Informazione
Da "La Voce del popolo", Rijeka-Fiume, 30 luglio 2002
LETTERA AL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA CIAMPI
Stimatissimo signor Presidente,
Nella nostra opinione pubblica echeggia ancora sempre l'eco della sua
dichiarazione rilasciata durante la sua recente visita a Trieste nel
maggio 2002 e cioé che sloveni (e jugoslavi) hanno ucciso degli
italiani solo perché erano italiani, ovvero allo scopo di diminuire
l'italianità del territorio occupato dall'armata jugoslava.
Non si possono però ignorare i fatti storici, come a causa degli orrori
provocati e perpetrati dalla guerra, vi siano stati dei regolamenti di
conti con gli attori dei crimini di guerra. Basterebbe ricordare i
bombardamenti a tappeto delle città tedesche, come Dresda, con
centinaia di migliaia di vittime innocenti; o Hiroshima, dove in un
attimo sono state carbonizzate 70.000 persone e altrettante ne sono
state inguaribilmente contaminate; e ancora la brutale espulsione di 12
milioni di tedeschi dall'Europa orientale, di cui morivano centinaia al
giorno per violenze, esaurimento e malattie. Rientrano in tali rese di
conti anche oltre 20.000 collaborazionisti passati per le armi solo a
Milano e provincia. Secondo dati delle autorità anglo-americane e di
storici italiani, vi si possono aggiungere dalle 4.000 alle 6.000
persone scomparse dall'ex Venezia - Giulia, militari e civili, di cui
una parte finite nelle foibe carsiche, e altre in prigione e nei campi
di lavoro.
Per la zona di Trieste ad es. Claudia Cernigoj, nel suo
studio "Operazione foibe", ha potuto dimostrare, nome per nome, che il
numero complessivo degli scomparsi è stato 517 e non 1457, come
sostenuto dal pubblicista pordenonese Marco Pirina nel suo
libro "Genocidio", che, su ingiunzione del tribunale, ha dovuto
ritirare dal commercio, a causa di documentate false affermazioni.
Egualmente, nome per nome, l'autrice ha dimostrato che ben 412 degli
scomparsi erano appartenenti a famigerate e sanguinarie formazioni
collaborazioniste (ispettorato di pubblica sicurezza, X MAS, Milizia di
difesa territoriale, Guardia civica ed altre).
Va ricordato che Sloveni e Croati non solo hanno subìto un'invasione
militare, senza una dichiarazione di guerra, ma anche anni di soprusi e
devastazioni di ogni genere sulla propria terra, e vent'anni di terrore
fascista sul territorio che il trattato di Rapallo ha lasciato
all'Italia. Dai dati che l'allora governo jugoslavo ha inviato agli
alleati durante la Conferenza di pace di Parigi, risulta che nel
territorio dell'ex Venezia Giulia, la guerra ha provocato 42.800 morti,
7.000 invalidi, 95.460 internati e deportati, 19.460 edifici distrutti
e 16.837 parzialmente distrutti (Vedasi: "The struggle of the people
of Julian March for freedom and self determination" 1947). Una piccola
parte di tali violenze è descritta anche dalla lettera che l'ufficiale
italiano Dr Italo Gheza ha inviato al parroco del villaggio di Lozice,
nella valle di Vipava (Vipacco), e nel libro "Santa messa per i miei
fucilati - Diario di un cappellano" del curato militare, tenente Pietro
Brignoli, proposto dall'editore Longanesi nel 1973 a Milano.
Nell'occupazione italiana dell'allora "provincia di Lubiana" secondo
dati di Giuseppe Piemontese ("Ventinove mesi di occupazione italiana
della Provincia di Lubiana", 1946) vi sono state altre 12.087 vittime,
di cui solo circa 900 i partigiani, caduti in combattimento; tutti gli
altri sono stati ostaggi delle azioni di "rastrellamento" o sono
deceduti nei campi di concentramento italiani (Rab-Arbe, Gonars,
Monigo, Chiesanuove, Cairo-Montenotte, Alatri, Renicci, ed altri). Sono
stati distrutti 12.773 edifici e danneggiati altri 8.509, compresi
ospedali, biblioteche, scuole, case di cultura ed altri. Per non
parlare dell'ingente danno materiale provocato nella "provincia di
Lubiana" da parte delle truppe italiane, cagionato dalle forzate
confische dei beni, e delle sofferenze fisiche e psichiche delle
vittime, degli invalidi, dei familiari. Questi dati stanno dietro la
resa dei conti avvenuta alla fine della guerra, specie nei confronti
dei collaborazionisti. Dopo l'8 Settembre '43 infatti, l'esercito
italiano disarmato, è potuto tornare indisturbato in Italia. Sul
percorso principalmente seguito dalle formazioni in rotta le nostre
madri offrivano del cibo caldo ai soldati stremati.
Visti i fatti elencati ed altri elementi storici, che dimostrano
incontestabilmente chi è stata la vittima e chi il carnefice, vediamo
con notevole disappunto le affermazioni, con le quali anche lei signor
Presidente, purtroppo con leggerezza, speriamo suggerita, ci rinfaccia
offensive affermazioni di genocidio.
La sua dichiarazione, al contrario, riafferma la constatazione di come
l'Italia non ha avuto il coraggio intellettuale e la forza morale di
fare i conti con il proprio passato. Per cui i crimini del regime
monarcofascista sul nostro territorio ed altrove, non sono potuti
entrare nella memoria collettiva degli italiani. Ed è così che è potuto
sorgere il mito delle storiche ingiustizie nei loro confronti, il che
rappresenta un sostrato di possibili pericolosi sviluppi. I tentativi
di demonizzazione dei vicini orientali durano da più di mezzo secolo,
ed hanno segnato una recrudescenza dopo lo smembramento della
Jugoslavia. Per questo ci appelliamo a Lei, signor Presidente, di non
contribuirvi aggiungendo benzina al fuoco, e la preghiamo di trattare
il passato con maggior amore per la verità e rispettando i dati della
storia.
Vediamo di conciliarci e perdonare il male fatto, e non così
dimenticare i crimini a noi perpetrati, i misfatti e le sofferenze
causate, come anche non permettiamo la falsificazione degli eventi
storici. Sarebbe tempo che lo Stato italiano si giustificasse per tutto
il male fatto a noi ed agli altri popoli. Pertanto vi invitiamo a
prendere il coraggio a piene mani e sull'esempio del signor Italo Gheza
quanto prima emularlo.
Voglia accogliere, signor Presidente, i sensi del nostro rispetto.
Associazione combattentistica dei comuni del litorale sloveno di
Capodistria, Isola e Pirano
Ciril Pelicon
Associazione per le tradizioni patriottiche TIGR
Karlo Kocjancic
Club culturale Istria. Movimento d'opinione per l'Istria slovena
Milan Gregoric, Lucijan Pelicon
LETTERA AL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA CIAMPI
Stimatissimo signor Presidente,
Nella nostra opinione pubblica echeggia ancora sempre l'eco della sua
dichiarazione rilasciata durante la sua recente visita a Trieste nel
maggio 2002 e cioé che sloveni (e jugoslavi) hanno ucciso degli
italiani solo perché erano italiani, ovvero allo scopo di diminuire
l'italianità del territorio occupato dall'armata jugoslava.
Non si possono però ignorare i fatti storici, come a causa degli orrori
provocati e perpetrati dalla guerra, vi siano stati dei regolamenti di
conti con gli attori dei crimini di guerra. Basterebbe ricordare i
bombardamenti a tappeto delle città tedesche, come Dresda, con
centinaia di migliaia di vittime innocenti; o Hiroshima, dove in un
attimo sono state carbonizzate 70.000 persone e altrettante ne sono
state inguaribilmente contaminate; e ancora la brutale espulsione di 12
milioni di tedeschi dall'Europa orientale, di cui morivano centinaia al
giorno per violenze, esaurimento e malattie. Rientrano in tali rese di
conti anche oltre 20.000 collaborazionisti passati per le armi solo a
Milano e provincia. Secondo dati delle autorità anglo-americane e di
storici italiani, vi si possono aggiungere dalle 4.000 alle 6.000
persone scomparse dall'ex Venezia - Giulia, militari e civili, di cui
una parte finite nelle foibe carsiche, e altre in prigione e nei campi
di lavoro.
Per la zona di Trieste ad es. Claudia Cernigoj, nel suo
studio "Operazione foibe", ha potuto dimostrare, nome per nome, che il
numero complessivo degli scomparsi è stato 517 e non 1457, come
sostenuto dal pubblicista pordenonese Marco Pirina nel suo
libro "Genocidio", che, su ingiunzione del tribunale, ha dovuto
ritirare dal commercio, a causa di documentate false affermazioni.
Egualmente, nome per nome, l'autrice ha dimostrato che ben 412 degli
scomparsi erano appartenenti a famigerate e sanguinarie formazioni
collaborazioniste (ispettorato di pubblica sicurezza, X MAS, Milizia di
difesa territoriale, Guardia civica ed altre).
Va ricordato che Sloveni e Croati non solo hanno subìto un'invasione
militare, senza una dichiarazione di guerra, ma anche anni di soprusi e
devastazioni di ogni genere sulla propria terra, e vent'anni di terrore
fascista sul territorio che il trattato di Rapallo ha lasciato
all'Italia. Dai dati che l'allora governo jugoslavo ha inviato agli
alleati durante la Conferenza di pace di Parigi, risulta che nel
territorio dell'ex Venezia Giulia, la guerra ha provocato 42.800 morti,
7.000 invalidi, 95.460 internati e deportati, 19.460 edifici distrutti
e 16.837 parzialmente distrutti (Vedasi: "The struggle of the people
of Julian March for freedom and self determination" 1947). Una piccola
parte di tali violenze è descritta anche dalla lettera che l'ufficiale
italiano Dr Italo Gheza ha inviato al parroco del villaggio di Lozice,
nella valle di Vipava (Vipacco), e nel libro "Santa messa per i miei
fucilati - Diario di un cappellano" del curato militare, tenente Pietro
Brignoli, proposto dall'editore Longanesi nel 1973 a Milano.
Nell'occupazione italiana dell'allora "provincia di Lubiana" secondo
dati di Giuseppe Piemontese ("Ventinove mesi di occupazione italiana
della Provincia di Lubiana", 1946) vi sono state altre 12.087 vittime,
di cui solo circa 900 i partigiani, caduti in combattimento; tutti gli
altri sono stati ostaggi delle azioni di "rastrellamento" o sono
deceduti nei campi di concentramento italiani (Rab-Arbe, Gonars,
Monigo, Chiesanuove, Cairo-Montenotte, Alatri, Renicci, ed altri). Sono
stati distrutti 12.773 edifici e danneggiati altri 8.509, compresi
ospedali, biblioteche, scuole, case di cultura ed altri. Per non
parlare dell'ingente danno materiale provocato nella "provincia di
Lubiana" da parte delle truppe italiane, cagionato dalle forzate
confische dei beni, e delle sofferenze fisiche e psichiche delle
vittime, degli invalidi, dei familiari. Questi dati stanno dietro la
resa dei conti avvenuta alla fine della guerra, specie nei confronti
dei collaborazionisti. Dopo l'8 Settembre '43 infatti, l'esercito
italiano disarmato, è potuto tornare indisturbato in Italia. Sul
percorso principalmente seguito dalle formazioni in rotta le nostre
madri offrivano del cibo caldo ai soldati stremati.
Visti i fatti elencati ed altri elementi storici, che dimostrano
incontestabilmente chi è stata la vittima e chi il carnefice, vediamo
con notevole disappunto le affermazioni, con le quali anche lei signor
Presidente, purtroppo con leggerezza, speriamo suggerita, ci rinfaccia
offensive affermazioni di genocidio.
La sua dichiarazione, al contrario, riafferma la constatazione di come
l'Italia non ha avuto il coraggio intellettuale e la forza morale di
fare i conti con il proprio passato. Per cui i crimini del regime
monarcofascista sul nostro territorio ed altrove, non sono potuti
entrare nella memoria collettiva degli italiani. Ed è così che è potuto
sorgere il mito delle storiche ingiustizie nei loro confronti, il che
rappresenta un sostrato di possibili pericolosi sviluppi. I tentativi
di demonizzazione dei vicini orientali durano da più di mezzo secolo,
ed hanno segnato una recrudescenza dopo lo smembramento della
Jugoslavia. Per questo ci appelliamo a Lei, signor Presidente, di non
contribuirvi aggiungendo benzina al fuoco, e la preghiamo di trattare
il passato con maggior amore per la verità e rispettando i dati della
storia.
Vediamo di conciliarci e perdonare il male fatto, e non così
dimenticare i crimini a noi perpetrati, i misfatti e le sofferenze
causate, come anche non permettiamo la falsificazione degli eventi
storici. Sarebbe tempo che lo Stato italiano si giustificasse per tutto
il male fatto a noi ed agli altri popoli. Pertanto vi invitiamo a
prendere il coraggio a piene mani e sull'esempio del signor Italo Gheza
quanto prima emularlo.
Voglia accogliere, signor Presidente, i sensi del nostro rispetto.
Associazione combattentistica dei comuni del litorale sloveno di
Capodistria, Isola e Pirano
Ciril Pelicon
Associazione per le tradizioni patriottiche TIGR
Karlo Kocjancic
Club culturale Istria. Movimento d'opinione per l'Istria slovena
Milan Gregoric, Lucijan Pelicon
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/09/02/international/europe/02MONT.html?ei=5040&en=5b7c72313eafa090&ex=1031630400&partner=MOREOVER&pagewanted=print&position=bottom
New York Times
International/Europe
September 2, 2002
On a Balkan War's Last Day, Trouble From the Sky
By MARLISE SIMONS
KOTOR, Montenegro - In the early morning
hours, the scientists come to work on a
small tongue of land with one of the loveliest
views along the Mediterranean.
Behind them is the stunning bay of Kotor
and its crown of steep mountains, ahead is the
shimmer of the open sea, a few hours' sail
from Italy.
But the men hunch down, their eyes fixed on
the ground. They scoop up bits of soil and
rock, moving slowly and meticulously like
archaeologists.
Protective clothing covers them from head to
toe. The cape, closed off to tourists, is
marked with signs saying "Radioactive Danger.
Trespassing Forbidden."
The scientists from Montenegro are searching
for war debris, specifically bullets coated
with slightly radioactive depleted uranium.
American warplanes fired some 480 rounds
at the cape on the final day of NATO's 1999
air campaign against Yugoslavia,
according to NATO records.
No one was killed. But to the scientists, the
attack is inexplicable. The only tokens of
past life are a collapsed bunker and some
ruined walls more than a century old,
leftovers from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
"We don't understand why anyone would
want to attack and contaminate the place on
the last day of the war," said Perko Vukotic,
a professor of nuclear physics at the
University of Montenegro at Podgorica who
heads the 12-man cleanup team.
The group has collected scores of bullets
and fragments, some buried deep in the soil.
But the main problem, they say, is that
casings have broken and many uranium parts
have disintegrated and turned into potentially
toxic dust.
"Water corrodes the uranium and it becomes
powdery," said Dr. Perkovic. "It crumbles
as easily as cigarette ash and spreads in
the soil. People can touch it or inhale it. The
wind blows it around."
The work in Montenegro, the little state that
with Serbia makes up the federation of
Yugoslavia, is the first thorough cleanup
of uranium in the Balkans.
NATO has disclosed that it fired thousands
of rounds of munitions with tips of depleted
uranium, one of the hardest metals and
therefore suitable for penetrating targets like
tanks, against targets in Bosnia in 1995 and
in Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro in 1999.
Depleted of its most radioactive part for use
in nuclear fuel, the material still emits
low-level radiation.
There have been heated debates in Europe
over the use of this ammunition in the
Balkans. The main concern was the risk
that the material could have lasting ill effects
on people and the environment.
Pentagon and officials from the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization acknowledge that
depleted uranium, like other heavy metals, can
be toxic, but insist that its low-level
radiation is not harmful.
Many civilian specialists agree, but some
research in the United States, Canada and
Britain has shown that uranium particles can
be inhaled, enter the bloodstream and
lodge in the bone, where they can deliver
low but steady and potentially harmful
radiation. There is no agreement on what
is a harmful dose and some NATO countries
want the ammunition banned.
"We had to make a choice because nobody
knows the truth," Dr. Vukotic said. "Either
we say nothing about this and close Cape
Arza. Or we decontaminate it." Industries that
handle depleted uranium use special precautions
to store it, he went on, so here it
should not be lying around.
The team is closely following the recommendations
of the United Nations Environment
Program, which conducted the only
comprehensive study of the Balkan wars'
environmental impact. In one of its reports,
it said that "given the considerable scientific
uncertainties" about long-term behavior of
depleted uranium, the authorities should give
the "highest priority" to forbidding public
access, collecting and removing pieces and
decontaminating areas where possible and
store the material safely. Ground water
should be monitored. The latest report, in
March, said that, surprisingly, depleted
uranium particles were "still in the air two
years after the conflict's end."
The decontamination team began work on
the cape last year. The men move slowly,
covering about 60 feet an hour, their instruments
close to the ground. When a counter
detects higher than natural radiation, the
place is marked with a little yellow flag.
Someone scoops up the soil and the stones.
Each spoonful is put under the detector,
then stored in boxes or bags, depending on
its intensity.
"It's very tedious, it's like detective work," Dr. Vukotic said.
No one lives on the cape, but villagers have
houses about a mile away and tourists
visiting the ancient town of Kotor nearby
come to hike here and visit the beaches.
The team has sent its first cache - 160 large
bullets, scores of fragments, more than
100 pounds of depleted uranium and three
tons of low-level radioactive soil - in bags
and boxes to Belgrade for temporary storage
at the site of a research reactor. They
estimate it will be twice that amount when
they finish this fall.
"We have no proper place to store this
waste and we have to pay for this," said Ana
Misurovitc, director of the Montenegro
Toxicological Institute. The attack, she also
noted, was May 30, 1999, the last day of
the war. "Why did they bother then? It has
already cost us more than half a million
dollars in salaries, materials, equipment and
storage, and we're not finished." This is a
lot, she said, for a government with a budget
of $300 million.
In Brussels, a NATO spokesman said that
"480 rounds were fired at a legitimate target
on the cape, but we do not keep the targeting
records."
Villagers said that there was nothing to attack
and that they had not seen soldiers
around the site for more than a decade. A
Western military official said he believed the
site had a surveillance radar, but conceded
this would have drawn fire at the start and
not at the end of the air campaign.
Serbia was hit by some 3,500 rounds of depleted
uranium and its cleanup has only just
begun. But Montenegrins feel wronged, Ms.
Misurovitc explained, because they made it
clear they were neutral in the war.
She has tried to enlist the help of the United
Nations and other international bodies with
the uranium. Her message for NATO: "Come
and take back your radioactive waste and
pay for decontamination."
New York Times
International/Europe
September 2, 2002
On a Balkan War's Last Day, Trouble From the Sky
By MARLISE SIMONS
KOTOR, Montenegro - In the early morning
hours, the scientists come to work on a
small tongue of land with one of the loveliest
views along the Mediterranean.
Behind them is the stunning bay of Kotor
and its crown of steep mountains, ahead is the
shimmer of the open sea, a few hours' sail
from Italy.
But the men hunch down, their eyes fixed on
the ground. They scoop up bits of soil and
rock, moving slowly and meticulously like
archaeologists.
Protective clothing covers them from head to
toe. The cape, closed off to tourists, is
marked with signs saying "Radioactive Danger.
Trespassing Forbidden."
The scientists from Montenegro are searching
for war debris, specifically bullets coated
with slightly radioactive depleted uranium.
American warplanes fired some 480 rounds
at the cape on the final day of NATO's 1999
air campaign against Yugoslavia,
according to NATO records.
No one was killed. But to the scientists, the
attack is inexplicable. The only tokens of
past life are a collapsed bunker and some
ruined walls more than a century old,
leftovers from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
"We don't understand why anyone would
want to attack and contaminate the place on
the last day of the war," said Perko Vukotic,
a professor of nuclear physics at the
University of Montenegro at Podgorica who
heads the 12-man cleanup team.
The group has collected scores of bullets
and fragments, some buried deep in the soil.
But the main problem, they say, is that
casings have broken and many uranium parts
have disintegrated and turned into potentially
toxic dust.
"Water corrodes the uranium and it becomes
powdery," said Dr. Perkovic. "It crumbles
as easily as cigarette ash and spreads in
the soil. People can touch it or inhale it. The
wind blows it around."
The work in Montenegro, the little state that
with Serbia makes up the federation of
Yugoslavia, is the first thorough cleanup
of uranium in the Balkans.
NATO has disclosed that it fired thousands
of rounds of munitions with tips of depleted
uranium, one of the hardest metals and
therefore suitable for penetrating targets like
tanks, against targets in Bosnia in 1995 and
in Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro in 1999.
Depleted of its most radioactive part for use
in nuclear fuel, the material still emits
low-level radiation.
There have been heated debates in Europe
over the use of this ammunition in the
Balkans. The main concern was the risk
that the material could have lasting ill effects
on people and the environment.
Pentagon and officials from the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization acknowledge that
depleted uranium, like other heavy metals, can
be toxic, but insist that its low-level
radiation is not harmful.
Many civilian specialists agree, but some
research in the United States, Canada and
Britain has shown that uranium particles can
be inhaled, enter the bloodstream and
lodge in the bone, where they can deliver
low but steady and potentially harmful
radiation. There is no agreement on what
is a harmful dose and some NATO countries
want the ammunition banned.
"We had to make a choice because nobody
knows the truth," Dr. Vukotic said. "Either
we say nothing about this and close Cape
Arza. Or we decontaminate it." Industries that
handle depleted uranium use special precautions
to store it, he went on, so here it
should not be lying around.
The team is closely following the recommendations
of the United Nations Environment
Program, which conducted the only
comprehensive study of the Balkan wars'
environmental impact. In one of its reports,
it said that "given the considerable scientific
uncertainties" about long-term behavior of
depleted uranium, the authorities should give
the "highest priority" to forbidding public
access, collecting and removing pieces and
decontaminating areas where possible and
store the material safely. Ground water
should be monitored. The latest report, in
March, said that, surprisingly, depleted
uranium particles were "still in the air two
years after the conflict's end."
The decontamination team began work on
the cape last year. The men move slowly,
covering about 60 feet an hour, their instruments
close to the ground. When a counter
detects higher than natural radiation, the
place is marked with a little yellow flag.
Someone scoops up the soil and the stones.
Each spoonful is put under the detector,
then stored in boxes or bags, depending on
its intensity.
"It's very tedious, it's like detective work," Dr. Vukotic said.
No one lives on the cape, but villagers have
houses about a mile away and tourists
visiting the ancient town of Kotor nearby
come to hike here and visit the beaches.
The team has sent its first cache - 160 large
bullets, scores of fragments, more than
100 pounds of depleted uranium and three
tons of low-level radioactive soil - in bags
and boxes to Belgrade for temporary storage
at the site of a research reactor. They
estimate it will be twice that amount when
they finish this fall.
"We have no proper place to store this
waste and we have to pay for this," said Ana
Misurovitc, director of the Montenegro
Toxicological Institute. The attack, she also
noted, was May 30, 1999, the last day of
the war. "Why did they bother then? It has
already cost us more than half a million
dollars in salaries, materials, equipment and
storage, and we're not finished." This is a
lot, she said, for a government with a budget
of $300 million.
In Brussels, a NATO spokesman said that
"480 rounds were fired at a legitimate target
on the cape, but we do not keep the targeting
records."
Villagers said that there was nothing to attack
and that they had not seen soldiers
around the site for more than a decade. A
Western military official said he believed the
site had a surveillance radar, but conceded
this would have drawn fire at the start and
not at the end of the air campaign.
Serbia was hit by some 3,500 rounds of depleted
uranium and its cleanup has only just
begun. But Montenegrins feel wronged, Ms.
Misurovitc explained, because they made it
clear they were neutral in the war.
She has tried to enlist the help of the United
Nations and other international bodies with
the uranium. Her message for NATO: "Come
and take back your radioactive waste and
pay for decontamination."
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:30. avgust 2002. godine
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KOJA SU POTRESLA SRBIJU
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BOPALA
3. Mirela Belosevic: Jesen
1. VOTERGEJT NA SRPSKI NACIN HRONIKA POLITICKIH ZBIVANJA
KOJA SU POTRESLA SRBIJU
Spomenka Deretic
Beograd, 30. avgust 2002. godine
infograf@...
Sve je pocelo proletos, kada je potpredsednik Vlade
Srbije i bivsi ministar vojni, Momcilo Perisic, koga je
Slobodan Milosevic svojevremeno smenio sa mesta
nacelnika Generalstaba, uhvacen na delu kako predaje
najpoverljivija jugoslovenska dokumenta sefu CIA-e za
Balkan, Dzonu Dejvidu Nejboru, koji, uzgred budi receno,
ima pasos americkog diplomate. Perisica, potpredsednika
Dosovske vlade, uhapsila je kontraobavestajna sluzba
Vojske Jugoslavije, u kojoj rade odlicni profesionalci.
To je, u stvari, razlog zbog kojeg je pokrenuta afera
povodom prisluskivanja predsednika Jugoslavije Vojislava
Kostunice.
Vratimo se Perisicu, jer je on, prema pisanju nemackog
magazina 'Konkret', odigrao veliku ulogu prilikom
predavanja podataka doskorasnjem nemackom ministru
Rudolfu Sarpingu, o navodnom planu za proterivanje
Albanaca sa Kosmeta, nazvanom ''Potkovica''. General
Perisic je, naime, jos 25. oktobra 1998. godine predao
navodni plan ''Potkovica'' komandantu NATO Pakta,
Vesliju Klarku, i predsedniku Vojnog saveta NATO, Klausu
Naumanu, koji su boravili u Beogradu da bi pregovarali
sa tadasnjim predsednikom Jugoslavije, Slobodanom
Milosevicem, o zahtevu NATO da Vojska Jugoslavije smanji
svoje prisustvo na Kosovu.
Prema tvrdjenu Rudolfa Sarpinga, koje prenosi
''Konkret'', postoji vremenska veza izmedju izrade plana
''Potkovica'' i smene Perisica sa mesta nacelnika
Generalstaba VJ, jer se Perisic usprotivio da vojska
ucestvuje u navodnom proterivanju Albanaca sa Kosova. S
obzirom na to da je jugoslovenska vojna
kontraobavestajna sluzba uistinu izuzetno profesionalna,
a da je Slobodan Milosevic, takodje, uistinu bio sjajno
obavesten, sa sigurnoscu se moze utvrditi da je Perisic
smenjen ne zbog navodnog protivljenja nekom navodnom
planu ''Potkovica'', vec zato sto je uhvacen u spijunazi
za NATO Pakt, koji ce kroz nepunu godinu napasti
Jugoslaviju. Ako se kriticki analiziraju inteligencija i
moral generala Perisica moze se zakljuciti da je malo
verovatno da je on, Momcilo Perisic, smislio postojanje
plana ''Potkovica'' koji je posluzio kao izgovor za
napad na Jugoslaviju. Sve ukazuje na to da je ovaj plan
smisljen u germanskoj kuhinji. Naime, Rudolf Sarping je
priznao da je navodni srpski plan za proterivanje
Albanaca dobio od Austrijske obavestajne agencije, i da
mu je u tome pomogao Dragan Vuksic, Perisicev saradnik
od poverenja. Nekoliko podataka o pukovniku Draganu
Vuksicu: On je, po svoj prilici, stari saradnik nemacke
obavestajne sluzbe, vrlo je verovatno da je ucestvovao i
u pripremanju puca 5. oktobra 2000. godine i pre ce biti
da je Vuksic prvi covek u timu. Pukovnik Dragan Vuksic
predlozen je, posle beogradske oktobarske revolucije, za
jugoslovenskog ambasadora u Svajcarskoj. Bern je (
Svajcarci su oprezan narod ) odbio da primi njegov
agreman zbog Vuksiceve saradnje sa nemackom obavestajnom
sluzbom. Medjutim, zasluge pukovnika Vuksica za
antisrpsku kampanju su toliko velike da ga je nemacka
vlada akreditovala za glavnog jugoslovenskog konzula u
Frankfurtu na Majni, a posto je zaduzio i dosovske
revolucionarne vlasti u Beogradu, dobio je visoko
diplomatsko mesto u Jugoslavenskoj ambasadi u Bonu. Da
ne zaboravimo: Dragan Vuksic je bio i u Dejtonu. Tamo je
radio o glavi Republici Srpskoj, i sa druge strane, bio
je , po svoj prilici, 'oci i usi' nemacke obavestajne
sluzbe. Da sastavimo mozaik: nemacka obavestajna sluzba
i njen covek, pukovnik Vuksic, smislili su,
najverovatnije, plan ''Potkovica'' i uz bratsku pomoc
austrijske obavestajne sluzbe i agilnog Perisica
plasirali ga kao srpski plan za proterivanje Albanaca sa
Kosova, sto je posluzilo kao izgovor za oruzani napad
NATO Pakta na Jugoslaviju.
