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LA NATO INVADE LA MACEDONIA - di M. Chossudovsky
(22 agosto 2001)
> http://globalresearch.ca/cho/natoinvades.htm
---
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ULTERIORI PROVE DEL FATTO CHE DIETRO GLI
ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI IN MACEDONIA SI NASCONDE LA NATO
> http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans23.html
Media Monitors, August 23, 2001
More signs NATO is behind ethnic Albanian attacks on
Macedonia - by Stephen Gowans
NUOVI LEADER ATLANTICI:
RITRATTO DEL TERRORISTA PAN-ALBANESE ALI AHMETI
> http://www.ekathimerini.com/news/content.asp?aid%ef%bf%bd757
On the road to power
Ali Ahmeti, Albanian rebel leader in FYROM, cannot be ignored
By Stavros Tzimas - Kathimerini, August 23, 2001
LA RUSSIA CONTRARIA ALLE OPERAZIONI DELLA NATO IN MACEDONIA
> http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id%ef%bf%bd0265427
THURSDAY, AUGUST 23, 2001 - THE TIMES OF INDIA
Russia warns against NATO operation in Macedonia
LA DESTABILIZZAZIONE DELLA FYROM E' PREPARATA IN KOSOVO
Macedonian Sources Say Albanian Rebels Regroup in Kosovo
SKOPJE, Aug 20, 2001 (dpa)
> http://sg.news.yahoo.com/010812/1/1bej4.html
Monday August 13, 3:46 AM
Macedonian PM accuses UN-run Kosovo of waging war
SKOPJE, Aug 12 (AFP)
"TUTTE LE TRUPPE KFOR DI RAZZA SLAVA FUORI DALLA KOSSOVA!"
Albanian Group Wants Slav Troops out of Kosovo
PRISTINA, Aug 17, 2001 -- (Agence France Presse)
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Inoltre:
UN NUOVO NOME PER LO STESSO PROGETTO DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA
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NEW ALBANIAN REBEL GROUP SURFACES IN SOUTHERN SERBIA
PRISTINA, Aug 7 ( AFP)
--
NATO INVADES MACEDONIA
by
Michel Chossudovsky
Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa
22 August 2001
The URL for this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/cho/natoinvades.html
Some 3500 heavily armed NATO troops have entered Macedonia
with a mandate to "disarm the Albanian rebels". Whereas a token
collection and destruction of obsolete weapons is envisaged, the
evidence amply confirms that the "National Liberation Army" has
been armed, equipped and financed by Washington. NATO's
ultimate goal is to protect rather than disarm the terrorists, weaken
and disable the Macedonian Security Forces and install a
protectorate under direct military rule. The US-EU brokered
"peace" agreement constitutes an act of surrender and submission
to the NATO aggressor.
________________________________________________________________
In the hours preceding the "initialing" of the Ohrid "peace"
agreement on August 8th, the terrorists renewed their assaults
leading to the death of ten Macedonian soldiers in an ambush in
Prilep. On the next day, a major KLA-NLA military offensive
directed against the Macedonian Security forces was launched.
And two days later, several hundred troops belonging to the United
Nations Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) stationed in Kosovo
crossed the border and attacked the Macedonian Security Forces
(ARM) in the Radusha area.1 These carefully planned military
actions were also accompanied by violent assaults directed against
civilians.
In an atmosphere of public protests and renewed terrorist assaults,
the "framework peace agreement" was signed on the 13th of
August, allowing NATO to deploy troops throughout Macedonia
with a mandate to "disarm the Albanian rebels".
The Western media mantra --parroting NATO's official
statements-- concluded without further examination that the
"Albanian rebels" were attempting to stall the ratification and
implementation of the "framework document" (yet to be approved
by the Macedonian parliament), undermining "the painstaking
efforts of the international community": "We have unequivocally
stood against all acts of violence in Macedonia and all breaches of
the cease-fire?" said US State Department spokesperson Richard
Boucher?".2 Meanwhile, Yugoslav President Voijislav Kostunica
accused the American and European mediators of "having been
duped by the Albanian rebels."3
Pentagon and US State department planners (from the most
powerful nation on earth) "duped" by "Albanian rebels"? According
to the Western media, the military alliance had no prior knowledge
of these terrorist assaults launched at the time of crucial "peace"
negotiations. The enemy is presented, as a peace "facilitor", the
identity of the NATO aggressor and its relationship to the
terrorists, are not mentioned.
WHO ORDERED THE TERRORIST ASSAULTS?
The so-called "Albanian rebels" do not make key military decisions
on their own. Amply documented, the KLA-NLA and its various
affiliated factions constitute America's proxy army integrated by
US military advisers, trained by British Special Forces, financed
and equipped by Washington. War is always waged in terms of
carefully designed political objectives; military operations
--including covert activities in support of "freedom fighters"-- are
never haphazard. The terrorist assaults are part of Washington's
military-intelligence agenda in Macedonia.
Senior US military advisers detached from private mercenary
companies are working with KLA-NLA commanders. NLA
Commander Gezim Ostremi, was trained by British Special Forces
to head the UN sponsored Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC).4
Confirmed by British military sources, the task of arming and
training of the KLA had been entrusted in 1998 to the US Defence
Intelligence Agency (DIA) and Britain's Secret Intelligence
Services MI6, together with "former and serving members of 22
SAS [Britain's 22nd Special Air Services Regiment], as well as
three British and American private security companies".5:
"'The US DIA approached MI6 to arrange a training
programme for the KLA,' said a senior British military
source. `MI6 then sub-contracted the operation to two
British security companies, who in turn approached a
number of former members of the (22 SAS) regiment. Lists
were then drawn up of weapons and equipment needed by
the KLA.' While these covert operations were continuing,
serving members of 22 SAS Regiment, mostly from the
unit's D Squadron, were first deployed in Kosovo before the
beginning of the bombing campaign in March. 6
OPERATION "ESSENTIAL HARVEST": REPLICATING
KOSOVO
The First and Third Parachute battalions ("1 PARA" and "3
PARA") detached to Macedonia under Operation "Essential
Harvest" have a history of active collaboration with the KLA. The
British Paras led the invasion into Kosovo in June 1999 in liaison
with KLA forces.7 The evidence amply confirms that the US and
British military-intelligence establishment has continued to support
the KLA in its terrorist operations in Macedonia:
"two of the Kosovo-based commanders leading the
Albanian push [into the Tetovo region] were trained by
former British SAS and Parachute Regiment officers? [A]
commander with the nom de guerre of Bilal was organising
the flow of arms and men into Macedonia, and ? veteran
KLA commander Adem Bajrami was helping to co-ordinate
the assault on Tetovo. Both were taught by British soldiers
in the secretive training camps that operated above Bajram
Curri in northern Albania during 1998 and 1999. "8
In a bitter irony, the officers of the British parachute regiment
dispatched under Operation "Essential Harvest" had previously
collaborated and forged personal ties with KLA-NLA commanders
now in charge of military operations in Macedonia. The evidence
would suggest that the British Para battalions were sent in "to
assist" rather than "'disarm" the KLA-NLA. 9
Moreover, US military advisers --on assignment to the KLA-NLA
(through private mercenary companies)-- remain in contact with
NATO and US military and intelligence planners, who are in turn in
liaison with the US State Department. Ultimately, Washington and
London decide on the broad direction of KLA-NLA military
operations in Macedonia. What this means is that while the
Washington call for a cease-fire a diplomatic level, it also decides
when "to breach" the cease-fire, and when to actually implement
the cease-fire.
In other words, the so-called "breaches of the cease-fire"
--marked by a renewed wave of terrorist attacks-- during the final
stages of the US-EU sponsored "peace negotiations"-- were not
decided by the "Albanian rebel" commanders without consulting
Washington.
What this means is that by allowing the "National Liberation
Army", America's proxy military force in Macedonia, to launch a
new wave of terrorist assaults at the time of crucial negotiations,
Washington had consciously and deliberately stalled its own bogus
"peace" initiative, while precipitating the country to the brink of
civil war.
NATO controls the cease-fire because NATO controls the
terrorists!
NATO has stated that they will only intervene and "disarm the
rebels" if there is a cease-fire. But what NATO really wants is that
the Macedonian ARM remain in the barracks under a unilateral
cease-fire, while their proxy forces continue to make further
territorial gains.
Already, the unilateral cease-fire ordered by President Trajkovski
in the wake of the Ohrid peace agreement has enabled the
KLA-NLA terrorists to take up strategic positions in the Crna
Gora mountain range near Skopje while also reinforcing their control
in the Tetovo region.10 These NLA territorial advances at the time
of crucial negotiations are part and parcel of NATO planning.
Following the visit to Skopje of General Joseph Ralston, NATO's
supreme allied commander in Europe (20 August) the President
ordered (under a new unilateral cease-fire) the Macedonian
Security Forces to remain in the barracks. The ARM has been
instructed:
"?to carry out a withdrawal of troops as a contribution
towards de-escalation in advance of a planned NATO
mission to the country? the [defence] ministry in Skopje
said warplanes and helicopters would accordingly not be
used in crisis areas and the army was to withdraw heavy
weapons from combat positions".11
In other words, the invading army imposes a unilateral cease-fire to
facilitate the process of territorial conquest.
INVADING A MEMBER COUNTRY OF THE UNITED
NATIONS
The command structures of the KLA, the NLA and the United
Nations sponsored Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) overlap and
coincide. The so-called Albanian National Army (AKSh) (a
paramilitary group linked to the KLA-NLA) which claimed
responsibility for the Prelic killings was formed by members of the
United Nations KPC. These killings coincided (almost like
clockwork) with the final stages of the "peace" negotiations at
Ohrid. Everything suggests that this action had been carefully
planned in advance and was known to Western intelligence
agencies.12
Moreover, the decision to dispatch several hundred KPC troops
across the border from Kosovo in the days following the conclusion
of the Ohrid negotations, could not have been taken without the
acquiescence of NATO and UN military personnel stationed in
Kosovo.
What this means is that a UN sponsored military force (using UN
equipment and resources) has invaded a member country of the
United Nations, with the knowledge and approval of NATO forces
in Kosovo.
To say that this constitutes "a violation of the UN charter" would
be a gross understatement. In the words of Macedonia's Prime
Minister Ljubo Georgevski in a letter to addressed to the Secretary
General of the United Nations Kofi Annan:
"I, personally, consider this an official declaration of war by
the international protectorate of Kosovo and by the Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), which is unfortunately part of the
UN civil administration in Kosovo."13
While representing a dissenting political voice, Prime Minister
Georgevski, nonetheless signed the "framework document" opening
the door to the invasion of his country by NATO troops.
"DISARMING THE REBELS"
The disarmament process is totally fictitious. Why would NATO
disarm its own proxy force, which has been re-equipped in the last
few months with brand new weapons "Made in America".
Following the signing of the framework document, NATO
announced it had agreed "with the NLA on terms and procedures
for an eventual arms turnover". In this regard, NATO plans to
replicate the token "disarmament" of the KLA implemented in the
wake of the 1999 bombing campaign in Kosovo, where small arms
and AK-47s were handed in on a "voluntary" basis. This process
was then followed by the arming and equipping of the KLA with
advanced weaponry leading into the terrorist attacks in Southern
Serbia and Macedonia.
The whole disarmament process is an obvious hoax. In fact, the
terms of the "disarmament" are being negotiated with the terrorists
rather than with the Macedonian authorities:
"the rebels will collect their own weapons and deposit
them at pre-arranged collection sites. NATO troops will
then move in, seal the area, pick up the guns for destruction
in a third country and leave."14
While NATO "weapons collection teams" have been deployed,
NATO has clarified that the handing in of weapons will be entirely
"voluntary": "what we prefer from a NATO force point of view is
that the insurgents collect the weapons on our behalf?"15
But if the handing in of the weapons is "voluntary", then why does
NATO need to bring in large amounts of heavy military equipment in
British military transport planes? There is reason to believe that one
of the objectives of Operation "Essential Harvest" is to channel
arms and supplies to the terrorists inside their territorial enclaves,
while at the same time disarming all forms of armed resistance,
including the civilian defense groups which have developed in
opposition to the terrorists and the NATO led invasion.
While the Western media is spreading rumours that the rebels are
"armed with assault rifles and knives" 16 (Associated Press, 20
August 2001), the evidence confirms that the US is continuing to
equip the terrorists with advanced weaponry:
"In the well-built guerrilla bunkers overlooking the besieged
city of Tetovo, there is ample evidence of U.S. military
hardware ? An abundant stock of sophisticated night-vision
goggles provide the guerrillas with a tremendous tactical
advantage over the Macedonian security forces? Snake
Arifaj, a 22-year-old guerrilla platoon commander, proudly
displayed his unit's impressive arsenal and said, 'Thanks to
Uncle Sam, the Macedonians are no match for us.'?
Commander "Mouse," a 47-year-old UCK officer in the
Tetovo sector? confirmed that two US Chinook Heavy
Transport Helicopters had in fact delivered "heavy mortars
and ammunition" [in early August] to the guerrillas?
[A]mmunition supply is not a problem for the guerrillas. 'We
have all the equipment and men we need to capture Skopje
in 24 hours,' said Commander "Jimmy", a 22-year-old
Albanian guerrilla who is already a veteran of Chechnya,
Kosovo, and south Serbia. "Militarily, the Macedonians are
no match for our soldiers."17
HIDDEN AGENDA
While paying lip service to the social rights of ethnic Albanians,
Washington has no interest in the process of constitutional reform
as contained in the "framework document". Washington's objective
is not to "disarm the rebels" but to disable the Macedonian Security
Forces (ARM) and dismantle State institutions. In this regard,
NATO forces are working hand in glove with the KLA-NLA.
Moreover, once the so-called "disarmament" process has been
completed, "unarmed observers" from the Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the EU Monitoring Mission
(EUMM) are slated to enter "NLA enclaves to begin
confidence-building measures before the return of Macedonian
police."18
MEDIA FALSEHOODS
All the appearances of an "internal conflict" are retained. The links
of NATO to the terrorists are never mentioned by the Western
media. The confrontation between Macedonians and ethnic
Albanians is the cornerstone of most news stories, logically
providing a justification for a "peacekeeping" intervention.
With a shaky framework agreement on constitutional reform and
the country on the brink of civil war, the main players retain their
full legitimacy. In the eyes of public opinion, they are not
"aggressors", they are peace-keepers intervening on
"humanitarian ground".
While the media upholds the NLA as a liberation army fighting for
the social rights of an oppressed minority, the process of
"demonisation" of the Macedonians has commenced with
one-sided news stories relating to presumed war crimes and
alleged atrocities committed by the Macedonian police and security
forces.
Meanwhile, everything indicates that ethnic tensions have been
further heightened with the entry of NATO troops. Terrorist gangs
linked to the KLA-NLA are assaulting Macedonian civilians as
occurred in Kosovo in 1999.
INSTALLING A NATO PROTECTORATE
Washington has pushed Macedonia to the brink of civil war with a
view to justifying a NATO led intervention "on humanitarian
grounds".
Deliberately jeopardised as a result of the terrorist assaults and the
NATO invasion, Washington is fully aware that the "peace"
agreement (including the constitutional amendments) has little
chance of becoming operational under a "functioning democracy". In
this regard, NATO has already hinted that it "has contingency
plans" if it is unable to accomplish its mission under the framework
"peace" agreement.19
In the days following the signing of the framework agreement, the
International Crisis Group (ICG), a "Non-governmental
Organisation" (funded by George Soros') with links to US State
department pointed to the need to "changing the mandate" of the
NATO led "Operation Essential Harvest":
"NATO cannot limit its mission to 30 days. It must be
prepared to do more than collect arms that are voluntarily
given to it. It must seal the border with Kosovo and should
provide the security assurance required to see the 13
August agreement through to parliamentary ratification and
implementation. And it must be prepared to use all
necessary force to make that assurance real?
