Jugoinfo

Subject: Bombe e ipocrisia
Date: Mon, 30 Apr 2001 12:14:14 +0200
From: 2001 <campo2000@...>
To: <posta@...>


Bombe e Ipocrisia


Il 10 aprile scorso una bomba ha distrutto a Roma l'ingresso
della sede dell' Istituto Affari Internazionali e del
Consiglio per le Relazioni Italia-Stati Uniti. Chi ha
compiuto l'attentato ritiene che questi due enti <<orientano le
posizioni della borghesia imperialista e l'iniziativa degli
equilibri politici di governo del nostro paese su un
indirizzo euro-atlantico>>. Ovviamente si tratta di una
deliberata esagerazione. Ben altri sono i luoghi dove la
NATO decide le sue strategie.
Nonostante questo l'attentato ha suscitato una poderosa
campagna allarmistica e di criminalizzazione dei
movimenti antimperialisti che da due settimane occupa le
prime pagine dei giornali e dei telegiornali.
E' questa campagna, non la bombetta, che ci suggerisce di
fare alcune considerazioni politiche.

1. Le forze politiche <democratiche>, di centro-sinistra e
di centro-destra, esecrano e si lamentano per
l'attentato. Ci sia concesso dissociarsi da questo coro
ipocrita. Chi ha voluto e giusitificato non piu' tardi di due
anni fa i devastanti bombardamenti aerei sulla Jugoslavia
(milioni di tonnellate di tritolo e uranio impoverito) con
il pretesto dell'intervento umanitario mentre oggi assiste
inerme al massacro israeliano dei palestinesi; non e'
autorizzato a piangere lacrime di coccodrillo perche'
qualcuno gli restituisce una infinitesimale dose di quel
potenziale distruttivo. Coloro che considerano la violenza,
il piombo, le guerre di sterminio metodi leciti per
risolvere i conflitti e imporre la loro supremazia, non
hanno alcun titolo per dichiarare illeciti gli stessi sistemi
solo perche' stavolta sono loro il bersaglio.

2. La spropositata campagna allarmistica ha un doppio scopo:
confondere le gia' torbide acque facendo passare i
carnefici asserviti alla NATO come vittime e, dall'altro,
criminalizzare la sinistra antagonista e antimperialista.
A quali scopi? Il primo immediato: creare un clima di
sospetto e di caccia alle streghe attorno alle mobilitazioni
contro il G8 a Genova (20-22 luglio) e al Campo
Antimperialista (28 luglio- 5 agosto); il secondo: premere per il
rafforzamento dello Stato di Polizia nel nostro paese.
Questa campagna dunque non e' solo terroristica, �
intimamente antidemocratica. E per questo la condanniamo,
chiamando tutte le forze antagoniste a stare in
guardia, a non far finta che nulla stia accadendo.

3. Proprio per questo non possiamo esimerci dall'esprimere
un giudizio politico sull'attentato del 10 aprile. Non
lo facciamo con l'intento di tranquillizzare le "forze
dell'ordine" le quali, quando vogliono colpire la sinistra
rivoluzionaria, come tutta la storia della Repubblica
mostra, non aspettano certo che qualche testa calda gli offra
l'occasione di farlo. Repressione e criminalizzazione
dell'opposizione anticapitalista sono elementi connaturati a
questo Stato, a prescindere dal fatto che esistano davvero i
"terroristi". Lo facciamo con l'intento di fare
chiarezza tra le fila del movimento antagonista e
antimperialista in particolare.