AFERA PRISLUSKIVANJA , ILI AFERA PAVKOVIC
Posto je Kontraobavestajna sluzba Vojske Jugoslavije
hapsenjem Perisica pokazala izuzetnu sposobnost,
pronemacka vlada Srbije, preko Skupstine, u kojoj ima
apsolutnu vecinu, pokrenula je aferu Pavkovic, ili aferu
prisluskivanja predsednika Jugoslavije, Vojislava
Kostunice. O cemu je rec? Cetvorica penzionisanih
generala: Nebojsa Pavkovic, Milen Simic, Aleksandar
Vasiljevic i Milan Djakovic optuzili su predsednika
Kostunicu da je, preko svojih savetnika, trazio da
vojska upadne u Biro za komunikacije Vlade Srbije iz
cijih se prostorija, navodno, prisluskuje predsednik
jugoslavije, i da su generali smenjeni jer su to odbili.
Skupstina Srbije osnovala je Anketnu komisiju za
ispitivanje aktera afere Pavkovic, u koju nije usao
nijedan predstavnik opozicionih stranaka, kao ni
Demokratske stranke Srbije, sto govori samo po sebi.
Pred Anketnom komisijom najpre su izlozili svoje verzije
dogadjaja cetvorica generala. Bio je to direktan
televizijski prenos, narod je uzivo gledao srpski
Votergejt. Samo, za razliku od americke afere u kojoj je
predsednik Nikson naredio prisluskivanje, u srpskom
Voretgejtu prisluskivan je predsednik Jugoslavije.
Generali su ispricali da su se na sastanku u Palati
federacije u noci izmedju 4. i 5. juna prosle godine,
usprotivili upadu u vladine prostorije, zato sto su to
prostorije Vlade Srbije i zato sto bi prilikom upada
vojnika moglo biti zrtava. Tokom daljih ispitivanja,
kasnije se ispostavilo da do zrtava, po svoj prilici, ne
bi ni doslo. Pavkovic, Vasiljevic, Djakovic i Simic
prepricali su razgovore koje su vodili sa savetnicima
predsednika Jugoslavije, kao i sa sadasnjim nacelnikom
Uprave vojne bezbednosti, Acom Tomicem, do u tancine,
prepricali su detaljno kao kada domacice diktiraju
recept za dobos tortu. Da li su govorili iskljucivo
istinu, to je vec drugo pitanje. Nekoliko stvari je
karakteristicno: prvo, postavlja se pitanje zasto su
cetvorica generala progovorili javno tek godinu dana
posle dogadjaja; i drugo, ispada da je Biro za
komunikacije Vlade Srbije veoma vazan centar moci.
Predsednik narodne demokratske stranke, Slobodan
Vuksanovic u intervjuu ''Nacionalu'' postavlja logicno
pitanje: Ko u stvari rukovodi tim biroom i da li biro
predstavlja centralnu redakciju vecine medija u Srbiji,
u kome se kroje vesti, kampanje, afere i spektakularne
predstave, poput ove sa Anketnom komisijom? Da
odgovorimo. Biroom rukovodi Djindjicev covek, Vladimir
Popovic-Beba, koji uopste ne lici na bebu, nego na
nekoga koga ne biste zeleli da sretnete nocu.
General Pavkovic, heroj iz rata sa NATO-m, pokazao je
pred jugoslovenskom javnoscu svoje ''Ahilove pete'':
boji se penzionisanja i ostrog jezika i obavestenosti
Vojislava Seselja, sefa srpskih radikala. Naime,
Pavkovic se pred televizijskim kamerama opravdavao da
nije povezan sa surcinskom mafijom, zasta ga je Seselj
jednom prilikom optuzio, i Pavkovic je rekao da je
surcinski bos Markovic, sa kojim je i on, dobar
poznanik, ugledni mladi biznismeni vlasnik ''Krmivo
produkta'', vise vila, jedne ergele i jedne jahte.
General Pavkovic je doduse priznao da je kao nacelnik
Generalstaba Vojske Jugoslavije intervenisao da se na
Vojnomedicinsku akademiju primi, kada je bio otrovan, i
Surcinac Ljubisa Buha, takodje mlad i po Pavkovicu
uspesan biznismen. Koliko je biznismen Ljubisa Buha
posten, pokazuje njegov nadimak -Cume, a srpski narod
cumom naziva kugu. Uzgred budi receno, Ljubu Cumu (kugu)
, dok je lezao u Vojnomedicinskoj bolnici, posetili su
mnogi ministri Vlade Srbije, pa i sam premijer Zoran
Djindjic. Jos da dodamo: pre dve nedelje prijatelj naseg
premijera, i nasih ministara i generala Pavkovica,
Ljubisa Buha -Cume, zamalo da pogine dok je obilazio
jednu svoju novu i velelepnu investiciju. Na njega su
pucala dvojica maskiranih napadaca, ali ga je zastitio
cuvar, koji je nesrecnik, za gazdu poginuo. General
Aleksandar Vasiljevic, koji je jedno vreme bio i sef
vojne bezbednosti, stari je lisac. Pohvalio se da nije
bio poslusan Milosevicu, cime se preporucio Perisicevim
mentorima, priznao je da je na sasatanak prosle godine u
Palatu federacije dosao kao penzioner i penzionisani
Pavkovicev savetnik, odnosno prijatelj.
Penzionisani nacelnik uprave vojne bezbednosti, Milan
Djakovic, delovao je iskreno zbunjeno, kao da ne zna, ne
samo zasto se pred Anketnim odborom nasao, vec i da ne
zna kako je mogao posle oktobarskog puca da postane tako
vazan rukovodilac u Vojsci Jugoslavije. Jasno se videlo
da je do poslednje kapi odan generalu Pavkovicu. Milan
Djakovic je ispricao, onako uzgred, nesvestan sta to
znaci, da je u Podgorici, u okviru vrata prostorije
ekipe vojne kontraobavestajne sluzbe, slucajno pronadjen
prislusni najsavremeniji uredjaj izraelske proizvodnje,
koji nije mogao da bude otkriven, izuzev mehanicki, ni
najsavremenijim aparatima.
General za moral Milen Simic bio je najopasniji. On je,
naime, predlozio da se kontraobavstajna sluzba stavi pod
civilnu kontrolu, da nase najbolje profesionalce
kontrolisu poslanici, medju kojima sada ima i onih
kojima je to prvo zaposlenje u zivotu, a nalazi se medju
sadasnjim poslanicima i momak, koji ima policijski
dosije zbog dilovanja droge. Simic, kojeg sam 1999.
godine upoznala na jednom sastanku Patriotskog saveza
Jugoslavije , u maloj sali na Kolarcevom narodnom
univerzitetu, kao gorljivog branioca drzave, ustava i
vojske, sada bi predao kontrolu vojske ovoj skupstini
koja ponekad krsi ustav, oduzima poslanicke mandate,
izbacuje sa sednica citave opozicione partije, ili bi
kontrolu mozda predao vladi ciji je potpredsednik
saradnik nemacke obavestajne sluzbe i americke CIA.
Svedocile su i kafe-kuvarice, obezbedjenje i kelneri u
Palati federacije. Svi su oni bili veoma diskretni, niko
od njih nije ogovarao, niti prepricavao kao na pijaci.
Oni su se ponasali kao pravi generali, dok su se, utisak
je, penzionisani generali ponasali kao kafe-kuvarice.
Ispitivanje anketne komisije je prekinuto zbog letnjeg
odmora. Srbi u Bujanovcu se ne odmaraju, svakodnevno
demonstriraju i protestvuju. Na upravo zavrsenim
izborima prvi put je u istoriji opstine izabran za prvog
coveka Albanac. Na nekim birackim mestima glasanje u
bujanovackoj opstini trajalo je do 5 casova ujutru, mada
se po Zakonu o izborima glasacka mesta moraju zatvoriti
do 20 casova. Glasalo se devet casova duze jer se cekalo
da sa Kosova stignu biraci. Za ovo nasilje u Bujanovcu
najzasluzniji su americki ambasador u Beogradu , i
predsednik Koordinacionog tela za jug Srbije, Nebojsa
Covic, koji je ujedno i potpredsednik srpske vlade i
ljubimac SAD. Zasto je Amerikancima i njihovim evropskim
prijateljima toliko stalo da bujanovackoj opstini, prvi
put u istoriji, vlast preuzmu Albanci, koji nisu u
vecini, ali su u biracke spiskove upisivani i kosovski
Albanci, takozvani profesionalni glasaci koji glasaju
kad ustreba na Kosovu, kad ustreba u Metohiji, a kad
ustreba na jugu Srbije? Zato sto Srbiju treba i fizicki
odvojiti albanskim koridorom od Makedonije i pravoslavne
Grcke, i time je uciniti jos nestabilnijom. Vec danima
Srbi u Bujanovcu protestuju i potpisuju peticije za
smenu Covica, a on im porucuje: ''Ne uzbudjuje me
peticija, niste me vi birali, necete me ni smenjivati.''
Da potsetimo: Covic je bio visoki funkcioner
Socijalisticke partije Srbije, koga je Milosevic smenio
i izbacio iz partije, navodno jer se Covic usprotivio
poznatom kontramitingu pristalica tadasnje vlasti.
Naravno da to nije tacno. Sve su televizijiske kamere
zabelezile mladjanog Covica na bini medju drugim
funkcionerima SPS-a. Milosevic je Covica, u stvari,
smenio zbog uzajamne i protivprirodne ljubavi izmedju
Vasingtona i ambicioznog Nebojse Covica.
P.S. E-mail: infograf@...
Ako imate zelju da saradjujete, mislite drugacije ili
zelite da nesto saopstite, obratite nam se i obavezno
potpisite.
2. UOCI GODISNJICE DOGADJAJA 11. SEPTEMBRA PRISETIMO SE
BOPALA
Vladimir SIMONOV
Moskva, 29. avgusta 2002. godine
Ruska informativna agencija RIA "Novosti"
specijalno za Artel-Geopolitiku
Vladari razvijenih demokratija ponasaju se tako, kao da
je zivot coveka, koji zivi u "necivilizovanoj zemlji"
jeftiniji od zivota njihovog sopstvenog gradjanina. A
tudja bol kod njih se ne moze niposto uporedjivati sa
elitnom boli njihovih sugradjana.
Ove nedelje sud u Bopalu, (Bhopal, glavni grad savezne
drzave Madija Pradess u centralnom delu Indije) odbio je
da smanji kaznu vinovnicima tragedije u fabrici americke
transnacionalne korporacije "Junion Karbajd", koja se
dogodila 1984. godine.
Ta novost posebno ce obradovati Tarai Bai, 36-godisnju
Induskinju. Tesko da ce ona ikada zaboraviti noc uoci 3.
decembra 1984. godine, kada je ova fabrika za
proizvodnju pesticida izbacila u atmosferu gigantski
otrovni oblak. Vetar je duvao sa severa na jug, od
strane fabrike u pravcu zgusnutih bednih straccara u
kojima su nasli utociste ovdasnji radnici i hiljade onih
koji su mastali da se zaposle u ovom americkom raju.
Tarai Bai je bila u trecem mesecu trudnoce. Izgubila je
bebu. Otrovni gas je sprzio njena pluca. Zena nikada ne
moze da ima decu, pati od bolesti respiratornih organa,
neuroloski je nestabilna i delimicno slepa. Pa ipak je
zahvalna Bogu sto je prema njoj bio milostiv.
Zato sto je te strasne noci 3 hiljade ljudi poginulo
odmah, a jos 20 hiljada njih u narednim mesecima. Broj
zrtava sa mracnom sudbinom Tarai Bai premasuje 150
hiljada ljudi. Pred tom tragedijom bledi i Ccernobilj.
Na Bopal se srucila najveca, najsmrtonosnija tehnogena
katastrofa u istoriji covecanstva.
U svemu ovom najvece iznenadjenje, svakako, predstavlja
cinjenica sto do dana danasnjeg niko za tu katastrofu
nije kaznjen. U minulim decenijama ama bas niko nije
mobilisao javno mnenje, kako bi macc pravosudja spustio
na glave vinovnika, kako bi poginulima nadoknadio
gubitak, a postradalima, koji su jos uvek na ovom svetu,
kompenzirao stetu nanetu njihovom zdravlju.
Secanje na masovno trovanje u Bopalu brizljivo se brise,
kao sto iskusni zlocinac brise sa rukohvata noza krvave
otiske. Da li najvece svetske medijske kuce osvatljavaju
ovu temu kao, recimo, Ccernobilj, ili dogadjaje od 11.
septembra? Ne! Svaka cast izuzecima.
A u Bopalu je poginulo najmanje 7 puta vise ljudi, nego
u Njujorku, prilikom napada na zgrade Medjunarodnog
trgovinskog centra.
Pa ipak se bopalski zlocin kvalifikuje od strane
indijskog suda - a ta kvalifikacija izrecena je ove
nedelje - kao "ubistvo s predumisljajem", a ne kao
"ubistvo iz nehata", kako bi to zeleli visoki
pokrovitelji americkog hemijskog giganta "Dau Kemikal",
koji je "progutao" "Junion Karbajd".
Glavni izvrsni direktor "Junion Karbajda" tih godina
Voren Anderson ni do dana danasnjeg nije stao ni pred
jednog sudiju ni u jednoj zemlji, kako bi objasnio zasto
su u fabrici jedan za drugim iskljucivani uredjaji za
sprecavanje havarije, namenjeni upravo za sprecavanje
takve tragedije. Mada bi to bilo moguce objasniti jednom
prostom recenicom: iskljucenja su vrsena da bi se
povecao profit od proizvodnje pesticida.
U Bopalu se tako desio najgnusniji zlocin masovnog
ubijanja radi profita.
Godine 1992. indijske vlasti nalozile su hapsenje
Andersona, sto je predstavljalo dovoljnu osnovu za
njegovo izrucenje Indiji. Medjutim, vlasti SAD su
ignorisale zahtev indijske strane. One nisu uihapsile
Andersona - cak stavise, dali su mu sansu da srecno
nestane. Za dve decenije americke specijalne sluzbe i
drugi organi koji tragaju za zlocincima nisu ni prstom
mrdnuli da natrapaju na njegove tragove.
Vladari razvijenih demokratija ponasaju se tako, kao da
je zivot coveka, koji zivi u "necivilizovanoj zemlji"
jeftiniji od zivota njihovog sopstvenog gradjanina. A
tudja bol kod njih se ne moze niposto uporedjivati sa
elitnom boli njihovih sugradjana.
Tesko je izbeci pomisao da se u toj ravnodusnosti
odslikava kao u kapljici vode ta centralna, vopijuca
nepravicnost nase epohe. I izgleda da se upravo zato na
ulice metropola izlivaju demonstracije stotina hiljada
antiglobalista. Umnogome zato je na samitu Zemlje u
Johanesburgu, koji se ovih ana odrzava, siromasnim
zemljama tesko da nadju razumevanje bogatijih. A mozda
upravo tu lezi skriveno i delimicno objasnjenje
izvorista one mrznje koja se 11. septembra izlila
avionima na Njujork i Vasington?
"Zar je mogao Dzordz Buss dopustiti, da bivsem glavnom
izvrsnom direktoru prestizne americke multinacionalne
korporacije zapreti procedura izrucenja, koju je
pokrenula zemlja treceg sveta?, - pita se Dominik
Lapjer, koautor knjige "Pet minuta posle ponoci u
Bopalu", posvecenoj indijskoj tragediji. Za odgovorom
nema potrebe. Svet njega poznaje.
"Junion Karbajd" nestala je iz Indije te iste 1984.
godine, ostavivsi na mestu bacene fabrike stotine tona
otrovnih materija. Te planine otrova polako prodiru u
podzemne vode, koje napajaju bunare okolnih indijskih
sela. Otrovane gasom truju ponovo. Naravno, ako vec nije
vlada Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava, mogao je "Dau
Kemikal", sadasnji pravni naslednik "Junion Karbajda"
preuzeti na sebe odgovornost za teroristicki napad na
cetvrt miliona zitelja Bopala, na ekologiju centralne
savezne drzave Indije, velike azijske drzave. Priroda
ocekuje likvidaciju zarista hemijskog zagadjenja. A
zrtve - medicinsku pomoc i kompenzaciju
3. Mirela Belosevic: Jesen
Beograd, 30 avgust 2002. godine
E-mail: infograf@...
Sa priblizavanjem pocetka skolske godine prestaju price
kako smo se sve snalazili da bi i ove godine otisli na
letovanje a pocinju preispitivanja jesmo li se suvise
opustli i istrosili. Otreznjenje stize sa prvim
pripremama zimnice. Pijaca je doduse uvek bila spas za
nas standard ali je nevolja sto istovremeno treba
spremiti i djake za skolu. Porodica koja ima dva djaka
mora da izdvoji oko 1oo eura samo za udzbenike. U
poslednje vreme moze se cuti duhovita ali i tuzna
opaska: 'Nema djaka bez buvljaka' jer je skolski pribor
jeftiniji na takozvanim buvljacima na kojima se prodaje
roba iz inostranstva, sumnjivog kvaliteta ali sa
povoljnijim cenama nego u prodavnicama. Istovremeno se
na buvljacima kupuje i garderoba za djake. Starija deca
bi doduse vise volela da se oblace u buticima, ali vrlo
brzo ih majke ubede i dokazu da se ista roba sa tezgi
nudi i u buticima sa visim cenama. Vlada Srbije je
omogucila kupovinu udzbenika za decu u osnovnim skolama
na 6 rata. Roditeljima je to olaksica ali je istovremeno
i potvrda naseg loseg standarda jer kredit vazi za sumu
vecu od 20 eura. Prosecna julska zarada u Srbiji je 13
461 dinar ili nesto vise od 200 eura. U odnosu na junsku
realno je niza za 0,35% a kao i uvek plate u privredi su
nize nego u vanprivredi.
Ovih dana u Srbiji se mnogo prica i o ceni jestivog ulja
za koje Guverner Narodne Banke kaze da je skuplje nego u
Nemackoj. Ako se smanjivanjem poreza na promet i
popustanjem proizvodjaca ne dodje do nizih cena
intervenisace drzavne robne rezerve. U toku je vec
intervencija na trzistu mesa, koje poskupljuje iako je
potrosnja mesa sve manja. Inace cene ulja, mesa i svih
ostalih namirnica osim takozvanog narodnog hleba su
liberalizovane. Kupovna moc gradjana se najcesce meri
takozvanom potrosackom korpom. Trgovci i razni ekonomski
instituti su napravili spisak namirnica neophodnih za
zivot i pracenjem promene iznosa ove potrosacke korpe se
proverava koliko je prosecnih plata potrebno samo za
ishranu. U komisiji za standard pri Republickoj vladi
nisu imali poverenja u ove proracune pa su napravili
svoj spisak namirnica potrebnih za zivotni minimum.
Komisija za standard ovih dana treba da odluci da li ce
i cena hleba, za nas najvaznije namirnice, uskoro biti
liberalizovana.
Na najave, da ce ove godine inflacija iznositi samo 16%
i da je od jula prosle do istog meseca ove godine bila
19% vecina gradjana, posebno penzionerei zbog skromnijih
priohoda nego sto imaju zaposleni, negoduju. Standard su
u jednogodisnjem periodu uzdrmali racuni za struju koji
su povecani za oko 80 %. U Srbiji se struja koristi za
zagrevanje stanova pa je u toku kampanja, dodise
zakasnela, da se gradjanima omoguce krediti kako bi se
prikljucili na daljinsko grejanje. Malo je onih koji
mogu sebi da priuste takav trosak zarad buduce ustede.
Statistika pokazuje da su stanarine takodje porasle u
proseku za 60%.
Vecina ljudi prema gotovo svim anketama dosta lose
ocenjuje sopstveni ekonomski polozaj i o tome bi
sadasnji akteri ekonomske politike trebalo da razmisle
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situaciju vide u nesto ruzicastijim tonovima.
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Datum:30. avgust 2002. godine
1. VOTERGEJT NA SRPSKI NACIN HRONIKA POLITICKIH ZBIVANJA
KOJA SU POTRESLA SRBIJU
2. UOCI GODISNJICE DOGADJAJA 11. SEPTEMBRA PRISETIMO SE
BOPALA
3. Mirela Belosevic: Jesen
1. VOTERGEJT NA SRPSKI NACIN HRONIKA POLITICKIH ZBIVANJA
KOJA SU POTRESLA SRBIJU
Spomenka Deretic
Beograd, 30. avgust 2002. godine
infograf@...
Sve je pocelo proletos, kada je potpredsednik Vlade
Srbije i bivsi ministar vojni, Momcilo Perisic, koga je
Slobodan Milosevic svojevremeno smenio sa mesta
nacelnika Generalstaba, uhvacen na delu kako predaje
najpoverljivija jugoslovenska dokumenta sefu CIA-e za
Balkan, Dzonu Dejvidu Nejboru, koji, uzgred budi receno,
ima pasos americkog diplomate. Perisica, potpredsednika
Dosovske vlade, uhapsila je kontraobavestajna sluzba
Vojske Jugoslavije, u kojoj rade odlicni profesionalci.
To je, u stvari, razlog zbog kojeg je pokrenuta afera
povodom prisluskivanja predsednika Jugoslavije Vojislava
Kostunice.
Vratimo se Perisicu, jer je on, prema pisanju nemackog
magazina 'Konkret', odigrao veliku ulogu prilikom
predavanja podataka doskorasnjem nemackom ministru
Rudolfu Sarpingu, o navodnom planu za proterivanje
Albanaca sa Kosmeta, nazvanom ''Potkovica''. General
Perisic je, naime, jos 25. oktobra 1998. godine predao
navodni plan ''Potkovica'' komandantu NATO Pakta,
Vesliju Klarku, i predsedniku Vojnog saveta NATO, Klausu
Naumanu, koji su boravili u Beogradu da bi pregovarali
sa tadasnjim predsednikom Jugoslavije, Slobodanom
Milosevicem, o zahtevu NATO da Vojska Jugoslavije smanji
svoje prisustvo na Kosovu.
Prema tvrdjenu Rudolfa Sarpinga, koje prenosi
''Konkret'', postoji vremenska veza izmedju izrade plana
''Potkovica'' i smene Perisica sa mesta nacelnika
Generalstaba VJ, jer se Perisic usprotivio da vojska
ucestvuje u navodnom proterivanju Albanaca sa Kosova. S
obzirom na to da je jugoslovenska vojna
kontraobavestajna sluzba uistinu izuzetno profesionalna,
a da je Slobodan Milosevic, takodje, uistinu bio sjajno
obavesten, sa sigurnoscu se moze utvrditi da je Perisic
smenjen ne zbog navodnog protivljenja nekom navodnom
planu ''Potkovica'', vec zato sto je uhvacen u spijunazi
za NATO Pakt, koji ce kroz nepunu godinu napasti
Jugoslaviju. Ako se kriticki analiziraju inteligencija i
moral generala Perisica moze se zakljuciti da je malo
verovatno da je on, Momcilo Perisic, smislio postojanje
plana ''Potkovica'' koji je posluzio kao izgovor za
napad na Jugoslaviju. Sve ukazuje na to da je ovaj plan
smisljen u germanskoj kuhinji. Naime, Rudolf Sarping je
priznao da je navodni srpski plan za proterivanje
Albanaca dobio od Austrijske obavestajne agencije, i da
mu je u tome pomogao Dragan Vuksic, Perisicev saradnik
od poverenja. Nekoliko podataka o pukovniku Draganu
Vuksicu: On je, po svoj prilici, stari saradnik nemacke
obavestajne sluzbe, vrlo je verovatno da je ucestvovao i
u pripremanju puca 5. oktobra 2000. godine i pre ce biti
da je Vuksic prvi covek u timu. Pukovnik Dragan Vuksic
predlozen je, posle beogradske oktobarske revolucije, za
jugoslovenskog ambasadora u Svajcarskoj. Bern je (
Svajcarci su oprezan narod ) odbio da primi njegov
agreman zbog Vuksiceve saradnje sa nemackom obavestajnom
sluzbom. Medjutim, zasluge pukovnika Vuksica za
antisrpsku kampanju su toliko velike da ga je nemacka
vlada akreditovala za glavnog jugoslovenskog konzula u
Frankfurtu na Majni, a posto je zaduzio i dosovske
revolucionarne vlasti u Beogradu, dobio je visoko
diplomatsko mesto u Jugoslavenskoj ambasadi u Bonu. Da
ne zaboravimo: Dragan Vuksic je bio i u Dejtonu. Tamo je
radio o glavi Republici Srpskoj, i sa druge strane, bio
je , po svoj prilici, 'oci i usi' nemacke obavestajne
sluzbe. Da sastavimo mozaik: nemacka obavestajna sluzba
i njen covek, pukovnik Vuksic, smislili su,
najverovatnije, plan ''Potkovica'' i uz bratsku pomoc
austrijske obavestajne sluzbe i agilnog Perisica
plasirali ga kao srpski plan za proterivanje Albanaca sa
Kosova, sto je posluzilo kao izgovor za oruzani napad
NATO Pakta na Jugoslaviju.
AFERA PRISLUSKIVANJA , ILI AFERA PAVKOVIC
Posto je Kontraobavestajna sluzba Vojske Jugoslavije
hapsenjem Perisica pokazala izuzetnu sposobnost,
pronemacka vlada Srbije, preko Skupstine, u kojoj ima
apsolutnu vecinu, pokrenula je aferu Pavkovic, ili aferu
prisluskivanja predsednika Jugoslavije, Vojislava
Kostunice. O cemu je rec? Cetvorica penzionisanih
generala: Nebojsa Pavkovic, Milen Simic, Aleksandar
Vasiljevic i Milan Djakovic optuzili su predsednika
Kostunicu da je, preko svojih savetnika, trazio da
vojska upadne u Biro za komunikacije Vlade Srbije iz
cijih se prostorija, navodno, prisluskuje predsednik
jugoslavije, i da su generali smenjeni jer su to odbili.
Skupstina Srbije osnovala je Anketnu komisiju za
ispitivanje aktera afere Pavkovic, u koju nije usao
nijedan predstavnik opozicionih stranaka, kao ni
Demokratske stranke Srbije, sto govori samo po sebi.