Unfortunately, despite the agreement, there is little trust or
even expectation of peace among either ethnic Albanians or
Macedonians. That puts a heavy burden on the international
community, which will need to decide? whether the mission
should have a more open-ended time frame and a more
vigorous, traditional peacekeeping role?"20
In turn, the US media has already started to build a "justification"
for a more permanent NATO presence as a means to guaranteeing
the social rights of ethnic Albanians. An Associate Press report,
for instance, quotes:
"Mustafa Arifi, 26, sitting with his uncle in the cool shadow
of the local mosque? Not only does he want NATO troops
to come, he wants them to stay far longer than the 30 days
envisioned by the alliance. 'I know the big powers are on
our side,'' he said with certainty. 'I would love for them to
be here for 20 years.''' 21
And no doubt once the NATO mandate has been redefined --using
a "humanitarian" or "peacekeeping" pretext-- the next stage will
be to extend NATO's "mission" beyond the agreed 30 days, leading
to a more permanent military presence of NATO troops, as a
stepping stone towards the installation of a full-fledged NATO
protectorate on the Kosovo-Bosnia model.
In this regard, it is worth recalling that Bosnia-Herzegovina was
carved up "along ethnic lines" under the 1995 Dayton Agreement.
Similarly, Under Operation "Essential Harvest", the arrangement
imposed by NATO on the Macedonian government, is that the
terrorists will remain in the territories they occupy and NATO will
ensure that Macedonian troops will not enter rebel controlled
territory. This also means that Macedonians who were expulsed by
the terrorists will not be able to return to their homes. And NATO
has confirmed, in this regard, that it will not assist in the return of
"internally displaced persons".22
In other words, by firmly protecting the KLA-NLA in their
territorial enclaves and allowing the process of ethnic cleansing to
proceed, NATO has deliberately created conditions which favour
the partition of Macedonia, opening the door to "the detachment" of
the so-called "Albanian regions" occupied by KLA-NLA forces
and their (possible) annexation to a so-called "free Kosovo".
Meanwhile, the Atlantic Military Alliance --while paying lip
service to the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav federation-- is
also promoting the secession of a "free Kosovo" from Yugoslavia,
which would lead to a fracture of Yugoslavia as well as much
broader conflagration in the Balkans.
ENDNOTES
1, Macedonia Information Agency (MIA), Skopje, 11 August 2001.
2. US State Department Briefing, Washington, 9 August 2001.
3. Interview with Belgrade's Politika, quoted in the Nouvel
Observateur, Paris, 11 August 2001 at
http://quotidien.nouvelobs.com/etranger/20010810.OBS7336.html.
4. UPI, 1 July 2001.
5. The Scotesman, Glasgow, 29 August 1999.
6. Ibid.
7. See the webpage of the Parachute Regiment at
http://www.army.mod.uk/infantry/para/make_up.htm).
8. Sunday Times, London, 18 March 2001. See also The Observer,
London, 11 March 2001.
9. From their experience in Northern Ireland, the British Paras have
also developed techniques of dealing with civilians going back to
the 1971 "Bloody Sunday Massacre" in Derry, Northern Ireland. In
a bitter irony, General Michael Jackson who led the Allied Forces
invasion into Kosovo in 1999, was Second in Command in the
"Bloody Sunday Massacre".
10. Krasnaya Zvezda, Moscow, 16 August 2001, BBC Monitoring
Service, London, 18 August 2001.
11. Deutsche Press Agentur, 20 August 2001.
12. On the origins of the AKSh, see Nedelnik Start's report on an
intelligence document submitted to the Prime Minister in 2000
which confirms AKSh links to the KPC, Skopje, 2 June 2000.
13. MIA, Skopje, 13 August 2001.
14. BBC, 18 August 2001.
15. See Transcript of NATO Press Conference, Skopje 15 and 17
August, at
http://www.afsouth.nato.int/operations/skopje/APICSKOPJE.htm#STARTNATO)
16. Associated Press, 20 August 2001,
17. Scott Taylor, "Thanks to Uncle Sam, Macedonians are no match
for us!", 20 August 2001, at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/taylor.htm).
18. Jane Defence Weekly, 15 August 2001.
19. Washington Post, 18 August.
20. See International Crisis Center (ICG) web page at
http://www.crisisweb.org/.
21. Associated Press, 18 August 2001.
22. See NATO Press Conference, Skopje, 20 August 2001, at
http://www.afsouth.nato.int/operations/skopje/TRANSCRIPT-20AUG.htm)
ARTICLES BY THE AUTHOR ON MACEDONIA:
"The Military Occupation of Macedonia", August 2001, at
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/chossudovsky/macedonia-occupation.html
"Washington Behind Terrorist Assaults in Macedonia", Ottawa,
July 2001, at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/washbe.htm also at
"America at War in Macedonia", June 2001,
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/pipe.htm
"Macedonia: Washington's Military Intelligence Ploy", June 2001,
http://www.transnational.org/forum/meet/2001/Chossudov_WashingtPloy.html
"Washington Finances Ethnic Warfare in the Balkans", Ottawa,
April 2001, http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/fin.htm
C Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, August, 2001. All rights
reserved.
Permission is granted to post this text on non-commercial
community internet sites, provided the essay remains intact and the
copyright note is displayed. To publish this text in printed and/or
other forms, including commercial internet sites and excerpts,
contact the author at chossudovsky@..., fax:
1-514-4256224.
The URL for this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/cho/natoinvades.htm.
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LA NATO INVADE LA MACEDONIA - di M. Chossudovsky
(22 agosto 2001)
> http://globalresearch.ca/cho/natoinvades.htm
---
Altri dispacci in inglese / more agencies on the issue:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1251
ULTERIORI PROVE DEL FATTO CHE DIETRO GLI
ATTACCHI TERRORISTICI IN MACEDONIA SI NASCONDE LA NATO
> http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans23.html
Media Monitors, August 23, 2001
More signs NATO is behind ethnic Albanian attacks on
Macedonia - by Stephen Gowans
NUOVI LEADER ATLANTICI:
RITRATTO DEL TERRORISTA PAN-ALBANESE ALI AHMETI
> http://www.ekathimerini.com/news/content.asp?aid%ef%bf%bd757
On the road to power
Ali Ahmeti, Albanian rebel leader in FYROM, cannot be ignored
By Stavros Tzimas - Kathimerini, August 23, 2001
LA RUSSIA CONTRARIA ALLE OPERAZIONI DELLA NATO IN MACEDONIA
> http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id%ef%bf%bd0265427
THURSDAY, AUGUST 23, 2001 - THE TIMES OF INDIA
Russia warns against NATO operation in Macedonia
LA DESTABILIZZAZIONE DELLA FYROM E' PREPARATA IN KOSOVO
Macedonian Sources Say Albanian Rebels Regroup in Kosovo
SKOPJE, Aug 20, 2001 (dpa)
> http://sg.news.yahoo.com/010812/1/1bej4.html
Monday August 13, 3:46 AM
Macedonian PM accuses UN-run Kosovo of waging war
SKOPJE, Aug 12 (AFP)
"TUTTE LE TRUPPE KFOR DI RAZZA SLAVA FUORI DALLA KOSSOVA!"
Albanian Group Wants Slav Troops out of Kosovo
PRISTINA, Aug 17, 2001 -- (Agence France Presse)
tutti i documenti citati si trovano alla URL:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1251
Inoltre:
UN NUOVO NOME PER LO STESSO PROGETTO DELLA GRANDE ALBANIA
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1252
NEW ALBANIAN REBEL GROUP SURFACES IN SOUTHERN SERBIA
PRISTINA, Aug 7 ( AFP)
--
NATO INVADES MACEDONIA
by
Michel Chossudovsky
Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa
22 August 2001
The URL for this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/cho/natoinvades.html
Some 3500 heavily armed NATO troops have entered Macedonia
with a mandate to "disarm the Albanian rebels". Whereas a token
collection and destruction of obsolete weapons is envisaged, the
evidence amply confirms that the "National Liberation Army" has
been armed, equipped and financed by Washington. NATO's
ultimate goal is to protect rather than disarm the terrorists, weaken
and disable the Macedonian Security Forces and install a
protectorate under direct military rule. The US-EU brokered
"peace" agreement constitutes an act of surrender and submission
to the NATO aggressor.
________________________________________________________________
In the hours preceding the "initialing" of the Ohrid "peace"
agreement on August 8th, the terrorists renewed their assaults
leading to the death of ten Macedonian soldiers in an ambush in
Prilep. On the next day, a major KLA-NLA military offensive
directed against the Macedonian Security forces was launched.
And two days later, several hundred troops belonging to the United
Nations Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) stationed in Kosovo
crossed the border and attacked the Macedonian Security Forces
(ARM) in the Radusha area.1 These carefully planned military
actions were also accompanied by violent assaults directed against
civilians.
In an atmosphere of public protests and renewed terrorist assaults,
the "framework peace agreement" was signed on the 13th of
August, allowing NATO to deploy troops throughout Macedonia
with a mandate to "disarm the Albanian rebels".
The Western media mantra --parroting NATO's official
statements-- concluded without further examination that the
"Albanian rebels" were attempting to stall the ratification and
implementation of the "framework document" (yet to be approved
by the Macedonian parliament), undermining "the painstaking
efforts of the international community": "We have unequivocally
stood against all acts of violence in Macedonia and all breaches of
the cease-fire?" said US State Department spokesperson Richard
Boucher?".2 Meanwhile, Yugoslav President Voijislav Kostunica
accused the American and European mediators of "having been
duped by the Albanian rebels."3
Pentagon and US State department planners (from the most
powerful nation on earth) "duped" by "Albanian rebels"? According
to the Western media, the military alliance had no prior knowledge
of these terrorist assaults launched at the time of crucial "peace"
negotiations. The enemy is presented, as a peace "facilitor", the
identity of the NATO aggressor and its relationship to the
terrorists, are not mentioned.
WHO ORDERED THE TERRORIST ASSAULTS?
The so-called "Albanian rebels" do not make key military decisions
on their own. Amply documented, the KLA-NLA and its various
affiliated factions constitute America's proxy army integrated by
US military advisers, trained by British Special Forces, financed
and equipped by Washington. War is always waged in terms of
carefully designed political objectives; military operations
--including covert activities in support of "freedom fighters"-- are
never haphazard. The terrorist assaults are part of Washington's
military-intelligence agenda in Macedonia.
Senior US military advisers detached from private mercenary
companies are working with KLA-NLA commanders. NLA
Commander Gezim Ostremi, was trained by British Special Forces
to head the UN sponsored Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC).4
Confirmed by British military sources, the task of arming and
training of the KLA had been entrusted in 1998 to the US Defence
Intelligence Agency (DIA) and Britain's Secret Intelligence
Services MI6, together with "former and serving members of 22
SAS [Britain's 22nd Special Air Services Regiment], as well as
three British and American private security companies".5:
"'The US DIA approached MI6 to arrange a training
programme for the KLA,' said a senior British military
source. `MI6 then sub-contracted the operation to two
British security companies, who in turn approached a
number of former members of the (22 SAS) regiment. Lists
were then drawn up of weapons and equipment needed by
the KLA.' While these covert operations were continuing,
serving members of 22 SAS Regiment, mostly from the
unit's D Squadron, were first deployed in Kosovo before the
beginning of the bombing campaign in March. 6
OPERATION "ESSENTIAL HARVEST": REPLICATING
KOSOVO
The First and Third Parachute battalions ("1 PARA" and "3
PARA") detached to Macedonia under Operation "Essential
Harvest" have a history of active collaboration with the KLA. The
British Paras led the invasion into Kosovo in June 1999 in liaison
with KLA forces.7 The evidence amply confirms that the US and
British military-intelligence establishment has continued to support
the KLA in its terrorist operations in Macedonia:
"two of the Kosovo-based commanders leading the
Albanian push [into the Tetovo region] were trained by
former British SAS and Parachute Regiment officers? [A]
commander with the nom de guerre of Bilal was organising
the flow of arms and men into Macedonia, and ? veteran
KLA commander Adem Bajrami was helping to co-ordinate
the assault on Tetovo. Both were taught by British soldiers
in the secretive training camps that operated above Bajram
Curri in northern Albania during 1998 and 1999. "8
In a bitter irony, the officers of the British parachute regiment
dispatched under Operation "Essential Harvest" had previously
collaborated and forged personal ties with KLA-NLA commanders
now in charge of military operations in Macedonia. The evidence
would suggest that the British Para battalions were sent in "to
assist" rather than "'disarm" the KLA-NLA. 9
Moreover, US military advisers --on assignment to the KLA-NLA
(through private mercenary companies)-- remain in contact with
NATO and US military and intelligence planners, who are in turn in
liaison with the US State Department. Ultimately, Washington and
London decide on the broad direction of KLA-NLA military
operations in Macedonia. What this means is that while the
Washington call for a cease-fire a diplomatic level, it also decides
when "to breach" the cease-fire, and when to actually implement
the cease-fire.
In other words, the so-called "breaches of the cease-fire"
--marked by a renewed wave of terrorist attacks-- during the final
stages of the US-EU sponsored "peace negotiations"-- were not
decided by the "Albanian rebel" commanders without consulting
Washington.
What this means is that by allowing the "National Liberation
Army", America's proxy military force in Macedonia, to launch a
new wave of terrorist assaults at the time of crucial negotiations,
Washington had consciously and deliberately stalled its own bogus
"peace" initiative, while precipitating the country to the brink of
civil war.
NATO controls the cease-fire because NATO controls the
terrorists!
NATO has stated that they will only intervene and "disarm the
rebels" if there is a cease-fire. But what NATO really wants is that
the Macedonian ARM remain in the barracks under a unilateral
cease-fire, while their proxy forces continue to make further
territorial gains.
Already, the unilateral cease-fire ordered by President Trajkovski
in the wake of the Ohrid peace agreement has enabled the
KLA-NLA terrorists to take up strategic positions in the Crna
Gora mountain range near Skopje while also reinforcing their control
in the Tetovo region.10 These NLA territorial advances at the time
of crucial negotiations are part and parcel of NATO planning.
Following the visit to Skopje of General Joseph Ralston, NATO's
supreme allied commander in Europe (20 August) the President
ordered (under a new unilateral cease-fire) the Macedonian
Security Forces to remain in the barracks. The ARM has been
instructed:
"?to carry out a withdrawal of troops as a contribution
towards de-escalation in advance of a planned NATO
mission to the country? the [defence] ministry in Skopje
said warplanes and helicopters would accordingly not be
used in crisis areas and the army was to withdraw heavy
weapons from combat positions".11
In other words, the invading army imposes a unilateral cease-fire to
facilitate the process of territorial conquest.
INVADING A MEMBER COUNTRY OF THE UNITED
NATIONS
The command structures of the KLA, the NLA and the United
Nations sponsored Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) overlap and
coincide. The so-called Albanian National Army (AKSh) (a
paramilitary group linked to the KLA-NLA) which claimed
responsibility for the Prelic killings was formed by members of the
United Nations KPC. These killings coincided (almost like
clockwork) with the final stages of the "peace" negotiations at
Ohrid. Everything suggests that this action had been carefully
planned in advance and was known to Western intelligence
agencies.12
Moreover, the decision to dispatch several hundred KPC troops
across the border from Kosovo in the days following the conclusion
of the Ohrid negotations, could not have been taken without the
acquiescence of NATO and UN military personnel stationed in
Kosovo.
