirty work.

But no one knows better than the Americans what the
UCK irregulars are up to. The US force in the Balkans
has low-flying satellites and its own mobile
communication system that enables encrypted telephone
calls. Obviously thus far neither the West European
secret services nor the Russian spy service has
technically succeeded in penetrating and listening in
on this "low-flying satellite-based system."

The UCK, however, can use the Americans' exclusive
communication network with a radio circuit of its
own. As a result, Washington's professional
eavesdroppers are always perfectly well informed when
the Albanian irregulars plan to attack and where they
plan to withdraw.


=======================================================
DER SPIEGEL 31/2001

URL:
http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/0,1518,147569,00.html

Mazedonien

Das Doppelspiel der Amerikaner

Unter den Europ�ern w�chst die Irritation �ber das
zwielichtige Agieren Washingtons auf dem Balkan: Als
Paten der U�K sind die USA mitverantwortlich f�r die
Zuspitzung des Konflikts zwischen Albanern und
Slawo-Mazedoniern.

Unsere Regierung hat uns verkauft, der Westen auch",
schimpft der Slawo-Mazedonier Ljubco, 45. Nachts
schl�ft er mit seiner Familie im gro�en Park der
mazedonischen Hauptstadt Skopje, tags�ber sitzt er
mit Hunderten Vertriebenen unter gl�hender Sonne vor
dem Parlament. "Ihr habt uns verraten", steht auf
einem Transparent. Bis Anfang vorvergangener Woche
neun Granaten bei seinem Haus einschlugen, hatte
Ljubcos Familie in einem Vorort von Tetovo gewohnt,
der Albaner-Hochburg im Westen der zwei Millionen
Einwohner z�hlenden Mini-Republik. F�nf Monate lang
hatte sie Schie�ereien ertragen, die fast jede Nacht
aus den Bergen herunter-hallten.

Dort oben nisteten Sto�trupps der albanischen
Befreiungsarmee U�K. "Oft haben wir uns gefragt:
Kommen die jetzt und bringen uns um?", berichtet
Ljubco, dem in diesen f�nf Monaten das Vertrauen zu
seinen albanischen Nachbarn abhanden kam, "denn die
hatten sich l�ngst mit der U�K solidarisiert und
wollen Westmazedonien ethnisch von uns s�ubern."

Dann die Granaten, die Panik und Flucht. Wie Ljubco
verlie�en bis Mitte voriger Woche mehrere tausend
Slawo-Mazedonier ver�ngstigt nur mit ein paar
Habseligkeiten ihre D�rfer um Tetovo. Viele, die
keine Verwandten zum Unterschlupf haben, strandeten
in Skopje. Dort kam es zu Protestz�gen,
nationalistischen Gewaltaktionen und antiwestlichen
Demonstrationen, wurden Fahrzeuge internationaler
Organisationen in Brand gesetzt, die Botschaften
Deutschlands, Gro�britanniens und der USA mit
Steinw�rfen attackiert.

Verst�rt blickt Europa in seinen s�d�stlichen
Hinterhof. Erneut glimmt dort die Lunte f�r eine
ethnische Explosion. Nach der Dekade der
jugoslawischen Erbfolgekriege, die nahezu 300 000
Menschenleben forderten, droht nun mit dem offenen
B�rgerkrieg zweier Volksgruppen ein weiteres Blutbad
auf dem Balkan, das die gesamte Region ins Chaos
st�rzen k�nnte.

Mazedonien balanciere "auf des Messers Schneide",
warnte Nato-Generalsekret�r George Robertson.
Gemeinsam mit einer Garde von EU-Vermittlern
versuchte der Brite Ende voriger Woche verbissen in
Verhandlungen, doch noch eine politische �bereinkunft
zwischen den zerstrittenen Volksgruppen
herbeizuf�hren. Denn nur mit �u�erstem
internationalem Druck scheint in Europas historischem
Pulverfass ein weiterer, sich mit erschreckender
Dynamik aufpumpender Konflikt noch abwendbar zu sein.

Und nur bei einer soliden politischen �bereinkunft
sowie einem dauerhaften Waffenstillstand w�re die
Nato bereit, eine Friedenstruppe von 3000 Mann -
darunter wohl auch 500 deutsche Soldaten - ins Land
zu schicken und die Waffen albanischer Freisch�rler
einzusammeln.