Pred Anketnom komisijom najpre su izlozili svoje verzije
dogadjaja cetvorica generala. Bio je to direktan
televizijski prenos, narod je uzivo gledao srpski
Votergejt. Samo, za razliku od americke afere u kojoj je
predsednik Nikson naredio prisluskivanje, u srpskom
Voretgejtu prisluskivan je predsednik Jugoslavije.
Generali su ispricali da su se na sastanku u Palati
federacije u noci izmedju 4. i 5. juna prosle godine,
usprotivili upadu u vladine prostorije, zato sto su to
prostorije Vlade Srbije i zato sto bi prilikom upada
vojnika moglo biti zrtava. Tokom daljih ispitivanja,
kasnije se ispostavilo da do zrtava, po svoj prilici, ne
bi ni doslo. Pavkovic, Vasiljevic, Djakovic i Simic
prepricali su razgovore koje su vodili sa savetnicima
predsednika Jugoslavije, kao i sa sadasnjim nacelnikom
Uprave vojne bezbednosti, Acom Tomicem, do u tancine,
prepricali su detaljno kao kada domacice diktiraju
recept za dobos tortu. Da li su govorili iskljucivo
istinu, to je vec drugo pitanje. Nekoliko stvari je
karakteristicno: prvo, postavlja se pitanje zasto su
cetvorica generala progovorili javno tek godinu dana
posle dogadjaja; i drugo, ispada da je Biro za
komunikacije Vlade Srbije veoma vazan centar moci.
Predsednik narodne demokratske stranke, Slobodan
Vuksanovic u intervjuu ''Nacionalu'' postavlja logicno
pitanje: Ko u stvari rukovodi tim biroom i da li biro
predstavlja centralnu redakciju vecine medija u Srbiji,
u kome se kroje vesti, kampanje, afere i spektakularne
predstave, poput ove sa Anketnom komisijom? Da
odgovorimo. Biroom rukovodi Djindjicev covek, Vladimir
Popovic-Beba, koji uopste ne lici na bebu, nego na
nekoga koga ne biste zeleli da sretnete nocu.
General Pavkovic, heroj iz rata sa NATO-m, pokazao je
pred jugoslovenskom javnoscu svoje ''Ahilove pete'':
boji se penzionisanja i ostrog jezika i obavestenosti
Vojislava Seselja, sefa srpskih radikala. Naime,
Pavkovic se pred televizijskim kamerama opravdavao da
nije povezan sa surcinskom mafijom, zasta ga je Seselj
jednom prilikom optuzio, i Pavkovic je rekao da je
surcinski bos Markovic, sa kojim je i on, dobar
poznanik, ugledni mladi biznismeni vlasnik ''Krmivo
produkta'', vise vila, jedne ergele i jedne jahte.
General Pavkovic je doduse priznao da je kao nacelnik
Generalstaba Vojske Jugoslavije intervenisao da se na
Vojnomedicinsku akademiju primi, kada je bio otrovan, i
Surcinac Ljubisa Buha, takodje mlad i po Pavkovicu
uspesan biznismen. Koliko je biznismen Ljubisa Buha
posten, pokazuje njegov nadimak -Cume, a srpski narod
cumom naziva kugu. Uzgred budi receno, Ljubu Cumu (kugu)
, dok je lezao u Vojnomedicinskoj bolnici, posetili su
mnogi ministri Vlade Srbije, pa i sam premijer Zoran
Djindjic. Jos da dodamo: pre dve nedelje prijatelj naseg
premijera, i nasih ministara i generala Pavkovica,
Ljubisa Buha -Cume, zamalo da pogine dok je obilazio
jednu svoju novu i velelepnu investiciju. Na njega su
pucala dvojica maskiranih napadaca, ali ga je zastitio
cuvar, koji je nesrecnik, za gazdu poginuo. General
Aleksandar Vasiljevic, koji je jedno vreme bio i sef
vojne bezbednosti, stari je lisac. Pohvalio se da nije
bio poslusan Milosevicu, cime se preporucio Perisicevim
mentorima, priznao je da je na sasatanak prosle godine u
Palatu federacije dosao kao penzioner i penzionisani
Pavkovicev savetnik, odnosno prijatelj.
Penzionisani nacelnik uprave vojne bezbednosti, Milan
Djakovic, delovao je iskreno zbunjeno, kao da ne zna, ne
samo zasto se pred Anketnim odborom nasao, vec i da ne
zna kako je mogao posle oktobarskog puca da postane tako
vazan rukovodilac u Vojsci Jugoslavije. Jasno se videlo
da je do poslednje kapi odan generalu Pavkovicu. Milan
Djakovic je ispricao, onako uzgred, nesvestan sta to
znaci, da je u Podgorici, u okviru vrata prostorije
ekipe vojne kontraobavestajne sluzbe, slucajno pronadjen
prislusni najsavremeniji uredjaj izraelske proizvodnje,
koji nije mogao da bude otkriven, izuzev mehanicki, ni
najsavremenijim aparatima.
General za moral Milen Simic bio je najopasniji. On je,
naime, predlozio da se kontraobavstajna sluzba stavi pod
civilnu kontrolu, da nase najbolje profesionalce
kontrolisu poslanici, medju kojima sada ima i onih
kojima je to prvo zaposlenje u zivotu, a nalazi se medju
sadasnjim poslanicima i momak, koji ima policijski
dosije zbog dilovanja droge. Simic, kojeg sam 1999.
godine upoznala na jednom sastanku Patriotskog saveza
Jugoslavije , u maloj sali na Kolarcevom narodnom
univerzitetu, kao gorljivog branioca drzave, ustava i
vojske, sada bi predao kontrolu vojske ovoj skupstini
koja ponekad krsi ustav, oduzima poslanicke mandate,
izbacuje sa sednica citave opozicione partije, ili bi
kontrolu mozda predao vladi ciji je potpredsednik
saradnik nemacke obavestajne sluzbe i americke CIA.
Svedocile su i kafe-kuvarice, obezbedjenje i kelneri u
Palati federacije. Svi su oni bili veoma diskretni, niko
od njih nije ogovarao, niti prepricavao kao na pijaci.
Oni su se ponasali kao pravi generali, dok su se, utisak
je, penzionisani generali ponasali kao kafe-kuvarice.
Ispitivanje anketne komisije je prekinuto zbog letnjeg
odmora. Srbi u Bujanovcu se ne odmaraju, svakodnevno
demonstriraju i protestvuju. Na upravo zavrsenim
izborima prvi put je u istoriji opstine izabran za prvog
coveka Albanac. Na nekim birackim mestima glasanje u
bujanovackoj opstini trajalo je do 5 casova ujutru, mada
se po Zakonu o izborima glasacka mesta moraju zatvoriti
do 20 casova. Glasalo se devet casova duze jer se cekalo
da sa Kosova stignu biraci. Za ovo nasilje u Bujanovcu
najzasluzniji su americki ambasador u Beogradu , i
predsednik Koordinacionog tela za jug Srbije, Nebojsa
Covic, koji je ujedno i potpredsednik srpske vlade i
ljubimac SAD. Zasto je Amerikancima i njihovim evropskim
prijateljima toliko stalo da bujanovackoj opstini, prvi
put u istoriji, vlast preuzmu Albanci, koji nisu u
vecini, ali su u biracke spiskove upisivani i kosovski
Albanci, takozvani profesionalni glasaci koji glasaju
kad ustreba na Kosovu, kad ustreba u Metohiji, a kad
ustreba na jugu Srbije? Zato sto Srbiju treba i fizicki
odvojiti albanskim koridorom od Makedonije i pravoslavne
Grcke, i time je uciniti jos nestabilnijom. Vec danima
Srbi u Bujanovcu protestuju i potpisuju peticije za
smenu Covica, a on im porucuje: ''Ne uzbudjuje me
peticija, niste me vi birali, necete me ni smenjivati.''
Da potsetimo: Covic je bio visoki funkcioner
Socijalisticke partije Srbije, koga je Milosevic smenio
i izbacio iz partije, navodno jer se Covic usprotivio
poznatom kontramitingu pristalica tadasnje vlasti.
Naravno da to nije tacno. Sve su televizijiske kamere
zabelezile mladjanog Covica na bini medju drugim
funkcionerima SPS-a. Milosevic je Covica, u stvari,
smenio zbog uzajamne i protivprirodne ljubavi izmedju
Vasingtona i ambicioznog Nebojse Covica.
P.S. E-mail: infograf@...
Ako imate zelju da saradjujete, mislite drugacije ili
zelite da nesto saopstite, obratite nam se i obavezno
potpisite.
2. UOCI GODISNJICE DOGADJAJA 11. SEPTEMBRA PRISETIMO SE
BOPALA
Vladimir SIMONOV
Moskva, 29. avgusta 2002. godine
Ruska informativna agencija RIA "Novosti"
specijalno za Artel-Geopolitiku
Vladari razvijenih demokratija ponasaju se tako, kao da
je zivot coveka, koji zivi u "necivilizovanoj zemlji"
jeftiniji od zivota njihovog sopstvenog gradjanina. A
tudja bol kod njih se ne moze niposto uporedjivati sa
elitnom boli njihovih sugradjana.
Ove nedelje sud u Bopalu, (Bhopal, glavni grad savezne
drzave Madija Pradess u centralnom delu Indije) odbio je
da smanji kaznu vinovnicima tragedije u fabrici americke
transnacionalne korporacije "Junion Karbajd", koja se
dogodila 1984. godine.
Ta novost posebno ce obradovati Tarai Bai, 36-godisnju
Induskinju. Tesko da ce ona ikada zaboraviti noc uoci 3.
decembra 1984. godine, kada je ova fabrika za
proizvodnju pesticida izbacila u atmosferu gigantski
otrovni oblak. Vetar je duvao sa severa na jug, od
strane fabrike u pravcu zgusnutih bednih straccara u
kojima su nasli utociste ovdasnji radnici i hiljade onih
koji su mastali da se zaposle u ovom americkom raju.
Tarai Bai je bila u trecem mesecu trudnoce. Izgubila je
bebu. Otrovni gas je sprzio njena pluca. Zena nikada ne
moze da ima decu, pati od bolesti respiratornih organa,
neuroloski je nestabilna i delimicno slepa. Pa ipak je
zahvalna Bogu sto je prema njoj bio milostiv.
Zato sto je te strasne noci 3 hiljade ljudi poginulo
odmah, a jos 20 hiljada njih u narednim mesecima. Broj
zrtava sa mracnom sudbinom Tarai Bai premasuje 150
hiljada ljudi. Pred tom tragedijom bledi i Ccernobilj.
Na Bopal se srucila najveca, najsmrtonosnija tehnogena
katastrofa u istoriji covecanstva.
U svemu ovom najvece iznenadjenje, svakako, predstavlja
cinjenica sto do dana danasnjeg niko za tu katastrofu
nije kaznjen. U minulim decenijama ama bas niko nije
mobilisao javno mnenje, kako bi macc pravosudja spustio
na glave vinovnika, kako bi poginulima nadoknadio
gubitak, a postradalima, koji su jos uvek na ovom svetu,
kompenzirao stetu nanetu njihovom zdravlju.
Secanje na masovno trovanje u Bopalu brizljivo se brise,
kao sto iskusni zlocinac brise sa rukohvata noza krvave
otiske. Da li najvece svetske medijske kuce osvatljavaju
ovu temu kao, recimo, Ccernobilj, ili dogadjaje od 11.
septembra? Ne! Svaka cast izuzecima.
A u Bopalu je poginulo najmanje 7 puta vise ljudi, nego
u Njujorku, prilikom napada na zgrade Medjunarodnog
trgovinskog centra.
Pa ipak se bopalski zlocin kvalifikuje od strane
indijskog suda - a ta kvalifikacija izrecena je ove
nedelje - kao "ubistvo s predumisljajem", a ne kao
"ubistvo iz nehata", kako bi to zeleli visoki
pokrovitelji americkog hemijskog giganta "Dau Kemikal",
koji je "progutao" "Junion Karbajd".
Glavni izvrsni direktor "Junion Karbajda" tih godina
Voren Anderson ni do dana danasnjeg nije stao ni pred
jednog sudiju ni u jednoj zemlji, kako bi objasnio zasto
su u fabrici jedan za drugim iskljucivani uredjaji za
sprecavanje havarije, namenjeni upravo za sprecavanje
takve tragedije. Mada bi to bilo moguce objasniti jednom
prostom recenicom: iskljucenja su vrsena da bi se
povecao profit od proizvodnje pesticida.
U Bopalu se tako desio najgnusniji zlocin masovnog
ubijanja radi profita.
Godine 1992. indijske vlasti nalozile su hapsenje
Andersona, sto je predstavljalo dovoljnu osnovu za
njegovo izrucenje Indiji. Medjutim, vlasti SAD su
ignorisale zahtev indijske strane. One nisu uihapsile
Andersona - cak stavise, dali su mu sansu da srecno
nestane. Za dve decenije americke specijalne sluzbe i
drugi organi koji tragaju za zlocincima nisu ni prstom
mrdnuli da natrapaju na njegove tragove.
Vladari razvijenih demokratija ponasaju se tako, kao da
je zivot coveka, koji zivi u "necivilizovanoj zemlji"
jeftiniji od zivota njihovog sopstvenog gradjanina. A
tudja bol kod njih se ne moze niposto uporedjivati sa
elitnom boli njihovih sugradjana.
Tesko je izbeci pomisao da se u toj ravnodusnosti
odslikava kao u kapljici vode ta centralna, vopijuca
nepravicnost nase epohe. I izgleda da se upravo zato na
ulice metropola izlivaju demonstracije stotina hiljada
antiglobalista. Umnogome zato je na samitu Zemlje u
Johanesburgu, koji se ovih ana odrzava, siromasnim
zemljama tesko da nadju razumevanje bogatijih. A mozda
upravo tu lezi skriveno i delimicno objasnjenje
izvorista one mrznje koja se 11. septembra izlila
avionima na Njujork i Vasington?
"Zar je mogao Dzordz Buss dopustiti, da bivsem glavnom
izvrsnom direktoru prestizne americke multinacionalne
korporacije zapreti procedura izrucenja, koju je
pokrenula zemlja treceg sveta?, - pita se Dominik
Lapjer, koautor knjige "Pet minuta posle ponoci u
Bopalu", posvecenoj indijskoj tragediji. Za odgovorom
nema potrebe. Svet njega poznaje.
"Junion Karbajd" nestala je iz Indije te iste 1984.
godine, ostavivsi na mestu bacene fabrike stotine tona
otrovnih materija. Te planine otrova polako prodiru u
podzemne vode, koje napajaju bunare okolnih indijskih
sela. Otrovane gasom truju ponovo. Naravno, ako vec nije
vlada Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava, mogao je "Dau
Kemikal", sadasnji pravni naslednik "Junion Karbajda"
preuzeti na sebe odgovornost za teroristicki napad na
cetvrt miliona zitelja Bopala, na ekologiju centralne
savezne drzave Indije, velike azijske drzave. Priroda
ocekuje likvidaciju zarista hemijskog zagadjenja. A
zrtve - medicinsku pomoc i kompenzaciju
3. Mirela Belosevic: Jesen
Beograd, 30 avgust 2002. godine
E-mail: infograf@...
Sa priblizavanjem pocetka skolske godine prestaju price
kako smo se sve snalazili da bi i ove godine otisli na
letovanje a pocinju preispitivanja jesmo li se suvise
opustli i istrosili. Otreznjenje stize sa prvim
pripremama zimnice. Pijaca je doduse uvek bila spas za
nas standard ali je nevolja sto istovremeno treba
spremiti i djake za skolu. Porodica koja ima dva djaka
mora da izdvoji oko 1oo eura samo za udzbenike. U
poslednje vreme moze se cuti duhovita ali i tuzna
opaska: 'Nema djaka bez buvljaka' jer je skolski pribor
jeftiniji na takozvanim buvljacima na kojima se prodaje
roba iz inostranstva, sumnjivog kvaliteta ali sa
povoljnijim cenama nego u prodavnicama. Istovremeno se
na buvljacima kupuje i garderoba za djake. Starija deca
bi doduse vise volela da se oblace u buticima, ali vrlo
brzo ih majke ubede i dokazu da se ista roba sa tezgi
nudi i u buticima sa visim cenama. Vlada Srbije je
omogucila kupovinu udzbenika za decu u osnovnim skolama
na 6 rata. Roditeljima je to olaksica ali je istovremeno
i potvrda naseg loseg standarda jer kredit vazi za sumu
vecu od 20 eura. Prosecna julska zarada u Srbiji je 13
461 dinar ili nesto vise od 200 eura. U odnosu na junsku
realno je niza za 0,35% a kao i uvek plate u privredi su
nize nego u vanprivredi.
Ovih dana u Srbiji se mnogo prica i o ceni jestivog ulja
za koje Guverner Narodne Banke kaze da je skuplje nego u
Nemackoj. Ako se smanjivanjem poreza na promet i
popustanjem proizvodjaca ne dodje do nizih cena
intervenisace drzavne robne rezerve. U toku je vec
intervencija na trzistu mesa, koje poskupljuje iako je
potrosnja mesa sve manja. Inace cene ulja, mesa i svih
ostalih namirnica osim takozvanog narodnog hleba su
liberalizovane. Kupovna moc gradjana se najcesce meri
takozvanom potrosackom korpom. Trgovci i razni ekonomski
instituti su napravili spisak namirnica neophodnih za
zivot i pracenjem promene iznosa ove potrosacke korpe se
proverava koliko je prosecnih plata potrebno samo za
ishranu. U komisiji za standard pri Republickoj vladi
nisu imali poverenja u ove proracune pa su napravili
svoj spisak namirnica potrebnih za zivotni minimum.
Komisija za standard ovih dana treba da odluci da li ce
i cena hleba, za nas najvaznije namirnice, uskoro biti
liberalizovana.
Na najave, da ce ove godine inflacija iznositi samo 16%
i da je od jula prosle do istog meseca ove godine bila
19% vecina gradjana, posebno penzionerei zbog skromnijih
priohoda nego sto imaju zaposleni, negoduju. Standard su
u jednogodisnjem periodu uzdrmali racuni za struju koji
su povecani za oko 80 %. U Srbiji se struja koristi za
zagrevanje stanova pa je u toku kampanja, dodise
zakasnela, da se gradjanima omoguce krediti kako bi se
prikljucili na daljinsko grejanje. Malo je onih koji
mogu sebi da priuste takav trosak zarad buduce ustede.
Statistika pokazuje da su stanarine takodje porasle u
proseku za 60%.
Vecina ljudi prema gotovo svim anketama dosta lose
ocenjuje sopstveni ekonomski polozaj i o tome bi
sadasnji akteri ekonomske politike trebalo da razmisle
bez obzira sto spoljni posmatraci nasu ekonomsku
situaciju vide u nesto ruzicastijim tonovima.
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27227
Settembre 1993: l'esercito della Croazia secessionista
"sfonda" vincendo la resistenza serba presso Medak, nella
Repubblica Serba di Krajna - allora definita "autoproclamata"
dal coro ipocrita della stampa internazionale.
A quel tempo l'area era presidiata da armati ONU, impegnati
nella "interposizione" tra le due parti in conflitto. I soldati
canadesi svolsero correttamente il ruolo loro affidato, e
furono costretti a sostenere una sparatoria lunga 16 ore
con le milizie croate che, impegnate nel massacro
della popolazione locale, impedivano l'accesso alla zona
appena occupata. Solo dopo che furono uccisi 27 miliziani
croati, i canadesi poterono entrare a Medak e verificare
i loro peggiori sospetti.
Tenuta nascosta per circa tre anni alla stessa opinione
pubblica canadese, questa vicenda e' tuttora sostanzialmente
sconosciuta al pubblico, che puo' sentirne parlare oggi
grazie alla decisione del governo di Ottawa di dare dei
riconoscimenti ai soldati canadesi che si trovarono ad
affrontare quella situazione drammatica e politicamente
imbarazzante per un paese della NATO, quindi alleato e
complice della Croazia, quale e' il Canada.
===*===
http://www.macleans.ca
World
September 2, 2002
FIREFIGHT AT THE MEDAK POCKET
Ottawa will honour Canadians who took
part in a little-known battle
MICHAEL SNIDER with SEAN M. MALONEY
In September, 1993, Canadian troops
stationed in an area of Croatia known
as Vojna Krajina engaged in a fierce battle
with Croatian forces attacking a
predominantly Serb enclave. The engagement,
little known outside of military
circles, was not publicized by the Canadian
government, which was hesitant to
draw attention to the increasing dangers
the country's troops were facing
abroad. But this December, Ottawa will
finally honour the soldiers who took part
in that firefight by presenting them with a
unit commendation. Maclean's tells
the story of the battle:
PTE. SCOTT LeBLANC'S machine gun
jackhammered against his shoulder as he
fired at the Croatian troops dug in 150
metres away. Grenades exploded around
him; bullets and orange tracer-fire
screamed through the smoky air. The
Croatians hammered the Canadians for 15
hours straight -- thinking the 30
soldiers from the Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry would buckle and
run like other UN peacekeepers had often
done. But the Canadians, members of one
of three platoons making up the Patricia's
Charlie Company, held their ground.
"They're trying to flank us," LeBlanc's
section leader barked, sending a jolt of
adrenalin through LeBlanc's exhausted body.
Standing halfway out of his trench,
the 19-year-old reservist swung his gun
around and opened fire on the Croatians.
"We could see muzzle flashes and threw
everything we had at them," recalls
LeBlanc, now a 28-year-old lieutenant who
has just returned from Afghanistan.
"After that, everything got real quiet."
The fierce battle took place in
September, 1993, about a year and a half
after Canadian peacekeepers had first
arrived in the former Yugoslavia. Vicious
fighting and appalling acts of ethnic
cleansing made their task of disarming and
separating the various combatants nearly
impossible. Especially volatile was one
mountainous region of Croatia called Vojna
Krajina, or Military Frontier, home
to an isolated pocket of some 500,000
Serbs. Fiercely nationalistic, the Krajina
Serbs began to drive out Croats. But on
Sept. 9, Croatian Commander Rahim Ademi
launched an attack to capture an area of
Serb-controlled territory in Krajina
called the Medak Pocket. The UN, fearing
that 400 Serbs living in four
unprotected villages in the area were at
risk of being slaughtered by Croatian
troops, ordered the Patricia's into the
area -- and into the biggest firefight
Canadian forces had been involved in since
Korea.
Five months into a six-month tour of
duty, the Canadians were led by
Lt.-Col. James Calvin, 41. The 875-man
battle group was a patchwork of regular
and reserve soldiers. In fact, 70 per cent
of the front line soldiers were
reservists -- a makeup that, Calvin says,
could prove dangerous in a war zone.
"Reservists are just as long on valour and
courage," the now-retired Calvin told
Maclean's from his home on Wolfe Island,
Ont., near Kingston. "But you can't
expect one to do the same things you expect
from a regular soldier."
Still, after four months in the
region, Calvin considered his force
seasoned, especially with his hand-picked
group of platoon leaders, including
reservist Lt. Tyrone Green. The morning of
Sept. 9 started nicely enough for the
Vancouver native in charge of 9 Platoon,
Charlie Company, with sunshine poking
through the cracks in the boarded windows
of the platoon's quarters, a
two-storey concrete building on the
outskirts of the Serb-held town of Medak.
But as Green dragged a razor across
his chin, his morning shave was
interrupted by incoming artillery shells.
With soap still clinging to his face,
Green, who is now a captain in charge of a
Canadian Forces recruiting office in
Vancouver, grabbed his helmet and raced to
his M-113 armoured personnel carrier.
At one point he was knocked down when a
shell landed in a nearby ditch. He
wasn't hurt, but four Canadians were
injured in the shelling. "We counted 500 or
more shells by the end of the first day,"
says Green. "About a dozen fell in our
compound and one landed about 10 metres
from the front door."
Not knowing where the shells were
coming from, Green sent Sgt. Rudy Bajema
to establish an observation post. For the
next five days, Bajema watched as the
Medak Pocket was attacked by more than
2,500 Croat troops, backed by tanks,
rocket launchers and artillery. The Serbs
finally slowed the Croatian advance on
Sept. 12, but it was not until they
launched rockets into a suburb of Zagreb,
Croatia's capital, that the Croats relented
and accepted a UN ceasefire.
Calvin, who didn't really expect the
Croatians to live up to the
agreement, ordered his troops to occupy the
Croat positions. "We started taking
fire almost immediately from the Croats,"
recalls LeBlanc. The battle raged for
the next 15 hours. It was so intense that
at night the light from burning
buildings reflected off the soldiers' blue
UN helmets, prompting them to wrap
them in khaki-coloured T-shirts. Finally
realizing the Canadians would not back
down, the Croats sent word to Calvin that
they wanted to talk. They had good
reason to call a truce: the Canadians had
killed 27 Croats while not taking a
single casualty.
Joined by Col. Michel Maisonneuve, a
Canadian officer from the UN
headquarters in Zagreb, Calvin met with
Ademi at his headquarters in a town near
the fighting. Ademi sat on one side of the
table, blustering and yelling at the
Canadians. "He looked like he was enjoying
the role he was playing," says
Calvin. "Emotions were very high and I was
irate my men were getting shot at."
But after an hour and a half, Ademi finally
relented and promised to pull his
troops out at noon the next day.
The Croatian commander, however, was
determined to terrorize the Serb
civilians living in the area before he
left. By 10 a.m. the next morning, a
thick umbrella of smoke covered all four
towns in the Medak Pocket as the Croats
tried to kill or destroy everything in
their wake. The Canadians witnessed
scenes that still haunt many of them. "They
could see what was happening from
their foxholes," says Calvin. "My soldiers
knew their role was to protect the
weak and the innocent and they were
absolutely incensed." But fearing the
ceasefire agreement with Ademi would
collapse if they advanced, the Canadians
could do nothing but hold their ground.
Finally, when the noon deadline
passed, the Canadians raced ahead, but
immediately encountered a company of Croat
troops behind a barricade -- and
supported by missiles launchers and an
ominous Soviet-era T-72 tank. Calvin
approached the senior Croat brigadier;
their conversation quickly became heated.
The large, bearded Croat ordered his men to
cock their weapons and point them at
the Canadians. "We knew they were stalling
so they could clean up evidence of
their ethnic cleansing," Calvin recalls.
Calvin did not order his troops to
fight, and instead tried another
gambit. With the Medak attack almost a week
old, the international media had
converged on the area. As negotiations with
his bearded counterpart
deteriorated, Calvin held a news conference
in front of the barricade and
bluntly described the atrocities he
believed were being committed by the
Croatians. Realizing his country's
reputation was in jeopardy, the Croat
commander suddenly stepped aside. "The
transformation was instantaneous," says
Calvin. "He made a big show of removing the
barriers."
The Patricia's then pushed on. Every
building in their path had been
demolished and many were still smouldering.
Corpses lay by the side of the road,
some badly mutilated and others burned
beyond recognition. "We knew it was going
to be bad," says Green, "but the things we
found there were worse than anything
we expected."
The Canadians documented everything
they saw. Calvin's subsequent report
helped convince the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to
issue an indictment in 2001 against Ademi,
charging him with crimes against
humanity. Made public one year ago, the
report is a brutal list of murder and
torture. Among the victims: Sara Krickovic,
female, 71, throat cut; Pera
Krajnovic, female, 86, burned to death;
Andja Jovic, female, 74, beaten and
shot. In all, the Patricia's found 16
mutilated corpses -- some with their eyes
cut out.