What this means is that a UN sponsored military force (using UN
equipment and resources) has invaded a member country of the
United Nations, with the knowledge and approval of NATO forces
in Kosovo.
To say that this constitutes "a violation of the UN charter" would
be a gross understatement. In the words of Macedonia's Prime
Minister Ljubo Georgevski in a letter to addressed to the Secretary
General of the United Nations Kofi Annan:
"I, personally, consider this an official declaration of war by
the international protectorate of Kosovo and by the Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC), which is unfortunately part of the
UN civil administration in Kosovo."13
While representing a dissenting political voice, Prime Minister
Georgevski, nonetheless signed the "framework document" opening
the door to the invasion of his country by NATO troops.
"DISARMING THE REBELS"
The disarmament process is totally fictitious. Why would NATO
disarm its own proxy force, which has been re-equipped in the last
few months with brand new weapons "Made in America".
Following the signing of the framework document, NATO
announced it had agreed "with the NLA on terms and procedures
for an eventual arms turnover". In this regard, NATO plans to
replicate the token "disarmament" of the KLA implemented in the
wake of the 1999 bombing campaign in Kosovo, where small arms
and AK-47s were handed in on a "voluntary" basis. This process
was then followed by the arming and equipping of the KLA with
advanced weaponry leading into the terrorist attacks in Southern
Serbia and Macedonia.
The whole disarmament process is an obvious hoax. In fact, the
terms of the "disarmament" are being negotiated with the terrorists
rather than with the Macedonian authorities:
"the rebels will collect their own weapons and deposit
them at pre-arranged collection sites. NATO troops will
then move in, seal the area, pick up the guns for destruction
in a third country and leave."14
While NATO "weapons collection teams" have been deployed,
NATO has clarified that the handing in of weapons will be entirely
"voluntary": "what we prefer from a NATO force point of view is
that the insurgents collect the weapons on our behalf?"15
But if the handing in of the weapons is "voluntary", then why does
NATO need to bring in large amounts of heavy military equipment in
British military transport planes? There is reason to believe that one
of the objectives of Operation "Essential Harvest" is to channel
arms and supplies to the terrorists inside their territorial enclaves,
while at the same time disarming all forms of armed resistance,
including the civilian defense groups which have developed in
opposition to the terrorists and the NATO led invasion.
While the Western media is spreading rumours that the rebels are
"armed with assault rifles and knives" 16 (Associated Press, 20
August 2001), the evidence confirms that the US is continuing to
equip the terrorists with advanced weaponry:
"In the well-built guerrilla bunkers overlooking the besieged
city of Tetovo, there is ample evidence of U.S. military
hardware ? An abundant stock of sophisticated night-vision
goggles provide the guerrillas with a tremendous tactical
advantage over the Macedonian security forces? Snake
Arifaj, a 22-year-old guerrilla platoon commander, proudly
displayed his unit's impressive arsenal and said, 'Thanks to
Uncle Sam, the Macedonians are no match for us.'?
Commander "Mouse," a 47-year-old UCK officer in the
Tetovo sector? confirmed that two US Chinook Heavy
Transport Helicopters had in fact delivered "heavy mortars
and ammunition" [in early August] to the guerrillas?
[A]mmunition supply is not a problem for the guerrillas. 'We
have all the equipment and men we need to capture Skopje
in 24 hours,' said Commander "Jimmy", a 22-year-old
Albanian guerrilla who is already a veteran of Chechnya,
Kosovo, and south Serbia. "Militarily, the Macedonians are
no match for our soldiers."17
HIDDEN AGENDA
While paying lip service to the social rights of ethnic Albanians,
Washington has no interest in the process of constitutional reform
as contained in the "framework document". Washington's objective
is not to "disarm the rebels" but to disable the Macedonian Security
Forces (ARM) and dismantle State institutions. In this regard,
NATO forces are working hand in glove with the KLA-NLA.
Moreover, once the so-called "disarmament" process has been
completed, "unarmed observers" from the Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the EU Monitoring Mission
(EUMM) are slated to enter "NLA enclaves to begin
confidence-building measures before the return of Macedonian
police."18
MEDIA FALSEHOODS
All the appearances of an "internal conflict" are retained. The links
of NATO to the terrorists are never mentioned by the Western
media. The confrontation between Macedonians and ethnic
Albanians is the cornerstone of most news stories, logically
providing a justification for a "peacekeeping" intervention.
With a shaky framework agreement on constitutional reform and
the country on the brink of civil war, the main players retain their
full legitimacy. In the eyes of public opinion, they are not
"aggressors", they are peace-keepers intervening on
"humanitarian ground".
While the media upholds the NLA as a liberation army fighting for
the social rights of an oppressed minority, the process of
"demonisation" of the Macedonians has commenced with
one-sided news stories relating to presumed war crimes and
alleged atrocities committed by the Macedonian police and security
forces.
Meanwhile, everything indicates that ethnic tensions have been
further heightened with the entry of NATO troops. Terrorist gangs
linked to the KLA-NLA are assaulting Macedonian civilians as
occurred in Kosovo in 1999.
INSTALLING A NATO PROTECTORATE
Washington has pushed Macedonia to the brink of civil war with a
view to justifying a NATO led intervention "on humanitarian
grounds".
Deliberately jeopardised as a result of the terrorist assaults and the
NATO invasion, Washington is fully aware that the "peace"
agreement (including the constitutional amendments) has little
chance of becoming operational under a "functioning democracy". In
this regard, NATO has already hinted that it "has contingency
plans" if it is unable to accomplish its mission under the framework
"peace" agreement.19
In the days following the signing of the framework agreement, the
International Crisis Group (ICG), a "Non-governmental
Organisation" (funded by George Soros') with links to US State
department pointed to the need to "changing the mandate" of the
NATO led "Operation Essential Harvest":
"NATO cannot limit its mission to 30 days. It must be
prepared to do more than collect arms that are voluntarily
given to it. It must seal the border with Kosovo and should
provide the security assurance required to see the 13
August agreement through to parliamentary ratification and
implementation. And it must be prepared to use all
necessary force to make that assurance real?
Unfortunately, despite the agreement, there is little trust or
even expectation of peace among either ethnic Albanians or
Macedonians. That puts a heavy burden on the international
community, which will need to decide? whether the mission
should have a more open-ended time frame and a more
vigorous, traditional peacekeeping role?"20
In turn, the US media has already started to build a "justification"
for a more permanent NATO presence as a means to guaranteeing
the social rights of ethnic Albanians. An Associate Press report,
for instance, quotes:
"Mustafa Arifi, 26, sitting with his uncle in the cool shadow
of the local mosque? Not only does he want NATO troops
to come, he wants them to stay far longer than the 30 days
envisioned by the alliance. 'I know the big powers are on
our side,'' he said with certainty. 'I would love for them to
be here for 20 years.''' 21
And no doubt once the NATO mandate has been redefined --using
a "humanitarian" or "peacekeeping" pretext-- the next stage will
be to extend NATO's "mission" beyond the agreed 30 days, leading
to a more permanent military presence of NATO troops, as a
stepping stone towards the installation of a full-fledged NATO
protectorate on the Kosovo-Bosnia model.
In this regard, it is worth recalling that Bosnia-Herzegovina was
carved up "along ethnic lines" under the 1995 Dayton Agreement.
Similarly, Under Operation "Essential Harvest", the arrangement
imposed by NATO on the Macedonian government, is that the
terrorists will remain in the territories they occupy and NATO will
ensure that Macedonian troops will not enter rebel controlled
territory. This also means that Macedonians who were expulsed by
the terrorists will not be able to return to their homes. And NATO
has confirmed, in this regard, that it will not assist in the return of
"internally displaced persons".22
In other words, by firmly protecting the KLA-NLA in their
territorial enclaves and allowing the process of ethnic cleansing to
proceed, NATO has deliberately created conditions which favour
the partition of Macedonia, opening the door to "the detachment" of
the so-called "Albanian regions" occupied by KLA-NLA forces
and their (possible) annexation to a so-called "free Kosovo".
Meanwhile, the Atlantic Military Alliance --while paying lip
service to the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav federation-- is
also promoting the secession of a "free Kosovo" from Yugoslavia,
which would lead to a fracture of Yugoslavia as well as much
broader conflagration in the Balkans.
ENDNOTES
1, Macedonia Information Agency (MIA), Skopje, 11 August 2001.
2. US State Department Briefing, Washington, 9 August 2001.
3. Interview with Belgrade's Politika, quoted in the Nouvel
Observateur, Paris, 11 August 2001 at
http://quotidien.nouvelobs.com/etranger/20010810.OBS7336.html.
4. UPI, 1 July 2001.
5. The Scotesman, Glasgow, 29 August 1999.
6. Ibid.
7. See the webpage of the Parachute Regiment at
http://www.army.mod.uk/infantry/para/make_up.htm).
8. Sunday Times, London, 18 March 2001. See also The Observer,
London, 11 March 2001.
9. From their experience in Northern Ireland, the British Paras have
also developed techniques of dealing with civilians going back to
the 1971 "Bloody Sunday Massacre" in Derry, Northern Ireland. In
a bitter irony, General Michael Jackson who led the Allied Forces
invasion into Kosovo in 1999, was Second in Command in the
"Bloody Sunday Massacre".
10. Krasnaya Zvezda, Moscow, 16 August 2001, BBC Monitoring
Service, London, 18 August 2001.
11. Deutsche Press Agentur, 20 August 2001.
12. On the origins of the AKSh, see Nedelnik Start's report on an
intelligence document submitted to the Prime Minister in 2000
which confirms AKSh links to the KPC, Skopje, 2 June 2000.
13. MIA, Skopje, 13 August 2001.
14. BBC, 18 August 2001.
15. See Transcript of NATO Press Conference, Skopje 15 and 17
August, at
http://www.afsouth.nato.int/operations/skopje/APICSKOPJE.htm#STARTNATO)
16. Associated Press, 20 August 2001,
17. Scott Taylor, "Thanks to Uncle Sam, Macedonians are no match
for us!", 20 August 2001, at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/taylor.htm).
18. Jane Defence Weekly, 15 August 2001.
19. Washington Post, 18 August.
20. See International Crisis Center (ICG) web page at
http://www.crisisweb.org/.
21. Associated Press, 18 August 2001.
22. See NATO Press Conference, Skopje, 20 August 2001, at
http://www.afsouth.nato.int/operations/skopje/TRANSCRIPT-20AUG.htm)
ARTICLES BY THE AUTHOR ON MACEDONIA:
"The Military Occupation of Macedonia", August 2001, at
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/chossudovsky/macedonia-occupation.html
"Washington Behind Terrorist Assaults in Macedonia", Ottawa,
July 2001, at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/washbe.htm also at
"America at War in Macedonia", June 2001,
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/pipe.htm
"Macedonia: Washington's Military Intelligence Ploy", June 2001,
http://www.transnational.org/forum/meet/2001/Chossudov_WashingtPloy.html
"Washington Finances Ethnic Warfare in the Balkans", Ottawa,
April 2001, http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/fin.htm
C Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, August, 2001. All rights
reserved.
Permission is granted to post this text on non-commercial
community internet sites, provided the essay remains intact and the
copyright note is displayed. To publish this text in printed and/or
other forms, including commercial internet sites and excerpts,
contact the author at chossudovsky@..., fax:
1-514-4256224.
The URL for this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/cho/natoinvades.htm.
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L'"IMPERIALISMO ETICO" DEGLI STATI UNITI D'AMERICA
"Il Manifesto" 22. avgusta 2001.
IMPERIJALIZAM SAD : "nova" struja americkog misljenja
S. D. W. iz Vasingtona
Izraz "imperijalizam", kojim sirom sveta zigosemo americku politiku,
ne treba uzimati kao "pogrdu", vec naprotiv, kao odavanje
priznanja Sjedinjenim Americkim drzavama za ulogu garanta u
istorijski presundoj etapi " sveopste bezbednosti i blagostanja
u znaku pax amerikana". To je nova struja misljenja koja uzima
maha u SAD. Njeni nosioci su intelektualci reganovskog kova
okupljeni u naucnom centru u Vasingtonu sa nazivom "Project for
the New American Century" (projekat za novi americki vek).
Podpredsednik Centra, Thomas Donnelly (Tomas Doneli) kaze da
negirati ulogu SAD ostvarenu uspostavljanjem vojne
prevlasti u svetskom poretku po zavrsetku hladnog rata, znaci
negirati ono sto je ocigledno, odnosno da su SAD istorijski
naslednici odgovornosti koju su nekada nosili Rimsko i Britansko
carstvo. Na to, prof. Andrew Bacevich, penzionisani
pukovnik i docent na Bostonskom univerzitetu, dodaje da nema
smisla pitatanje da li je to pravicno ili ne, takvo je stanje
stvari te SAD nikako ne mogu da beze od svoje istorijske
odgovornosti: Bez obzira na sve lepe reci " nema te javne
licnosti koja bi imala da iznese nesto protiv toga da SAD
ostanu doveka jedina velesila sveta."
Mozemo slobodno da odahnemo! Rimsko i britansko carstvo su
propali, ali ce zato americko ziveti "doveka." Kraj Istorije!
"Il Manifesto", 22/8/2001
Imperialismo Usa
"Nuova" corrente di pensiero americana
S.D.W. - WASHINGTON
La parola "imperialismo" usata nel mondo per bollare la politica
americana non va presa come un "insulto" ma, al contrario, come il
riconoscimento del ruolo degli Stati uniti per garantire una fase
storica di "sicurezza e prosperit� per tutti all'insegna della pax
americana". E' questa la nuova corrente di pensiero che sta prendendo
piede negli Usa, divulgata dagli intellettuali di stampo reaganiano
riuniti intorno al centro studi Project for the New American Century di
Washington. Dice Thomas Donnelly, il suo vicedirettore, che
negare il ruolo svolto dagli Usa con la loro predominanza militare
nell'ordine mondiale emerso dalla fine della Guerra fredda, significa
negare l'evidenza dal momento che gli Stati uniti hanno ereditato dalla
storia la responsabilit� che furono dell'impero romano e di quello
britannico. E aggiunge il professor Andrew Bacevich, ex colonnello e
docente alla Boston University, che � inutile chiedersi se ci� sia
giusto o no perch� la realt� delle cose � questa e gli Usa non possono
sottrarsi alla loro responsabilit� storica: al di l� di tanti bei
discorsi "non c'� un solo personaggio pubblico che abbia a ridire
sull'idea che gli Stati uniti rimangano l'unica superpotenza militare
fino alla fine del tempo". Mettiamoci il cuore in pace. Anche se gli
imperi romano e britannico sono crollati, quello americano durer� "fino
alla fine del tempo". La Storia � finita.
(Hvala Olgi za prevod!)
---
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"Il Manifesto" 22. avgusta 2001.
IMPERIJALIZAM SAD : "nova" struja americkog misljenja
S. D. W. iz Vasingtona
Izraz "imperijalizam", kojim sirom sveta zigosemo americku politiku,
ne treba uzimati kao "pogrdu", vec naprotiv, kao odavanje
priznanja Sjedinjenim Americkim drzavama za ulogu garanta u
istorijski presundoj etapi " sveopste bezbednosti i blagostanja
u znaku pax amerikana". To je nova struja misljenja koja uzima
maha u SAD. Njeni nosioci su intelektualci reganovskog kova
okupljeni u naucnom centru u Vasingtonu sa nazivom "Project for
the New American Century" (projekat za novi americki vek).