4. Non si giudica mai qualcuno in base a cio' che egli pensa
di se stesso. Ne' il significato di un atto cosi'
eclatante come il mettere una bomba al centro di Roma
dipende dalle intenzioni di chi l'ha compiuto. La strada
dell'inferno e' lastricata di buonissime intenzioni. Un atto
di guerra, come quello di usare una bomba, presuppone
la guerra. Altrimenti e' pericolosissimo avventurismo
politico. C'e' forse una guerra in Italia? Siamo forse in
Palestina o in Colombia? No, non c'e alcuna guerra in
Italia. Al contrario, la lotta di classe, che pur esiste, non ha
mai conosciuto livelli cosi' bassi e il fronte
anticapitalista non e' mai stato cosi' debole e diviso. Compiere azioni
di attacco in queste condizioni e' non solo velleitario, e'
il sintomo di di una galoppante magalomania politica. E'
una forma parossistica di soggettivismo politico che poco ha
a che fare con la tradizione comunista, semmai con
le piu' estreme forme di anarchismo individualistico. Quando
un piccolo gruppo pensa, usando la dinamite, di
mutare il segno della situazione, di invertire la difensiva
strategica in offensiva, esso ha perso la testa e presenta
tutti i segni di una patologia dilagante: la disperazione
politica. Anche sorvolando sull'amaro destino a cui questi
gruppi vanno incontro (non essere mai creduti poiche' in
questo paese di trame e misteri tutti pensano che le
bombe siano pezzi deviati dello Stato a metterle --sono in
molti, infatti, a ritenere che queste gesta siano
direttamente organizzate dallo Stato per colpire il
movimento antimperialista) , l'aspetto drammatico di queste
frastornanti azioni e' la sproporzione tra lo scopo
prefissato e il risultato ottenuto.

5. Questa bomba non solo non porta consenso alla lotta
antimperialista, non sposta di un millimetro i rapporti di
forza reali. Accresce anzi il rischio di pesanti ritorsioni
repressive contro tutti i veri antimperialisti che
potrebbero avere esiti fatali data la loro debolezza. Ad
essere piu' esatti ogni azione di questo tipo si risolve a
vantaggio del nemico, sia in termini di egemonia sociale che
in quelli dei rapporti di forza. Quando non c'e' una
proporzione tra il mezzo e il fine, ogni azione rischia di
essere una provocazione. Per questo noi la critichiamo,
come critichiamo tutte le iniziative sbagliate che
distolgono il movimento antimperialista occidentale dal
concentrarsi sui suoi difficili compiti di resistenza. Noi
combattiamo una difficile e snervante lotta dietro le linee
della guerra che si va combattendo altrove; siamo forze di
complemento di coloro che, nelle periferie dell'Impero,
sono costrette a battersi, armi in pugno, per la vita o per
la morte. Cio' potra' essere considerato troppo poco o
mortificante solo da quei rivoluzionari affetti dalla nota
malattia dell'impazienza.
Ci sia permesso dunque riaffermare che pensiamo di essere
nel giusto e chi pensa alla plauasibilita' della lotta
armata qui e ora nel torto marcio.
Non � ammissibile confondere le proprie aspettative con la
realta', la difesa con l'attacco. Nulla e' piu' dannoso
che azioni isolate che riconciliano le masse con la loro
impotenza.

Siamo gia' passati per la fine degli anni '70 e non vogliamo
ripetere gli errori compiuti. Allora di botti come quello
di Roma ce n'erano uno al giorno, ma essi non annunciarono
la rivoluzione, bensi' la disfatta.
Errare e' umano, perseverare e' diabolico.

Campo Antimperialista-Italia
http://www.antiimperialista.com


Ad Assisi, dal 28 luglio al 5 agosto
si svolgera' il Campo Antimperialista 2001
il piu' grande appuntamento internazionale degli
antimperialisti
per informazioni:
itacampo@...
per prenotazioni:
prenotazioni@...

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>>> http://www.nara.gov/iwg/declass/rg263.html

NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
(fonte ufficiale USA: documenti declassificati)

Le schede sui criminali nazisti:
Emil Augsburg
Klaus Barbie
Eugen Dollmann
Adolf Eichmann (see
detailed report)
Franz Goering (also
G�ring)
Wilhelm Harster
Adolf Hitler
Wilhelm Hoettl (also
H�ttl) (see detailed
report)
Michel Kedia
Horst Kopkow
Wilfried Krallert
Wilhelm Krichbaum (see
detailed report)
Josef Mengele
Heinrich Mueller (also
M�ller) (see detailed
report)
Friedrich Panzinger
Martin Sandberger
Franz Six
Hans Sommer
Kurt Waldheim
Guido Zimmer (see
detailed report)
con le informazioni sull'arruolamento di molti di loro nelle fila della
NATO o nell'ambito di strutture dei paesi occidentali:
"...Nine of the fourteen persons in
this second tier had some contact with the West German intelligence
organization established by General Reinhard
Gehlen, which was initially under the control of the U. S. Army and was
taken over in 1949 by the CIA. Later Gehlen's
organization became the Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), West Germany's
foreign intelligence agency..."