The soldiers rotated home four weeks
later, but there was no hero's
welcome. At the time, Canadians were
focused on the disturbing revelations that
a teenager named Shidane Arone had been
tortured and killed by Canadian
peacekeepers in Somalia. Kim Campbell's
Conservative government was also facing
a federal election and didn't want the
increasing dangers Canadian troops were
facing in the Balkans raised as an issue.
"When we got back to Canada a couple
of weeks later, the first thing I did was
call home," says LeBlanc. "My folks
hadn't heard anything about the battle."
The force did receive high honours
from the United Nations in 1994, when
its members were given the United Nations
Force Commanders' Commendation -- the
first of its kind and only one of three
ever awarded. And, this December, the
Canadian government finally plans to honour
the troops by presenting them with a
unit commendation. But the honours only go
so far. With vivid memories of the
battle, many of the soldiers still suffer
from post-traumatic stress syndrome.
As for Ademi, his case rests in legal
limbo. After the indictment, he
voluntarily turned himself over to the war
crimes tribunal, proclaiming he had a
clear conscience because "I did not order
any atrocities." Last February, the UN
granted him a provisional release on
condition he return to The Hague when the
trial proceeds, likely next year. Calvin
may be called to testify. "Ademi should
be called to account," he says. "No soldier
should be able to get away with
that."
http://www.macleans.ca/xta-asp/storyview.asp?
viewtype=browse&tpl=browse_frame&vpath=/2002/09/02/
World/71190.shtml
===*===
PUBLICATION WINNIPEG FREE PRESS
DATE : TUE JUL.16,2002
PAGE : A13
CLASS : Focus
EDITION :
'Canada's Secret Battle' validated
Citation awarded to outgunned peacekeepers
who held their ground in 1993 firefight
with Croatia forces
by Scott Taylor
GOV. Gen. Adrienne Clarkson has created
two new military decorations in
recognition of Canadian peacekeeping
exploits in the Balkans. These
Commander-in-Chief unit citations were
awarded to the First Battalion, Royal
22nd Regiment (Vandoos) and the
Second Battalion, Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) for
the "outstanding service of Canadian
Forces in times of conflict under
direct enemy fire." The Vandoos are
being credited for their 1992 role of
allowing then UN sector commander
Maj.-Gen. Lewis MacKenzie to reopen
the Sarajevo airport at the height of the
Bosnian civil war. Thanks in part
to the tremendous international
attention garnered by MacKenzie at
that time, the Vandoos' dangerous exploits
were relatively well publicized.
One cannot say the same about the
2PPCLI action in the Medak Pocket,
which has subsequently been dubbed
"Canada's Secret Battle." This
unheralded action began with a devastating
bombardment on the morning of Sept. 9,
1993, and lasted a total of nine days
before a ceasefire was reinstated.
When the Croatian shells first began
to explode in the Serbian village of
Medak, Lieut. Tyrone Green and his
platoon found themselves caught in the
centre of the maelstrom. They, along
with the rest of 2PPCLI, had only
recently been deployed to this region
known as Sector South.
Although it was included within the
administrative boundaries of newly
independent Croatia, this area was
historically populated by ethnic
Serbs. Having no desire to submit to
Croatian authorities, the Serbs, in turn,
declared their own independent region
called Krajina. Croatian military
threats to eliminate this pocket of
resistance prompted the United Nations
to declare this a protected area.
From the outset, Lieut.-Col. Jim
Calvin, Commanding Officer of 2PPCLI,
made it clear that he and his battalion
would not back away from their
mandate to protect the Krajina Serbs.
Despite the danger, Green's platoon
remained in Medak to provide the UN
Security Council with an
up-to-the-minute account of the heavy
fighting.
On the night of Sept. 10, Green
reported a distinct shift in the
bombardment. Croatian special forces
troops had begun rolling through the
Medak valley. Brave but futile Serb
resistance resulted in a steady stream
of wounded soldiers and frightened
refugees flowing past Green's position.
Serbian reinforcements were rushed
from all over the Krajina to halt the
Croatian advance. After desperate
fighting on the morning of Sept. 14,
the Serbs had succeeded in stabilizing
their line, barely 1,200 metres from
the village of Medak itself.
Under intense political pressure from
the UN, the Croatians reluctantly
agreed to withdraw to their pre-Sept.
9 lines. However, when Calvin
attempted to push his troops forward,
the Croatians opened fire at the
advancing peacekeepers. Invoking
their right to self-defence, the men
of Charlie Company, 2PPCLI, started
shooting back. Over the next 16 hours
a vicious firefight took place at
ranges often less than 200 metres. Despite
being outgunned, the PPCLI held their
ground.
The following morning, Calvin resumed
his attempt to push forward into
the contested pocket. When a Croatian
general refused passage to Delta
Company, Calvin ordered his men to
"lock and load" their weapons. A tense
standoff ensued, with the heavily
outnumbered Canadians looking through
their gunsights at Croatian gun
barrels. To break the impasse, Calvin
gambled on the threat of negative
international press coverage by calling
forward a handful of journalists to
the roadblocks. Based on violence
witnessed by his troops the previous
evening, Calvin accused the Croatians
of committing "crimes against
humanity." The tactic worked, and the
general backed down.
As the Croatian soldiers removed the
roadblocks and the Canadian armoured
column rolled forward, it soon became
evident that Calvin had been correct
in his allegations of atrocities.
What could not be looted by the
retreating Croats was burned, and of
the 171 Serb civilians reportedly
trapped in the pocket, the PPCLI
found only 16 badly mutilated bodies.
Discarded surgical gloves next to
bloodied soil left little doubt as to
the fate of the other missing Serbs.
Given the heavy fighting they had
endured and the carnage they had
uncovered, the men of 2PPCLI
expressed little remorse for having
inflicted heavy casualties upon the
Croatian forces -- officially listed
as 21 dead and dozens wounded.
With hundreds of our soldiers
enduring more than a week of artillery
fire and several close quarter firefights,
the Medak remains the largest
combat engagement experienced by Canadian
troops since the Korean War. In
contrast to the almost constant media
attention being directed towards the
activities of our troops currently on
operational duty in Afghanistan,
incredibly the first news reports of
the Medak battle were not publicized
in Canada until the Ottawa Citizen
broke the story in November 1996 --
38 months after it occurred.
Despite the exemplary performance of
2PPCLI and the relatively light
casualties they suffered during the
operation (four wounded and one
accidental death), the senior
bureaucrats at the Department of
National Defence deliberately chose
not tomake public the Medak incident.
Domestically, the senior brass was
already embroiled in the Somalia
scandal, and the Progressive
Conservative government was in the
midst of disastrous federal election.
No one wanted to put a spotlight on
the military, particularly when this
incident had the potential to embarrass
the U.S. over their pro-Croatian
foreign policy in the Balkans. U.S.
military advisers had assisted the
Croatians in planning the overall
Medak operation.
At the time, some Defence officials
argued internally that 2PPCLI had
"failed" to protect the Serbs in
Medak. However, the fact remains that
Calvin's troops demonstrated, for the
first time, that the UN was prepared
to use deadly force to back up its
stated mandate in Croatia. Official
recognition of this brave effort with
a decoration is a step in the right
direction. However, nine years later,
the perpetrators of the Medak
atrocities have still not been
indicted by The Hague War Crimes
Tribunal, despite the overwhelming
evidence supplied by the Canadian
soldiers who witnessed the horrors.
Only when this international court
alters its anti-Serbian bias and begins
applying an even hand of justice can
our Medak veterans' efforts be
considered truly validated.
Scott Taylor is editor and publisher
of Esprit de Corps, an Ottawa-based
monthly magazine, and co-author of the
book Tested Mettle.
"sfonda" vincendo la resistenza serba presso Medak, nella
Repubblica Serba di Krajna - allora definita "autoproclamata"
dal coro ipocrita della stampa internazionale.
A quel tempo l'area era presidiata da armati ONU, impegnati
nella "interposizione" tra le due parti in conflitto. I soldati
canadesi svolsero correttamente il ruolo loro affidato, e
furono costretti a sostenere una sparatoria lunga 16 ore
con le milizie croate che, impegnate nel massacro
della popolazione locale, impedivano l'accesso alla zona
appena occupata. Solo dopo che furono uccisi 27 miliziani
croati, i canadesi poterono entrare a Medak e verificare
i loro peggiori sospetti.
Tenuta nascosta per circa tre anni alla stessa opinione
pubblica canadese, questa vicenda e' tuttora sostanzialmente
sconosciuta al pubblico, che puo' sentirne parlare oggi
grazie alla decisione del governo di Ottawa di dare dei
riconoscimenti ai soldati canadesi che si trovarono ad
affrontare quella situazione drammatica e politicamente
imbarazzante per un paese della NATO, quindi alleato e
complice della Croazia, quale e' il Canada.
===*===
http://www.macleans.ca
World
September 2, 2002
FIREFIGHT AT THE MEDAK POCKET
Ottawa will honour Canadians who took
part in a little-known battle
MICHAEL SNIDER with SEAN M. MALONEY
In September, 1993, Canadian troops
stationed in an area of Croatia known
as Vojna Krajina engaged in a fierce battle
with Croatian forces attacking a
predominantly Serb enclave. The engagement,
little known outside of military
circles, was not publicized by the Canadian
government, which was hesitant to
draw attention to the increasing dangers
the country's troops were facing
abroad. But this December, Ottawa will
finally honour the soldiers who took part
in that firefight by presenting them with a
unit commendation. Maclean's tells
the story of the battle:
PTE. SCOTT LeBLANC'S machine gun
jackhammered against his shoulder as he
fired at the Croatian troops dug in 150
metres away. Grenades exploded around
him; bullets and orange tracer-fire
screamed through the smoky air. The
Croatians hammered the Canadians for 15
hours straight -- thinking the 30
soldiers from the Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry would buckle and
run like other UN peacekeepers had often
done. But the Canadians, members of one
of three platoons making up the Patricia's
Charlie Company, held their ground.
"They're trying to flank us," LeBlanc's
section leader barked, sending a jolt of
adrenalin through LeBlanc's exhausted body.
Standing halfway out of his trench,
the 19-year-old reservist swung his gun
around and opened fire on the Croatians.
"We could see muzzle flashes and threw
everything we had at them," recalls
LeBlanc, now a 28-year-old lieutenant who
has just returned from Afghanistan.
"After that, everything got real quiet."
The fierce battle took place in
September, 1993, about a year and a half
after Canadian peacekeepers had first
arrived in the former Yugoslavia. Vicious
fighting and appalling acts of ethnic
cleansing made their task of disarming and
separating the various combatants nearly
impossible. Especially volatile was one
mountainous region of Croatia called Vojna
Krajina, or Military Frontier, home
to an isolated pocket of some 500,000
Serbs. Fiercely nationalistic, the Krajina
Serbs began to drive out Croats. But on
Sept. 9, Croatian Commander Rahim Ademi
launched an attack to capture an area of
Serb-controlled territory in Krajina
called the Medak Pocket. The UN, fearing
that 400 Serbs living in four
unprotected villages in the area were at
risk of being slaughtered by Croatian
troops, ordered the Patricia's into the
area -- and into the biggest firefight
Canadian forces had been involved in since
Korea.
Five months into a six-month tour of
duty, the Canadians were led by
Lt.-Col. James Calvin, 41. The 875-man
battle group was a patchwork of regular
and reserve soldiers. In fact, 70 per cent
of the front line soldiers were
reservists -- a makeup that, Calvin says,
could prove dangerous in a war zone.
"Reservists are just as long on valour and
courage," the now-retired Calvin told
Maclean's from his home on Wolfe Island,
Ont., near Kingston. "But you can't
expect one to do the same things you expect
from a regular soldier."
Still, after four months in the
region, Calvin considered his force
seasoned, especially with his hand-picked
group of platoon leaders, including
reservist Lt. Tyrone Green. The morning of
Sept. 9 started nicely enough for the
Vancouver native in charge of 9 Platoon,
Charlie Company, with sunshine poking
through the cracks in the boarded windows
of the platoon's quarters, a
two-storey concrete building on the
outskirts of the Serb-held town of Medak.
But as Green dragged a razor across
his chin, his morning shave was
interrupted by incoming artillery shells.
With soap still clinging to his face,
Green, who is now a captain in charge of a
Canadian Forces recruiting office in
Vancouver, grabbed his helmet and raced to
his M-113 armoured personnel carrier.
At one point he was knocked down when a
shell landed in a nearby ditch. He
wasn't hurt, but four Canadians were
injured in the shelling. "We counted 500 or
more shells by the end of the first day,"
says Green. "About a dozen fell in our
compound and one landed about 10 metres
from the front door."
Not knowing where the shells were
coming from, Green sent Sgt. Rudy Bajema
to establish an observation post. For the
next five days, Bajema watched as the
Medak Pocket was attacked by more than
2,500 Croat troops, backed by tanks,
rocket launchers and artillery. The Serbs
finally slowed the Croatian advance on
Sept. 12, but it was not until they
launched rockets into a suburb of Zagreb,
Croatia's capital, that the Croats relented
and accepted a UN ceasefire.
Calvin, who didn't really expect the
Croatians to live up to the
agreement, ordered his troops to occupy the
Croat positions. "We started taking
fire almost immediately from the Croats,"
recalls LeBlanc. The battle raged for
the next 15 hours. It was so intense that
at night the light from burning
buildings reflected off the soldiers' blue
UN helmets, prompting them to wrap
them in khaki-coloured T-shirts. Finally
realizing the Canadians would not back
down, the Croats sent word to Calvin that
they wanted to talk. They had good
reason to call a truce: the Canadians had
killed 27 Croats while not taking a
single casualty.
Joined by Col. Michel Maisonneuve, a
Canadian officer from the UN
headquarters in Zagreb, Calvin met with
Ademi at his headquarters in a town near
the fighting. Ademi sat on one side of the
table, blustering and yelling at the
Canadians. "He looked like he was enjoying
the role he was playing," says
Calvin. "Emotions were very high and I was
irate my men were getting shot at."
But after an hour and a half, Ademi finally
relented and promised to pull his
troops out at noon the next day.
The Croatian commander, however, was
determined to terrorize the Serb
civilians living in the area before he
left. By 10 a.m. the next morning, a
thick umbrella of smoke covered all four
towns in the Medak Pocket as the Croats
tried to kill or destroy everything in
their wake. The Canadians witnessed
scenes that still haunt many of them. "They
could see what was happening from
their foxholes," says Calvin. "My soldiers
knew their role was to protect the
weak and the innocent and they were
absolutely incensed." But fearing the
ceasefire agreement with Ademi would
collapse if they advanced, the Canadians
could do nothing but hold their ground.
Finally, when the noon deadline
passed, the Canadians raced ahead, but
immediately encountered a company of Croat
troops behind a barricade -- and
supported by missiles launchers and an
ominous Soviet-era T-72 tank. Calvin
approached the senior Croat brigadier;
their conversation quickly became heated.
The large, bearded Croat ordered his men to
cock their weapons and point them at
the Canadians. "We knew they were stalling
so they could clean up evidence of
their ethnic cleansing," Calvin recalls.
Calvin did not order his troops to
fight, and instead tried another
gambit. With the Medak attack almost a week
old, the international media had
converged on the area. As negotiations with
his bearded counterpart
deteriorated, Calvin held a news conference
in front of the barricade and
bluntly described the atrocities he
believed were being committed by the
Croatians. Realizing his country's
reputation was in jeopardy, the Croat
commander suddenly stepped aside. "The
transformation was instantaneous," says
Calvin. "He made a big show of removing the
barriers."
The Patricia's then pushed on. Every
building in their path had been
demolished and many were still smouldering.
Corpses lay by the side of the road,
some badly mutilated and others burned
beyond recognition. "We knew it was going
to be bad," says Green, "but the things we
found there were worse than anything
we expected."
The Canadians documented everything
they saw. Calvin's subsequent report
helped convince the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to
issue an indictment in 2001 against Ademi,
charging him with crimes against
humanity. Made public one year ago, the
report is a brutal list of murder and
torture. Among the victims: Sara Krickovic,
female, 71, throat cut; Pera
Krajnovic, female, 86, burned to death;
Andja Jovic, female, 74, beaten and
shot. In all, the Patricia's found 16
mutilated corpses -- some with their eyes
cut out.
The soldiers rotated home four weeks
later, but there was no hero's
welcome. At the time, Canadians were
focused on the disturbing revelations that
a teenager named Shidane Arone had been
tortured and killed by Canadian
peacekeepers in Somalia. Kim Campbell's
Conservative government was also facing
a federal election and didn't want the
increasing dangers Canadian troops were
facing in the Balkans raised as an issue.
"When we got back to Canada a couple
of weeks later, the first thing I did was
call home," says LeBlanc. "My folks
hadn't heard anything about the battle."
The force did receive high honours
from the United Nations in 1994, when
its members were given the United Nations
Force Commanders' Commendation -- the
first of its kind and only one of three
ever awarded. And, this December, the
Canadian government finally plans to honour
the troops by presenting them with a
unit commendation. But the honours only go
so far. With vivid memories of the
battle, many of the soldiers still suffer
from post-traumatic stress syndrome.
As for Ademi, his case rests in legal
limbo. After the indictment, he
voluntarily turned himself over to the war
crimes tribunal, proclaiming he had a
clear conscience because "I did not order
any atrocities." Last February, the UN
granted him a provisional release on
condition he return to The Hague when the
trial proceeds, likely next year. Calvin
may be called to testify. "Ademi should
be called to account," he says. "No soldier
should be able to get away with
that."
http://www.macleans.ca/xta-asp/storyview.asp?
viewtype=browse&tpl=browse_frame&vpath=/2002/09/02/
World/71190.shtml
===*===
PUBLICATION WINNIPEG FREE PRESS
DATE : TUE JUL.16,2002
PAGE : A13
CLASS : Focus
EDITION :
'Canada's Secret Battle' validated
Citation awarded to outgunned peacekeepers
who held their ground in 1993 firefight
with Croatia forces
by Scott Taylor
GOV. Gen. Adrienne Clarkson has created
two new military decorations in
recognition of Canadian peacekeeping
exploits in the Balkans. These
Commander-in-Chief unit citations were
awarded to the First Battalion, Royal
22nd Regiment (Vandoos) and the
Second Battalion, Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) for
the "outstanding service of Canadian
Forces in times of conflict under
direct enemy fire." The Vandoos are
being credited for their 1992 role of
allowing then UN sector commander
Maj.-Gen. Lewis MacKenzie to reopen
the Sarajevo airport at the height of the
Bosnian civil war. Thanks in part
to the tremendous international
attention garnered by MacKenzie at
that time, the Vandoos' dangerous exploits
were relatively well publicized.
One cannot say the same about the
2PPCLI action in the Medak Pocket,
which has subsequently been dubbed
"Canada's Secret Battle." This
unheralded action began with a devastating
bombardment on the morning of Sept. 9,
1993, and lasted a total of nine days
before a ceasefire was reinstated.
When the Croatian shells first began
to explode in the Serbian village of
Medak, Lieut. Tyrone Green and his
platoon found themselves caught in the
centre of the maelstrom. They, along
with the rest of 2PPCLI, had only
recently been deployed to this region
known as Sector South.
Although it was included within the
administrative boundaries of newly
independent Croatia, this area was
historically populated by ethnic
Serbs. Having no desire to submit to
Croatian authorities, the Serbs, in turn,
declared their own independent region
called Krajina. Croatian military
threats to eliminate this pocket of
resistance prompted the United Nations
to declare this a protected area.
From the outset, Lieut.-Col. Jim
Calvin, Commanding Officer of 2PPCLI,
made it clear that he and his battalion
would not back away from their
mandate to protect the Krajina Serbs.
Despite the danger, Green's platoon
remained in Medak to provide the UN
Security Council with an
up-to-the-minute account of the heavy
fighting.
On the night of Sept. 10, Green
reported a distinct shift in the
bombardment. Croatian special forces
troops had begun rolling through the
Medak valley. Brave but futile Serb
resistance resulted in a steady stream
of wounded soldiers and frightened
refugees flowing past Green's position.
Serbian reinforcements were rushed
from all over the Krajina to halt the
Croatian advance. After desperate
fighting on the morning of Sept. 14,
the Serbs had succeeded in stabilizing
their line, barely 1,200 metres from
the village of Medak itself.
Under intense political pressure from
the UN, the Croatians reluctantly
agreed to withdraw to their pre-Sept.
9 lines. However, when Calvin
attempted to push his troops forward,
the Croatians opened fire at the
advancing peacekeepers. Invoking
their right to self-defence, the men
of Charlie Company, 2PPCLI, started
shooting back. Over the next 16 hours
a vicious firefight took place at
ranges often less than 200 metres. Despite
being outgunned, the PPCLI held their
ground.
The following morning, Calvin resumed
his attempt to push forward into
the contested pocket. When a Croatian
general refused passage to Delta
Company, Calvin ordered his men to
"lock and load" their weapons. A tense
standoff ensued, with the heavily
outnumbered Canadians looking through
their gunsights at Croatian gun
barrels. To break the impasse, Calvin
gambled on the threat of negative
international press coverage by calling
forward a handful of journalists to
the roadblocks. Based on violence
witnessed by his troops the previous
evening, Calvin accused the Croatians
of committing "crimes against
humanity." The tactic worked, and the
general backed down.
As the Croatian soldiers removed the
roadblocks and the Canadian armoured
column rolled forward, it soon became
evident that Calvin had been correct
in his allegations of atrocities.
What could not be looted by the
retreating Croats was burned, and of
the 171 Serb civilians reportedly
trapped in the pocket, the PPCLI
found only 16 badly mutilated bodies.
Discarded surgical gloves next to
bloodied soil left little doubt as to
the fate of the other missing Serbs.
Given the heavy fighting they had
endured and the carnage they had
uncovered, the men of 2PPCLI
expressed little remorse for having
inflicted heavy casualties upon the
Croatian forces -- officially listed
as 21 dead and dozens wounded.
With hundreds of our soldiers
enduring more than a week of artillery
fire and several close quarter firefights,
the Medak remains the largest
combat engagement experienced by Canadian
troops since the Korean War. In
contrast to the almost constant media
attention being directed towards the
activities of our troops currently on
operational duty in Afghanistan,
incredibly the first news reports of
the Medak battle were not publicized
in Canada until the Ottawa Citizen
broke the story in November 1996 --
38 months after it occurred.
Despite the exemplary performance of
2PPCLI and the relatively light
casualties they suffered during the
operation (four wounded and one
accidental death), the senior
bureaucrats at the Department of
National Defence deliberately chose
not tomake public the Medak incident.
Domestically, the senior brass was
already embroiled in the Somalia
scandal, and the Progressive
Conservative government was in the
midst of disastrous federal election.
No one wanted to put a spotlight on
the military, particularly when this
incident had the potential to embarrass
the U.S. over their pro-Croatian
foreign policy in the Balkans. U.S.
military advisers had assisted the
Croatians in planning the overall
Medak operation.
At the time, some Defence officials
argued internally that 2PPCLI had
"failed" to protect the Serbs in
Medak. However, the fact remains that
Calvin's troops demonstrated, for the
first time, that the UN was prepared
to use deadly force to back up its
stated mandate in Croatia. Official
recognition of this brave effort with
a decoration is a step in the right
direction. However, nine years later,
the perpetrators of the Medak
atrocities have still not been
indicted by The Hague War Crimes
Tribunal, despite the overwhelming
evidence supplied by the Canadian
soldiers who witnessed the horrors.
Only when this international court
alters its anti-Serbian bias and begins
applying an even hand of justice can
our Medak veterans' efforts be
considered truly validated.
Scott Taylor is editor and publisher
of Esprit de Corps, an Ottawa-based
monthly magazine, and co-author of the
book Tested Mettle.
UNA BELLA CROCE SOPRA A TUTTI I PROBLEMI
Alla vigilia delle elezioni politiche, mentre la tensione nella
Repubblica ex-Jugoslava di Macedonia sta crescendo esponenzialmente
grazie alla strategia terroristica appoggiata da settori della NATO
(per un quadro delle ultimissime violenze si veda ad esempio:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml), il governo
macedone - destra nazionalista e filo-occidentale - ha pensato bene di
sperperare una gran quantita' di denaro pubblico con la costruzione di
una megalitica croce metallica, che rimarra' probabilmente ai posteri
come enorme simbolo dell'idiozia bigotta e reazionaria che ha
contribuito e continua a promuovere lo squartamento della RFS di
Jugoslavia in tante "gabbie" etno-religiose. (I.S.)
MACEDONIA: INAUGURATA CROCE 76 METRI SU MONTE PRESSO SKOPJE
(ANSA-AFP) - SKOPJE, 29 AGO - Le autorita' civili e religiose macedoni
hanno inaugurato in serata una croce, alta 76 metri, sul monte Vodno
(1.800 m), che domina Skopje. Lo hanno reso noto i mezzi di
informazione macedoni. Illuminata da 550 riflettori, la croce, la piu'
grande dei Balcani, e' visibile a 80 km dalla capitale. Per la sua
costruzione, decisa per commemorare il Giubileo del 2000, sono state
impiegate 400 tonnellate di metallo e 60.000 bulloni. Alla cerimonia
di inaugurazione hanno partecipato il primo ministro macedone Ljubco
Georgievski e i membri del suo governo, il patriarca della Chiesa
ortodossa macedone Stefan e diverse migliaia di persone. ''Questa
croce e' la nostra preghiera per la vittoria e la salvezza della
Macedonia e per la protezione dei cittadini macedoni, che vivono tempi
difficili'', ha detto Georgievski. (ANSA-AFP). DIG
29/08/2002 02:27
Alla vigilia delle elezioni politiche, mentre la tensione nella
Repubblica ex-Jugoslava di Macedonia sta crescendo esponenzialmente
grazie alla strategia terroristica appoggiata da settori della NATO
(per un quadro delle ultimissime violenze si veda ad esempio:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml), il governo
macedone - destra nazionalista e filo-occidentale - ha pensato bene di
sperperare una gran quantita' di denaro pubblico con la costruzione di
una megalitica croce metallica, che rimarra' probabilmente ai posteri
come enorme simbolo dell'idiozia bigotta e reazionaria che ha
contribuito e continua a promuovere lo squartamento della RFS di
Jugoslavia in tante "gabbie" etno-religiose. (I.S.)
MACEDONIA: INAUGURATA CROCE 76 METRI SU MONTE PRESSO SKOPJE
(ANSA-AFP) - SKOPJE, 29 AGO - Le autorita' civili e religiose macedoni
hanno inaugurato in serata una croce, alta 76 metri, sul monte Vodno
(1.800 m), che domina Skopje. Lo hanno reso noto i mezzi di
informazione macedoni. Illuminata da 550 riflettori, la croce, la piu'
grande dei Balcani, e' visibile a 80 km dalla capitale. Per la sua
costruzione, decisa per commemorare il Giubileo del 2000, sono state
impiegate 400 tonnellate di metallo e 60.000 bulloni. Alla cerimonia
di inaugurazione hanno partecipato il primo ministro macedone Ljubco
Georgievski e i membri del suo governo, il patriarca della Chiesa
ortodossa macedone Stefan e diverse migliaia di persone. ''Questa
croce e' la nostra preghiera per la vittoria e la salvezza della
Macedonia e per la protezione dei cittadini macedoni, che vivono tempi
difficili'', ha detto Georgievski. (ANSA-AFP). DIG
29/08/2002 02:27
The URL for this article is: http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc-rade.htm
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=======================================
33 Days and Still No Answer. What Was Done to Rade Markovic?
by Jared Israel
[Posted 29 August 2002]
=======================================
On July 26th Slobodan Milosevic cross-examined Rade Markovic, former
head of the Security Police of Serbia and the most important
prosecution witness to date in this so-called trial.