Podpredsednik Centra, Thomas Donnelly (Tomas Doneli) kaze da
negirati ulogu SAD ostvarenu uspostavljanjem vojne
prevlasti u svetskom poretku po zavrsetku hladnog rata, znaci
negirati ono sto je ocigledno, odnosno da su SAD istorijski
naslednici odgovornosti koju su nekada nosili Rimsko i Britansko
carstvo. Na to, prof. Andrew Bacevich, penzionisani
pukovnik i docent na Bostonskom univerzitetu, dodaje da nema
smisla pitatanje da li je to pravicno ili ne, takvo je stanje
stvari te SAD nikako ne mogu da beze od svoje istorijske
odgovornosti: Bez obzira na sve lepe reci " nema te javne
licnosti koja bi imala da iznese nesto protiv toga da SAD
ostanu doveka jedina velesila sveta."
Mozemo slobodno da odahnemo! Rimsko i britansko carstvo su
propali, ali ce zato americko ziveti "doveka." Kraj Istorije!
"Il Manifesto", 22/8/2001
Imperialismo Usa
"Nuova" corrente di pensiero americana
S.D.W. - WASHINGTON
La parola "imperialismo" usata nel mondo per bollare la politica
americana non va presa come un "insulto" ma, al contrario, come il
riconoscimento del ruolo degli Stati uniti per garantire una fase
storica di "sicurezza e prosperit� per tutti all'insegna della pax
americana". E' questa la nuova corrente di pensiero che sta prendendo
piede negli Usa, divulgata dagli intellettuali di stampo reaganiano
riuniti intorno al centro studi Project for the New American Century di
Washington. Dice Thomas Donnelly, il suo vicedirettore, che
negare il ruolo svolto dagli Usa con la loro predominanza militare
nell'ordine mondiale emerso dalla fine della Guerra fredda, significa
negare l'evidenza dal momento che gli Stati uniti hanno ereditato dalla
storia la responsabilit� che furono dell'impero romano e di quello
britannico. E aggiunge il professor Andrew Bacevich, ex colonnello e
docente alla Boston University, che � inutile chiedersi se ci� sia
giusto o no perch� la realt� delle cose � questa e gli Usa non possono
sottrarsi alla loro responsabilit� storica: al di l� di tanti bei
discorsi "non c'� un solo personaggio pubblico che abbia a ridire
sull'idea che gli Stati uniti rimangano l'unica superpotenza militare
fino alla fine del tempo". Mettiamoci il cuore in pace. Anche se gli
imperi romano e britannico sono crollati, quello americano durer� "fino
alla fine del tempo". La Storia � finita.
(Hvala Olgi za prevod!)
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
PERCHE' ASPETTARE UN'EVENTO PER FARE REGALI!
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OB POIMENOVANJU SEKCIJE ANPI-VZPI TRZASKEGA
PARTIZANSKEGA PEVSKEGA ZBORA PO STIRIH
BAZOVISKIH JUNAKIH:
BIDOVEC - MARUSIC - MILOS - VALENCIC
Trst, 24. april 1988
Primorsko ozemije, ki ga je novembra 1918 zasedla
italijanska vojska in je bilo januarja 1921 z rapalsko
pogodbo prikljuceno k Italiji, se je v razdobju
med obema vojnama imenovalo Julijska krajina -
Venezia Giulia. Od 1924 dalje je tudi Reka pripadala
Italiji.
Po nekaterih ocenah je po prvi svetovni vojni pripadlo
Italiji okrog 550.000 Slovencev in Hrvatov, od tega
nad 300.000 Slovencev, kar je v tistem obdobju
pomenilo skoraj tretjino slovenskega naroda.
S prikljucitvijo dezele k Italiji je bil porusen
gospodarski sistem, na katerem je slonel stoletni
razvoj in napredek. Nove drzavne meje so postavile
meje tudi gospodarstvu. Z novo razmejitvijo so bile
pretrgane zveze z zalednimi dezelami. Te spremembe
so povzrocile gospodarsko krizo. Kriza v dezelnem
gospodarstvu je povzrocila druzbeno krizo, ki se je
kazala v obubozanju kmeta, brezposelnosti in
izseljevanju. Izseljevanje Slovencev in Hrvatov je
znacilno za vse obdobje med vojnama. Pred prvo vojno
je bilo znacilno preseljevanje iz podezelja v bliznja
mesta, po prvi vojni pa se je preusmerilo v tujino.
Izseljevanje pa se zdalec ni bilo zgolj
sociogospodarske narave, temvec je bilo v glavnem
posledica narodnega in politicnega Pritiska.
Kmalu po vojni so se izselili ljudje, ki so prisli
na Primorsko po sluzbeni poti: uradniki, zeleznicarji,
ucitelji. Izobrazence slovenske narodnosti je
italijanska oblast nacrtno izganjala preko meje v
Jugoslavijo, ces da so nevarni italijanskim interesom.
Mnogi pa so se umaknili pred negotovo politicno in
gospodarsko bodocnostjo. Izseljevanje Slovencev je
doseglo visek med splosno gospodarsko krizo in ob
istocasni zaostritvi fasisticnega totalitarnega rezima,
to je po letu 1926. Tedaj so bili prisiljeni oditi
politicni in kulturni delavci, ucitelji in uradniki,
brezposelni delavci ter kmetje, ki jim je posestvo
prislo na boben. Znacilno je bilo odhajanje kmeckih
deklet v notranjost Italije ali v tujino, zlasti v
Egipt. Poseben val spada v leto 1935, ko so bezali v
Jugoslavijo mozje in fantje, da so se izognili
mobilizaciji za vojno v Abisiniji. Pred drugo
svetovno vojno je bilo samo v Jugoslaviji nastetih
priblizno 70.000 Slovencev in Hrvatov iz Julijske
krajine, okoli 30.000 jih je bilo v Juzni Ameriki
(od tega 20.000 v Argentini), nad 5.000 pa v ostalih
evropskih dezelah. Na vsak nacin gre za izredno
visoke stevilke, ki ponovno dokazujejo vsestranski
pritisk, ki ga je izvajal fasizem nad slovanskim
prebivalstvom v Julijski krajini. Na drugi strani
pa so se iz notranjosti Italije doseljevali predvsem
funkcionarji, policisti, fasisticni milicniki,
oficirji, ucitelji, zdravniki, uradniki itd. Leta
1931 je stevilo priseljenih Italijanov znasalo okrog
130.000.
Italijanske oblasti so prisle v nase kraje
nepripravljene na srecanje s prebivalstvom druge
narodnosti. Niso poznale okoliscin. Nadalje so bile
pod jasnim vplivom tradicionalne miselnosti
italijanskega mescanstva. Ravnale so se po
njihovem merilu. Tako so se najprej poostrili
policijski ukrepi, da bi odstranili vse, kar bi
utegnilo ogrozati t.i. �nacionalne interese�
italijanske drzave.
13. julija 1920 so fasisti zazgali Narodni dom v
Trstu, sedez osrednjih politicnih, kulturnih in
gospodarskih organizacij. Dva meseca po pozigu,
septembra 1920, je v Juljiski krajini izbruhnila
najvecja splosna stavka. Na eni strani so delavci
zahtevali odpravo izrednega okupacijskega rezima,
na drugi strani so hoteli prepreciti vzpon
fasisticnega gibanja, ki je po pozigu Narodnega
doma napadal tudi delavske sedeze. Neuspeh stavke
je okrepil nacionalisticne struje in dokoncno
postavil fasiste na celo vseh konservativnih sil.
Fasisticno nasilje se je nato v letu 1921 razvilo
v pravo ofenzivo, ki je trajala do prihoda fasistov
na oblast v oktobru 1922. Nadalje se je fasisticno
gibanje stevilcno toliko okrepilo, da je lahko
zacelo s splosnim terorjem. Mnozicna osnova
fasisticnega gibanja so bili ljudje iz srednjega
sloja, priseljenci iz Italije, demobilizirani
castniki in podcastniki, politicno nezgrajena
mladina. Financno so gibanje podpirali visoki
mescanski krogi. Uradna pest so bile oborozene
cete - squadre d'azione, ki so stele 30 do 50
moz. Najprej in najpogosteje so fasisti napadali
v mestih (Trst, Trzic, Pulj). Iz mest pa so
cete s tovornjaki odhajale na podezelje, v
slovenske in hrvaske vasi, kjer so nastopale
kot kazenske vojaske ekspedicije. Visek je
fasisticni teror dosegel med volilno kampanjo
aprila in maja 1921. Po podatkih italijanskih
zgodovinarjev je bilo do konca leta 1921 v
Julijski krajini pozganih ah razdejanih 134
zgradb, med temi kar 100 sedezev kulturnih
drustev slovenske narodnjaske in komunisticne
smeri, 21 delavskih domov in tri zadruge.
Oblastveni organi, generalni civilni komisariat,
vojaska poveljstva, policijski komisarji,
karabinjerji so fasiste podpirali.
Fasisticno nasilje je znacilno za vso Italijo.
V Julijski krajini pa je bilo hujse, saj je
bilo naperjeno proti dvojnemu nasprotniku:
proti slovenskohrvaski narodni skupnosti in
proti delavskemu gibanju. Porast fasisticnega
gibanja je omogocilo vec dejavnikov:
protidemokraticna in nacionalisticna usmerjenost
italijanskega mescanstva, nesposobnost naprednih
sil delavskega razreda, podpora oblasti fasizmu,
globoka gospodarska kriza. Kakor je bila
sociogospodarska podrejenost Slovencev in
Hrvatov pogoj za razvoj komunizma, tako sta
bila nacionalna zanesenost in pravi sovinizem
vzvod za uspeh fasizma. Od tod izvira enacenje
fasizma z italijanstvom, komunizma pa s
slovenstvom. Razredni spopadi med fasizmom
in komunizmom so spodbujali stare nacionalne
spore med Slovenci in Italijani. V tem spopadu
je fasizem v Julijski krajini videl obrambo
italijanskih nacionalnih interesov, zato je boj
proti delavskemu gibanju imel izraziti znacaj
boja proti narodnemu razvoju slovanske skupnosti.
Fasizem se je imel za nekaksnega uradnega
predstavnika italijanstva v teh krajih, ki jih
je hotela Italija poitalijanciti. To �poslanstvo�
je postalo pravi mit in istocasno politika
italijanske drzave.
28. oktobra 1922 je fasisticna stranka s t.i.
�pohodom na Rim� prevzela oblast v drzavi.
Prihod fasistov na oblast v Julijski krajini
ni pomenil bistvene prelomnice, saj je fasizem
ze pred tem obvladoval polozaj. Fasisticna vlada
je do konca leta 1926 odpravila demokraticne
oblike drzavne ureditve in uvedla totalitarni
fasisticni rezim, ki ga je vzdrzevala z nasiljem.
V okviru splosnih sprememb predstavlja ravnanje
s slovensko-hrvasko narodno skupnostjo posebno
poglavje v zgodovini fasizma.
Pod fasisticno vladavino pa raznarodovalna
politika ni vec dezelna posebnost, temvec sestavni
del drzavne italijanske fasisticne politike o
nasilni asimilaciji neitalijanskega prebivalstva.
Temeljila je na nacionalisticno-imperialisticnem
pojmovanju, da so Slovani manjvredni.
Poleg izrednih zakonov, ki so prizadeli vso napredno
italijansko javnost, so bili za obstanek slovenske
in hrvaske skupnosti usodni sklepi tajnikov
fasisticne stranke iz obmejnih pokrajin, sprejeti
na konferenci v Trstu 12. junija 1927. Sklepe so
uradno potrdili pokrajinski prefekti in sam Mussolini.
Konferenca fasisticnih kolovodij je ugotovila, da
so �slovanski ucitelji, slovanski duhovniki,
slovanska drustva in drugo anahronizem in anomalija
v dezeli, ki je bila anektirana�. Iz te ugotovitve
je izvirala zahteva, da se obmejne pokrajine naglo
vsestransko poitalijancijo, da se odpravijo se
zadnji razredi sol, zadnja drustva, slovenski tisk
itd. in da postane slovenski jezik le narecje, ki
naj bi se pod vplivom italijanskih mest spremenil
v �italijansko narecje�.
Nacrt o totalni fasizaciji in raznaroditvi Slovencev
iz leta 1927 je bil le krona osemletnega delovanja
v tej smeri ali milostni strel ze prej krepko
zatrtim slovanskim narodnim organizmom.
Fasisticni totalitarni rezim, ki je nastal in se
vzdrzeval z nasiljem, je vzbudil odpor naprednih
sil v Italiji in jim vsilil posebne metode boja.
Ce so posebne metode boja veljale za italijanske
protifasiste, so tembolj veljale za slovensko-
hrvasko narodnostno skupnost, saj jo je fasisticna
diktatura prizadela z dvojno mero. Vsestranski
pritisk in nacelno nasilje sta porodila radikalne
oblike odpora in boja. Najbolj pomembno pa je
dejstvo, da je fasizem vzbudil odpor vseh plasti
slovenskega prebivalstva. Protifasisticni odpor
primorskih Slovencev se je v glavnem razvijal
preko dveh ilegalnih politicnih organizacij:
komunisticne in narodno-revolucionarne.
Komunisticno organizacijo v Julijski krajini so po
uveljavitvi fasisticnih izrednih zakonov prizadele
se tezje izgube kakor narodnjasko gibanje. Od
nastopa fasizma je bila dejansko v polilegali ter
glavna tarca nasilja. Po emigraciji in konfinaciji
voditeljev so stopili na njihova mesta mlajsi
komunisti. Organizacija je vkljucevala clane
vec narodnosti: italijanske, slovenske in hrvaske.
Njihovo stevilo je nenehoma nihalo zaradi aretacij
in emigracije, zato ga ni mogoce zatrdno ugotoviti.
Stranka je v ilegali organizirala sindikalno
organizacijo, ustanavljala posebne protifasisticne
odbore, vzdrzevala �rdeco pomoc� za zrtve fasizma.
Glasilo komunisticnih idej med Slovenci je bilo
Delo, ki so ga primorski komunisti po letu 1926
razmnozevali ilegalno: v letih 1927 in 1928 v
predmestju Gorice, leta 1929 v Ljubljani, v letih
1933-35 pri Rencah in pri Volcji Dragi, v letih
1937-1940 pa pri Zgoniku in Divaci. Komunisticna
dejavnost je bila poleg organizacijskega utrjevanja
v glavnem usmerjena na razsirjanje revolucionarnih
in protifasisticnih idej za mobilizacijo delovnih
mnozic.
Za komunisticno organizacijo v Julijski krajini je
bilo bistveno razmerje do nacionalnega vprasanja
slovensko-hrvaske narodnostne skupnosti in s tem v
zvezi odnos do slovenskega narodnjaskega gibanja.
V prvi dobi po ustanovitvi (1921-1926) se
komunisticna stranka z vprasanjem narodnih manjsin
ni posebei ukvarjala. Priznavala je splosno
pravico in nacelo o pravici narodov do samoodlocbe.
Resitev nacionalnega vprasanja je videla samo v
zmagi proletarske revolucije. Po letu 1924 so
slovenski komunisti ugotavijali, da je mogoce
obdrzati in poglobiti vpliv na mnozice le, ce
bo stranka zastopala zahteve narodne manjsine in
ce bo boj za socialne pravice povezovala z bojem
za narodne pravice. Hkrati je skupina mlajsih
komunistov nakazala resitev narodnega vprasanja
po leninisticnih nacelih: svobodna samoodlocba
Slovencev in Hrvatov do odcepitve od Italije in
ustanovitev delavsko-kmeckih republik, povezanih
v federacijo balkanskih republik. To nacelo je
sprejel tretji kongres Komunisticne stranke Italije
januarja 1926, ko je med nosilce revolucije uvrstil
tudi zatirane narodne manjsine. Odtlej se stranka
temu nacelu ni vec odrekla. V tridesetih letih
se je stranka zacela zavzemati za enotno fronto
vseh plasti slovenskega prebivalstva. Izhodisce
za enotnost je bil boj proti fasizmu.