>>> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/254

LE RADICI NAZISTE DELLA N.A.T.O.

* PREMESSA: dalle Ratlines alla nascita della NATO; l'"Operazione
Gehlen"; Borghese, Gelli, Heusinger...
* NATO AND THE NAZI CONNECTION
trascrizione di una trasmissione radiofonica della San Francisco
Liberation Radio: Heusinger, Gehlen, Allen...
* THE NAZI WEHRMACHT MOVES INTO NATO
Sul libro: "Heusinger del Quarto Reich", di Charles R. Allen, Jr,
Berkeley, California, Settembre 1963; introduzione del Generale di
Brigata in pensione Hugh B. Hester (US Army); altre citazioni di fonte
varia

>>> http://www.wbenjamin.org/neumannproject.html

THE FRANZ NEUMANN PROJECT: Beyond the Behemoth

Toward a Radical Reassessment of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization

TABLE OF CONTENTS: [Updated: April 30, 2001]
I. Franz Neumann [Short biographical sketch and bibliography]
II. N.A.T.O. & the Balkans in the News [Updated: April 30, 2001]
III. Links: On Fascism, The Cold War, NATO & the Balkan Conflict
IV. NATO & Neo-Fascism:"The Origins of the North Atlantic Treaty, West
Germany & the Opportune Career of General Adolf Ernst Heusinger (1949 -
1964)"
V. Balkan Archives [Updated: March 27, 2001]
VI. WB_Kiosk: [Communiqu�s, News Bulletins & Announcements]

(...)

The Most Opportune Career of Adolf Ernst Heusinger
[From Hitler'sWehrmacht to Adenauer's Bundeswehr and on to NATO's
Permanent Military Committee]

A. Heusinger's Military Biography: 1914 - 1945 [Allen, pp. 27
- 195] [1]

1914 - 1918: World War I; Heusinger enters military service; becomes
2nd Lieutenant
1918 - 1933: Heusinger is P.O.W. of the British, 1918 - 1919; Post WWI
& Weimar: Heusinger clandestinely helps von Seeckt rebuild the
Wehrmacht [importance of the Truppengereralstab ]; 1932: Heusinger
promoted to Captain
1933 - 1939: Heusinger promoted to Major & is attatched to OKH in the
pre-war years of the Third Reich. 1938: Heusinger promoted to Colonel
1939 - 1944: Heusinger as OKH strategist; successful military campaigns
in Poland, France, Norway, Netherlands; the Barbarossa campaign; 1940:
Heusinger is promoted to Chief of Army High Command's Operations
Division; his constant contact with Hitler; his position vs. those of
Gen. Jodl
and Gen. Keitel; Heusinger's role at OKH in commanding the
Einsatzgruppen;
20. July 1944 - 1945: Heusinger's role as informer in the von
Stauffenberg assassination attempt

B. Heusinger in Bureau Gehlen, the Bundeswehr & NATO:

1945 - 1946: Heusinger's informing role at the Nuremberg Trials
1946 - 1949: Heusinger under military arrest and "incarceration" works
in Bureau Gehlen to rebuild the nucleus
of a resurgent General Staff
1949 - 1953: Heusinger becomes the first Chief of Staff of the Federal
Republic of Germany's Bundeswehr &
later Inspector General
1955 - 1963: The FRG joins NATO (May 6, 1955); Heusinger works to free
Nazi war criminals for use as
officers in the new Bundeswehr; expansion of the West German military;
Heusinger made Chairman of NATO's
Permanent Military Committee

(...)