The testimony was stunning. Markovic had been touted as the insider
who would finger Milosevic. Instead, calmly, thoughtfully, he refuted
the prosecution case, including statements which had been attributed
to him by Hague "investigators". And then, with so-called Judge
Richard May violating the so-called tribunal's own official rules in
an attempt to prevent Milosevic from dealing with the abuse of
Markovic during the so-called investigation in Belgrade, the Yugoslav
leader managed to ask the former Police chief:
[Start Excerpt]
"Slobodan Milosevic: Is it true that this statement that has been
presented about the mopping up of the terrain [supposedly to hide war
crimes...] was drafted precisely by the same people and under the
sponsorship of those people who exerted pressure on you and who have
been torturing you for one year and a half now?
Markovic: Yes. It's an interview with the same people."
[End Excerpt]
Not only is Mr. May supposed to protect witnesses from harassment
under the Tribunal's own Rule 75, (1) but Rule 77 states that a judge
may take punitive action if any person:
"(iv) threatens, intimidates, causes any injury or offers a bribe to,
or otherwise interferes with, a witness who is giving, has given, or
is about to give evidence in proceedings before a Chamber, or a
potential witness." (2)
Doesn't the above describe what Rade Markovic has affirmed? Didn't he
affirm that The Hague's Belgrade associates had illegally removed him
from his jail cell and then had given him the choice: help frame Mr.
Milosevic and get a bribe or refuse and go to jail?
And later, when Mr. Markovic affirmed that the same people who
fabricated his supposed testimony had "exerted pressure and...[had]
been torturing" him for a year and a half - when Markovic said yes,
this had happened, what did this judge, Richard May, do? He
did...nothing.
Was Markovic indeed tortured to give false testimony? If so, *how* was
he tortured? Was it mental? Physical? Both are considered torture
under the UN "Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment" (3).
Only a small part of the mainstream media has reported that Mr.
Markovic repudiated the testimony that the prosecution claimed he had
given. And the key question remains to be asked by the media or public
officials in any of the NATO countries or at The Hague: *What was done
to Rade Markovic*?
Last week I called the "tribunal" and questioned a Mr. Blewitt, one of
the deputy prosecutors. The conversation will be posted shortly as a
sound file. As you will see, in that conversation Mr. Blewitt took the
position that if Markovic accused the Hague "tribunal" of pressuring
and torturing him, then there was, and I quote Mr. Blewitt, "nothing
to investigate."
Nothing to investigate?
Last week I was interviewed by phone by Bill Hayton of the BBC World
News Service. Mr. Hayton took part of this interview and combined it
with part of an interview with someone from the pro-NATO Institute for
War Peace Reporting, thus creating a kind of debate. (3a) The article
is called, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link."
Mr. Hayton was fair, giving me and the IWPR equal space in the BBC
article.
However my central point, having to do with the abuse of Markovic, was
not included.
ONE LIE, ONE FALSE ARGUMENT
Moreover, near the top of the article, as posted on the BBC web page,
the editors have placed a picture of two weeping women, presumably
Albanians. Pictures of weeping (presumably) Albanian women are de
rigeur for news organizations who got class in the New World Order.
(4)
Beneath this photo is the caption, "War crimes have been proved, but
not the Milosevic link." This caption manages to cram a falsehood and
an example of the "Do-you-still-beat-your-wife?" argument into one
sentence, thus demonstrating the skill which has made the BBC Numero
Uno.
The *falsehood* is that "[Yugoslav] war crimes have been proved." If
that's true it's news to anyone who has with an open mind watched the
proceedings at The Hague - a process made difficult by the "tribunal".
You must either view it on video (5) or read the nearly impossible to
locate transcripts (6).
(As you may recall, when the "trial" began, it was broadcast live
worldwide on TV. But very soon it became obvious that Milosevic was
turning the tables, providing real evidence that NATO, not the peoples
of Yugoslavia, has caused the terrible destruction in his country.
Quickly the broadcasts were cut back. As you may recall, CNN initially
gave the excuse that the contents were too shocking. That of course
had never stopped them before...Then the broadcasts were simply
stopped, all around the world.)
WELL? DO YOU STILL BEAT YOUR WIFE?
Having asserted the lie that Yugoslav "war crimes have been proved,"
the caption adds, "but not *the* Milosevic link."
Note the use of the word, "the." In English the definite article
implies that something is, well, definite. For instance if I
say, "Take *the* car," you would understand that I have in mind some
particular car. But if I tell you, "Take *a* car," it probably means I
have in mind no particular car but am suggesting a mode of
transportation.
So when they say, "War crimes have been proved, but not *the*
Milosevic link," they are suggesting that such a link does indeed
exist, it just hasn't been located yet.
If you read the full text of my BBC interview, you will see that it
was precisely this false assumption which underlay the BBC's Mr.
Hayton's questions and that it was precisely this false assumption
that I identified, dissected and denied.
As I argued in the BBC interview, what does The Hague prove by
producing witnesses from the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)?
Only that the "tribunal" is linked to terrorists. And what is proven
by once again wheeling out that old standby, CIA operative
William "The Diplomat" Walker, this time to accuse Milosevic of war
crimes? What is the credibility of Mr. Walker, who coordinated Uncle
Sugar's generous relations with the El Salvador death squads? (8) Whom
will they produce next? Jack the Ripper?
Why can't The Hague find even one *normal* human being, not KLA or CIA
or MI5, one bona fide Serb, believable in the role of war criminal,
someone who for a few hundred or thousand dollars will convincingly
say, "We Serbs are so vicious 'cause we got a persecution complex"
and "Milosevic forced me to do it," etc. Or, failing that, and given
the vast resources of NATO, why can't these paid-for-hire prosecutors
and judges do a competent job of forcing someone to testify?
NIGHTSCAPE
On June 4, a prosecution witness, identified only as K12 (what a
name!) had a fight with the "prosecutor," Mr. Nice, and with the so-
called judges as well. Here's part of what he said:
"Please tell him, tell the Judge that I have had enough of this
psychological processing for two days now, and I've been confused even
more and more. I cannot testify on anyone's behalf today, and leave me
alone. I'll go crazy this way!"
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, June 4, 2002 * p. 6197 (see footnote 6)
Going on to say that he'd rather be sent to jail than endure more
mistreatment, K12 refused to testify further. Instead of ordering an
investigation of what may have been done to this man - as is his duty
under even the "tribunal's" rules - this "judge," Richard May, first
authorized the prosecution to meet privately with K12 - a violation of
the quite sensible legal prohibition against prosecutors coaching
their witnesses during a trial - and then, when K12 still refused to
testify, Richard May instructed Prosecutor Nice to file contempt
charges!
A month later, the following exchange took place between Mr. Milosevic
and faux judge May:
"SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: ...I saw that you discussed the punishment of
Witness K12 because he didn't want to testify. I wish to remind you of
the existence of a declaration against torture that was adopted by the
United Nations.
"JUDGE MAY: This is irrelevant to you. Absolutely nothing to do with
you. The contempt proceedings -- the contempt proceedings are nothing
to do with you and are between the Court and the witness."
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, July 2, 2002 * p. 7207 (See Footnote 6)
Please, Mama, wake me. I am having this terrible dream.
And nobody (outside The Hague) knows what has been done to this man.
Do you understand? He was simply taken away. He had been given a code
name (K12) "to protect" him, and now - and now, God only knows.
And of course the prosecution's *prize* witness - Rade Markovic, head
of the security police of Serbia during the NATO bombing - not only
rejected his "own" statements but testified that he had been subjected
to a year and a half of "pressure and torture."
Here is the link to the RealPlayer file and the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
And here is the link to the BBC text, as published, so you can compare
them.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
Tomorrow we will send the ICDSM email list the full transcript of my
BBC interview. (7)
We will also post part of the transcript of Milosevic's cross-
examination of Rade Markovic.
The Markovic-Milosevic exchange goes on for quite a while. To watch
the video of the section that deals with pressure and torture, plus a
bit more to provide context, go to the *2 hour* (2:00) mark of the
RealPlayer file at
http://hague.bard.edu/video/icty_env.20020726.ram
-- Jared Israel
***
**** Further Reading ****
(1) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 75 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm
and scrolling down to Rule 75
(2) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 77 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm#77
and scrolling down to Rule 77
(3) For the UN Convention Against Torture go to
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/h_cat39.htm
(3a) For the RealPlayer file and also the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC go to
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
For the BBC article, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link," which
includes part of my interview with the BBC, go to
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
(4) If you want your worst fears confirmed, read the following
article. In it you will discover an amazing consistency in the
subjects of the winning photos in the top photography contests in
1998, 1999 and 2000. You'll never guess what they were...
"Art in the New World Order," by 'A News Photographer'
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/artinthe.htm
5) You can view RealPlayer videos of the "trial", usually up-to-date,
at
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
6) If one were cynical one would think The Hague didn't want us to
read the Milosevic transcripts. Here's a shortcut through their maze.
Go to
http://www.un.org/icty/milosevic/garde.htm
Scroll down to the link to "transcripts." They only go up to July 22nd.
7) To subscribe to the ICDSM email list go to
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
You will receive texts posted at www.icdsm.org
8) For more on William Walker, see "WILLIAM WALKER (ALIAS, MR. RACAK)
AND HIS SALVADOR MASSACRE COVER-UP," at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/sixty.htm
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***** The Defense of Milosevic - and the Truth - Needs Your Help!
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=======================================
33 Days and Still No Answer. What Was Done to Rade Markovic?
by Jared Israel
[Posted 29 August 2002]
=======================================
On July 26th Slobodan Milosevic cross-examined Rade Markovic, former
head of the Security Police of Serbia and the most important
prosecution witness to date in this so-called trial.
The testimony was stunning. Markovic had been touted as the insider
who would finger Milosevic. Instead, calmly, thoughtfully, he refuted
the prosecution case, including statements which had been attributed
to him by Hague "investigators". And then, with so-called Judge
Richard May violating the so-called tribunal's own official rules in
an attempt to prevent Milosevic from dealing with the abuse of
Markovic during the so-called investigation in Belgrade, the Yugoslav
leader managed to ask the former Police chief:
[Start Excerpt]
"Slobodan Milosevic: Is it true that this statement that has been
presented about the mopping up of the terrain [supposedly to hide war
crimes...] was drafted precisely by the same people and under the
sponsorship of those people who exerted pressure on you and who have
been torturing you for one year and a half now?
Markovic: Yes. It's an interview with the same people."
[End Excerpt]
Not only is Mr. May supposed to protect witnesses from harassment
under the Tribunal's own Rule 75, (1) but Rule 77 states that a judge
may take punitive action if any person:
"(iv) threatens, intimidates, causes any injury or offers a bribe to,
or otherwise interferes with, a witness who is giving, has given, or
is about to give evidence in proceedings before a Chamber, or a
potential witness." (2)
Doesn't the above describe what Rade Markovic has affirmed? Didn't he
affirm that The Hague's Belgrade associates had illegally removed him
from his jail cell and then had given him the choice: help frame Mr.
Milosevic and get a bribe or refuse and go to jail?
And later, when Mr. Markovic affirmed that the same people who
fabricated his supposed testimony had "exerted pressure and...[had]
been torturing" him for a year and a half - when Markovic said yes,
this had happened, what did this judge, Richard May, do? He
did...nothing.
Was Markovic indeed tortured to give false testimony? If so, *how* was
he tortured? Was it mental? Physical? Both are considered torture
under the UN "Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment" (3).
Only a small part of the mainstream media has reported that Mr.
Markovic repudiated the testimony that the prosecution claimed he had
given. And the key question remains to be asked by the media or public
officials in any of the NATO countries or at The Hague: *What was done
to Rade Markovic*?
Last week I called the "tribunal" and questioned a Mr. Blewitt, one of
the deputy prosecutors. The conversation will be posted shortly as a
sound file. As you will see, in that conversation Mr. Blewitt took the
position that if Markovic accused the Hague "tribunal" of pressuring
and torturing him, then there was, and I quote Mr. Blewitt, "nothing
to investigate."
Nothing to investigate?
Last week I was interviewed by phone by Bill Hayton of the BBC World
News Service. Mr. Hayton took part of this interview and combined it
with part of an interview with someone from the pro-NATO Institute for
War Peace Reporting, thus creating a kind of debate. (3a) The article
is called, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link."
Mr. Hayton was fair, giving me and the IWPR equal space in the BBC
article.
However my central point, having to do with the abuse of Markovic, was
not included.
ONE LIE, ONE FALSE ARGUMENT
Moreover, near the top of the article, as posted on the BBC web page,
the editors have placed a picture of two weeping women, presumably
Albanians. Pictures of weeping (presumably) Albanian women are de
rigeur for news organizations who got class in the New World Order.
(4)
Beneath this photo is the caption, "War crimes have been proved, but
not the Milosevic link." This caption manages to cram a falsehood and
an example of the "Do-you-still-beat-your-wife?" argument into one
sentence, thus demonstrating the skill which has made the BBC Numero
Uno.
The *falsehood* is that "[Yugoslav] war crimes have been proved." If
that's true it's news to anyone who has with an open mind watched the
proceedings at The Hague - a process made difficult by the "tribunal".
You must either view it on video (5) or read the nearly impossible to
locate transcripts (6).
(As you may recall, when the "trial" began, it was broadcast live
worldwide on TV. But very soon it became obvious that Milosevic was
turning the tables, providing real evidence that NATO, not the peoples
of Yugoslavia, has caused the terrible destruction in his country.
Quickly the broadcasts were cut back. As you may recall, CNN initially
gave the excuse that the contents were too shocking. That of course
had never stopped them before...Then the broadcasts were simply
stopped, all around the world.)
WELL? DO YOU STILL BEAT YOUR WIFE?
Having asserted the lie that Yugoslav "war crimes have been proved,"
the caption adds, "but not *the* Milosevic link."
Note the use of the word, "the." In English the definite article
implies that something is, well, definite. For instance if I
say, "Take *the* car," you would understand that I have in mind some
particular car. But if I tell you, "Take *a* car," it probably means I
have in mind no particular car but am suggesting a mode of
transportation.
So when they say, "War crimes have been proved, but not *the*
Milosevic link," they are suggesting that such a link does indeed
exist, it just hasn't been located yet.
If you read the full text of my BBC interview, you will see that it
was precisely this false assumption which underlay the BBC's Mr.
Hayton's questions and that it was precisely this false assumption
that I identified, dissected and denied.
As I argued in the BBC interview, what does The Hague prove by
producing witnesses from the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)?
Only that the "tribunal" is linked to terrorists. And what is proven
by once again wheeling out that old standby, CIA operative
William "The Diplomat" Walker, this time to accuse Milosevic of war
crimes? What is the credibility of Mr. Walker, who coordinated Uncle
Sugar's generous relations with the El Salvador death squads? (8) Whom
will they produce next? Jack the Ripper?
Why can't The Hague find even one *normal* human being, not KLA or CIA
or MI5, one bona fide Serb, believable in the role of war criminal,
someone who for a few hundred or thousand dollars will convincingly
say, "We Serbs are so vicious 'cause we got a persecution complex"
and "Milosevic forced me to do it," etc. Or, failing that, and given
the vast resources of NATO, why can't these paid-for-hire prosecutors
and judges do a competent job of forcing someone to testify?
NIGHTSCAPE
On June 4, a prosecution witness, identified only as K12 (what a
name!) had a fight with the "prosecutor," Mr. Nice, and with the so-
called judges as well. Here's part of what he said:
"Please tell him, tell the Judge that I have had enough of this
psychological processing for two days now, and I've been confused even
more and more. I cannot testify on anyone's behalf today, and leave me
alone. I'll go crazy this way!"
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, June 4, 2002 * p. 6197 (see footnote 6)
Going on to say that he'd rather be sent to jail than endure more
mistreatment, K12 refused to testify further. Instead of ordering an
investigation of what may have been done to this man - as is his duty
under even the "tribunal's" rules - this "judge," Richard May, first
authorized the prosecution to meet privately with K12 - a violation of
the quite sensible legal prohibition against prosecutors coaching
their witnesses during a trial - and then, when K12 still refused to
testify, Richard May instructed Prosecutor Nice to file contempt
charges!
A month later, the following exchange took place between Mr. Milosevic
and faux judge May:
"SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: ...I saw that you discussed the punishment of
Witness K12 because he didn't want to testify. I wish to remind you of
the existence of a declaration against torture that was adopted by the
United Nations.
"JUDGE MAY: This is irrelevant to you. Absolutely nothing to do with
you. The contempt proceedings -- the contempt proceedings are nothing
to do with you and are between the Court and the witness."
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, July 2, 2002 * p. 7207 (See Footnote 6)
Please, Mama, wake me. I am having this terrible dream.
And nobody (outside The Hague) knows what has been done to this man.
Do you understand? He was simply taken away. He had been given a code
name (K12) "to protect" him, and now - and now, God only knows.
And of course the prosecution's *prize* witness - Rade Markovic, head
of the security police of Serbia during the NATO bombing - not only
rejected his "own" statements but testified that he had been subjected
to a year and a half of "pressure and torture."
Here is the link to the RealPlayer file and the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
And here is the link to the BBC text, as published, so you can compare
them.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
Tomorrow we will send the ICDSM email list the full transcript of my
BBC interview. (7)
We will also post part of the transcript of Milosevic's cross-
examination of Rade Markovic.
The Markovic-Milosevic exchange goes on for quite a while. To watch
the video of the section that deals with pressure and torture, plus a
bit more to provide context, go to the *2 hour* (2:00) mark of the
RealPlayer file at
http://hague.bard.edu/video/icty_env.20020726.ram
-- Jared Israel
***
**** Further Reading ****
(1) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 75 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm
and scrolling down to Rule 75
(2) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 77 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm#77
and scrolling down to Rule 77
(3) For the UN Convention Against Torture go to
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/h_cat39.htm
(3a) For the RealPlayer file and also the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC go to
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
For the BBC article, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link," which
includes part of my interview with the BBC, go to
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
(4) If you want your worst fears confirmed, read the following
article. In it you will discover an amazing consistency in the
subjects of the winning photos in the top photography contests in
1998, 1999 and 2000. You'll never guess what they were...
"Art in the New World Order," by 'A News Photographer'
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/artinthe.htm
5) You can view RealPlayer videos of the "trial", usually up-to-date,
at
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
6) If one were cynical one would think The Hague didn't want us to
read the Milosevic transcripts. Here's a shortcut through their maze.
Go to
http://www.un.org/icty/milosevic/garde.htm
Scroll down to the link to "transcripts." They only go up to July 22nd.
7) To subscribe to the ICDSM email list go to
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
You will receive texts posted at www.icdsm.org
8) For more on William Walker, see "WILLIAM WALKER (ALIAS, MR. RACAK)
AND HIS SALVADOR MASSACRE COVER-UP," at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/sixty.htm
Send the link to this text to a friend.If you receive this article by
email, cut and paste this URL into your browser:
mailto:ENTER FRIEND'S EMAIL ADDRESS HERE?subject=Here's a great
article from www.icdsm.org!&body=I just read the following article
which I thought you would find most interesting. Here's the address:
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/bbc-rade.htm
***** The Defense of Milosevic - and the Truth - Needs Your Help!
NATO has billions of dollars and the media to spread lies. We have the
truth, supported by hundreds of millions of people. To develop legal,
educational, parliamentary and other work, our Committee needs
donations, large or small, from those who want to get the truth to the
people.
Here is how you can help:
* Contribute via credit card by calling our Dutch or U.S. offices:
Dutch office: 31 20 6151122
US office: 1 617 916-1705
* Donate over the internet via PayPal at:
https://www.paypal.com/xclick/business=icdsm%40aol.com
PayPal accepts VISA and MasterCard
* Or mail a check to: ICDSM
831 Beacon St., #295
Newton Centre, MA 02459 (USA)
Thank you!
http://www.icdsm.org
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
1. Der Herbst (Mirela Belosevic)
2. Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben (Spomenka Deretic)
=== 1 ===
Mirela Belosevic: Der Herbst
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
infograf@...
Mit der Annaeherung des Schuljah-Anfanges hoeren die Erzaehlungen auf,
wie wir uns zurechtgefunden haben, um auch dieses Jahres auf den
Urlaub fahren zu koennen und man faengt an, sich zu ueberpruefen, ob
wir zu viel locker geworden sind und uns zu viel erschoepft haben. Die
Ernuechterung kommt mit ersten Vorbereitungen der Wintervorraete. Der
Markt war immer zwar die Rettung fuer unseren Lebensstandard, Unglueck
ist aber das, dass man gleichzeitig Kinder fuer die Schule vorbereiten
soll. Die Familie, die zwei Schueler hat, muss ca 100 Euro nur fuer
die Schulbuecher absondern. In der letzte Zeit kann man die witzige
und gleichzeitig traurige Anmerkung hoeren: "Es gibt keinen Schueler
ohne Kaefermarkt", weil der Schulzubehoer an
sogenanten "Kaefermaerkten", wo man preisguenstigere Waren
zweifelhafter Qualitaet aus Ausland verkauft, billiger als in Laeden
ist.Aeltere Kinder moechten zwar sich eher in den Boutiquen ankleiden,
sehr schell aber ueberreden die Muetter sie und beweisen ihnen, dass
dieselbe Waren von den Theken auch in Boutiquen mit viel hoeheren
Preisen angeboten werden. Regierung Serbiens hat den Kauf von
Schulbuechern fuer Grundschulen an 6 Raten ermoeglicht. Fuer die
Eltern ist das eine Erleichterung aber gleichzeitig auch eine
Bestaetigung ueber unseren schlechten Lebensstandard, weil der Kredit
nur fuer die Summe, die groesser als 20 Euro ist, gilt.
Durchschnitlliches Einkommen im Monat Juli in Serbien war 13461Dinar.
Oder etwas mehr als 200 Euro. Im Vergleich mit Juni-Einkommen ist das
real um 0,35 % weniger, und wie immer sind die Loehne in der
Wirtschaft kleiner als in der Ausser-Wirtschaft.
In diesen Tagen spricht man in Serbien viel ueber den Preis fuer das
Essoel, fuer das der Gouverner der Nationalbank sagt, dass es teuerer
als in Deutschland ist. Wenn man durch die Verminderung der
Umsatzsteuer und den Nachgeben von der Seite Herstellern nicht zu den
kleineren Preis kommt, wird das Amt fuer die staatliche Warenreserven
intervenieren. Es ist schon im Laufe die Intervention an dem Fleisch-
Markt, der immer teuerer wird obwohl der Fleischverbrauch immer
kleiner ist. Die Preise fur Essoel, Fleisch und alle andere
Nahrungsmittel, aussgenommen das sogenannten Volksbrot, sind
liberalisiert. Den Kaufpreis der Buerger misst man meistens durch den
sogenannten Verbrauchskorb. Haendler und verschiedene oekonomiesche
Institute haben die Liste der fuer das Leben notwendigen
Nahrungsmittel gemacht und durch die Verfolung der Wert-Aenderung
dieses Verbrauchskorb, wird ueberprueft, wieviel durchschnittlichen
Loehne nur fuer die Ernaeherung notwendig sind. Im Ausschuss fuer den
Standard bei der republischen Regierung hatte man kein Vertrauen in
diese Rechnung und er hat eigene Liste von Nahrungsmittel, notwendigen
fuer das Lebens-Minimum erarbeitet. Der Ausschuss fuer den Standard
soll in kommenden Tagen entscheiden, ob auch der Preis des Brotes,
fuer uns des wichtigeren Nahrungsmittels, auch bald liberalisiert
wird.
Die Mehrheit der Buerger aergert sich, besonders Rentner, wegen der
geringeren Einkommen, als das die Beschaeftigte haben, wegen der
Ansagen , dass in diesem Jahr die Inflation nur 16 % betragen wird und
dass sie seit Juli vorhergehendes bis Juli dieses Jahres nur 19 %
betragen hat. In einjaehrigem Zeitabschnitt haben den Standard die
Strom-Rechnungen, die um 80 % vergrossert sind, erschuettert. In
Serbien benuetzt man den Strom fuer die Wohnung-Heizungen und deshalb
ist es im Laufe die Kampagne, zwar verspaetete, das den Buergern man
die Kredite erlaubt, damit sie sich an die Fernheizung anschliessen
koennen. Wenige koennen sich solche Ausgaben, zum Zwecken der
zukunftigen Einsparung, leisten.
Statistik zeigt, das auch die Wohnmieten im Durchschnitt um 60 %
verggroessert sind.
Die Mehrheit der Bevoelkerung bewertet laut allen Enqueten eigene
oekonomische Lage als sehr schlimm und darueber sollen heutige Akteure
der oekonomischer Politik nachdenken ungeachtet dessen, dass Aussen-
Beobachter unsere oekonomische Lage in etwas rosigen Nuancen sehen.
=== 2 ===
Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben
Spomenka Deretic
infograf@...
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
Alles ist in diesem Fruehling angefangen, als der Vizepraesident der
Regierung Serbiens und ehemaliger Militaerminister , Momcilo Perisic,
der damalig von der Seite Slobodan Milosevic von der Stelle des
Vorstandes des Generalstabs abgeloest worden ist, an der Tat ertappt
worden war, wie er die vertraulichste jugoslawische Dokumente an den
Chef von CIA fuer Balkan, Jon David Naibor, uebergibt, der nebenbei
gesagt, den Pass des amerikanischen Diplomat hat.Perisic, der
Vizepraesident von DOS-Regierung, wurde von der Seite des
Kontrageheimdienstes von der Armee Jugoslawiens, in der die
ausgezeichnete Fachmaenner taetig sind, verhaftet. Das ist der Grund,
warum die Affere anlaesslich des heimlichen Zuhoeren des Praesidentes
Jugoslawiens, Vojislav Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt worden war.
Kommen wir an Perisic zurueck, weil er gemaess dem Schreiben der
deutschen Zeitschrift -Konkret-, grosse Rolle bei der Uebergabe der
Angaben an den ehemaligen deutschen Minister Rudolf Scharping gespielt
hat, ueber den angeblichen Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von
Kosmet, -Hufeisen- genannt.
General Perisic hat naemlich noch am 25. Oktober 1998 an den
Kommandant vom NATO-Pakt , Vesli Klark und an den Vorsitzende vom
Militaerrat NATO, Klaus Naumen den Plan -Hufeisen- uebergeben, die in
Belgrad verweilt haben , damit sie mit damaligen Praesident
Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic verhandeln, ueber die Forderung NATO,
dass die Armee Jugoslawiens ihre Anwesenheit in Kosovo vermindert..