Do leta 1930 je bila obcutna dejavnost ilegalne
narodnorevolucionarne organizacije BORBA, ki jo je
ustanovila napredna narodnjaska mladina. Menila je,
da se je treba s fasizmom spoprijeti s silo.
Narodnorevolucionarna organizacija BORBA se je
razvila po letu 1927, to je po razpustu vseh drustev.
Koncni cilj organizacije je bila prikljucitev
primorskih Slovencev in istrskih Hrvatov k
Jugoslaviji. Njen akcijski program je bil: z
nasilnimi dejanji proti fasisticnim raznarodovalnim
ustanovam opozoriti svetovno javnost na vprasanje
narodnostnih skupnosti v Italiji in tako ustrahovati
nosilce raznarodovalne politike; med mnozicami
siriti propagando, da je moznost odpora; siriti
sovrastvo do fasizma; preprecevati sodelovanje
narodnih odpadnikov. Boj za narodni obstanek je
povezovala z bojem za socialno pravicnost. V skladu
s tem programom organizacija ni izbirala sredstev.
Konkretne akcije so zbujale pozornost in simpatije
sirsih mnozic. Oblasti v vecini primerov izvajalcev
niso odkrile, ceprav so zaprli veliko stevilo ljudi.
Do prvih hujsih ukrepov je prislo v letu 1929, koje
policija prijela skupino narodnih revolucionarjev v
Istri. Od 14. do 17. oktobra 1929 je bil sodni
proces v Pulju pred posebnim fasisticnim sodiscem,
ki se je koncal z ustrelitvijo Vladimirja Gortana.
Organizacijo v slovenskem delu Julijske krajine so
odkrili spomladi 1930 po razstrelitvi uredniskih
prostorov fasisticnega glasila "Il Popolo di Trieste".
Od 1. do 5. septembra 1930 se je vrsil pred posebnim
fasisticnim sodiscem prvi trzaski proces. Na tem
procesu so bili stirje junaki-voditelji Ferdo Bidovec,
Franjo Marusic, Zvonimir Milos in Alojz Valencic
obsojeni na smrt in 6. septembra ustreljeni na gmajni
pri Bazovici. Takrat je organizacija BORBA prenehala
obstajati. Smrtne obsodbe pa so nasprotno rodile
drugacne posledice, kot jih je pricakovala fasisticna
oblast.
Po letu 1930 je komunisticna stranka Italije
usklajevala delovanje s stalisci jugoslovanskih
komunistov. Na posvetovanju predstavnikov obeh strank
januarja 1930 so bila dolocena enotna akcijska gesla.
Tedaj je bilo sklenjeno, da postane casopis Delo
glasilo obeh strank za Slovence v Italiji in
Jugoslaviji. Delo je izhajalo v letih 1930-35 kot
skupno glasilo ter je posvecalo posebno pozornost
slovenskemu narodnemu vprasanju. Aprila 1934 pa so
tri komunisticne stranke (Avstrije, Italije in
Jugoslavije) sprejele skupno izjavo o resitvi
slovenskega narodnega vprasanja. Izjavile so, da ne
priznavajo nasilnega razkosanja slovenskega naroda,
zato bodo podpirale pravico Slovencev do samoodlocbe.
To je bil nov kvaliteten korak v narodni politiki.
Za slovenske komuniste v vseh teh drzavah je izjava
pomenila zacetek novega obdobja, ki je vodilo v
oborozen narodnoosvobodilni boj pod geslom zdruzene
in neodvisne Slovenije. Tristranska izjava je bila
sprejeta v trenutku, ko je stopala v ospredje nova
doba v razvoju delavskega gibanja: doba povezovanja
vseh demokraticnih sil v svetu v ljudsko Fronto za
boj proti fasizmu.
Tako je bil v januarju 1936 sprejet pakt o akcijski
enotnosti med komunisti in narodno-revolucionarno
organizacijo TIGR. Obe strani sta se nadalje
zavezali, da ustvarita slovensko in hrvasko ljudsko
fronto in jo povezeta z italijansko ljudsko fronto.
To je bil prvi sporazum, ki ga je italijanska
partija sklenila z neko nedelavsko organizacijo.
Bil pa je le logicna posledica dotedanjega razvoja.
Aktivnost komunisticne in narodnorevolucionarne
organizacije se je zrcalila v razpolozenju mnozic.
Protifasizem med Slovenci v Julijski krajini je
bil splosen pojav. Po razpustu vseh kulturnih,
gospodarskih, sportnih, podpornih, mladinskih in
drugih slovenskih drustev se je dejavnost
nadaljevala v ilegali, na skrivaj po posameznih
domovih, na izletih ali v cerkvah. Vsaka slovenska
hisa je postala sola, vsaka cerkev oder za
slovensko besedo in pesem. Slo je za zavestno
potrebo po narodni samoohranitvi. Tradicionalne
ideoloske razlike med katolisko in liberalno
usmerjenimi so se v ilegali na podezelju skoraj
izbrisale. To pomeni, da je nastajalo enotno
narodno in protifasisticno gibanje. V Trstu in
Gorici se je narodno delovanje razvijalo po
tradiciji ukinjenih politicnih drustev,
liberalne in krscanskosocialne smeri.
Kakor se je protifasisticni znacaj mnozicnega
gibanja kazal navzven, je razvidno iz
italijanskih policijskih dokumentov. Pojavljale
so se slovenske in delavske zastave, napisi proti
fasizmu, letaki, ilegalni casopisi, javno
izrazanje protifasisticnega razpolozenja ipd.
Mnozica policijskih prijav zgovorno prica o
dejanjih, ki so se mnozila z blizajoco se vojno.
Represalije proti upornim Slovencem so bile ostre:
od opomina, svarila, policijskega nadzorstva in
konfinacije do obsodb pred posebnim (fasisticnim)
sodiscem za zascito drzave. Med leti 1927 in 1943
je bilo po nekaterih izracunih 131 sodnih
procesov proti 544 obtozencem slovenske in
hrvaske narodnosti. Na enega obsojenega
italijanskega protifasista je bilo obsojenih ali
obtozenih kar deset Slovencev ali Hrvatov.
Upostevati je treba, da navedeni podatki zajemajo
dobo 1927-1943, kar pomeni ze leta 1941-43, ko je
na Primorskem ze plamtel narodnoosvobodilni boj.
Na ta nacin se razlaga podatek, da je bilo izmed
42 smrtnih obsodb kar 33 izrecenih proti
Slovencem ali Hrvatom. Deset zivljenj je
fasisticno sodisce zahtevalo se pred pricetkom
oborozenega narodnoosvobodilnega boja.
S priblizevanjem svetovnega spopada je aktivnost
narascala na vseh podrocjih. V teh razgibanih
okoliscinah so imeli slovenski komunisti dobro
priloznost za ustvarjanje protifasisticne fronte.
Tega se je zavedal zlasti Pinko Tomazic. Po letu
1937 se je lotil sestave novega programa. Program
je vseboval zahtevo po neodvisni sovjetski
slovenski republiki, po zdruzitvi vseh naprednih
slovenskih sil v enotno protifasisticno fronto,
nadalje povezave te fronte z italijanskim
naprednim gibanjem. Te nacrte je s sodelavci
uresniceval v okviru ilegalne kulturne dejavnosti,
zlasti med trzasko in gorisko mladino. V letih
1939-1940 ze lahko govorimo o protifasisticni
fronti med Slovenci v Julijski krajini, kakor jo
je predvideval Tomazicev program. Obstajala je
delovna zveza med komunisticno, narodnoliberalno
in krscanskosocialno mladino, obstajala je zveza
med narodnimi revolucionarji in komunisti.
Sredi leta 1940 je fasisticna tajna policija OVRA
usodno posegla v razvijajoce se gibanje. Nasla je
devet skrivalisc orozja in razstreliva,
radiooddajno postajo, tri tiskarske centre, goro
ilegalne literature. Izmed 300 aretiranih je bilo
240 kaznovanih z opominom, policijskim nadzorstvom
ali internacijo. 60 najbolj odgovornih pa je
policija izrocila posebnemu sodiscu za zascito
drzave. Razdelila jih je na tri skupine: 26
komunistov, 12 narodnih revolucionarjev, 22
izobrazencev. Vsem skupaj pa je sodisce sodilo na
znanem drugem trzaskem procesu decembra 1941.
Celotno gibanje je imelo enoten cilj, ceprav
razvejano po raznih nazorih: vse to je razvidno
iz dokumentov. Cilj je bil: resitev jugoslovanske
narodne skupnosti izpod fasisticnega jarma. Cas
procesa, 2. - 14. december 1941, je bil ze cas
narodnoosvobodilnega boja tudi na Primorskem. Z
ostrimi razsodbami je hotel fasisticni rezim
ustrahovati uporno prebivalstvo. 15. decembra 1941
so bili na streliscu na Opcinah usmrceni: komunist
Pinko Tomazic ter narodni revolucionarji Viktor
Bobek, Simon Kos, Ivan Ivancic, Ivan Vadnal. Tako
kot Vladimir Gortan in stirje junaki, ustreljeni v
Bazovici, so postali simbol boja primorskih
Slovencev za osvoboditev, simbol protifasisticnega
boja.
Ustanovitev Osvobodilne fronte slovenskega naroda
v aprilu 1941 je pomenila zacetek vseslovenskega
oborozenega narodnoosvobodilnega boja. Ta boj se
je na Primorskem zacel hkrati kot v ostalih
slovenskih pokrajinah. Temeljni cilji so bili
isti: izgon okupatorjev, zdruzitev vseh Slovencev,
socialna preobrazba slovenskega naroda.
Osvobodilna fronta se na Primorskem v letu 1941
ne bi mogla tako hitro razviti, ce ne bi bilo tako
mocnega protifasisticnega gibanja v obdobju med
obema vojnama. Narodnoosvobodilno gibanje je bilo
logicno nadaljevanje protifasisticnega gibanja.
Osvobodilna fronta predstavlja sklepno obdobje
protifasisticnega gibanja, ki je privedlo do
osvoboditve v maju 1945 ter do poraza fasizma.
Ko se spominjamo navedenih dogodkov, se seveda
povezemo na sedanjost. Poznavanje nase zgodovine
nam omogoca, da se istocasno soocamo s preteklimi
in sedanjimi problemi slovenske narodnostne
skupnosti v Italiji. Sedaj gre za resnicno
enakopravnost in sozitje z vecinskim narodom.
Soudelezba na spominskih svecanostih,
manifestacijah, ki so vezane na obdobje
protifasisticnega in narodnoosvobodilnega boja,
nam omogoca primerjavo med preteklostjo in
sedanjostjo. To pomeni tudi utrjevanje narodne
pripadnosti in zavesti, vendar na podlagi
sporazumevanja z demokraticnim delom vecinskega
italijanskega naroda. Zavedati se moramo, da ne
proslavljamo le obletnic, temvec nekaj globoko
cutenega, ki je zasidrano v srcu naroda. Vso to
dediscino si mora prisvojiti mladina in jo nato
predati novemu rodu. Tako bo se enkrat dokazano,
da vse dosedanje zrtve niso bile zaman. Stopamo
po poti, ki so nam jo zacrtali padli tovarisi.
Istocasno se zavedamo, da je pot, ki je pred
nami tezka, vendar ima jasne cilje. Za vzor naj
nam bodo zivljenje, delo in ideali tovarisev, ki
so dali svoja zivljenja za boljsi jutri, za
svobodo, za zmago nad mracnimi silami clovestva.
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PARTIZANSKEGA PEVSKEGA ZBORA PO STIRIH
BAZOVISKIH JUNAKIH:
BIDOVEC - MARUSIC - MILOS - VALENCIC
Trst, 24. april 1988
Primorsko ozemije, ki ga je novembra 1918 zasedla
italijanska vojska in je bilo januarja 1921 z rapalsko
pogodbo prikljuceno k Italiji, se je v razdobju
med obema vojnama imenovalo Julijska krajina -
Venezia Giulia. Od 1924 dalje je tudi Reka pripadala
Italiji.
Po nekaterih ocenah je po prvi svetovni vojni pripadlo
Italiji okrog 550.000 Slovencev in Hrvatov, od tega
nad 300.000 Slovencev, kar je v tistem obdobju
pomenilo skoraj tretjino slovenskega naroda.
S prikljucitvijo dezele k Italiji je bil porusen
gospodarski sistem, na katerem je slonel stoletni
razvoj in napredek. Nove drzavne meje so postavile
meje tudi gospodarstvu. Z novo razmejitvijo so bile
pretrgane zveze z zalednimi dezelami. Te spremembe
so povzrocile gospodarsko krizo. Kriza v dezelnem
gospodarstvu je povzrocila druzbeno krizo, ki se je
kazala v obubozanju kmeta, brezposelnosti in
izseljevanju. Izseljevanje Slovencev in Hrvatov je
znacilno za vse obdobje med vojnama. Pred prvo vojno
je bilo znacilno preseljevanje iz podezelja v bliznja
mesta, po prvi vojni pa se je preusmerilo v tujino.
Izseljevanje pa se zdalec ni bilo zgolj
sociogospodarske narave, temvec je bilo v glavnem
posledica narodnega in politicnega Pritiska.
Kmalu po vojni so se izselili ljudje, ki so prisli
na Primorsko po sluzbeni poti: uradniki, zeleznicarji,
ucitelji. Izobrazence slovenske narodnosti je
italijanska oblast nacrtno izganjala preko meje v
Jugoslavijo, ces da so nevarni italijanskim interesom.
Mnogi pa so se umaknili pred negotovo politicno in
gospodarsko bodocnostjo. Izseljevanje Slovencev je
doseglo visek med splosno gospodarsko krizo in ob
istocasni zaostritvi fasisticnega totalitarnega rezima,
to je po letu 1926. Tedaj so bili prisiljeni oditi
politicni in kulturni delavci, ucitelji in uradniki,
brezposelni delavci ter kmetje, ki jim je posestvo
prislo na boben. Znacilno je bilo odhajanje kmeckih
deklet v notranjost Italije ali v tujino, zlasti v
Egipt. Poseben val spada v leto 1935, ko so bezali v
Jugoslavijo mozje in fantje, da so se izognili
mobilizaciji za vojno v Abisiniji. Pred drugo
svetovno vojno je bilo samo v Jugoslaviji nastetih
priblizno 70.000 Slovencev in Hrvatov iz Julijske
krajine, okoli 30.000 jih je bilo v Juzni Ameriki
(od tega 20.000 v Argentini), nad 5.000 pa v ostalih
evropskih dezelah. Na vsak nacin gre za izredno
visoke stevilke, ki ponovno dokazujejo vsestranski
pritisk, ki ga je izvajal fasizem nad slovanskim
prebivalstvom v Julijski krajini. Na drugi strani
pa so se iz notranjosti Italije doseljevali predvsem
funkcionarji, policisti, fasisticni milicniki,
oficirji, ucitelji, zdravniki, uradniki itd. Leta
1931 je stevilo priseljenih Italijanov znasalo okrog
130.000.
Italijanske oblasti so prisle v nase kraje
nepripravljene na srecanje s prebivalstvom druge
narodnosti. Niso poznale okoliscin. Nadalje so bile
pod jasnim vplivom tradicionalne miselnosti
italijanskega mescanstva. Ravnale so se po
njihovem merilu. Tako so se najprej poostrili
policijski ukrepi, da bi odstranili vse, kar bi
utegnilo ogrozati t.i. �nacionalne interese�
italijanske drzave.