Aber ein auf dem Balkan geschlossener Burgfrieden,
das lehrt die historische Erfahrung, ist br�chig.
Drei Granaten, abgefeuert von Extremisten, k�nnen ihn
jederzeit torpedieren. "Das Selbstverst�ndnis der
V�lker ist f�r viele wichtiger als alles andere",
sagt der deutsche Nato-Botschafterin Skopje,
Hans-J�rg Eiff, ein ausgewiesener Balkan-Kenner, und
er meint damit: Symbolische Fragen sind hier
wichtiger als ein paar tausend Tote.

Um nicht als der eindeutige B�sewicht dazustehen,
hatte die U�K vor Beginn der neuen Verhandlungsrunde
ihre vordersten Positionen bei Tetovo ger�umt und
sich auf Bergstellungen zur�ckgezogen. Von denen aus
kann sie ohne Schwierigkeiten erneut zuschlagen. Das
aber werden die separatistischen Albaner auch tun,
wenn sie auf dem politischen Weg nicht kriegen, was
sie in Wahrheit anstreben: zun�chst die durch
Verfassungs�nderung verbriefte Gleichstellung als
Volksgruppe, dann die De-facto-Teilung Mazedoniens
und schlie�lich ein gro�albanisches Vaterland.

Der Aufschrei von Skopjes Regierungschef Ljubco
Georgievski, selbst ein hartleibiger
Slawo-Nationalist, �ber die angebliche Parteinahme
des Westens hat seine Gr�nde. In diesem tr�ben Spiel
um die Zukunft Mazedoniens ist die U�K der
Hauptschurke, und die Amerikaner geben den
zwielichtigen Part.

Die K�mpfer der U�K wurden einst von amerikanischen
und britischen Ausbildern in albanischen Camps f�r
den Einsatz gegen Milosevics Soldaten im Kosovo
trainiert. Keiner kennt die wichtigsten Akteure, die
Kommandostruktur der U�K sowie deren Finanziers und
Waffenlieferanten so gut wie die CIA, die sich den
albanischen Geheimdienst nebenher als Filiale h�lt.

Als im Februar U�K-Freisch�rler vom Kosovo aus
Scharm�tzel in der westmazedonischen Grenzregion
anzettelten, schaute die Kfor-Friedenstruppe zun�chst
tatenlos zu. W�tend warf Premier Georgievski damals
Washington - aber auch Berlin - vor, wesentliche
Informationen �ber geplante terroristische Aktionen
zur�ckgehalten zu haben. Mindestens 300 Rebellen
seien der US-Regierung bekannt gewesen.

Vor Vertrauten schimpfte Bundesverteidigungsminister
Rudolf Scharping, die "internationale Gemeinschaft" -
gemeint sind vor allem die Amerikaner - habe sich
"nicht konsequent verhalten". Sie trage deshalb
"Mitverantwortung" f�r die aktuelle Krise.

Tats�chlich stehen deutsche Soldaten in Mazedonien
bereits jetzt zwischen den Fronten. Vergangene Woche
r�umten sie fluchtartig ein Depot in Tetovo, als die
Kaserne ins Kreuzfeuer von U�K-Sch�tzen und
mazedonischer Armee geriet.

Das gro�e Vers�umnis der Allianz: Unter dem Einfluss
Washingtons verfuhr sie nach dem Luftkrieg gegen die
Serben mit den Unabh�ngigkeitsk�mpfern der U�K wie
mit Verb�ndeten. F�hrende Bundeswehr-Milit�rs
beklagen intern die seit 1999 ungebrochene
Kameraderie.

Beispiel Kosovo: Es h�tte nicht sein m�ssen, dass die
U�K nach dem Einmarsch der Kfor-Truppen Tausende
Gewehre, Pistolen und M�rser verschwinden lie�.
Deutsche Soldaten, die rigoros gegen U�K-Leute
vorgingen, die trotz Verbots Waffen trugen, wurden
von oben zur�ckgepfiffen. Das entspreche nicht der
Nato-Linie, lie�en ihre Kommandeure durchblicken.

Der fr�here U�K-Oberbefehlshaber Hashim Tha�i, ein
Proteg� der damaligen US-Au�enministerin Madeleine
Albright, brachte einige tausend seiner K�mpfer im so
genannten Kosovo-Schutzkorps (K�rzel: KPC) unter -
einer Art technischem Hilfswerk, das offiziell beim
Herrichten zerst�rter H�user behilflich sein soll.