Gemaess der Behauptung von Rudolf Scharping , die -Konkret-
veroeffentlicht, besteht die zeitliche Verbindung zwischen der
Fertigung des Planes -Hufeisen- und der Abloesung Perisic von der
Stelle des Vorstandes des Generalstabs VJ (Armee Jugoslawiens), weil
sich Perisic widersetzt hat, dass die Armee an dem angeblihen
Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo teilnimmt. Bezueglich darauf, dass
jugoslawischer militerischer Kontrageheimdienst wirklich
ausserordentlich profesionell ist, und dass Slobodan Milosevic,
wirklich gut benachrichtigt worden war, kann man mit Sicherheit
feststellen, dass Perisic abgeloest worden ist nicht wegen dem
angeblichen Widersetzen irgendwelchem angeblichem Plan -Hufeisen-,
schon deshalb weil er in der Spionage fuer NATO-Pakt, der in nicht
ganz einem Jahr Jugoslawien angreifen wird, ertappt worden war.Wenn
man kritisch Inteligenz und Moral Generals Perisic analysiert, kann
man zum Schluss kommen , dass wenig wahrscheinlich ist , dass er ,
Momcilo Perisic , den Plan -Hufeisen-, der als die Ausrede fuer den
Angriff an Jugoslawien diente , ergedacht hat. Alles weist darauf hin,
dass dieser Plan in germanische Kueche erdacht worden war. Naemlich,
Rudolf Scharping hat zugestanden, dass er den angeblichen Plan fuer
das Vertreiben der Albaner von der oesterreichischen Auskunfts-Agentur
erhalten hat und dass ihm dabei Dragan Vuksic, Perisics-Mitarbeiter
vom Vertrauen, geholfen hat. Einige Angaben vom Oberst Dragan Vuksic:
Er ist, anscheinend, der alte Mitarbeiter der deutschen Geheimdienst,
es ist sehr wahrscheinlich , dass er an der Vorbereitung des Putsches
am 5. Oktober 2000 teilgenommen hat, und eher sei, dass Vuksic der
erste Mann im Team ist. Oberst Dragan Vuksic wurde nach belgrader
Oktober-Revolution, fuer den jugoslwischen Ambasador in Schweiz
vorgeschlagen, Bern hat (Schweizer sind ein virsichtiges Volk) sein
Agreman abgelent, wegen seiner Zusammenarbeit mit dem deutschen
Geheimdienst. Die Verdienste des Oberstes Vuksic fuer die
antiserbische Kampagne sind aber so gross, dass die deutsche Regierung
ihn fuer den jugoslawischen Hauptkonsul in Frankfurt am Main
akkreditiert hat, und bezueglich darauf, dass er DOS revolutionaere
Regierung in Belgrad verschuldet hat, hat er hohe diplomatische Stelle
in der jugoslawische Ambasade in Bonn bekommen. Um nicht zu vergessen:
Dragan Vuksic war in Daiton. Dort arbeitete er der Republika Srpska um
den Kopf und anderseits war er -Augen und Ohren des deutschen
Geheimdienstes. Um Mosaik zusammenzusetzen: Der deutsche Geheimdienst
und sein Mensch , Oberst Vuksic, haben wahrscheinlichst den Plan-
Hufeise- erdacht und unter der Bruder-Hilfe von dem oesterreichischen
Geheimdienst und Hilfe agilens Perisic haben sie ihn als serbischen
Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo placiert, was als die
Ausrede diente fuer den Waffenangriff des NATO-Paktes an Jugoslawien.
Affaere des heimlichen Zuhoerens, oder Affaere Pavkovic
Bezueglich darauf, dass der Kontra-Geheimdienst der Armee Jugoslawiens
durch das Verhaften von Perisic ausgezeichnete Faehigkeit gezeigt hat,
hat die pro-deutsche Regierung Serbiens ueber die Versammlung , in der
sie apsolute Mehrheit hat, die Affaere Pavkovic oder die Affaere des
geheimlichen Zuhoerens des Praesidentes Jugoslawiens , Vojislav
Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt. Worueber geht es hier? Vier
pensionierten Generale: Nebojsa Pavkovic, Milan Simic, Aleksandar
Vasiljevic und Milan Djakovic haben den Praesidenten Vojislav
Kostunica angeklagt, dass er ueber seine Ratgeber, verlangt hat, dass
die Armee in das Buero fuer die Komunikationen der Regierung Serbiens
einbricht, aus dessen Raeume, angeblich, der praesident Jugoslawiens
geheim zugehoert wird, und das die Generale abgeloest werden , weil
sie das abgelent haben. Die Verwaltung Serbiens hat den Enkuete-
Ausschuss gegruendet fuer die Ueberpruefung der Akteure der Affaere
Pavkovic , in den kein Vertreter der opositionellen Parteien als auch
kein Vertreter von DSS (Demokratische Patrei Serbiens) eingegangen
ist , was genug fuer sich selbst spricht. Vor dem Enkuete-Ausschuss
haben zuerst vier Generale ihre Version der Ereignissen erklaert. Das
war die direkte TV-Sendung, das Volk hat In live den serbischen
Watergate geschaut. Zum Unterschied nur zur amerikanische Affaere, in
der der Praesident Nikson das geheimliche Zuhoeren befohlen hat, hat
man in der serbischen Affaere den Praesidenten Jugoslawiens geheim
zugehoert. Generale haben erzaehlt, dass sie sich an der Sitzung in
dem Palast der Foederation in der Nacht zwischen 4. und 5. Juni
vorhergehendes Jahres dem Einfall in die Raeume der Regierung
widersetzt haben, weil das die Raeume der Regierung Serbiens sind und
weil bei dem Einfall der Soldaten die Opfer entstehen koennen.
Waehrend der weiteren Ueberpruefungen , hat sich herausgestellt, dass
keine Opfer, wahrscheinlichst, entstehen wuerden. Pavkovic,
Vasiljevic, Djakovic und Simic haben die Gespraeche, die sie mit den
Ratgebern des Praesidenten Jugoslawiens gefuert haben nacherzaehlt,
als auch das Gespraech mit heutigem Vorstand der Verwaltung von
Militaersicherheit, Aca Tomic ins Details nacherzaehlt, wie wenn die
Hausfrauen das Rezept fuer die Torte diktieren. Ob sie ausschliesslich
die Wahrheit erzaehlt haben, das ist eine andere Frage. Einige Sachen
sind charackteristisch: zuerst, man stellt die Frage, warum vier
Generale erst ein Jahr nach den Ereignissen oeffentlich sprechen
angefangen sind und anderes , es sieht aus , als ob das Buero fuer die
Kommunikation der Regierung Serbiens sehr wichtiges Zentrum der Macht
ist. Der Vorsitzzende der Volks-Demokratischer Partei, Slobodan
Vuksanovic stellt im Interview fuer "National" logische Frage: Wer ist
tatsaechlich der Leiter dieses Bueros und ob das Buero die zentrale
Redaktion der Mehrheit von Medien darstellt, in dem die Nachrichten,
Campagne, Affaeren und spektakulaere Auffuehrungen, wie diese mit dem
Enkuete - Ausschuss geschneidet werden. ? Die Antwort waere: Das Buero
leitet Djindjis-Mann, Vladimir Popoviæ-Beba, der ueberhaupt nich an
ein Baby, sondern an jemanden den Niemand in der Nacht treffen will,
aehnelt. General Pavkoviæ , der Held aus NATO-Krieg hat gegen der
jugoslawischen Oeffentlichkeit seine "Achillus-Fersen " gezeigt: er
hat Angst vor dem Pensionieren und vor der scharfen Zunge und guter
Benachrichtigung Vojislav Seselj, des Chefs von serbischen Radikalen.
Pavkoviæ hat sich , naemlich, vor TV-Kameras rechtfertigen versucht,
dass er mit Surèin-Mafia nicht verbunden ist, wofuer ihn Seselj
geklagt hat und er sagte , dass Bos Markoviæ, aus Surcin, mit dem er
guter Bekannte ist, der angesehener junger Bussinesman ist , und der
Inhaber der Firma "Krmivo produkt", mehrere Villas, einer Pferdezucht
und einer Jacht ist. General Pavkovic hat zwar zugestanden, dass er
als der Vorstehers des Generalstabes der Armee Jugoslawiens vermitelt
hat, dass an der Militaer-Medizinische Akademie auch Ljubisa Buha aus
Surèin, der auch junger und nach Pavkovics Meinung erfolgreicher
Bussinesman ist, als er vergiftet worden war, empfangen wird. Wie der
Bussinesman, Ljubisa Bucha ehrlich ist , zeigt auch seine Spitzname -
Cume, und serbisches Volk unter Bennenung " Cuma" die Pest versteht.
Nebenbei gesagt, Ljuba Cuma (die Pest) haben viele Minister besucht ,
waehrend er im Krankenhaus lag, sogar der Premier Djindjic. Um noch
zuzugeben: vor zwei Wochen ist der Freund unseres Premiers und unseren
Minister und Generals Pavkovic, Ljubisa Buha-Cuma fast ums Leben
gekommen, waehrend er seine neue und grossartige Investition
besichtigt hate. An ihn haben zwei verhuellte Angreifer geschossen,
ihn hat aber sein Bodygard -Man beschirmt, und der bejamerswerten Mann
ist fuer seinen Chef ums Leben gekommen.
General Aleksandar Vasiljeviæ, der die gewisse Zeit der Chef der
Militaersicherheit war, ist der alte Fuchs.Er hat sich belobt, dass er
gegen Milosevic nicht gehorsam war, womit er sich an Perisiæs-Mentoren
empfolen hat; er hat zugestanden, dass er vorhergehendes Jahres zum
Treffen in der Palast der Foederation, als Pensionaer und
pensionierter Pavkovics -Ratgeber, bzw. Freund gekommen ist.
Pensionierter Vorsteher der Verwaltung von Militaersicherheit, Milan
Djakoviæ, sah wirklich verwirrt aus, als ob er nicht weiss, nicht nur
warum er sich ueberhaupt vor dem Enquete -Ausschuss befindet, sondern
auch dass er nicht weiss warum er nach dem Oktober-Putsch so wichtiger
Geschaeftsfuerer in der Armee Jugoslawiens geworden ist. Es ist
vollkommen klar, dass er bis zum letzten Tropfen dem General Pavkoviæ
treu ist. Milan Djakoviæ hat so nebenbei, unbewusst was er macht,
erzaehlt, dass in Podgorica, im Tuer-Rahmen des Raums von der Equipe
des Militaer- Kontra-Geheimdienstes zufaellig die modernste Zuhoer-
Geraet, israelischer Produktion, gefunden ist, das ausnehmend
machanisch mit der modernsten Geraeten nicht entdeckt sein koentte.
General fuer die Fragen des Morals, Milan Simiæ, war der
gefaehrlichste. Er hat, naehmlich, vorgeschlagen, dass man den Kontra-
Geheimdienst unter der Zivilkontrolle stellt, dass unsere beste
profesionele Maenner, von der Seite der Abgeordneten, zwischen denen
es auch solche gibt, deren das die erste Beschaeftigung im Leben ist,
kontroliert seien. Zwischen heutigen Abgeordneten befindet sich auch
der Junge , der die Polizei-Dossier wegen der Droga -Handel. Simiæ
hat, den ich im Jahre 1999, waered des Treffens des Patriotischen
Verbandes Jugoslawiens, in dem kleinen Saal an der Kolarac-
Volksuniversitaet kennengelernt habe, als einen gespraechigen
Verteidiger des Staates, des Grundgesetzes und der Armee, wuerde jetzt
die Kontrolle der Armee an diese Versammlung, die manchmal das
Grundgesetz verletzt uebergeben, nimmt den Abgeordneten die Mandaten
ab, wirft manchmal von der Sitzung ganze opositionellen Parteien weg,
oder wuerde, villeicht, die Kontrolle an die Regierung uebergeben,
derer Vizepraesident der Mitarbeiter des deutschen Geheimdienstes und
amerikanischen CIA ist.
Zeugen waren auch die Kaffee-Kochfrauen, Sicherheit und Kellner in der
Palast der Foederation. Sie waren alle sehr diskret, keiner von denen
hat geklatscht,und keiner hat die Ereignisse wie am Markt
nacherzaehlt. Sie haben sich wie echte Generale benommen, waehrend
sich die pensionierte Generale, wie Kaffee-Kochfrauen benommen haben.
Enquete -Ausschuss hat die Ueberpruefungen wegen des Urlaubs
unterbrochen. Serben in Bujanovac ruhen sich nicht aus, sie
demonstrieren und protestieren jeden Tag. An der gerade
abgeschlossenen Wahlen wurde zum ersten mal in der Gemeinde-Geschichte
fuer den ersten Mann ein Albaner ausgewaehlt. An einigen Wahlpunkte in
Bujanovac dauerten Wahlen bis 5 Uhr morgens, obwohl gemaess dem
Gesetzt ueber die Wahlen , Wahlpunkte bis zum 20 Uhr geschlossen sein
muessen.Die wahlen dauerten neun Stunden laenger , weil man gewartet
hat, dass aus Kosovo die Waehler ankommen. Fuer diese Gewalt in
Bujanovac sind die verdienstvollste der amerikanischert Ambasador in
Belgrad und Vorsitzende des Koordinierungs-Koerpers fuer den Serbien -
Sueden, Nebojsa Covic. , der gleichzeitig auch der Vizepraesident der
Serbischen Regierung und Guenstling von USA ist. Warum ist es fuer
Amerikaner und ihre europeische Freunde sehr wichtig gewesen, dass in
Bujanovac-Gemeinde , zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte, die Regierung
die Albaner uebernehmen, die keine Mehrheit haben, aber in den Wahl-
Listen wurden auch Kosovo-Albaner eingeschrieben, sogenannte
profesionelle Waehler, die waehlen, wenn es am Kosovo notwendig ist,
wenn es in Metohija notwendig ist und wenn es am Sueden Serbiens
notwendig ist? `Deshalb, weil es notwendig ist, Serbien auch physisch
mit dem albanischen Korridor von Mazedonien und von orthodoxen
Griechenland zu trennen und damit es noch mehr unstabil zu machen.
Schon tagenlang protestieren Serben in Bujanovac und unterschreiben
die Petition fuer Covic - Abloesung und er gibt ihnen die
Antwort: »Die Petition beunruhigt mich nicht, sie haben mich nicht
ausgewaehlt und sie werden mich auch nicht abloesen«. Um zu erinnern:
Covic war der hohe Funktionaer der Sozialistischer Partei Serbiens,
den Slobodan Milosevic abgeloest hat und aus der Partei ausgeworfen
hat, weil sich, angeblich,Covic dem bekannten Kontra- Meeting der
Angehoerigen der damaligen Regierung, widersetzt hat. Natuerlich ist
das nicht richtig. Alle TV-Kammeras haben den jungen Covic an der
Buehne, zwischen den anderen SPS-Funktionaere aufgenommen. Milosevic
hat Covic , tatsaechlich, abgeloest, wegen der gegenseitigen und
naturwidrigen Liebe zwischen Vasington und Nebojsa Covic.
===
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1. Der Herbst (Mirela Belosevic)
2. Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben (Spomenka Deretic)
=== 1 ===
Mirela Belosevic: Der Herbst
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
infograf@...
Mit der Annaeherung des Schuljah-Anfanges hoeren die Erzaehlungen auf,
wie wir uns zurechtgefunden haben, um auch dieses Jahres auf den
Urlaub fahren zu koennen und man faengt an, sich zu ueberpruefen, ob
wir zu viel locker geworden sind und uns zu viel erschoepft haben. Die
Ernuechterung kommt mit ersten Vorbereitungen der Wintervorraete. Der
Markt war immer zwar die Rettung fuer unseren Lebensstandard, Unglueck
ist aber das, dass man gleichzeitig Kinder fuer die Schule vorbereiten
soll. Die Familie, die zwei Schueler hat, muss ca 100 Euro nur fuer
die Schulbuecher absondern. In der letzte Zeit kann man die witzige
und gleichzeitig traurige Anmerkung hoeren: "Es gibt keinen Schueler
ohne Kaefermarkt", weil der Schulzubehoer an
sogenanten "Kaefermaerkten", wo man preisguenstigere Waren
zweifelhafter Qualitaet aus Ausland verkauft, billiger als in Laeden
ist.Aeltere Kinder moechten zwar sich eher in den Boutiquen ankleiden,
sehr schell aber ueberreden die Muetter sie und beweisen ihnen, dass
dieselbe Waren von den Theken auch in Boutiquen mit viel hoeheren
Preisen angeboten werden. Regierung Serbiens hat den Kauf von
Schulbuechern fuer Grundschulen an 6 Raten ermoeglicht. Fuer die
Eltern ist das eine Erleichterung aber gleichzeitig auch eine
Bestaetigung ueber unseren schlechten Lebensstandard, weil der Kredit
nur fuer die Summe, die groesser als 20 Euro ist, gilt.
Durchschnitlliches Einkommen im Monat Juli in Serbien war 13461Dinar.
Oder etwas mehr als 200 Euro. Im Vergleich mit Juni-Einkommen ist das
real um 0,35 % weniger, und wie immer sind die Loehne in der
Wirtschaft kleiner als in der Ausser-Wirtschaft.
In diesen Tagen spricht man in Serbien viel ueber den Preis fuer das
Essoel, fuer das der Gouverner der Nationalbank sagt, dass es teuerer
als in Deutschland ist. Wenn man durch die Verminderung der
Umsatzsteuer und den Nachgeben von der Seite Herstellern nicht zu den
kleineren Preis kommt, wird das Amt fuer die staatliche Warenreserven
intervenieren. Es ist schon im Laufe die Intervention an dem Fleisch-
Markt, der immer teuerer wird obwohl der Fleischverbrauch immer
kleiner ist. Die Preise fur Essoel, Fleisch und alle andere
Nahrungsmittel, aussgenommen das sogenannten Volksbrot, sind
liberalisiert. Den Kaufpreis der Buerger misst man meistens durch den
sogenannten Verbrauchskorb. Haendler und verschiedene oekonomiesche
Institute haben die Liste der fuer das Leben notwendigen
Nahrungsmittel gemacht und durch die Verfolung der Wert-Aenderung
dieses Verbrauchskorb, wird ueberprueft, wieviel durchschnittlichen
Loehne nur fuer die Ernaeherung notwendig sind. Im Ausschuss fuer den
Standard bei der republischen Regierung hatte man kein Vertrauen in
diese Rechnung und er hat eigene Liste von Nahrungsmittel, notwendigen
fuer das Lebens-Minimum erarbeitet. Der Ausschuss fuer den Standard
soll in kommenden Tagen entscheiden, ob auch der Preis des Brotes,
fuer uns des wichtigeren Nahrungsmittels, auch bald liberalisiert
wird.
Die Mehrheit der Buerger aergert sich, besonders Rentner, wegen der
geringeren Einkommen, als das die Beschaeftigte haben, wegen der
Ansagen , dass in diesem Jahr die Inflation nur 16 % betragen wird und
dass sie seit Juli vorhergehendes bis Juli dieses Jahres nur 19 %
betragen hat. In einjaehrigem Zeitabschnitt haben den Standard die
Strom-Rechnungen, die um 80 % vergrossert sind, erschuettert. In
Serbien benuetzt man den Strom fuer die Wohnung-Heizungen und deshalb
ist es im Laufe die Kampagne, zwar verspaetete, das den Buergern man
die Kredite erlaubt, damit sie sich an die Fernheizung anschliessen
koennen. Wenige koennen sich solche Ausgaben, zum Zwecken der
zukunftigen Einsparung, leisten.
Statistik zeigt, das auch die Wohnmieten im Durchschnitt um 60 %
verggroessert sind.
Die Mehrheit der Bevoelkerung bewertet laut allen Enqueten eigene
oekonomische Lage als sehr schlimm und darueber sollen heutige Akteure
der oekonomischer Politik nachdenken ungeachtet dessen, dass Aussen-
Beobachter unsere oekonomische Lage in etwas rosigen Nuancen sehen.
=== 2 ===
Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben
Spomenka Deretic
infograf@...
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
Alles ist in diesem Fruehling angefangen, als der Vizepraesident der
Regierung Serbiens und ehemaliger Militaerminister , Momcilo Perisic,
der damalig von der Seite Slobodan Milosevic von der Stelle des
Vorstandes des Generalstabs abgeloest worden ist, an der Tat ertappt
worden war, wie er die vertraulichste jugoslawische Dokumente an den
Chef von CIA fuer Balkan, Jon David Naibor, uebergibt, der nebenbei
gesagt, den Pass des amerikanischen Diplomat hat.Perisic, der
Vizepraesident von DOS-Regierung, wurde von der Seite des
Kontrageheimdienstes von der Armee Jugoslawiens, in der die
ausgezeichnete Fachmaenner taetig sind, verhaftet. Das ist der Grund,
warum die Affere anlaesslich des heimlichen Zuhoeren des Praesidentes
Jugoslawiens, Vojislav Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt worden war.
Kommen wir an Perisic zurueck, weil er gemaess dem Schreiben der
deutschen Zeitschrift -Konkret-, grosse Rolle bei der Uebergabe der
Angaben an den ehemaligen deutschen Minister Rudolf Scharping gespielt
hat, ueber den angeblichen Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von
Kosmet, -Hufeisen- genannt.
General Perisic hat naemlich noch am 25. Oktober 1998 an den
Kommandant vom NATO-Pakt , Vesli Klark und an den Vorsitzende vom
Militaerrat NATO, Klaus Naumen den Plan -Hufeisen- uebergeben, die in
Belgrad verweilt haben , damit sie mit damaligen Praesident
Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic verhandeln, ueber die Forderung NATO,
dass die Armee Jugoslawiens ihre Anwesenheit in Kosovo vermindert..
Gemaess der Behauptung von Rudolf Scharping , die -Konkret-
veroeffentlicht, besteht die zeitliche Verbindung zwischen der
Fertigung des Planes -Hufeisen- und der Abloesung Perisic von der
Stelle des Vorstandes des Generalstabs VJ (Armee Jugoslawiens), weil
sich Perisic widersetzt hat, dass die Armee an dem angeblihen
Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo teilnimmt. Bezueglich darauf, dass
jugoslawischer militerischer Kontrageheimdienst wirklich
ausserordentlich profesionell ist, und dass Slobodan Milosevic,
wirklich gut benachrichtigt worden war, kann man mit Sicherheit
feststellen, dass Perisic abgeloest worden ist nicht wegen dem
angeblichen Widersetzen irgendwelchem angeblichem Plan -Hufeisen-,
schon deshalb weil er in der Spionage fuer NATO-Pakt, der in nicht
ganz einem Jahr Jugoslawien angreifen wird, ertappt worden war.Wenn
man kritisch Inteligenz und Moral Generals Perisic analysiert, kann
man zum Schluss kommen , dass wenig wahrscheinlich ist , dass er ,
Momcilo Perisic , den Plan -Hufeisen-, der als die Ausrede fuer den
Angriff an Jugoslawien diente , ergedacht hat. Alles weist darauf hin,
dass dieser Plan in germanische Kueche erdacht worden war. Naemlich,
Rudolf Scharping hat zugestanden, dass er den angeblichen Plan fuer
das Vertreiben der Albaner von der oesterreichischen Auskunfts-Agentur
erhalten hat und dass ihm dabei Dragan Vuksic, Perisics-Mitarbeiter
vom Vertrauen, geholfen hat. Einige Angaben vom Oberst Dragan Vuksic:
Er ist, anscheinend, der alte Mitarbeiter der deutschen Geheimdienst,
es ist sehr wahrscheinlich , dass er an der Vorbereitung des Putsches
am 5. Oktober 2000 teilgenommen hat, und eher sei, dass Vuksic der
erste Mann im Team ist. Oberst Dragan Vuksic wurde nach belgrader
Oktober-Revolution, fuer den jugoslwischen Ambasador in Schweiz
vorgeschlagen, Bern hat (Schweizer sind ein virsichtiges Volk) sein
Agreman abgelent, wegen seiner Zusammenarbeit mit dem deutschen
Geheimdienst. Die Verdienste des Oberstes Vuksic fuer die
antiserbische Kampagne sind aber so gross, dass die deutsche Regierung
ihn fuer den jugoslawischen Hauptkonsul in Frankfurt am Main
akkreditiert hat, und bezueglich darauf, dass er DOS revolutionaere
Regierung in Belgrad verschuldet hat, hat er hohe diplomatische Stelle
in der jugoslawische Ambasade in Bonn bekommen. Um nicht zu vergessen:
Dragan Vuksic war in Daiton. Dort arbeitete er der Republika Srpska um
den Kopf und anderseits war er -Augen und Ohren des deutschen
Geheimdienstes. Um Mosaik zusammenzusetzen: Der deutsche Geheimdienst
und sein Mensch , Oberst Vuksic, haben wahrscheinlichst den Plan-
Hufeise- erdacht und unter der Bruder-Hilfe von dem oesterreichischen
Geheimdienst und Hilfe agilens Perisic haben sie ihn als serbischen
Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo placiert, was als die
Ausrede diente fuer den Waffenangriff des NATO-Paktes an Jugoslawien.
Affaere des heimlichen Zuhoerens, oder Affaere Pavkovic
Bezueglich darauf, dass der Kontra-Geheimdienst der Armee Jugoslawiens
durch das Verhaften von Perisic ausgezeichnete Faehigkeit gezeigt hat,
hat die pro-deutsche Regierung Serbiens ueber die Versammlung , in der
sie apsolute Mehrheit hat, die Affaere Pavkovic oder die Affaere des
geheimlichen Zuhoerens des Praesidentes Jugoslawiens , Vojislav
Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt. Worueber geht es hier? Vier
pensionierten Generale: Nebojsa Pavkovic, Milan Simic, Aleksandar
Vasiljevic und Milan Djakovic haben den Praesidenten Vojislav
Kostunica angeklagt, dass er ueber seine Ratgeber, verlangt hat, dass
die Armee in das Buero fuer die Komunikationen der Regierung Serbiens
einbricht, aus dessen Raeume, angeblich, der praesident Jugoslawiens
geheim zugehoert wird, und das die Generale abgeloest werden , weil
sie das abgelent haben. Die Verwaltung Serbiens hat den Enkuete-
Ausschuss gegruendet fuer die Ueberpruefung der Akteure der Affaere
Pavkovic , in den kein Vertreter der opositionellen Parteien als auch
kein Vertreter von DSS (Demokratische Patrei Serbiens) eingegangen
ist , was genug fuer sich selbst spricht. Vor dem Enkuete-Ausschuss
haben zuerst vier Generale ihre Version der Ereignissen erklaert. Das
war die direkte TV-Sendung, das Volk hat In live den serbischen
Watergate geschaut. Zum Unterschied nur zur amerikanische Affaere, in
der der Praesident Nikson das geheimliche Zuhoeren befohlen hat, hat
man in der serbischen Affaere den Praesidenten Jugoslawiens geheim
zugehoert. Generale haben erzaehlt, dass sie sich an der Sitzung in
dem Palast der Foederation in der Nacht zwischen 4. und 5. Juni
vorhergehendes Jahres dem Einfall in die Raeume der Regierung
widersetzt haben, weil das die Raeume der Regierung Serbiens sind und
weil bei dem Einfall der Soldaten die Opfer entstehen koennen.
Waehrend der weiteren Ueberpruefungen , hat sich herausgestellt, dass
keine Opfer, wahrscheinlichst, entstehen wuerden. Pavkovic,
Vasiljevic, Djakovic und Simic haben die Gespraeche, die sie mit den
Ratgebern des Praesidenten Jugoslawiens gefuert haben nacherzaehlt,
als auch das Gespraech mit heutigem Vorstand der Verwaltung von
Militaersicherheit, Aca Tomic ins Details nacherzaehlt, wie wenn die
Hausfrauen das Rezept fuer die Torte diktieren. Ob sie ausschliesslich
die Wahrheit erzaehlt haben, das ist eine andere Frage. Einige Sachen
sind charackteristisch: zuerst, man stellt die Frage, warum vier
Generale erst ein Jahr nach den Ereignissen oeffentlich sprechen
angefangen sind und anderes , es sieht aus , als ob das Buero fuer die
Kommunikation der Regierung Serbiens sehr wichtiges Zentrum der Macht
ist. Der Vorsitzzende der Volks-Demokratischer Partei, Slobodan
Vuksanovic stellt im Interview fuer "National" logische Frage: Wer ist
tatsaechlich der Leiter dieses Bueros und ob das Buero die zentrale
Redaktion der Mehrheit von Medien darstellt, in dem die Nachrichten,
Campagne, Affaeren und spektakulaere Auffuehrungen, wie diese mit dem
Enkuete - Ausschuss geschneidet werden. ? Die Antwort waere: Das Buero
leitet Djindjis-Mann, Vladimir Popoviæ-Beba, der ueberhaupt nich an
ein Baby, sondern an jemanden den Niemand in der Nacht treffen will,
aehnelt. General Pavkoviæ , der Held aus NATO-Krieg hat gegen der
jugoslawischen Oeffentlichkeit seine "Achillus-Fersen " gezeigt: er
hat Angst vor dem Pensionieren und vor der scharfen Zunge und guter
Benachrichtigung Vojislav Seselj, des Chefs von serbischen Radikalen.