13. julija 1920 so fasisti zazgali Narodni dom v
Trstu, sedez osrednjih politicnih, kulturnih in
gospodarskih organizacij. Dva meseca po pozigu,
septembra 1920, je v Juljiski krajini izbruhnila
najvecja splosna stavka. Na eni strani so delavci
zahtevali odpravo izrednega okupacijskega rezima,
na drugi strani so hoteli prepreciti vzpon
fasisticnega gibanja, ki je po pozigu Narodnega
doma napadal tudi delavske sedeze. Neuspeh stavke
je okrepil nacionalisticne struje in dokoncno
postavil fasiste na celo vseh konservativnih sil.
Fasisticno nasilje se je nato v letu 1921 razvilo
v pravo ofenzivo, ki je trajala do prihoda fasistov
na oblast v oktobru 1922. Nadalje se je fasisticno
gibanje stevilcno toliko okrepilo, da je lahko
zacelo s splosnim terorjem. Mnozicna osnova
fasisticnega gibanja so bili ljudje iz srednjega
sloja, priseljenci iz Italije, demobilizirani
castniki in podcastniki, politicno nezgrajena
mladina. Financno so gibanje podpirali visoki
mescanski krogi. Uradna pest so bile oborozene
cete - squadre d'azione, ki so stele 30 do 50
moz. Najprej in najpogosteje so fasisti napadali
v mestih (Trst, Trzic, Pulj). Iz mest pa so
cete s tovornjaki odhajale na podezelje, v
slovenske in hrvaske vasi, kjer so nastopale
kot kazenske vojaske ekspedicije. Visek je
fasisticni teror dosegel med volilno kampanjo
aprila in maja 1921. Po podatkih italijanskih
zgodovinarjev je bilo do konca leta 1921 v
Julijski krajini pozganih ah razdejanih 134
zgradb, med temi kar 100 sedezev kulturnih
drustev slovenske narodnjaske in komunisticne
smeri, 21 delavskih domov in tri zadruge.
Oblastveni organi, generalni civilni komisariat,
vojaska poveljstva, policijski komisarji,
karabinjerji so fasiste podpirali.
Fasisticno nasilje je znacilno za vso Italijo.
V Julijski krajini pa je bilo hujse, saj je
bilo naperjeno proti dvojnemu nasprotniku:
proti slovenskohrvaski narodni skupnosti in
proti delavskemu gibanju. Porast fasisticnega
gibanja je omogocilo vec dejavnikov:
protidemokraticna in nacionalisticna usmerjenost
italijanskega mescanstva, nesposobnost naprednih
sil delavskega razreda, podpora oblasti fasizmu,
globoka gospodarska kriza. Kakor je bila
sociogospodarska podrejenost Slovencev in
Hrvatov pogoj za razvoj komunizma, tako sta
bila nacionalna zanesenost in pravi sovinizem
vzvod za uspeh fasizma. Od tod izvira enacenje
fasizma z italijanstvom, komunizma pa s
slovenstvom. Razredni spopadi med fasizmom
in komunizmom so spodbujali stare nacionalne
spore med Slovenci in Italijani. V tem spopadu
je fasizem v Julijski krajini videl obrambo
italijanskih nacionalnih interesov, zato je boj
proti delavskemu gibanju imel izraziti znacaj
boja proti narodnemu razvoju slovanske skupnosti.
Fasizem se je imel za nekaksnega uradnega
predstavnika italijanstva v teh krajih, ki jih
je hotela Italija poitalijanciti. To �poslanstvo�
je postalo pravi mit in istocasno politika
italijanske drzave.
28. oktobra 1922 je fasisticna stranka s t.i.
�pohodom na Rim� prevzela oblast v drzavi.
Prihod fasistov na oblast v Julijski krajini
ni pomenil bistvene prelomnice, saj je fasizem
ze pred tem obvladoval polozaj. Fasisticna vlada
je do konca leta 1926 odpravila demokraticne
oblike drzavne ureditve in uvedla totalitarni
fasisticni rezim, ki ga je vzdrzevala z nasiljem.
V okviru splosnih sprememb predstavlja ravnanje
s slovensko-hrvasko narodno skupnostjo posebno
poglavje v zgodovini fasizma.
Pod fasisticno vladavino pa raznarodovalna
politika ni vec dezelna posebnost, temvec sestavni
del drzavne italijanske fasisticne politike o
nasilni asimilaciji neitalijanskega prebivalstva.
Temeljila je na nacionalisticno-imperialisticnem
pojmovanju, da so Slovani manjvredni.
Poleg izrednih zakonov, ki so prizadeli vso napredno
italijansko javnost, so bili za obstanek slovenske
in hrvaske skupnosti usodni sklepi tajnikov
fasisticne stranke iz obmejnih pokrajin, sprejeti
na konferenci v Trstu 12. junija 1927. Sklepe so
uradno potrdili pokrajinski prefekti in sam Mussolini.
Konferenca fasisticnih kolovodij je ugotovila, da
so �slovanski ucitelji, slovanski duhovniki,
slovanska drustva in drugo anahronizem in anomalija
v dezeli, ki je bila anektirana�. Iz te ugotovitve
je izvirala zahteva, da se obmejne pokrajine naglo
vsestransko poitalijancijo, da se odpravijo se
zadnji razredi sol, zadnja drustva, slovenski tisk
itd. in da postane slovenski jezik le narecje, ki
naj bi se pod vplivom italijanskih mest spremenil
v �italijansko narecje�.
Nacrt o totalni fasizaciji in raznaroditvi Slovencev
iz leta 1927 je bil le krona osemletnega delovanja
v tej smeri ali milostni strel ze prej krepko
zatrtim slovanskim narodnim organizmom.
Fasisticni totalitarni rezim, ki je nastal in se
vzdrzeval z nasiljem, je vzbudil odpor naprednih
sil v Italiji in jim vsilil posebne metode boja.
Ce so posebne metode boja veljale za italijanske
protifasiste, so tembolj veljale za slovensko-
hrvasko narodnostno skupnost, saj jo je fasisticna
diktatura prizadela z dvojno mero. Vsestranski
pritisk in nacelno nasilje sta porodila radikalne
oblike odpora in boja. Najbolj pomembno pa je
dejstvo, da je fasizem vzbudil odpor vseh plasti
slovenskega prebivalstva. Protifasisticni odpor
primorskih Slovencev se je v glavnem razvijal
preko dveh ilegalnih politicnih organizacij:
komunisticne in narodno-revolucionarne.
Komunisticno organizacijo v Julijski krajini so po
uveljavitvi fasisticnih izrednih zakonov prizadele
se tezje izgube kakor narodnjasko gibanje. Od
nastopa fasizma je bila dejansko v polilegali ter
glavna tarca nasilja. Po emigraciji in konfinaciji
voditeljev so stopili na njihova mesta mlajsi
komunisti. Organizacija je vkljucevala clane
vec narodnosti: italijanske, slovenske in hrvaske.
Njihovo stevilo je nenehoma nihalo zaradi aretacij
in emigracije, zato ga ni mogoce zatrdno ugotoviti.
Stranka je v ilegali organizirala sindikalno
organizacijo, ustanavljala posebne protifasisticne
odbore, vzdrzevala �rdeco pomoc� za zrtve fasizma.
Glasilo komunisticnih idej med Slovenci je bilo
Delo, ki so ga primorski komunisti po letu 1926
razmnozevali ilegalno: v letih 1927 in 1928 v
predmestju Gorice, leta 1929 v Ljubljani, v letih
1933-35 pri Rencah in pri Volcji Dragi, v letih
1937-1940 pa pri Zgoniku in Divaci. Komunisticna
dejavnost je bila poleg organizacijskega utrjevanja
v glavnem usmerjena na razsirjanje revolucionarnih
in protifasisticnih idej za mobilizacijo delovnih
mnozic.
Za komunisticno organizacijo v Julijski krajini je
bilo bistveno razmerje do nacionalnega vprasanja
slovensko-hrvaske narodnostne skupnosti in s tem v
zvezi odnos do slovenskega narodnjaskega gibanja.
V prvi dobi po ustanovitvi (1921-1926) se
komunisticna stranka z vprasanjem narodnih manjsin
ni posebei ukvarjala. Priznavala je splosno
pravico in nacelo o pravici narodov do samoodlocbe.
Resitev nacionalnega vprasanja je videla samo v
zmagi proletarske revolucije. Po letu 1924 so
slovenski komunisti ugotavijali, da je mogoce
obdrzati in poglobiti vpliv na mnozice le, ce
bo stranka zastopala zahteve narodne manjsine in
ce bo boj za socialne pravice povezovala z bojem
za narodne pravice. Hkrati je skupina mlajsih
komunistov nakazala resitev narodnega vprasanja
po leninisticnih nacelih: svobodna samoodlocba
Slovencev in Hrvatov do odcepitve od Italije in
ustanovitev delavsko-kmeckih republik, povezanih
v federacijo balkanskih republik. To nacelo je
sprejel tretji kongres Komunisticne stranke Italije
januarja 1926, ko je med nosilce revolucije uvrstil
tudi zatirane narodne manjsine. Odtlej se stranka
temu nacelu ni vec odrekla. V tridesetih letih
se je stranka zacela zavzemati za enotno fronto
vseh plasti slovenskega prebivalstva. Izhodisce
za enotnost je bil boj proti fasizmu.
Do leta 1930 je bila obcutna dejavnost ilegalne
narodnorevolucionarne organizacije BORBA, ki jo je
ustanovila napredna narodnjaska mladina. Menila je,
da se je treba s fasizmom spoprijeti s silo.
Narodnorevolucionarna organizacija BORBA se je
razvila po letu 1927, to je po razpustu vseh drustev.
Koncni cilj organizacije je bila prikljucitev
primorskih Slovencev in istrskih Hrvatov k
Jugoslaviji. Njen akcijski program je bil: z
nasilnimi dejanji proti fasisticnim raznarodovalnim
ustanovam opozoriti svetovno javnost na vprasanje
narodnostnih skupnosti v Italiji in tako ustrahovati
nosilce raznarodovalne politike; med mnozicami
siriti propagando, da je moznost odpora; siriti
sovrastvo do fasizma; preprecevati sodelovanje
narodnih odpadnikov. Boj za narodni obstanek je
povezovala z bojem za socialno pravicnost. V skladu
s tem programom organizacija ni izbirala sredstev.
Konkretne akcije so zbujale pozornost in simpatije
sirsih mnozic. Oblasti v vecini primerov izvajalcev
niso odkrile, ceprav so zaprli veliko stevilo ljudi.
Do prvih hujsih ukrepov je prislo v letu 1929, koje
policija prijela skupino narodnih revolucionarjev v
Istri. Od 14. do 17. oktobra 1929 je bil sodni
proces v Pulju pred posebnim fasisticnim sodiscem,
ki se je koncal z ustrelitvijo Vladimirja Gortana.
Organizacijo v slovenskem delu Julijske krajine so
odkrili spomladi 1930 po razstrelitvi uredniskih
prostorov fasisticnega glasila "Il Popolo di Trieste".
Od 1. do 5. septembra 1930 se je vrsil pred posebnim
fasisticnim sodiscem prvi trzaski proces. Na tem
procesu so bili stirje junaki-voditelji Ferdo Bidovec,
Franjo Marusic, Zvonimir Milos in Alojz Valencic
obsojeni na smrt in 6. septembra ustreljeni na gmajni
pri Bazovici. Takrat je organizacija BORBA prenehala
obstajati. Smrtne obsodbe pa so nasprotno rodile
drugacne posledice, kot jih je pricakovala fasisticna
oblast.
Po letu 1930 je komunisticna stranka Italije
usklajevala delovanje s stalisci jugoslovanskih
komunistov. Na posvetovanju predstavnikov obeh strank
januarja 1930 so bila dolocena enotna akcijska gesla.
Tedaj je bilo sklenjeno, da postane casopis Delo
glasilo obeh strank za Slovence v Italiji in
Jugoslaviji. Delo je izhajalo v letih 1930-35 kot
skupno glasilo ter je posvecalo posebno pozornost
slovenskemu narodnemu vprasanju. Aprila 1934 pa so
tri komunisticne stranke (Avstrije, Italije in
Jugoslavije) sprejele skupno izjavo o resitvi
slovenskega narodnega vprasanja. Izjavile so, da ne
priznavajo nasilnega razkosanja slovenskega naroda,
zato bodo podpirale pravico Slovencev do samoodlocbe.
To je bil nov kvaliteten korak v narodni politiki.
Za slovenske komuniste v vseh teh drzavah je izjava
pomenila zacetek novega obdobja, ki je vodilo v
oborozen narodnoosvobodilni boj pod geslom zdruzene
in neodvisne Slovenije. Tristranska izjava je bila
sprejeta v trenutku, ko je stopala v ospredje nova
doba v razvoju delavskega gibanja: doba povezovanja
vseh demokraticnih sil v svetu v ljudsko Fronto za
boj proti fasizmu.
Tako je bil v januarju 1936 sprejet pakt o akcijski
enotnosti med komunisti in narodno-revolucionarno
organizacijo TIGR. Obe strani sta se nadalje
zavezali, da ustvarita slovensko in hrvasko ljudsko
fronto in jo povezeta z italijansko ljudsko fronto.
To je bil prvi sporazum, ki ga je italijanska
partija sklenila z neko nedelavsko organizacijo.
Bil pa je le logicna posledica dotedanjega razvoja.
Aktivnost komunisticne in narodnorevolucionarne
organizacije se je zrcalila v razpolozenju mnozic.
Protifasizem med Slovenci v Julijski krajini je
bil splosen pojav. Po razpustu vseh kulturnih,
gospodarskih, sportnih, podpornih, mladinskih in
drugih slovenskih drustev se je dejavnost
nadaljevala v ilegali, na skrivaj po posameznih
domovih, na izletih ali v cerkvah. Vsaka slovenska
hisa je postala sola, vsaka cerkev oder za
slovensko besedo in pesem. Slo je za zavestno
potrebo po narodni samoohranitvi. Tradicionalne
ideoloske razlike med katolisko in liberalno
usmerjenimi so se v ilegali na podezelju skoraj
izbrisale. To pomeni, da je nastajalo enotno
narodno in protifasisticno gibanje. V Trstu in
Gorici se je narodno delovanje razvijalo po
tradiciji ukinjenih politicnih drustev,
liberalne in krscanskosocialne smeri.
Kakor se je protifasisticni znacaj mnozicnega
gibanja kazal navzven, je razvidno iz
italijanskih policijskih dokumentov. Pojavljale
so se slovenske in delavske zastave, napisi proti
fasizmu, letaki, ilegalni casopisi, javno
izrazanje protifasisticnega razpolozenja ipd.
Mnozica policijskih prijav zgovorno prica o
dejanjih, ki so se mnozila z blizajoco se vojno.
Represalije proti upornim Slovencem so bile ostre:
od opomina, svarila, policijskega nadzorstva in
konfinacije do obsodb pred posebnim (fasisticnim)
sodiscem za zascito drzave. Med leti 1927 in 1943
je bilo po nekaterih izracunih 131 sodnih
procesov proti 544 obtozencem slovenske in
hrvaske narodnosti. Na enega obsojenega
italijanskega protifasista je bilo obsojenih ali
obtozenih kar deset Slovencev ali Hrvatov.
Upostevati je treba, da navedeni podatki zajemajo
dobo 1927-1943, kar pomeni ze leta 1941-43, ko je
na Primorskem ze plamtel narodnoosvobodilni boj.
Na ta nacin se razlaga podatek, da je bilo izmed
42 smrtnih obsodb kar 33 izrecenih proti
Slovencem ali Hrvatom. Deset zivljenj je
fasisticno sodisce zahtevalo se pred pricetkom
oborozenega narodnoosvobodilnega boja.