Vergebens warnte der deutsche Kfor-Kommandeur Klaus
Reinhardt vor neuen Umtrieben der Untergrund-U�K. Die
Amerikaner blieben auf Schmusekurs. Politiker,
Diplomaten und der Nato-Oberbefehlshaber f�r Europa,
Wesley Clark, so beschwerte sich Reinhardt sp�ter,
wischten Alarmrufe aus dem Kfor-Hauptquartier in
Pristina regelm��ig beiseite.

Bereits Anfang Dezember 1999, die Nato-Friedenstruppe
war noch kein halbes Jahr im Land, fielen
Kfor-Sp�hern im Presovo-Tal verd�chtige junge
Kosovaren auf. Die Gegend geh�rt zur so genannten
Ground Safety Zone (GSZ), einer entmilitarisierten
Pufferzone zwischen dem serbischen Kernland und dem
Kosovo.

An den Hauptverkehrsadern kontrollierten die
Amerikaner so lax, dass das Gebiet rasch zum
Umschlagplatz f�r Waffenschieber, Drogendealer und
M�dchenh�ndler wurde - beherrscht von U�K und Mafia.
Prompt besetzte eine "Befreiungsarmee Presovo,
Medvedja und Bujanovac" (U�PMB) D�rfer, vertrieb
serbische Bewohner und verlangte den Anschluss an das
Kosovo.

Erfolglos forderte Kfor-Chef Reinhardt US-Offiziere
auf, energisch gegen illegale Grenzg�nger
einzuschreiten. Nato-Oberbefehlshaber Clark
quittierte die Warnungen vor den Brandstiftern im
Presovo-Tal stets nur mit Fragen nach dem alten
Kriegsgegner: "Und wo stehen da die Serben?"

Als serbische Sicherheitskr�fte mit Einverst�ndnis
der Nato vergangenen M�rz in das Presovo-Tal
einr�ckten, gingen viele U�K-Leute �ber die gr�ne
Grenze nach Mazedonien oder zur�ck in das Kosovo.
Argw�hnisch fragte Scharping Nato-Kollegen, wie
verhindert werde, dass U�K-Leute an Kontrollposten im
amerikanischen Kosovo-Sektor ihre Waffen abgeben,
aber "zwei Kilometer weiter neue Waffen aufnehmen und
nach Mazedonien weiterziehen?" Die Antwort lieferten
die Nachrichten-Ticker: Frisch bewaffnete U�K-Leute
riefen in Mazedonien erneut "befreite Zonen" aus.

W�hrend die Nato l�ngst Pl�ne f�r das Eingreifen samt
Entwaffnung der U�K-Rebellen schmiedete, evakuierten
US-Spezialeinheiten Ende Juni 400 U�K-K�mpfer aus der
von mazedonischen Truppen eingeschlossenen
Guerrilla-Hochburg Aracinovo, unmittelbar vor den
Toren Skopjes. Nicht nur U�K-K�mpfer fanden Zuflucht
in Sch�tzenpanzern und Bussen mit Kfor-Bemalung,
sondern auch 17 amerikanische Zivilisten. Die waren
zwar als "Beobachter" deklariert. Aber statt die
U�K-Leute vom Z�ndeln abzubringen, dienten sie
ihnen als Ausbilder.

In Aracinovo soll dank US-Assistenz zudem die
Befehlszentrale der U�K installiert gewesen sein -
mit direkter Satellitentelefonverbindung ins
Pentagon. "Wir haben Waffen beschlagnahmt", �rgert
sich in Skopje ein Polizeivertreter, "deren
Seriennummern eindeutig auf Nato-Ressourcen
hinwiesen." Au�erdem Videokassetten mazedonischer
Milit�rstellungen, die seiner Meinung nach von
Kfor-Hubschraubern aufgenommen und der U�K von den
Amerikanern zur Verf�gung gestellt wurden.

Ein fragw�rdiges Man�ver: In der Nato dr�ngen die USA
die Verb�ndeten zum Eingreifen in Mazedonien,
zugleich trainieren Amerikaner die U�K - und nebenbei
erh�lt auch die mazedonische Armee Hilfe aus
Washington.

Einmal mehr sind die Deutschen und die �brigen
Verb�ndeten �ber die Doppelstrategie der
Nato-Vormacht irritiert. Berichte "�ber amerikanische
Ex-Offiziere als Ausbilder bei der mazedonischen
U�K", urteilt der Gr�nen-Bundestagsabgeordnete
Winfried Nachtwei, "sch�ren erneut Zweifel an der
US-Politik in der Region". Und der CDU-Abgeordnete
Willy Wimmer mutma�t, die USA unterst�tzten
offensichtlich aus strategischen Gr�nden auf dem
Balkan ein "ihnen wohlgesinntes Gro�albanien".