---

Censura in Gran Bretagna sulla vicenda di ottomila criminali nazisti
dell'Ucraina presi sotto protezione nel 1947:

An unshown film

British complicity in covering up second world war crimes still seems to
be subject to censorship
Freedom of information: special report
Geoffrey Goodman
Monday June 12, 2000
The Guardian

Scarcely a day passes without an example of how the absence of a mature
Freedom of Information Act denies our so-called free society knowledge
we are entitled to have.
Under our current system the political deceptions and lies of history
remain undetected and undisclosed. I was, by chance, offered a
disturbing reminder of this the other day at a private showing of a
television documentary that remains on the blocked list. It is unshown
and unknown to the wider world, perhaps even censored by some hidden
hand. Until my chance invitation, it was simply not discussed, even by
the chattering classes.
Let me explain. In 1947 the Labour government of Clement Attlee approved
the bringing to Britain of the remains of an entire division of the Nazi
Waffen SS, numbering some 8,000 men. The 14th SS Division, called the
Galizien (Galicia), consisted entirely of Ukrainians, mostly from Polish
Ukraine which had been taken over by the Soviets after the
Molotov-Ribbentrop pact of August 1939.
The Ukrainian SS men's arrival was largely unpublicised at the time and
they were distributed around the country in temporary camps to await
resettlement. Fifteen hundred of them are still living in Britain today,
their history and background cloaked in mystery. Deep suspicions remain,
however, about their role as an important part of Hitler's war machine
on the eastern front.
The unused (suppressed?), hour-long documentary was produced by Julian
Hendy, a talented television writer and historian. It was scheduled to
be shown on Yorkshire TV last year but was pulled at short notice with a
promise that it would be shown this year. Since then there has been
silence. The BBC became involved in discussions about Hendy's film at
one point - but backed off.
The film is a stunning documentary about a phase of the second world war
that has yet to be explained. Hendy shows the Galizien SS Division
involved in horrendous war crimes in Ukraine and Slovakia. He provides
eyewitness accounts and documentation of the murder by shooting,
fire-bombing, hanging, mutilation and appalling torture of anyone who
stood out in resistance to the Nazis - be they Poles, Russians,
Ukrainians, Slovaks, Jews and non-Jews, partisan fighters or people just
going about village life. Whole villages were destroyed by fire bomb
ing; bodies were thrown into mass graves. The grim story is familiar
enough to those of us who know what happened on that war front - but
here is fresh evidence of something which has a new and sinister
connotation, namely the British connection.
At the end of the war the remnants of the 14th SS Division slipped away
from the Soviet occupying army into Austria to be made prisoners under
the British (a better option than the Soviets). They were encamped
firstly in Austria and later in Italy for interrogation - most of which
was done casually and without expert interpreters to check details.
The British Foreign Office asked the distinguished war hero Brigadier
Sir Fitzroy Maclean to cast his expert eye over the Ukrainians. He did
so but found the task extremely difficult without suitable back-up
resources. His report to London appears to have cleared the Ukrainians
for entry into Britain - though what Fitzroy Maclean actually reported
back to London is still far from clear. At any rate the former Waffen SS
men were shipped to Britain in 1947, with their Iron Crosses in their
pockets and Heinrich Himmler's praises still resting, privately, in
their memories (they were honoured personally by Himmler after one of
their more brutal escapades in Slovakia).
Not long after their arrival in Britain, once most of them had been
absorbed into British life, a number of the former SS men were alleged
to have been recruited by British Military Intelligence. The aim was to
infiltrate them into the USSR - after all, the cold war was reaching a
peak and these men had considerable knowledge and experience of a
particularly vulnerable area of the Soviet Union. There are no surprises
here, but we are far from knowing anything about that extraordinary
episode, assuming there is truth in the allegation.
The cold war is over, the Soviet Union has disappeared, the war crimes
commission has been wound up; only 1,500 of the old Galizien boys
remain. So why the fuss about the documentary? Was it pulled by
Yorkshire TV, and others, because it had negligible viewing power? Are
there still good reasons of national security which prevent the story
from being told? Or might the telling of this chilling tale raise
questions, and skeletons, that are better left in their solidly locked
cupboards?
No charges have ever been brought against the men of the 14th SS
Division. Perhaps that will never happen: maybe, by now, we have all had
enough of retribution. Yet none of this can adequately explain why a
remarkable documentary film remains shelved and mostly unknown.
: Geoffrey Goodman is editor of the British Journalism Review
comment@...