S priblizevanjem svetovnega spopada je aktivnost
narascala na vseh podrocjih. V teh razgibanih
okoliscinah so imeli slovenski komunisti dobro
priloznost za ustvarjanje protifasisticne fronte.
Tega se je zavedal zlasti Pinko Tomazic. Po letu
1937 se je lotil sestave novega programa. Program
je vseboval zahtevo po neodvisni sovjetski
slovenski republiki, po zdruzitvi vseh naprednih
slovenskih sil v enotno protifasisticno fronto,
nadalje povezave te fronte z italijanskim
naprednim gibanjem. Te nacrte je s sodelavci
uresniceval v okviru ilegalne kulturne dejavnosti,
zlasti med trzasko in gorisko mladino. V letih
1939-1940 ze lahko govorimo o protifasisticni
fronti med Slovenci v Julijski krajini, kakor jo
je predvideval Tomazicev program. Obstajala je
delovna zveza med komunisticno, narodnoliberalno
in krscanskosocialno mladino, obstajala je zveza
med narodnimi revolucionarji in komunisti.
Sredi leta 1940 je fasisticna tajna policija OVRA
usodno posegla v razvijajoce se gibanje. Nasla je
devet skrivalisc orozja in razstreliva,
radiooddajno postajo, tri tiskarske centre, goro
ilegalne literature. Izmed 300 aretiranih je bilo
240 kaznovanih z opominom, policijskim nadzorstvom
ali internacijo. 60 najbolj odgovornih pa je
policija izrocila posebnemu sodiscu za zascito
drzave. Razdelila jih je na tri skupine: 26
komunistov, 12 narodnih revolucionarjev, 22
izobrazencev. Vsem skupaj pa je sodisce sodilo na
znanem drugem trzaskem procesu decembra 1941.
Celotno gibanje je imelo enoten cilj, ceprav
razvejano po raznih nazorih: vse to je razvidno
iz dokumentov. Cilj je bil: resitev jugoslovanske
narodne skupnosti izpod fasisticnega jarma. Cas
procesa, 2. - 14. december 1941, je bil ze cas
narodnoosvobodilnega boja tudi na Primorskem. Z
ostrimi razsodbami je hotel fasisticni rezim
ustrahovati uporno prebivalstvo. 15. decembra 1941
so bili na streliscu na Opcinah usmrceni: komunist
Pinko Tomazic ter narodni revolucionarji Viktor
Bobek, Simon Kos, Ivan Ivancic, Ivan Vadnal. Tako
kot Vladimir Gortan in stirje junaki, ustreljeni v
Bazovici, so postali simbol boja primorskih
Slovencev za osvoboditev, simbol protifasisticnega
boja.
Ustanovitev Osvobodilne fronte slovenskega naroda
v aprilu 1941 je pomenila zacetek vseslovenskega
oborozenega narodnoosvobodilnega boja. Ta boj se
je na Primorskem zacel hkrati kot v ostalih
slovenskih pokrajinah. Temeljni cilji so bili
isti: izgon okupatorjev, zdruzitev vseh Slovencev,
socialna preobrazba slovenskega naroda.
Osvobodilna fronta se na Primorskem v letu 1941
ne bi mogla tako hitro razviti, ce ne bi bilo tako
mocnega protifasisticnega gibanja v obdobju med
obema vojnama. Narodnoosvobodilno gibanje je bilo
logicno nadaljevanje protifasisticnega gibanja.
Osvobodilna fronta predstavlja sklepno obdobje
protifasisticnega gibanja, ki je privedlo do
osvoboditve v maju 1945 ter do poraza fasizma.
Ko se spominjamo navedenih dogodkov, se seveda
povezemo na sedanjost. Poznavanje nase zgodovine
nam omogoca, da se istocasno soocamo s preteklimi
in sedanjimi problemi slovenske narodnostne
skupnosti v Italiji. Sedaj gre za resnicno
enakopravnost in sozitje z vecinskim narodom.
Soudelezba na spominskih svecanostih,
manifestacijah, ki so vezane na obdobje
protifasisticnega in narodnoosvobodilnega boja,
nam omogoca primerjavo med preteklostjo in
sedanjostjo. To pomeni tudi utrjevanje narodne
pripadnosti in zavesti, vendar na podlagi
sporazumevanja z demokraticnim delom vecinskega
italijanskega naroda. Zavedati se moramo, da ne
proslavljamo le obletnic, temvec nekaj globoko
cutenega, ki je zasidrano v srcu naroda. Vso to
dediscino si mora prisvojiti mladina in jo nato
predati novemu rodu. Tako bo se enkrat dokazano,
da vse dosedanje zrtve niso bile zaman. Stopamo
po poti, ki so nam jo zacrtali padli tovarisi.
Istocasno se zavedamo, da je pot, ki je pred
nami tezka, vendar ima jasne cilje. Za vzor naj
nam bodo zivljenje, delo in ideali tovarisev, ki
so dali svoja zivljenja za boljsi jutri, za
svobodo, za zmago nad mracnimi silami clovestva.
---
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Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
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SOLDATI DELLA NATO IN PARTENZA:
VANNO IN MACEDONIA A FAR FINTA DI FARSI RESTITUIRE DAI TERRORISTI
LE ARMI CHE HANNO LORO PRESTATO PER DESTABILIZZARE IL PAESE
MACEDONIA: ARRIVA IN FORZE LA NATO TRA MOLTE INCOGNITE /ANSA
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 22 AGO - Da mezzogiorno di oggi e' partita
ufficialmente in Macedonia la missione della Nato che dovra' portare al
disarmo della guerriglia albanese. Con l'ordine di attivazione lanciato
da Tirana (dove si trovava in visita), il comandante supremo
dell'Alleanza atlantica per l'Europa, generale Joseph Ralston ha
avviato il dislocamento nell'ex republica jugoslava dei 3.500 uomini
che parteciperanno alla missione. L'arrivo del primo nucleo dei 700
soldati italiani che vi prenderanno parte e' atteso per venerdi'. La
raccolta delle armi potrebbe iniziare tra lunedi' e martedi' della
prossima settimana, e da quel momento decorreranno i 30 giorni entro i
quali il disarmo dovra' essere completato. La missione 'Raccolto
essenziale' ha ricevuto l'appoggio delle autorita' di Skopje e dei
guerriglieri albanesi, eppure le incognite che pesano sul suo
svolgimento sono ancora molte. Il comandante generale, Gunnar Lange,
oggi ha sentito il dovere di avvertire che ''se i nostri uomini
verranno attaccati, avranno l'ordine di rispondere al fuoco''. Con
altrettanta chiarezza Lange ha ricordato che in nessun modo i militari
della Nato interverranno in eventuali combattimenti che dovessero
scoppiare tra ribelli albanesi e forze di sicurezza macedoni. ''Il
percorso della pace e' ancora lungo e carico di ostacoli'', ha poi
riconosciuto il portavoce del ministero della Difesa macedone, Marjan
Gjurovski. La prima incognita e' costituita dalla presenza sul
territorio (in particolare nella regione nord occidentale di Tetovo) di
guerriglieri che rifiutano di consegnare le armi. L'organizzazione
paramilitare conosciuta come Ana (Armata nazionale albanese), che ha
respinto il piano di pace dissociandosi dal resto del movimento armato,
e' stata fino a luglio parte integrante dell'Uck, ma non e' ancora
chiaro quanti combattenti siano confluti nelle sue fila dopo la
spaccatura interna. Fonti informate sostengono addirittura che gran
parte della 'brigata 112' dell'Uck abbia di fatto accettato di
sottoporsi al nuovo comando dell'Ana. La seconda incognita e'
rappresentata dal mistero che ancora regna sul numero effettivo di armi
che la Nato dovra' raccogliere. Il generale Lange si e' rifiutato di
fornire alcuna cifra, fonti della guerriglia (non ufficiali) sostengono
di essere in possesso di poche migliaia di pezzi mentre il ministero
dell'Interno macedone, al contrario, ha affermato che l'arsenale degli
albanesi conta addirittura 85.000 tra mitragliatrici, cannoni, mortai,
missili, mine e granate. Oltre a cinque milioni di munizioni. Un dato
gia' categoricamente smentito dalla guerriglia. Eppure conoscere quel
numero e' fondamentale perche' il piano di pace prevede l'avvio dei
cambiamenti costituzionali pretesi dagli albanesi, solo quando un terzo
degli armamenti sara' raccolto: ma appare impossibile calcolare la
percentuale di una cifra che al momento e' difficile persino
immaginare. Per non parlare poi di come potra' essere dichiarato
concluso il disarmo e quindi compiuta la missione. La Nato ha ribadito
anche oggi che il ritiro delle armi avverra' solo su base volontaria:
saranno allestiti 15 centri di raccolta presidiati dai militari
dell'Alleanza atlantica nei quali le forze armate macedoni non avranno
diritto di accesso. Durante l'intera durata della missione l'esercito
governativo dovra' mantenere nelle caserme i suoi mezzi pesanti, mentre
l'Uck avra' l'obbligo di ritirarsi a due chilometri da strade e centri
abitati. Condizioni che fino a questo momento nessuno ha ancora
rispettato. (ANSA). BLL
22/08/2001 19:30
MACEDONIA: MANIFESTANTI ANTI-NATO BLOCCANO FERROVIA
(ANSA-AFP) - SKOPJE, 21 AGO - Manifestanti nazionalisti [sic!] macedoni
bloccano da oggi, oltre alla strada che conduce al confine con il
Kosovo, anche la ferrovia che collega la capitale Skopje al posto di
frontiera di Blace, per protestare contro l' arrivo della Nato in
Macedonia. Lo si e' appreso da fonti militari macedoni. I dimostranti,
il cui numero non e' stato accertato - riferiscono le fonti - hanno
posto diversi ostacoli sui binari vicino a Blace, nei pressi del
confine con il Kosovo, impedendo la circolazione dei treni. La ferrovia
rappresenta un importante asse di comunicazione tra la Forza
multinazionale della Nato in Kosovo (Kfor) e le sue basi di
retroguardia in Macedonia. La provincia serba popolata in maggioranza
da albanesi e' amministrata dall'Onu dopo la fine del conflitto, nel
giugno 1999. La protesta si svolge su appello del Congresso mondiale
dei macedoni, che riunisce diverse organizzazioni non governative, e di
un comitato che raggruppa profughi macedoni del nord e del nordovest
cacciati di casa dalla guerriglia albanese. I manifestanti si oppongono
all'intervento della Nato in Macedonia, ritenendo che esso potrebbe
portare a un blocco della situazione sul terreno, in particolare a un
congelamento delle posizioni conquistate dai guerriglieri. (ANSA-AFP).
DIG
21/08/2001 22:33
MACEDONIA: SKOPJE ACCUSA UCK DI ATTACCHI AD ALTRE CHIESE
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 22 AGO - Le autorita' macedoni hanno accusato oggi i
guerriglieri albanesi dell'Uck di aver attaccato e danneggiato altre
chiese ortodosse oltre a quella di Sant'Atanasie annessa all'antico
monastero di Lesok, fatta saltare in aria ieri mattina con una carica
di esplosivo. L'agenzia di stampa ufficiale 'Mia' riferisce che ''i
terroristi albanesi hanno incendiato la chiesa di San Nicola nel
villaggio di Slatina e danneggiato le chiese dei villagi di Neprosteno,
Jelosnik, Brezno, Lavce, Otunje e Varvara''. L'agenzia non precisa
quando queste azioni sarebbero state compiute. Secondo la stessa
agenzia i guerriglieri albanesi ''approfittando del cessate il fuoco,
stanno occupando nuovi territori nella regione nordoccidentale di
Tetovo'' costringendo la popolazione macedone alla fuga e incendiando
le loro abitazioni. Un crescente numero di ribelli albanesi viene
inoltre segnalato sulla strada che da Tetovo conduce a Jazince, posto
di confine con il Kosovo. Non c'e' al momento conferma da parte di
fonti indipendenti. (ANSA). BLL
22/08/2001 16:26
MACEDONIA: MONASTERO LESOK, APPELLO SGARBI PER TUTELA ATTIVA
(ANSA) - ROMA, 21 AGO - Un ''appello alla comunita' internazionale''
perche' intervenga in difesa del patrimonio cristiano ortodosso in
Macedonia e' stato lanciato dal sottosegretario ai Beni culturali,
Vittorio Sgarbi, dopo l'attentato che la scorsa notte ha gravemente
danneggiato il monastero di S. Atanasie a Lesok, nel nord-ovest del
paese. Occorre ''una difesa, una resistenza, un presidio militare - ha
affermato Sgarbi - in Kosovo i monumenti sono presidiati dai militari e
quindi difesi da attentati, evidentemente in Macedonia questo non
avviene ancora''. ''Ogni convento nel Kosovo ha intorno una polizia,
finlandese, italiana o tedesca, con carri armati, ed e' imbarazzante,
ma impediscono l'accesso indiscriminato ai terroristi. Anche
dall'Italia capisco che evidentemente se qui hanno potuto mettere le
bombe non doveva esserci nessuna tutela'', ha proseguito. Il
sottosegretario ha detto che durante le sue visite in Kosovo ha potuto
constatare quali danni siano stati causati alle chiese e alle moschee
della provincia serba. ''C'e' un'iniziativa della Normale di Pisa per
la tutela di questi monasteri - ha affermato - noi cercheremo di dare
aiuto, anche con finanziamenti italiani, ai monasteri del Kosovo
attraverso il Ministero e la Normale di Pisa''. Sgarbi intende ora
farsi carico di una qualche iniziativa anche per la
Macedonia. 'Provero' a vedere in che modo possiamo vigilare noi, ma
credo sia una questione che riguarda la Difesa, ne parlero' con il
ministro Martino - ha detto - faccio un appello alla Nato e all'Osce
perche' questo orrore, che riguarda i monumenti, venga impedito
attraverso una tutela attiva''. L'attentato al complesso di Lesok,
secondo le autorita' macedoni, e' stato opera dei guerriglieri albanesi
dell'Uck ma questi hanno negato ogni responsabilita'. (ANSA). COM/IMP
21/08/2001 20:46
Wednesday August 22 11:10 AM ET
Macedonia Government Lauds NATO Mission but People
Wary
By Ana Petruseva
SKOPJE, Macedonia (Reuters) - The Macedonian
government on Wednesday praised NATO's decision to
install a 3,500-strong force to collect ethnic
Albanian guerrilla weapons but most ordinary people
seemed resigned or cynical about the mission.
``We welcome the decision of (NATO�s) North Atlantic
Council for the activation of Operation Essential
Harvest. This is another decisive step forward toward
a peaceful settlement of the crisis in Macedonia,��
Defense Minister Vlado Buckovski said.
``Together with our partners and friends from NATO as
well as with the international community�s support, we
will continue along this difficult track toward
peace,�� he told Reuters.
NATO's 19 member governments earlier in the day
approved the third alliance venture into the Balkans
since 1995. But unlike NATO missions in Bosnia and
Kosovo, alliance diplomats insisted the new force
would not act as peacekeepers or mediators.
Macedonians, still bitter over being pushed by the
West into sheltering 230,000 Albanian refugees from
Kosovo's 1999 war only to be hit by an uprising by
guerrillas who earlier fought in Kosovo, were
generally dismissive of NATO's decision.
``Nothing will change,�� said Goran Antevski, aged 28.