Der Verdacht ist begr�ndet. Aus Geheimdienstberichten
wei� die Berliner Regierung, dass in Mazedonien
wieder die gleiche Kamarilla den Krieg anheizt, die
von den USA geh�tschelt wurde: Der Chef der
vorgeblich zivilen Kosovo-Schutztruppe, Agim �eku,
sammelt demnach seit Mai U�K-Reservisten, um sie in
albanischen Ausbildungscamps f�r den neuen Krieg zu
trainieren. Dem vormaligen �eku-Stellvertreter Ramush
Haradinaj untersteht das milit�rische Oberkommando
der mazedonischen U�K.

Als Geldbeschaffer fungiert ein Mann, der bereits bei
den Gespr�chen in Rambouillet neben Tha�i als
Unterh�ndler das Vertrauen der Amerikaner genoss:
Xhavit Haliti sammelte schon vor dem Kosovo-Krieg
Spenden f�r die U�K; in den vergangenen Wochen,
berichten die Geheimdienste, tribe er bei Albanern in
Deutschland und der Schweiz wieder satte 43 Millionen
Mark f�r die Kriegskasse ein.

Das Trio Haliti, Tha�i und Haradinaj finanziert seine
Politik der Kalaschnikow keineswegs nur aus Spenden:
"Die Unruhen in Mazedonien und die damit verbundene
Instabilit�t in der Region", hei�t es in einem
Geheimdienst-Dossier, seien "absolute Voraussetzung
f�r ihre kriminellen Gesch�fte" - gemeint sind
schmutzige Deals mit Drogen, Waffen und M�dchen.

Gespeist durch solche Fakten, beginnt der Druck der
Europ�er auf die USA offenbar Wirkung zu zeigen. Ende
Juni untersagte Pr�sident George W. Bush 21
U�K-F�hrern, in die USA einzureisen und verbot
US-B�rgern Geldgesch�fte mit den Extremisten. Auf der
Bush-Liste fanden sich auch Topleute des
Kosovo-Schutzkorps. Danach erst wurden sie gefeuert.

Wie Hohn erschien Scharping und seinen Milit�rs indes
das pathetische Lob, das Bush vergangene Woche bei
einer Stippvisite im Kosovo f�r die amerikanischen
Grenzpatrouillen aussprach. Die h�tten verhindert, so
Bush bei seinem Auftritt im festungsartigen Camp
Bondsteel allen Ernstes, "dass Waffen in
Rebellenh�nde fallen" - weshalb es nun eine "Hoffnung
auf Frieden" in Mazedonien gebe. Bush ermahnte aber
auch die U�K, im Nachbarland Mazedonien Ruhe zu
geben: "Die Kosovaren sollten sich auf das Kosovo
konzentrieren."

Nun r�tselt die Berliner Regierung: Leitet Bush eine
Kehrtwende ein, oder geht es wieder einmal nur darum,
die argw�hnischen Nato-Partner einzulullen? Die
sollen ja schlie�lich in Mazedonien die Scherben der
fragw�rdigen US-Politik aufklauben.

Die Amerikaner selbst wollen zur Entwaffnung der U�K
keine Kampftruppen nach Mazedonien schicken. Die
riskante Drecksarbeit sollen Soldaten der
europ�ischen Nato-Verb�ndeten allein leisten.

Niemand aber wei� besser als die Amerikaner, was die
U�K-Freisch�rler im Schilde f�hren. Die US-Truppe auf
dem Balkan verf�gt mit niedrig fliegenden Satelliten
�ber ein eigenes, mobiles Kommunikationssystem. Darin
l�sst sich verschl�sselt telefonieren. Weder
westeurop�ischen Geheimdiensten noch dem russischen
Spionagedienst gelang es bislang offenbar, in dieses
"low-flying satellite based system" technisch als
Mith�rer einzudringen.

Die U�K aber darf das exklusive Kommunikationsnetz
der Amerikaner mit einem eigenen Funkkreis nutzen.
Washingtons professionelle Lauscher sind somit stets
bestens informiert, wann die albanischen Freisch�rler
zur Attacke und wo sie zum R�ckzug blasen.

RENATE FLOTTAU, OLAF IHLAU, SUSANNE KOELBL, ALEXANDER
SZANDAR

� DER SPIEGEL 31/2001
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
Vervielf�ltigung nur mit Genehmigung der SPIEGELnet AG

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