Pavkoviæ hat sich , naemlich, vor TV-Kameras rechtfertigen versucht,
dass er mit Surèin-Mafia nicht verbunden ist, wofuer ihn Seselj
geklagt hat und er sagte , dass Bos Markoviæ, aus Surcin, mit dem er
guter Bekannte ist, der angesehener junger Bussinesman ist , und der
Inhaber der Firma "Krmivo produkt", mehrere Villas, einer Pferdezucht
und einer Jacht ist. General Pavkovic hat zwar zugestanden, dass er
als der Vorstehers des Generalstabes der Armee Jugoslawiens vermitelt
hat, dass an der Militaer-Medizinische Akademie auch Ljubisa Buha aus
Surèin, der auch junger und nach Pavkovics Meinung erfolgreicher
Bussinesman ist, als er vergiftet worden war, empfangen wird. Wie der
Bussinesman, Ljubisa Bucha ehrlich ist , zeigt auch seine Spitzname -
Cume, und serbisches Volk unter Bennenung " Cuma" die Pest versteht.
Nebenbei gesagt, Ljuba Cuma (die Pest) haben viele Minister besucht ,
waehrend er im Krankenhaus lag, sogar der Premier Djindjic. Um noch
zuzugeben: vor zwei Wochen ist der Freund unseres Premiers und unseren
Minister und Generals Pavkovic, Ljubisa Buha-Cuma fast ums Leben
gekommen, waehrend er seine neue und grossartige Investition
besichtigt hate. An ihn haben zwei verhuellte Angreifer geschossen,
ihn hat aber sein Bodygard -Man beschirmt, und der bejamerswerten Mann
ist fuer seinen Chef ums Leben gekommen.
General Aleksandar Vasiljeviæ, der die gewisse Zeit der Chef der
Militaersicherheit war, ist der alte Fuchs.Er hat sich belobt, dass er
gegen Milosevic nicht gehorsam war, womit er sich an Perisiæs-Mentoren
empfolen hat; er hat zugestanden, dass er vorhergehendes Jahres zum
Treffen in der Palast der Foederation, als Pensionaer und
pensionierter Pavkovics -Ratgeber, bzw. Freund gekommen ist.
Pensionierter Vorsteher der Verwaltung von Militaersicherheit, Milan
Djakoviæ, sah wirklich verwirrt aus, als ob er nicht weiss, nicht nur
warum er sich ueberhaupt vor dem Enquete -Ausschuss befindet, sondern
auch dass er nicht weiss warum er nach dem Oktober-Putsch so wichtiger
Geschaeftsfuerer in der Armee Jugoslawiens geworden ist. Es ist
vollkommen klar, dass er bis zum letzten Tropfen dem General Pavkoviæ
treu ist. Milan Djakoviæ hat so nebenbei, unbewusst was er macht,
erzaehlt, dass in Podgorica, im Tuer-Rahmen des Raums von der Equipe
des Militaer- Kontra-Geheimdienstes zufaellig die modernste Zuhoer-
Geraet, israelischer Produktion, gefunden ist, das ausnehmend
machanisch mit der modernsten Geraeten nicht entdeckt sein koentte.
General fuer die Fragen des Morals, Milan Simiæ, war der
gefaehrlichste. Er hat, naehmlich, vorgeschlagen, dass man den Kontra-
Geheimdienst unter der Zivilkontrolle stellt, dass unsere beste
profesionele Maenner, von der Seite der Abgeordneten, zwischen denen
es auch solche gibt, deren das die erste Beschaeftigung im Leben ist,
kontroliert seien. Zwischen heutigen Abgeordneten befindet sich auch
der Junge , der die Polizei-Dossier wegen der Droga -Handel. Simiæ
hat, den ich im Jahre 1999, waered des Treffens des Patriotischen
Verbandes Jugoslawiens, in dem kleinen Saal an der Kolarac-
Volksuniversitaet kennengelernt habe, als einen gespraechigen
Verteidiger des Staates, des Grundgesetzes und der Armee, wuerde jetzt
die Kontrolle der Armee an diese Versammlung, die manchmal das
Grundgesetz verletzt uebergeben, nimmt den Abgeordneten die Mandaten
ab, wirft manchmal von der Sitzung ganze opositionellen Parteien weg,
oder wuerde, villeicht, die Kontrolle an die Regierung uebergeben,
derer Vizepraesident der Mitarbeiter des deutschen Geheimdienstes und
amerikanischen CIA ist.
Zeugen waren auch die Kaffee-Kochfrauen, Sicherheit und Kellner in der
Palast der Foederation. Sie waren alle sehr diskret, keiner von denen
hat geklatscht,und keiner hat die Ereignisse wie am Markt
nacherzaehlt. Sie haben sich wie echte Generale benommen, waehrend
sich die pensionierte Generale, wie Kaffee-Kochfrauen benommen haben.
Enquete -Ausschuss hat die Ueberpruefungen wegen des Urlaubs
unterbrochen. Serben in Bujanovac ruhen sich nicht aus, sie
demonstrieren und protestieren jeden Tag. An der gerade
abgeschlossenen Wahlen wurde zum ersten mal in der Gemeinde-Geschichte
fuer den ersten Mann ein Albaner ausgewaehlt. An einigen Wahlpunkte in
Bujanovac dauerten Wahlen bis 5 Uhr morgens, obwohl gemaess dem
Gesetzt ueber die Wahlen , Wahlpunkte bis zum 20 Uhr geschlossen sein
muessen.Die wahlen dauerten neun Stunden laenger , weil man gewartet
hat, dass aus Kosovo die Waehler ankommen. Fuer diese Gewalt in
Bujanovac sind die verdienstvollste der amerikanischert Ambasador in
Belgrad und Vorsitzende des Koordinierungs-Koerpers fuer den Serbien -
Sueden, Nebojsa Covic. , der gleichzeitig auch der Vizepraesident der
Serbischen Regierung und Guenstling von USA ist. Warum ist es fuer
Amerikaner und ihre europeische Freunde sehr wichtig gewesen, dass in
Bujanovac-Gemeinde , zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte, die Regierung
die Albaner uebernehmen, die keine Mehrheit haben, aber in den Wahl-
Listen wurden auch Kosovo-Albaner eingeschrieben, sogenannte
profesionelle Waehler, die waehlen, wenn es am Kosovo notwendig ist,
wenn es in Metohija notwendig ist und wenn es am Sueden Serbiens
notwendig ist? `Deshalb, weil es notwendig ist, Serbien auch physisch
mit dem albanischen Korridor von Mazedonien und von orthodoxen
Griechenland zu trennen und damit es noch mehr unstabil zu machen.
Schon tagenlang protestieren Serben in Bujanovac und unterschreiben
die Petition fuer Covic - Abloesung und er gibt ihnen die
Antwort: »Die Petition beunruhigt mich nicht, sie haben mich nicht
ausgewaehlt und sie werden mich auch nicht abloesen«. Um zu erinnern:
Covic war der hohe Funktionaer der Sozialistischer Partei Serbiens,
den Slobodan Milosevic abgeloest hat und aus der Partei ausgeworfen
hat, weil sich, angeblich,Covic dem bekannten Kontra- Meeting der
Angehoerigen der damaligen Regierung, widersetzt hat. Natuerlich ist
das nicht richtig. Alle TV-Kammeras haben den jungen Covic an der
Buehne, zwischen den anderen SPS-Funktionaere aufgenommen. Milosevic
hat Covic , tatsaechlich, abgeloest, wegen der gegenseitigen und
naturwidrigen Liebe zwischen Vasington und Nebojsa Covic.
===
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Oggetto: German invasion in Yugoslavia
German invasion in Yugoslavia
By Eve-Ann Prentice
Belgrade - The Serbian traveller was incandescent at the communist-style
red tape which ensnared him when he went to buy a Yugoslav Airlines
ticket.
'You deserve to be sold off to Lufthansa,' he shouted at the girl behind
the counter.
In a land rich in expletives, that was perhaps not much of an insult,
but
the man at least exposed the growing unease in Yugoslavia over a new
Germanic invasion in the country. What the Austro-Hungarian empire and
then
the Nazis failed to win by force of arms in the first and second world
wars
- supremacy in the Balkans - Germany is now about to achieve by money
and
stealth.
German companies have bought much of the Serbian media, including 50 per
cent of the former pillar of communism, the daily newspaper Politika,
and
taken a stake in TV Kosova, the broadcasting outlet set up by Slobodan
Milosevic's daughter, Marija. Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has
invested
25 million euros in Politika, and the biggest European publishing house
in
Germany, Grunner & Jahr, has bought 49 per cent of the Belgrade tabloid
Blic. Another German company has expressed interest in buying up the
water
utilities in Montenegro, the mountain republic which with Serbia makes
up
what remains of the Yugoslav federation. This month, the German
government
also decided to donate ten million euros for the reconstruction of
central-heating plants in the cities of Belgrade, Nis and Novi Sad.
On the same day the airline passenger was ranting at Yugoslav Airlines,
a
Serbian doctor looked rueful when I asked him how his eight-year-old son
was faring in English lessons at school. The gynaecologist stroked his
child's head. 'They don't teach them English any more,' he said.
'Instead
he is being taught German.' Add to this the fact that Germany's old
wartime
ally, Croatia, has published a map which inadvertently contains little
nibbles of Serbian territory in the north, and you may understand why
Serbs
are feeling even more paranoid than usual.
In a region where history is never consigned to the dustbin, ancient
hostilities are dusted down almost daily. Old photographs of fathers,
brothers, grandfathers and cousins remind both Serbs and Croats of the
loved ones they lost in the second world war - when the Serbs rescued
British airmen and thousands of Jews from the German and Croatian
fascists
- and later, in the 1990s civil war.
Now new rumblings of discontent can be heard; Vojvodina, the flat,
northern, breadbasket province of Serbia, comprises 60 per cent
Hungarians,
who are showing signs of wanting to go their own way. There is another
Germanic root here: remember the Austro-Hungarian empire?
Vojvodina also borders Croatia, the two territories separated by the
mighty
Danube. But a recently published official map of Croatia showed a
frontier
which encompassed the river and took in nearby Serbian towns and
villages
such as Apatin and Sonta. The Croats said it was just a slip of the pen.
Tensions between Serbs and Hungarians in Vojvodina may come to a head on
1
September, when the town of Subotica commemorates the day that the
Austro-Hungarian Empress Maria Theresa granted it the status of a royal
free town in 1779. Usually, one member from each ethnic group there
receives a merit award each anniversary for outstanding contributions to
society. This year Serbs are angry because none of them will receive an
award, only Croats and Hungarians.
In late July there was a skirmish on the border between Croatia and
Vojvodina when Serb soldiers opened fire too close for comfort to a
boatload of Croatians sailing down the Danube at Backa Palanta. The
Serbian
Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic, was forced to apologise, but the Croats
have retorted that saying sorry is not enough. That same weekend, a
former
Serbian television presenter and pop star, Zoran Tomasovic, was at a
family
funeral near the Vojvodina town of Kovilj, when he and his relatives
were
shouted at by roadside vegetable traders and told to 'go back to
Serbia'.
All this might be perceived as a little local difficulty were it not for
the old Serbo-Germanic antagonisms. The Serbs of Vojvodina will not
forget
the bitter Croatian civil war of 1991-92, or the ethnic cleansing of
more than
200,000 Serbs from the Krajina area of Croatia in August 1995, not least
because tens of thousands of these Serb refugees are now living in
Vojvodina.
Nor can they forget that it was Germany which helped propel Croatia into
civil war in 1991. The then foreign minister in Bonn, Hans Dietrich
Genscher, pressed Britain and other Western European countries to
recognise
Croatia as an independent country even before the government of Franjo
Tudjman had met the usual criteria for independence, such as having
secure
borders and a free press. The Croatian civil war broke out days later.
With presidential elections being held in Yugoslavia in late September,
Serbs are also only too aware that their Prime Minister, Mr Djindjic,
has
closely allied himself with the Germans and is a personal friend of
Chancellor Schroeder. Latest opinion polls for the presidential race put
Mr
Djindjic well down in the field with 8 per cent of support, while the
current Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, and the deputy premier
of
Yugoslavia, Miroljub Labus, have 22 per cent each.
Germany's deepening involvement is just one result of years of
interference
in the Balkans, masquerading as assistance, by Messrs Blair and Clinton
-
and later Bush. Essentially, Yugoslavia was torn apart by a series of
bloody civil wars which have had close parallels with the Northern
Ireland
conflict. There have been vile and dark deeds perpetrated by all - as
well
as innocent victims on all sides, whether Muslim, Croat, Kosovo Albanian
or
Serb.
The West, however, led in large part by Germany, would have us believe
that
all these interventions, which we paid for, were initiated in Croatia,
then
Bosnia and finally Kosovo and Serbia to protect the innocent. And for
the
'innocent', read 'everyone except the Serbs'. To suggest the contrary
is,
of course, to be portrayed as a Serb-loving monster. What the West,
especially Germany, Britain and America, do not want is any close
scrutiny
of the legacy left by the years of 'compassion-based' involvement in the
region. German economic supremacy is only part of the equation.
One of the biggest and best-kept secrets is that Bosnia, far from being
a
settled nation, is now a hotbed of hardline mujahedin. Islamic fighters
from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan went to the republic during
the
civil war of 1992-95 and many are still in the country today. Last
October,
for instance, just weeks after the cataclysm of 11 September, the
British
and American embassies in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, were forced to
close for five days after the building was besieged by angry Muslims
protesting at attempts by Western forces to deport suspected Islamic
terrorists in the region to Cuba.
Kosovo is a mess: the few Serbs still living there have to stay within
tightly guarded enclaves or risk death at the hands of ethnic Albanians
under the very noses of the world's so-called peacekeepers. Last week
about
a dozen UN peacekeepers were hurt when hundreds of ethnic Albanians went
on
the rampage in the town of Decane because the UN had arrested one of
their
number on charges of murder and torture. Such incidents are rarely
covered
by the Western press, and for that politicians in Whitehall and Capitol
Hill must be grateful - the mayhem does not fit the picture of the
Kosovo
success story they would like us all to believe. Huge amounts of heroin
meanwhile reach London via Kosovo; and kidnapped girls are bundled off
to
the brothels of Europe, including Soho, courtesy of Albanian gangs.
In a typical, but little-reported, sign of how the West still treats
Serbia
and Serbs, the US Senate this month threatened to reduce aid to
development
projects in Serbia by the amount spent on similar institutions in
Kosovo,
according to the Serbian deputy prime minister, Nebojsa Covic. So
continued
and increasing German investment is likely to be encouraged by Herr
Schroeder's friend Zoran Djindjic.
Serbian airline passengers have a disconcerting habit of applauding when
their pilot lands the aircraft, almost as if they hardly believe he can
achieve the feat until it is accomplished. If Lufthansa ever does take
over
Yugoslav Airlines, the clapping may become a thing of the past.
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php3?table=old%c2%a7ion=current&issue=2002-08-24&id=2176
***
For more extensive news on international affairs: Targets,
Monthly
Newspaper on International Affairs, invites you to its
newsgroup, where we
provide our readers with regular news on current international
developments. We use different sources and the messages do not
necessarily
reflect our opinion. But because we think they are of value to
have a
profound understanding of the international policy of today, we
post them
for our readers.
Sincerely,
Nico Varkevisser
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
***
TARGETS Independent monthly paper on international affairs
Sloterkade 20, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Ph. ++ 31 20 615 1122 - Fax: ++ 31 20 615 1120
Da: Targets
A: redactie@...
Oggetto: German invasion in Yugoslavia
German invasion in Yugoslavia
By Eve-Ann Prentice
Belgrade - The Serbian traveller was incandescent at the communist-style
red tape which ensnared him when he went to buy a Yugoslav Airlines
ticket.
'You deserve to be sold off to Lufthansa,' he shouted at the girl behind
the counter.
In a land rich in expletives, that was perhaps not much of an insult,
but
the man at least exposed the growing unease in Yugoslavia over a new
Germanic invasion in the country. What the Austro-Hungarian empire and
then
the Nazis failed to win by force of arms in the first and second world
wars
- supremacy in the Balkans - Germany is now about to achieve by money
and
stealth.
German companies have bought much of the Serbian media, including 50 per
cent of the former pillar of communism, the daily newspaper Politika,
and
taken a stake in TV Kosova, the broadcasting outlet set up by Slobodan
Milosevic's daughter, Marija. Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has
invested
25 million euros in Politika, and the biggest European publishing house
in
Germany, Grunner & Jahr, has bought 49 per cent of the Belgrade tabloid
Blic. Another German company has expressed interest in buying up the
water
utilities in Montenegro, the mountain republic which with Serbia makes
up
what remains of the Yugoslav federation. This month, the German
government
also decided to donate ten million euros for the reconstruction of
central-heating plants in the cities of Belgrade, Nis and Novi Sad.
On the same day the airline passenger was ranting at Yugoslav Airlines,
a
Serbian doctor looked rueful when I asked him how his eight-year-old son
was faring in English lessons at school. The gynaecologist stroked his
child's head. 'They don't teach them English any more,' he said.
'Instead
he is being taught German.' Add to this the fact that Germany's old
wartime
ally, Croatia, has published a map which inadvertently contains little
nibbles of Serbian territory in the north, and you may understand why
Serbs
are feeling even more paranoid than usual.
In a region where history is never consigned to the dustbin, ancient
hostilities are dusted down almost daily. Old photographs of fathers,
brothers, grandfathers and cousins remind both Serbs and Croats of the
loved ones they lost in the second world war - when the Serbs rescued
British airmen and thousands of Jews from the German and Croatian
fascists
- and later, in the 1990s civil war.
Now new rumblings of discontent can be heard; Vojvodina, the flat,
northern, breadbasket province of Serbia, comprises 60 per cent
Hungarians,
who are showing signs of wanting to go their own way. There is another
Germanic root here: remember the Austro-Hungarian empire?
Vojvodina also borders Croatia, the two territories separated by the
mighty
Danube. But a recently published official map of Croatia showed a
frontier
which encompassed the river and took in nearby Serbian towns and
villages
such as Apatin and Sonta. The Croats said it was just a slip of the pen.
Tensions between Serbs and Hungarians in Vojvodina may come to a head on
1
September, when the town of Subotica commemorates the day that the
Austro-Hungarian Empress Maria Theresa granted it the status of a royal
free town in 1779. Usually, one member from each ethnic group there
receives a merit award each anniversary for outstanding contributions to
society. This year Serbs are angry because none of them will receive an
award, only Croats and Hungarians.
In late July there was a skirmish on the border between Croatia and
Vojvodina when Serb soldiers opened fire too close for comfort to a
boatload of Croatians sailing down the Danube at Backa Palanta. The
Serbian
Prime Minister, Zoran Djindjic, was forced to apologise, but the Croats
have retorted that saying sorry is not enough. That same weekend, a
former
Serbian television presenter and pop star, Zoran Tomasovic, was at a
family
funeral near the Vojvodina town of Kovilj, when he and his relatives
were
shouted at by roadside vegetable traders and told to 'go back to
Serbia'.
All this might be perceived as a little local difficulty were it not for
the old Serbo-Germanic antagonisms. The Serbs of Vojvodina will not
forget
the bitter Croatian civil war of 1991-92, or the ethnic cleansing of
more than
200,000 Serbs from the Krajina area of Croatia in August 1995, not least
because tens of thousands of these Serb refugees are now living in
Vojvodina.
Nor can they forget that it was Germany which helped propel Croatia into
civil war in 1991. The then foreign minister in Bonn, Hans Dietrich
Genscher, pressed Britain and other Western European countries to
recognise
Croatia as an independent country even before the government of Franjo
Tudjman had met the usual criteria for independence, such as having
secure
borders and a free press. The Croatian civil war broke out days later.
With presidential elections being held in Yugoslavia in late September,
Serbs are also only too aware that their Prime Minister, Mr Djindjic,
has
closely allied himself with the Germans and is a personal friend of
Chancellor Schroeder. Latest opinion polls for the presidential race put
Mr
Djindjic well down in the field with 8 per cent of support, while the
current Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, and the deputy premier
of
Yugoslavia, Miroljub Labus, have 22 per cent each.
Germany's deepening involvement is just one result of years of
interference
in the Balkans, masquerading as assistance, by Messrs Blair and Clinton
-
and later Bush. Essentially, Yugoslavia was torn apart by a series of
bloody civil wars which have had close parallels with the Northern
Ireland
conflict. There have been vile and dark deeds perpetrated by all - as
well
as innocent victims on all sides, whether Muslim, Croat, Kosovo Albanian
or
Serb.
The West, however, led in large part by Germany, would have us believe
that
all these interventions, which we paid for, were initiated in Croatia,
then
Bosnia and finally Kosovo and Serbia to protect the innocent. And for
the
'innocent', read 'everyone except the Serbs'. To suggest the contrary
is,
of course, to be portrayed as a Serb-loving monster. What the West,
especially Germany, Britain and America, do not want is any close
scrutiny
of the legacy left by the years of 'compassion-based' involvement in the
region. German economic supremacy is only part of the equation.
One of the biggest and best-kept secrets is that Bosnia, far from being
a
settled nation, is now a hotbed of hardline mujahedin. Islamic fighters
from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan went to the republic during
the
civil war of 1992-95 and many are still in the country today. Last
October,
for instance, just weeks after the cataclysm of 11 September, the
British
and American embassies in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, were forced to
close for five days after the building was besieged by angry Muslims
protesting at attempts by Western forces to deport suspected Islamic
terrorists in the region to Cuba.
Kosovo is a mess: the few Serbs still living there have to stay within
tightly guarded enclaves or risk death at the hands of ethnic Albanians
under the very noses of the world's so-called peacekeepers. Last week
about
a dozen UN peacekeepers were hurt when hundreds of ethnic Albanians went
on
the rampage in the town of Decane because the UN had arrested one of
their
number on charges of murder and torture. Such incidents are rarely
covered
by the Western press, and for that politicians in Whitehall and Capitol
Hill must be grateful - the mayhem does not fit the picture of the
Kosovo
success story they would like us all to believe. Huge amounts of heroin
meanwhile reach London via Kosovo; and kidnapped girls are bundled off
to
the brothels of Europe, including Soho, courtesy of Albanian gangs.
In a typical, but little-reported, sign of how the West still treats
Serbia
and Serbs, the US Senate this month threatened to reduce aid to
development
projects in Serbia by the amount spent on similar institutions in
Kosovo,
according to the Serbian deputy prime minister, Nebojsa Covic. So
continued
and increasing German investment is likely to be encouraged by Herr
Schroeder's friend Zoran Djindjic.
Serbian airline passengers have a disconcerting habit of applauding when
their pilot lands the aircraft, almost as if they hardly believe he can
achieve the feat until it is accomplished. If Lufthansa ever does take
over
Yugoslav Airlines, the clapping may become a thing of the past.
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php3?table=old%c2%a7ion=current&issue=2002-08-24&id=2176
***
For more extensive news on international affairs: Targets,
Monthly
Newspaper on International Affairs, invites you to its
newsgroup, where we
provide our readers with regular news on current international
developments. We use different sources and the messages do not
necessarily
reflect our opinion. But because we think they are of value to
have a
profound understanding of the international policy of today, we
post them
for our readers.
Sincerely,
Nico Varkevisser
Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
***
TARGETS Independent monthly paper on international affairs
Sloterkade 20, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Ph. ++ 31 20 615 1122 - Fax: ++ 31 20 615 1120
Kosovo: l'industria del sesso
Nonostante il Kosovo sia un protettorato internazionale
rimane, a tre anni dalla fine della guerra, un'area
politicamente instabile nonche' luogo di traffici illegali
ed uno dei centri piu' attivi per la cosiddetta "industria
del sesso".
(07/08/2002) Il recente rapporto dell'Institute for War &
Peace Reporting, redatto da Jeta Xharra, titola per l'appunto
"Kosovo sex industry". La giornalista di origine albanese ha
condotto un'indagine sul luogo, in cui ha descritto i locali
notturni dove ragazze provenienti da diversi paesi, in
prevalenza Moldavia, Ucraina, Romania, si esibiscono in
spogliarelli e offrono "servizi vari" ai clienti piu' esigenti.
Come riporta la Xharra, nel Kosovo post bellico l'industria del
sesso e' il "business" che sta crescendo piu' velocemente: il
paese infatti e' stato sottoposto ad uno sconvolgimento
sociale e politico senza precedenti dopo il conflitto del
1999. Mobilitata per oltre un decennio contro il regime di
Milosevic, la popolazione ora e' ridotta al ruolo di al
bergatore per la forza di peacekeeping della KFOR,
che fornisce un flusso stabile di clienti ai circa 120
"strip club".
La provenienza delle ragazze impiegate nei locali notturni
come abbiamo detto e' varia. "Circa il 60 per cento proviene
dalla Moldavia, le altre dalla Romania e dall'Ucraina".
Secondo i dati forniti dalla International Organisation of
Migration (IOM) il 70 per cento delle donne viene adescato
direttamente nei paesi di provenienza con la promessa
di lavori comuni, quali servizi di pulizia, baby-sitting
e lavori domestici.
Sebbene l'arrivo dei 45.000 peacekeepers internazionali -
continua il rapporto - sia stato un fattore di sicuro
incremento per l'industria del sesso, secondo ricerche
svolte lo scorso anno da un team della IOM in Kosovo le
vittime del trafficking affermano che la maggior parte
della loro clientela e' composta da persone locali.
Inoltre, nonostante la riluttanza ad ammettere che donne
kosovare siano oggetto di trafficking e di prostituzione,
la giornalista dell'IWPR riporta alcuni casi di donne
kosovare rapite e costrette a prostituirsi.
La citta' che piu' sembra essere coinvolta nell'industria
del sesso e' Urosevac (in albanese Ferizaj), ai confini
con la Macedonia. Gia' prima della guerra - si legge
nel rapporto - questa citta' di circa 130.000 abitanti
godeva di una pessima reputazione, guadagnandosi il titolo
di capitale dei gangsters kosovari. A differenza di
Pristina, dove le donne non possono entrare liberamente
nei club, a Urosevac possono farlo in tutta tranquillita'.
I gestori dei locali non sembrano nemmeno preoccuparsi
della polizia. A colloquio con Jamie Higgins, capo della
sezione dell'UNMIK che si occupa del trafficking e della
prostituzione, la giornalista dell'IWPR e' venuta a sapere
che "in quanto centro del crimine organizzato, un assalto
alla citta' richiederebbe un piano dettagliato ed un
numero consistente di poliziotti sul terreno - molti
pie' di quelli a disposizione dell'Unita' per il
trafficking e la prostituzione".
Ma una dichiarazione simile stride col fatto che, sempre
a Urosevac, l'Apachi Club, che prende il nome del famoso
elicottero degli USA, e' stato uno dei primi club ad
aprire dopo l'intervento della NATO, con ogni probabilita'
- scrive la ricercatrice dell'IWPR - per offrire servizi
ai clienti di Bondsteel, la vicina base militare statunitense.