``They will collect only those weapons that are not
buried. Provocations and incidents will happen again
and the army won�t respond any more. So I don�t see
how anything can change.��
FEARS OF REBEL GAINS
``I don�t see how NATO can help or worsen matters,��
Valentina Janevska, 31, said. ``I think they need to
be present on the ground but it won�t make much
difference.��
Vese Petkovski, 42, resorted to Balkan fatalism:
``(NATO) will do whatever they want and we will just
continue with our lives because there just isn�t
anything else we can do.��
The guerrilla National Liberation Army signed an
accord with NATO a week ago to surrender arms and
ammunition to NATO troops in exchange for new laws
improving Albanian minority rights. Disarmament and
legislation are to proceed side by side.
Many Macedonians, however, believe the NLA will hide
weapons or stage violence to bog down NATO in another
policing role that would cement the territorial gains
of the rebels.
``I think this is just a discreet way to split
Macedonia and NATO is going to represent some kind of
buffer zone between Macedonian and Albanian parts of
the country,�� said Dragan, a 48-year-old man who did
not want his last name used.
But Vlado Jovanovski, 35, disagreed. ``I think it�s
very good that NATO is coming into the country because
it will bring an end to this six-month crisis,�� he
said of the revolt by minority ethnic Albanians who
have occupied wide areas of Macedonia�s hilly north.
GUERRILLAS SAY ``NO LOSERS��
A government-guerrilla cease-fire has generally held
for the past week despite a fierce gun and mortar
battle outside the mainly ethnic Albanian city of
Tetovo Sunday night and the demolition of an Orthodox
church in rebel territory Tuesday.
Just 6 km up the mountain overlooking Tetovo is the
village headquarters of the NLA ``general staff��
where guerrillas with mobile phones milling about the
main square received news of the imminent NATO
deployment.
There was the occasional rattle of unexplained machine
gun fire outside Sipkovica and two NATO peacekeepers'
helicopters from nearby Kosovo whirred occasionally
overhead.
NLA commander Ali Ahmeti's spokesman Dren Korabi, who
also fought with Kosovo Albanian guerrillas against
Serbian rule in 1998-99, said NATO's arrival would
boost peace prospects.
``There are no losers in this agreement. If the
Macedonians want peace, they can have it. If not, then
we have a problem. And they will see they have a
problem,�� he told Reuters.
He rejected Macedonian suspicions that the NLA would
give up only worthless old weapons and go back to war
when it suited.
Speaking to Reuters in the home of a friend, he picked
up a rudimentary shotgun fashioned from piping and
said: ``We will hand over this one but we�ll also hand
over our other weapons.��
``It�s going to be hard to take off my uniform and put
on normal clothes,�� Korabi said. ``I�m used to this
way of life now. But we have promised to change and
stop being soldiers and we will.��
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
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vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
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VANNO IN MACEDONIA A FAR FINTA DI FARSI RESTITUIRE DAI TERRORISTI
LE ARMI CHE HANNO LORO PRESTATO PER DESTABILIZZARE IL PAESE
MACEDONIA: ARRIVA IN FORZE LA NATO TRA MOLTE INCOGNITE /ANSA
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 22 AGO - Da mezzogiorno di oggi e' partita
ufficialmente in Macedonia la missione della Nato che dovra' portare al
disarmo della guerriglia albanese. Con l'ordine di attivazione lanciato
da Tirana (dove si trovava in visita), il comandante supremo
dell'Alleanza atlantica per l'Europa, generale Joseph Ralston ha
avviato il dislocamento nell'ex republica jugoslava dei 3.500 uomini
che parteciperanno alla missione. L'arrivo del primo nucleo dei 700
soldati italiani che vi prenderanno parte e' atteso per venerdi'. La
raccolta delle armi potrebbe iniziare tra lunedi' e martedi' della
prossima settimana, e da quel momento decorreranno i 30 giorni entro i
quali il disarmo dovra' essere completato. La missione 'Raccolto
essenziale' ha ricevuto l'appoggio delle autorita' di Skopje e dei
guerriglieri albanesi, eppure le incognite che pesano sul suo
svolgimento sono ancora molte. Il comandante generale, Gunnar Lange,
oggi ha sentito il dovere di avvertire che ''se i nostri uomini
verranno attaccati, avranno l'ordine di rispondere al fuoco''. Con
altrettanta chiarezza Lange ha ricordato che in nessun modo i militari
della Nato interverranno in eventuali combattimenti che dovessero
scoppiare tra ribelli albanesi e forze di sicurezza macedoni. ''Il
percorso della pace e' ancora lungo e carico di ostacoli'', ha poi
riconosciuto il portavoce del ministero della Difesa macedone, Marjan
Gjurovski. La prima incognita e' costituita dalla presenza sul
territorio (in particolare nella regione nord occidentale di Tetovo) di
guerriglieri che rifiutano di consegnare le armi. L'organizzazione
paramilitare conosciuta come Ana (Armata nazionale albanese), che ha
respinto il piano di pace dissociandosi dal resto del movimento armato,
e' stata fino a luglio parte integrante dell'Uck, ma non e' ancora
chiaro quanti combattenti siano confluti nelle sue fila dopo la
spaccatura interna. Fonti informate sostengono addirittura che gran
parte della 'brigata 112' dell'Uck abbia di fatto accettato di
sottoporsi al nuovo comando dell'Ana. La seconda incognita e'
rappresentata dal mistero che ancora regna sul numero effettivo di armi
che la Nato dovra' raccogliere. Il generale Lange si e' rifiutato di
fornire alcuna cifra, fonti della guerriglia (non ufficiali) sostengono
di essere in possesso di poche migliaia di pezzi mentre il ministero
dell'Interno macedone, al contrario, ha affermato che l'arsenale degli
albanesi conta addirittura 85.000 tra mitragliatrici, cannoni, mortai,
missili, mine e granate. Oltre a cinque milioni di munizioni. Un dato
gia' categoricamente smentito dalla guerriglia. Eppure conoscere quel
numero e' fondamentale perche' il piano di pace prevede l'avvio dei
cambiamenti costituzionali pretesi dagli albanesi, solo quando un terzo
degli armamenti sara' raccolto: ma appare impossibile calcolare la
percentuale di una cifra che al momento e' difficile persino
immaginare. Per non parlare poi di come potra' essere dichiarato
concluso il disarmo e quindi compiuta la missione. La Nato ha ribadito
anche oggi che il ritiro delle armi avverra' solo su base volontaria:
saranno allestiti 15 centri di raccolta presidiati dai militari
dell'Alleanza atlantica nei quali le forze armate macedoni non avranno
diritto di accesso. Durante l'intera durata della missione l'esercito
governativo dovra' mantenere nelle caserme i suoi mezzi pesanti, mentre
l'Uck avra' l'obbligo di ritirarsi a due chilometri da strade e centri
abitati. Condizioni che fino a questo momento nessuno ha ancora
rispettato. (ANSA). BLL
22/08/2001 19:30
MACEDONIA: MANIFESTANTI ANTI-NATO BLOCCANO FERROVIA
(ANSA-AFP) - SKOPJE, 21 AGO - Manifestanti nazionalisti [sic!] macedoni
bloccano da oggi, oltre alla strada che conduce al confine con il
Kosovo, anche la ferrovia che collega la capitale Skopje al posto di
frontiera di Blace, per protestare contro l' arrivo della Nato in
Macedonia. Lo si e' appreso da fonti militari macedoni. I dimostranti,
il cui numero non e' stato accertato - riferiscono le fonti - hanno
posto diversi ostacoli sui binari vicino a Blace, nei pressi del
confine con il Kosovo, impedendo la circolazione dei treni. La ferrovia
rappresenta un importante asse di comunicazione tra la Forza
multinazionale della Nato in Kosovo (Kfor) e le sue basi di
retroguardia in Macedonia. La provincia serba popolata in maggioranza
da albanesi e' amministrata dall'Onu dopo la fine del conflitto, nel
giugno 1999. La protesta si svolge su appello del Congresso mondiale
dei macedoni, che riunisce diverse organizzazioni non governative, e di
un comitato che raggruppa profughi macedoni del nord e del nordovest
cacciati di casa dalla guerriglia albanese. I manifestanti si oppongono
all'intervento della Nato in Macedonia, ritenendo che esso potrebbe
portare a un blocco della situazione sul terreno, in particolare a un
congelamento delle posizioni conquistate dai guerriglieri. (ANSA-AFP).
DIG
21/08/2001 22:33
MACEDONIA: SKOPJE ACCUSA UCK DI ATTACCHI AD ALTRE CHIESE
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 22 AGO - Le autorita' macedoni hanno accusato oggi i
guerriglieri albanesi dell'Uck di aver attaccato e danneggiato altre
chiese ortodosse oltre a quella di Sant'Atanasie annessa all'antico
monastero di Lesok, fatta saltare in aria ieri mattina con una carica
di esplosivo. L'agenzia di stampa ufficiale 'Mia' riferisce che ''i
terroristi albanesi hanno incendiato la chiesa di San Nicola nel
villaggio di Slatina e danneggiato le chiese dei villagi di Neprosteno,
Jelosnik, Brezno, Lavce, Otunje e Varvara''. L'agenzia non precisa
quando queste azioni sarebbero state compiute. Secondo la stessa
agenzia i guerriglieri albanesi ''approfittando del cessate il fuoco,
stanno occupando nuovi territori nella regione nordoccidentale di
Tetovo'' costringendo la popolazione macedone alla fuga e incendiando
le loro abitazioni. Un crescente numero di ribelli albanesi viene
inoltre segnalato sulla strada che da Tetovo conduce a Jazince, posto
di confine con il Kosovo. Non c'e' al momento conferma da parte di
fonti indipendenti. (ANSA). BLL
22/08/2001 16:26
MACEDONIA: MONASTERO LESOK, APPELLO SGARBI PER TUTELA ATTIVA
(ANSA) - ROMA, 21 AGO - Un ''appello alla comunita' internazionale''
perche' intervenga in difesa del patrimonio cristiano ortodosso in
Macedonia e' stato lanciato dal sottosegretario ai Beni culturali,
Vittorio Sgarbi, dopo l'attentato che la scorsa notte ha gravemente
danneggiato il monastero di S. Atanasie a Lesok, nel nord-ovest del
paese. Occorre ''una difesa, una resistenza, un presidio militare - ha
affermato Sgarbi - in Kosovo i monumenti sono presidiati dai militari e
quindi difesi da attentati, evidentemente in Macedonia questo non
avviene ancora''. ''Ogni convento nel Kosovo ha intorno una polizia,
finlandese, italiana o tedesca, con carri armati, ed e' imbarazzante,
ma impediscono l'accesso indiscriminato ai terroristi. Anche
dall'Italia capisco che evidentemente se qui hanno potuto mettere le
bombe non doveva esserci nessuna tutela'', ha proseguito. Il
sottosegretario ha detto che durante le sue visite in Kosovo ha potuto
constatare quali danni siano stati causati alle chiese e alle moschee
della provincia serba. ''C'e' un'iniziativa della Normale di Pisa per
la tutela di questi monasteri - ha affermato - noi cercheremo di dare
aiuto, anche con finanziamenti italiani, ai monasteri del Kosovo
attraverso il Ministero e la Normale di Pisa''. Sgarbi intende ora
farsi carico di una qualche iniziativa anche per la
Macedonia. 'Provero' a vedere in che modo possiamo vigilare noi, ma
credo sia una questione che riguarda la Difesa, ne parlero' con il
ministro Martino - ha detto - faccio un appello alla Nato e all'Osce
perche' questo orrore, che riguarda i monumenti, venga impedito
attraverso una tutela attiva''. L'attentato al complesso di Lesok,
secondo le autorita' macedoni, e' stato opera dei guerriglieri albanesi
dell'Uck ma questi hanno negato ogni responsabilita'. (ANSA). COM/IMP
21/08/2001 20:46
Wednesday August 22 11:10 AM ET
Macedonia Government Lauds NATO Mission but People
Wary
By Ana Petruseva
SKOPJE, Macedonia (Reuters) - The Macedonian
government on Wednesday praised NATO's decision to
install a 3,500-strong force to collect ethnic
Albanian guerrilla weapons but most ordinary people
seemed resigned or cynical about the mission.
``We welcome the decision of (NATO�s) North Atlantic
Council for the activation of Operation Essential
Harvest. This is another decisive step forward toward
a peaceful settlement of the crisis in Macedonia,��
Defense Minister Vlado Buckovski said.
``Together with our partners and friends from NATO as
well as with the international community�s support, we
will continue along this difficult track toward
peace,�� he told Reuters.
NATO's 19 member governments earlier in the day
approved the third alliance venture into the Balkans
since 1995. But unlike NATO missions in Bosnia and
Kosovo, alliance diplomats insisted the new force
would not act as peacekeepers or mediators.
Macedonians, still bitter over being pushed by the
West into sheltering 230,000 Albanian refugees from
Kosovo's 1999 war only to be hit by an uprising by
guerrillas who earlier fought in Kosovo, were
generally dismissive of NATO's decision.
``Nothing will change,�� said Goran Antevski, aged 28.
``They will collect only those weapons that are not
buried. Provocations and incidents will happen again
and the army won�t respond any more. So I don�t see
how anything can change.��
FEARS OF REBEL GAINS
``I don�t see how NATO can help or worsen matters,��
Valentina Janevska, 31, said. ``I think they need to
be present on the ground but it won�t make much
difference.��
Vese Petkovski, 42, resorted to Balkan fatalism:
``(NATO) will do whatever they want and we will just
continue with our lives because there just isn�t
anything else we can do.��
The guerrilla National Liberation Army signed an
accord with NATO a week ago to surrender arms and
ammunition to NATO troops in exchange for new laws
improving Albanian minority rights. Disarmament and
legislation are to proceed side by side.
Many Macedonians, however, believe the NLA will hide
weapons or stage violence to bog down NATO in another
policing role that would cement the territorial gains
of the rebels.
``I think this is just a discreet way to split
Macedonia and NATO is going to represent some kind of
buffer zone between Macedonian and Albanian parts of
the country,�� said Dragan, a 48-year-old man who did
not want his last name used.
But Vlado Jovanovski, 35, disagreed. ``I think it�s
very good that NATO is coming into the country because
it will bring an end to this six-month crisis,�� he
said of the revolt by minority ethnic Albanians who
have occupied wide areas of Macedonia�s hilly north.
GUERRILLAS SAY ``NO LOSERS��
A government-guerrilla cease-fire has generally held
for the past week despite a fierce gun and mortar
battle outside the mainly ethnic Albanian city of
Tetovo Sunday night and the demolition of an Orthodox
church in rebel territory Tuesday.
Just 6 km up the mountain overlooking Tetovo is the
village headquarters of the NLA ``general staff��
where guerrillas with mobile phones milling about the
main square received news of the imminent NATO
deployment.
There was the occasional rattle of unexplained machine
gun fire outside Sipkovica and two NATO peacekeepers'
helicopters from nearby Kosovo whirred occasionally
overhead.
NLA commander Ali Ahmeti's spokesman Dren Korabi, who
also fought with Kosovo Albanian guerrillas against
Serbian rule in 1998-99, said NATO's arrival would
boost peace prospects.
``There are no losers in this agreement. If the
Macedonians want peace, they can have it. If not, then
we have a problem. And they will see they have a
problem,�� he told Reuters.
He rejected Macedonian suspicions that the NLA would
give up only worthless old weapons and go back to war
when it suited.
Speaking to Reuters in the home of a friend, he picked
up a rudimentary shotgun fashioned from piping and
said: ``We will hand over this one but we�ll also hand
over our other weapons.��
``It�s going to be hard to take off my uniform and put
on normal clothes,�� Korabi said. ``I�m used to this
way of life now. But we have promised to change and
stop being soldiers and we will.��
---
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