---

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ASSEMBLEA ANTIMPERIALISTA (ex Coord. Naz. "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"):
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opinioni delle realta' che compongono questa struttura, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
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Il nostro Primo Maggio e' dedicato
ai lavoratori della ZASTAVA di Kragujevac ed alle loro famiglie

RADNICIMA ZASTAVE KRAGUJEVCA: ZIVIO PRVI MAJ!

Fotografie ed interviste dalla manifestazione degli operai di
Kragujevac (28/4/2001):

> http://emperors-clothes.com/images/kr/kr.htm

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The URL for this article is http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm

www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]

Illegal Tribunal - Illegal Indictment
Statement of the International Progress Organization on the Hague War
Crimes Tribunal's indictment of Serbian Leaders
Dr. Hans Koechler, President [posted 23 April 2001]

[The following statement was written just after the 'War Crimes
Tribunal' brought 'indictments' against Slobodan Miloshevich
(Milosevic) and other Serbian government leaders in 1999. The text was
sent to us recently by a contributor from Germany. It was published by
the International Progress Organization, an NGO (non-governmental
organization) which has worked in various associations with the United
Nations for almost 30 years. It makes excellent points, especially
about the sheer illegality of the "War Crimes Tribunal". We post it for
your information - Jared Israel.]

The International Progress Organization hereby presents the following
legal observations on today's "indictment" by the "International
Criminal Tribunal":

1. The "indictment" issued by the "Chief Prosecutor" of the so-
called "International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia" is
legally invalid because this "Tribunal" has no jurisdiction whatsoever
in the present or any other case.

2. The "Tribunal" derives its raison d'�tre exclusively from Security
Council resolution 827, adopted at the Council's 3217th meeting on 25
May 1993. In this resolution, establishing the so-called "International
Criminal Tribunal," the Security Council states that it acts "under
Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations."

3. When adopting the above resolution, the Security Council acted ultra
vires. According to the provisions of the U.N. Charter, the Council has
no competence whatsoever in judicial matters. The provisions of Chapter
VII determine the Council's competence in matters of international
security but not in matters of criminal justice or other judicial
matters. The sole authority in international judicial matters rests
with the International Court of Justice.

4. The "determination," in the preamble of Security Council resolution
827, paragraph four, that the "widespread and flagrant violations of
international humanitarian law" on the territory of the former
Yugoslavia "constitute a threat to international peace and security"
does not provide a sound legal basis for the Security Council acting as
a surrogate judicial authority or establishing an international court
with jurisdiction in this or any other case.

5. It is regrettable that the institution of the Security Council,
while being unable to stop the undeclared war waged by NATO countries
against Yugoslavia in violation of international law, and while being
prevented, because of the veto power of countries conducting the
present war, from restoring international peace and security in
Yugoslavia, is now being used to take a so-called "judicial" action
against the legitimate Head of State and other high officials of the
country under attack.

6. Under the present circumstances, the move by the "Chief Prosecutor"
of the so-called "Tribunal," Ms. Louise Arbour, can only be considered
of political nature. This interpretation is confirmed by today's
statement of the President of the United States who declared that
the "indictment" by the "Tribunal" can be seen as an endorsement of
NATO's campaign.

7. The purely political nature of the "indictment" and the lack of any
legal validity of this decision can further be seen from the fact that
the "President" of the so-called "Tribunal," Ms. Gabrielle Kirk
McDonald (United States of America), the "Chief Prosecutor," Ms. Louise
Arbour (Canada), and the investigating "judge" in the present case, Mr.
David Anthony Hunt (Australia), are citizens either of NATO member
countries directly responsible for the undeclared war against
Yugoslavia or of a country fully endorsing the NATO war. If
the "Tribunal" would have taken general legal standards of impartiality
seriously, it would have been obliged to determine that there is a
conflict of interest for "judges" from countries waging an undeclared
war against Yugoslavia to sit on such a panel initiating "judicial"
action against the Head of State of the country under attack.

8. The political nature of the "indictment" was further made obvious by
the "Chief Prosecutor's" press statement earlier today in which she
expressed her view that the "indicted" Head of State cannot be
considered a partner of any negotiations about a peaceful settlement of
the conflict. Such a statement makes a mockery of whatever legal
standards the so-called "Tribunal" claims to adhere to. By her
statement, the "Chief Prosecutor" has tried to act as a surrogate
politician and to influence political events in the interest of those
NATO countries presently waging war against Yugoslavia.

9. When, in violation of the United Nations Charter, a self-appointed
group of states claiming to act on behalf of international peace and
human rights, wages an all-out war against a sovereign member state of
the United Nations and deliberately destroys the civilian
infrastructure of that country with impunity, the present move by
functionaries of the so-called "Tribunal" to declare the legitimate
leaders of the country under attack as criminals, can only be seen as
an act to hamper the international community's efforts to settle the
conflict in Yugoslavia by peaceful means. This move undermines all
efforts to settle the conflict within the framework of the United
Nations and only prolongs the suffering of the people of Yugoslavia
including the Kosovar Albanians.

10. It would be fitting that the so-called "Tribunal"- if it wants, at
least, to prove its credibility in terms of basic moral standards, in
spite of its legal incompetence as explained above - should also turn
its attention to the practices applied by the NATO coalition in its
undeclared war against the people of Yugoslavia (including the province
of Kosovo).

The provisions of Article 3 of the so-called "Tribunal" identify, among
others, the following practices as "violations of the laws or customs
of war":

(a) "employment of poisonous weapons or other weapons calculated to
cause unnecessary suffering;" (c) "attack, or bombardment, by whatever
means, of undefended towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings;" etc.

NATO's use of depleted uranium missiles and of cluster bombs, NATO's
attacks on villages, civilian buses etc. fall clearly within the
definition of "violations of the laws or customs of war" as given in
the Statute of that very "Tribunal" not to speak of the numerous grave
breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 committed by the NATO
alliance, for which the "Tribunal" also claims to be competent
according to Article 2 of its Statute. As long as the "Tribunal" does
not take action against those NATO politicians and military officers
responsible for these grave breaches of international humanitarian law,
the "Tribunal" can only be considered as one more futile exercise in
the political use of judicial procedures within the framework of
a "policy of double standards" which seems to be the essence of power
politics in NATO's "New World Order."

11. A dangerous precedent is being created by this new use of judicial
procedures for the purposes of power politics. The separation of
powers, one of the basic requirements of the rule of law, is being
completely neglected when a purely political organ of the United
Nations, the Security Council, arrogates to itself judicial powers by
establishing an "International Criminal Tribunal," and when the
functionaries of this "Tribunal" act as surrogate politicians
effectively hindering a political settlement of an international armed
conflict. The sole responsibility for whichever judicial matters in
international affairs rests with the International Court of Justice. It
is this institution alone that decides on the legal questions related
to aggression by one state or a coalition of states against another
state, and that decides on issues of international humanitarian law.

12. Because of the regrettable paralysis of the Security Council, the
member states of the United Nations as represented in the General
Assembly should take immediate action on the basis of the "Uniting for
Peace Resolution" (res. 377 A [V] of the General Assembly) in order to
prevent a further dangerous deterioration of the situation in
Yugoslavia. When otherwise invalid legal procedures are being used to
prevent a just political settlement and when the ongoing large-scale
bombing of Yugoslavia causes an ecological disaster rendering large
areas uninhabitable, urgent action is required by the international
community. If this new form of self-righteous power politics is not
being checked, similar action may be taken in the time to come against
other sovereign countries and their leadership. In this case, the "rule
of force" will replace whatever remains of the "rule of law" in
international relations. International anarchy will be the inevitable
result. All political leaders and people of good will should unite
against this most serious threat to the international order since the
end of the Cold War.

Dr. Hans Koechler, President

Reprinted from the IPO Website at http://i-p-o.org/yu-tribunal.htm

***

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