A cura di Luka Zanoni
Fonte: IWPR , Osservatorio sui Balcani
http://www.osservatoriobalcani.it/
Nonostante il Kosovo sia un protettorato internazionale
rimane, a tre anni dalla fine della guerra, un'area
politicamente instabile nonche' luogo di traffici illegali
ed uno dei centri piu' attivi per la cosiddetta "industria
del sesso".
(07/08/2002) Il recente rapporto dell'Institute for War &
Peace Reporting, redatto da Jeta Xharra, titola per l'appunto
"Kosovo sex industry". La giornalista di origine albanese ha
condotto un'indagine sul luogo, in cui ha descritto i locali
notturni dove ragazze provenienti da diversi paesi, in
prevalenza Moldavia, Ucraina, Romania, si esibiscono in
spogliarelli e offrono "servizi vari" ai clienti piu' esigenti.
Come riporta la Xharra, nel Kosovo post bellico l'industria del
sesso e' il "business" che sta crescendo piu' velocemente: il
paese infatti e' stato sottoposto ad uno sconvolgimento
sociale e politico senza precedenti dopo il conflitto del
1999. Mobilitata per oltre un decennio contro il regime di
Milosevic, la popolazione ora e' ridotta al ruolo di al
bergatore per la forza di peacekeeping della KFOR,
che fornisce un flusso stabile di clienti ai circa 120
"strip club".
La provenienza delle ragazze impiegate nei locali notturni
come abbiamo detto e' varia. "Circa il 60 per cento proviene
dalla Moldavia, le altre dalla Romania e dall'Ucraina".
Secondo i dati forniti dalla International Organisation of
Migration (IOM) il 70 per cento delle donne viene adescato
direttamente nei paesi di provenienza con la promessa
di lavori comuni, quali servizi di pulizia, baby-sitting
e lavori domestici.
Sebbene l'arrivo dei 45.000 peacekeepers internazionali -
continua il rapporto - sia stato un fattore di sicuro
incremento per l'industria del sesso, secondo ricerche
svolte lo scorso anno da un team della IOM in Kosovo le
vittime del trafficking affermano che la maggior parte
della loro clientela e' composta da persone locali.
Inoltre, nonostante la riluttanza ad ammettere che donne
kosovare siano oggetto di trafficking e di prostituzione,
la giornalista dell'IWPR riporta alcuni casi di donne
kosovare rapite e costrette a prostituirsi.
La citta' che piu' sembra essere coinvolta nell'industria
del sesso e' Urosevac (in albanese Ferizaj), ai confini
con la Macedonia. Gia' prima della guerra - si legge
nel rapporto - questa citta' di circa 130.000 abitanti
godeva di una pessima reputazione, guadagnandosi il titolo
di capitale dei gangsters kosovari. A differenza di
Pristina, dove le donne non possono entrare liberamente
nei club, a Urosevac possono farlo in tutta tranquillita'.
I gestori dei locali non sembrano nemmeno preoccuparsi
della polizia. A colloquio con Jamie Higgins, capo della
sezione dell'UNMIK che si occupa del trafficking e della
prostituzione, la giornalista dell'IWPR e' venuta a sapere
che "in quanto centro del crimine organizzato, un assalto
alla citta' richiederebbe un piano dettagliato ed un
numero consistente di poliziotti sul terreno - molti
pie' di quelli a disposizione dell'Unita' per il
trafficking e la prostituzione".
Ma una dichiarazione simile stride col fatto che, sempre
a Urosevac, l'Apachi Club, che prende il nome del famoso
elicottero degli USA, e' stato uno dei primi club ad
aprire dopo l'intervento della NATO, con ogni probabilita'
- scrive la ricercatrice dell'IWPR - per offrire servizi
ai clienti di Bondsteel, la vicina base militare statunitense.
A cura di Luka Zanoni
Fonte: IWPR , Osservatorio sui Balcani
http://www.osservatoriobalcani.it/
How to Take Down a Government
(by Christopher Deliso in Skopje)
* Part One:
The International Campaign to Intervene in Macedonia's Elections
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso50.html
("Macedonia's parliamentary elections are slated for 15 September, and
the US government is taking them seriously...")
* Part Two:
Financial Coercion and Other Forms of Intervention
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso51.html
(Interviews with Macedonian Finance Minister Nikola Gruevski and Dr.
Sam Vaknin)
* Part Three:
Collaboration Between the Media and NGOs
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso52.html
("The media/PR war has been dictated by the ICG's Edward Joseph, and
implemented by affiliated interventionist media, most notably IWPR. To
a lesser extent, Reuters has been used. Not coincidentally, certain
local media have also pitched in, as have the Guardian and BBC...")
WARNING:
Antiwar.com is a conservative web site, nevertheless it publishes
interesting analyses and critics against the US Balkan "imperial"
policies. The three abovementioned articles by C. Deliso, while giving
to the reader an impressive amount of interesting information, do also
share Antiwar.com right-wing orientation, which brings the author to
paradoxically state that US pressures are "intended to influence the
elections directly in favor of the Socialists", since "the Socialists"
are the opposition to the present Macedonian government (this is also
the opinion of Macedonian Finance Minister Nikola Gruevski, see "Part
Two").
However, this opinion is badly affected by ideology. The facts are
that the previous (Gligorov's socialdemocratic) government coalition
was pressured and destabilized by the US as well. Pressures and
destabilization were mainly realized by fostering Albanian separatism
and KLA terrorism, exactly in the way as it is happening now. The US
clearly intends to destabilize and to destroy a country, not just a
government coalition.
(I. Slavo)
(by Christopher Deliso in Skopje)
* Part One:
The International Campaign to Intervene in Macedonia's Elections
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso50.html
("Macedonia's parliamentary elections are slated for 15 September, and
the US government is taking them seriously...")
* Part Two:
Financial Coercion and Other Forms of Intervention
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso51.html
(Interviews with Macedonian Finance Minister Nikola Gruevski and Dr.
Sam Vaknin)
* Part Three:
Collaboration Between the Media and NGOs
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso52.html
("The media/PR war has been dictated by the ICG's Edward Joseph, and
implemented by affiliated interventionist media, most notably IWPR. To
a lesser extent, Reuters has been used. Not coincidentally, certain
local media have also pitched in, as have the Guardian and BBC...")
WARNING:
Antiwar.com is a conservative web site, nevertheless it publishes
interesting analyses and critics against the US Balkan "imperial"
policies. The three abovementioned articles by C. Deliso, while giving
to the reader an impressive amount of interesting information, do also
share Antiwar.com right-wing orientation, which brings the author to
paradoxically state that US pressures are "intended to influence the
elections directly in favor of the Socialists", since "the Socialists"
are the opposition to the present Macedonian government (this is also
the opinion of Macedonian Finance Minister Nikola Gruevski, see "Part
Two").
However, this opinion is badly affected by ideology. The facts are
that the previous (Gligorov's socialdemocratic) government coalition
was pressured and destabilized by the US as well. Pressures and
destabilization were mainly realized by fostering Albanian separatism
and KLA terrorism, exactly in the way as it is happening now. The US
clearly intends to destabilize and to destroy a country, not just a
government coalition.
(I. Slavo)
MACEDONIA: CAMPAGNA ELETTORALE A BASE DI ATTENTATI
I "soliti noti" cercano di portare la tensione alle stelle per
destabilizzare il paese e bloccare il processo elettorale. Ma per
l'ANSA certo "terrorismo" va tra virgolette: meglio usare espressioni
come "movimento di guerriglia", se si tratta del terrorismo
pan-albanese, appoggiato dalla NATO, che usa il Kosovo come sua base
logistica.
---
MACEDONIA: KILLER POLIZIOTTI PRESI SU AUTO TARGATA ROMA
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 26 AGO - La polizia macedone ha fermato oggi
pomeriggio, mentre tentavano di raggiungere il Kosovo, i presunti
assassini dei due agenti uccisi la notte scorsa ad un posto di blocco
nei pressi della citta' meridionale di Gostivar. Gli arrestati,
bloccati nei pressi del posto di frontiera di Jazince, viaggiavano a
bordo di un'autovettura Golf targata Roma. Secondo le prime
informazioni si tratterebbe di due macedoni di etnia albanese. Non e'
noto al momento le ragioni del delitto, ne' se l'auto sulla quale
viaggiavano fosse rubata.(ANSA) BLL*COR 26/08/2002 18:05
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/20020826180532311434.html
MACEDONIA: UCCISIONE POLIZIOTTI 'ATTO TERRORISMO', SKOPJE
(ANSA-AFP-REUTERS) - SKOPJE, 26 AGO - L'uccisione dei due poliziotti
in Macedonia e' un atto ''terroristico e politicamente motivato'': lo
afferma un comunicato diffuso stasera al termine di una riunione dei
massimi dirigenti macedoni con il presidente Boris Trajkovski. ''E' un
atto terroristico e politicamente motivato, perpetrato da estremisti,
come pure una grave provocazione contro il processo democratico in
Macedonia'', aggiunge il comunicato. Skopje invita la comunita'
internazionale a ''condannare'' l' attentato ed appoggiare le
autorita' macedoni nella loro azione per ''eliminare e prevenire atti
terroristici ed estremistici di questo tipo''. ''Le forze
estremistiche che incoraggiano ed eseguono tali atti hanno la
responsabilita' degli omicidi'', afferma ancora il testo,
sottolineando che le forze di sicurezza macedoni ''adotteranno tutte
le misure necessarie per il mantenimento della pace'' nel Paese.
(ANSA-AFP-REUTERS). DIG 26/08/2002 23:56
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/20020826235632311717.html
MACEDONIA: GUERRIGLIA ALBANESE RIVENDICA UCCISIONE AGENTI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 27 AGO - L'Armata nazionale albanese (Ana), movimento
di guerriglia che sostiene da tempo di aver preso il posto del
disciolto Uck, ha rivendicato con un comunicato l'uccisione dei due
poliziotti macedoni avvenuta la notte tra domenica e lunedi' nella
citta' di Gostivar, nella parte meridionale del paese. Nel volantino,
del quale l'Ansa ha ottenuto una copia, si afferma tra l'altro che
''l'attacco e' stato compiuto da una unita' della brigata 'Avni Beqiri
- Drenica' '' e costituirebbe ''il proseguimento delle nostre azioni
militari contro il potere slavo-macedone''. Con lo stesso documento
l'Ana (conosciuta con l'acronimo di AKSH tra gli albanesi) smentisce
la notizia dell'arresto dei due presunti assassini annunciato ieri
dalle autorita' di Skopje. (ANSA). BLL 27/08/2002 12:03
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/20020827120332311831.html
MACEDONIA: TRE ATTENTATI CONTRO SEDI PARTITI ALBANESI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 28 AGO - Tre attentati sono avvenuti la notte scorsa
contro le sedi di altrettanti partiti albanesi in Macedonia. In nessun
caso si segnalano vittime. Nella capitale, una carica di esplosivo e'
stata fatta saltare davanti all'abitazione-ufficio utilizzata da Ali
Ahmeti, ex comandante politico dell'Uck ed attuale leader dell'Unione
democratica per l'integrazione, formazione politica nata dalle ceneri
del disciolto movimento di guerriglia. Sempre a Skopje un attentato
incendiario e' stato compiuto contro la sede del Partito democratico
nazionale di Kastriot Haxhirexha, leader ritenuto estremista persino
dal Dipartimento di Stato americano, che lo ha inserito nella lista
nera dei movimenti politici piu' pericolosi. L'altro attentato e'
avvenuto a Bitola, nel sud del paese, dove e' stato appiccato il fuoco
alla sede locale del Partito democratico albanese di Arben Xhaferri. I
tre episodi rischiano di segnare un'ulteriore escalation della
tensione in Macedonia, in vista delle elezioni politiche generali
previste per il prossimo 15 settembre. Nella notte tra domenica e
lunedi' due agenti della polizia sono stati uccisi nella citta'
meridionale di Gostivar, abitata in prevalenza da albanesi. L'attacco
e' stato rivendicato ieri dall'Armata nazionale albanese (Ana), nuovo
movimento di guerriglia che non riconosce l'accordo di pace firmato lo
scorso anno tra albanesi e macedoni e che minaccia di estendere le sue
''operazioni militari''. (ANSA). BLL*COR 28/08/2002 13:52
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/fattidelgiorno/20020828135284943/
20020828135284943.shtml
I "soliti noti" cercano di portare la tensione alle stelle per
destabilizzare il paese e bloccare il processo elettorale. Ma per
l'ANSA certo "terrorismo" va tra virgolette: meglio usare espressioni
come "movimento di guerriglia", se si tratta del terrorismo
pan-albanese, appoggiato dalla NATO, che usa il Kosovo come sua base
logistica.
---
MACEDONIA: KILLER POLIZIOTTI PRESI SU AUTO TARGATA ROMA
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 26 AGO - La polizia macedone ha fermato oggi
pomeriggio, mentre tentavano di raggiungere il Kosovo, i presunti
assassini dei due agenti uccisi la notte scorsa ad un posto di blocco
nei pressi della citta' meridionale di Gostivar. Gli arrestati,
bloccati nei pressi del posto di frontiera di Jazince, viaggiavano a
bordo di un'autovettura Golf targata Roma. Secondo le prime
informazioni si tratterebbe di due macedoni di etnia albanese. Non e'
noto al momento le ragioni del delitto, ne' se l'auto sulla quale
viaggiavano fosse rubata.(ANSA) BLL*COR 26/08/2002 18:05
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/20020826180532311434.html
MACEDONIA: UCCISIONE POLIZIOTTI 'ATTO TERRORISMO', SKOPJE
(ANSA-AFP-REUTERS) - SKOPJE, 26 AGO - L'uccisione dei due poliziotti
in Macedonia e' un atto ''terroristico e politicamente motivato'': lo
afferma un comunicato diffuso stasera al termine di una riunione dei
massimi dirigenti macedoni con il presidente Boris Trajkovski. ''E' un
atto terroristico e politicamente motivato, perpetrato da estremisti,
come pure una grave provocazione contro il processo democratico in
Macedonia'', aggiunge il comunicato. Skopje invita la comunita'
internazionale a ''condannare'' l' attentato ed appoggiare le
autorita' macedoni nella loro azione per ''eliminare e prevenire atti
terroristici ed estremistici di questo tipo''. ''Le forze
estremistiche che incoraggiano ed eseguono tali atti hanno la
responsabilita' degli omicidi'', afferma ancora il testo,
sottolineando che le forze di sicurezza macedoni ''adotteranno tutte
le misure necessarie per il mantenimento della pace'' nel Paese.
(ANSA-AFP-REUTERS). DIG 26/08/2002 23:56
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/20020826235632311717.html
MACEDONIA: GUERRIGLIA ALBANESE RIVENDICA UCCISIONE AGENTI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 27 AGO - L'Armata nazionale albanese (Ana), movimento
di guerriglia che sostiene da tempo di aver preso il posto del
disciolto Uck, ha rivendicato con un comunicato l'uccisione dei due
poliziotti macedoni avvenuta la notte tra domenica e lunedi' nella
citta' di Gostivar, nella parte meridionale del paese. Nel volantino,
del quale l'Ansa ha ottenuto una copia, si afferma tra l'altro che
''l'attacco e' stato compiuto da una unita' della brigata 'Avni Beqiri
- Drenica' '' e costituirebbe ''il proseguimento delle nostre azioni
militari contro il potere slavo-macedone''. Con lo stesso documento
l'Ana (conosciuta con l'acronimo di AKSH tra gli albanesi) smentisce
la notizia dell'arresto dei due presunti assassini annunciato ieri
dalle autorita' di Skopje. (ANSA). BLL 27/08/2002 12:03
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/20020827120332311831.html
MACEDONIA: TRE ATTENTATI CONTRO SEDI PARTITI ALBANESI
(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 28 AGO - Tre attentati sono avvenuti la notte scorsa
contro le sedi di altrettanti partiti albanesi in Macedonia. In nessun
caso si segnalano vittime. Nella capitale, una carica di esplosivo e'
stata fatta saltare davanti all'abitazione-ufficio utilizzata da Ali
Ahmeti, ex comandante politico dell'Uck ed attuale leader dell'Unione
democratica per l'integrazione, formazione politica nata dalle ceneri
del disciolto movimento di guerriglia. Sempre a Skopje un attentato
incendiario e' stato compiuto contro la sede del Partito democratico
nazionale di Kastriot Haxhirexha, leader ritenuto estremista persino
dal Dipartimento di Stato americano, che lo ha inserito nella lista
nera dei movimenti politici piu' pericolosi. L'altro attentato e'
avvenuto a Bitola, nel sud del paese, dove e' stato appiccato il fuoco
alla sede locale del Partito democratico albanese di Arben Xhaferri. I
tre episodi rischiano di segnare un'ulteriore escalation della
tensione in Macedonia, in vista delle elezioni politiche generali
previste per il prossimo 15 settembre. Nella notte tra domenica e
lunedi' due agenti della polizia sono stati uccisi nella citta'
meridionale di Gostivar, abitata in prevalenza da albanesi. L'attacco
e' stato rivendicato ieri dall'Armata nazionale albanese (Ana), nuovo
movimento di guerriglia che non riconosce l'accordo di pace firmato lo
scorso anno tra albanesi e macedoni e che minaccia di estendere le sue
''operazioni militari''. (ANSA). BLL*COR 28/08/2002 13:52
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/fattidelgiorno/20020828135284943/
20020828135284943.shtml
(The original article in english can be read at:
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/apr2002/oil-a29.shtml)
Kossovo: Camp Bondsteel ed il petrolio del Mar Caspio
(16/07/2002) Camp Bondsteel, la più grande base americana costruita
all'estero dai tempi del Vietnam, è quasi stata completata nella
provincia jugoslava del Kosovo. È localizzata vicino ad oleodotti e
corridoi energetici di vitale importanza, al momento ancora in
costruzione, come ad esempio l'oleodotto trans-balcanico,
sponsorizzato dagli Stati Uniti. Grazie al coinvolgimento
nella costruzione della base alcune società appaltatrici del Ministero
della difesa, come ad esempio la Brown & Root Services (società
affiliata della compagnia petrolifera "Halliburton Oil"), stanno
guadagnando una fortuna.
Nel giugno del 1999, all'indomani della fine dei
bombardamenti NATO sulla Jugoslavia, forze americane
si impossessarono di 1000 acri di terra coltivabile nel
sud-est del Kosovo, in località Urosevac, vicino al
confine con la Macedonia, e incominciarono la costruzione
di una base. Camp Bondsteel è noto come "la grande signora"
di una rete di basi americane attive su entrambi i lati del
confine tra Kosovo e Macedonia. In meno di tre anni è stato
trasformato da un accampamento di tende in una base iper-
tecnologica, autosufficiente, che ospita quasi 7.000 soldati,
tre quarti del totale delle truppe americane presenti in Kosovo.
Vi sono più 25 Km di strade e più di 300 edifici a Bondsteel,
circondati da oltre 14 Km di barriere in cemento e terra, 84
Km di filo spinato e 11 torrette d'avvistamento. È così grande
che ha un centro e anche quartieri periferici, negozi, palestre
aperte 24 ore su 24, una cappella, una biblioteca e l'ospedale
meglio attrezzato d'Europa. Al momento vi sono 55 elicotteri
Black Hawk e Apache, e sebbene non vi sia una pista d'atterraggio
il luogo è stato scelto proprio per le possibilità d'espansione.
Vi sono indizi infatti che suggeriscono che Bondsteel possa
sostituire in un futuro la base dell'aviazione di Aviano in Italia.
Secondo quanto scritto dal Colonnello Robert L. McClure in
una rivista specializzata per ingegneri "la progettazione per la
costruzione di queste basi in Kosovo iniziò mesi prima che la
prima bomba venisse sganciata. I pianificatori volevano utilizzare
la lezione imparata in Bosnia e quindi convincere i 'decision
makers' a sostenere una rapidissima costruzione delle basi militari".
Inizialmente gli ingegneri dell'esercito americani hanno preso
il controllo, per uso militare, di 320 Km di strade, 75 ponti
presenti nell'area circostante, incominciando a definire la
struttura della base, incluse le caserme, eliporti, depositi di
munizioni, etc. McClure spiega come alla brigata del genio
militare fu dato l'ordine di collaborare ed integrarsi con la
società appaltatrice Brown & Root Services Corporation, per
la costruzione non di una, ma di due basi (l'altra è Camp Monteith),
che avrebbero accolto un totale di 7.000 soldati. Secondo McClure,
"Nel punto massimo dell'impegno lavoravano alla costituzione
della base circa 1000 espatriati (ex-personale militare) assunti
dalla Brown & Root, affiancati da più di 7.000 locali albanesi
che si unirono ai quasi 1.700 ingegneri militari. Dall'inizio
di giugno fino all'ottobre 1999 la costruzione di entrambi i
campi continuò 24 ore su 24, sette giorni su sette".
Brown & Root Services provvede a tutti i servizi di
supporto per Camp Bondsteel. Questi comprendono:
600.000 galloni d'acqua al giorno e corrente elettrica
sufficiente a rifornire una città di 25.000 abitanti. Lava
1.200 sacche di panni sporchi al giorno, fornisce 18.000
pasti, controlla il 95% delle attrezzature ferroviarie ed
aeroportuali della base. Si occupa anche della squadra anti-
incendio della base. Al momento la Brown & Root è il
maggiore datore di lavoro in Kosovo, con più di 5.000
Kosovari di etnia albanese impiegati ed altri 15.000 nei
libri paga. Lo staff di Bondsteel raramente esce dalla base
e le sue attività sono segrete. Mentre le altre pattuglie
della KFOR sono piccole e mobili, con soldati che
indossano i berretti, istruiti ad interagire con la popolazione
locale; il personale militare americano lascia Bondsteel o
in elicottero o in convogli pesantemente armati. In interviste
anonime soldati americani si lamentano che l'ostilità della
popolazione locale nei loro confronti è in crescita, dal
momento che confrontano le loro misere condizioni di vita
con la realtà della base. Coloro che hanno visitato la base
descrivono l'esperienza come un viaggio nel futuro di
almeno 100 anni. L'area circostante la base è infatti
estremamente povera, con un tasso di disoccupazione che
raggiunge l'80%. Poi appare all'orizzonte Bondsteel, con
la sua "foresta" di antenne, parabole per la comunicazione
satellitare e minacciosi elicotteri da combattimento.
Brown & Root paga i lavoratori kosovari tra l' uno ed i tre
dollari l'ora. Il manager per i lavoratori locali ha spiegato
che le paghe sono così basse perché "non possiamo gonfiare
gli stipendi, altrimenti causeremo un'inflazione
dell'economia locale".
Quando le truppe americane arrivano a Bondsteel è più
che probabile che incontrino un impiegato della Brown &
Root che li dirige verso i loro alloggi ed i depositi per le
attrezzature. Secondo quanto afferma G. Cahlink in
Government Executive Magazine (Febbraio 2002), i
peacekeepers dell'esercito, scherzando, affermano che
sulle loro mimetiche manca un distintivo: "Ce ne serve
uno che dica: sponsorizzati da Brown & Root". Battuta
che di fatto corrisponde al vero, dal momento che i quasi
10.000 soldati presenti in tutta la regione ormai contano
sulla Brown & Root Services per tutto, dalla colazione ai
pezzi di ricambio per i loro Humvees blindati. Il contratto
per i servizi a Bondsteel è il maggiore di una serie di contratti
militari affidati alla Brown & Root Services. Le sue fortune
sono cresciute di pari passo all'interventismo americano
all'estero. La compagnia è parte della Halliburton Corporation,
la più grande fornitrice di prodotti e servizi all'industria
petrolifera. Brown & Root è salita alla ribalta per la prima
volta nel 1992, quando Dick Cheney, l'allora Segretario alla
Difesa dell'amministrazione Bush Senior, assegnò alla
compagnia il suo primo contratto per la provvigione dei
servizi all'esercito americano nelle sue operazioni
globali. Cheney lasciò poi la politica per entrare nella
Halliburton come Direttore generale nel periodo dal 1995
al 2000. Attualmente è il vice-Presidente nell'amministrazione
Bush Junior. Nel 1992 la Brown & Root costruì e si occupò
della manutenzione delle basi americane in Somalia,
guadagnando qualcosa come $ 62 milioni. Nel 1994 la Brown &
Root costruì basi e sistemi di supporto per 18.000 soldati
presenti ad Haiti, raddoppiando i propri guadagni ed arrivando
a $ 133 milioni.
La compagnia ha ottenuto nel 1999 un contratto della
durata di 5 anni, del valore di $180 milioni ogni anno,
per la costruzione di strutture militari in Ungheria, Croazia e
Bosnia. È stato Camp Bondsteel comunque ad essere
chiamato "la madre di tutti i contratti" dalla Contract
Services Association of America. "Lì, facciamo tutto
ciò che non richiede l'utilizzo di armi", afferma David
Capouya, direttore della Brown & Root. Lo scopo
dell'appaltare ad aziende private il supporto ed i servizi
all'esercito è quello di rendere disponibili più soldati
possibili per le mansioni di combattimento. La rivista del
Dipartimento della Difesa nel 2001 affermava che l'utilizzo
di aziende private sarebbe aumentato: "Solo quelle funzioni
che devono essere svolte dal Dipartimento della difesa
dovrebbero essere mantenute dal Dipartimento. In altri
settori controllati dalle altre potenze occidentali, i soldati
della KFOR, che vivono di solito in palazzi e fabbriche
bombardate, ci scherzano sopra: "Quali sono le due cose
che possono essere viste dallo spazio? Una è la grande
muraglia cinese, l'altra è la base Bondsteel". Più seriamente
un alto ufficiale inglese ha affermato al Washington Post:
"è un segno evidente che gli americani stanno aumentando
la loro presenza nei Balcani e che intendono rimanervi".
Un analista ha descritto il comportamento americano come
un aver sfruttato una serie di condizioni favorevoli in modo
tale da creare le basi necessarie per futuri piani militari. Camp
Bondsteel è diventato un luogo per importanti discorsi politici
dei principali uomini dell'amministrazione Bush. Il 5 giugno
del 2001 il Segretario alla difesa Donald Rumsfeld ha spiegato
alle truppe stazionate a Bondsteel che ruolo esse svolgevano
nella strategia economica della nuova amministrazione. Egli ha
dichiarato:
"Quanto dovremmo spendere per le nostre forze armate? Secondo
la mia visione noi non spendiamo per voi, noi investiamo su di
voi. Gli uomini e le donne che servono nelle nostre forze armate
non sono una perdita per la nostra economia, in verità voi
siete a salvaguardia di essa. Voi non siete un peso per la
nostra economia, voi siete un pilastro fondamentale per la
sua crescita." Un mese più tardi, il Presidente George W.
Bush fece la sua prima visita all'estero per visitare le truppe
di Bondsteel. Giunse direttamente dal Summit del G8 di
Genova, dove le tensioni con i governi europei erano chiaramente
emerse. In un discorso descritto come una chiara sottolineatura
della presenza americana in Europa, Bush insistette che le truppe
americane erano giunte in Kosovo per rimanerci. Poi, infrangendo
il normale protocollo, il Presidente firmò davanti ad una folla
festante di militari una legge approvata dal Congresso che
prevedeva un aumento delle spese militari per un valore di $ 1.9
miliardi. Da allora Camp Bondsteel ha continuato a crescere, primo
passo del progetto di redisposizione della basi americane in
Europa e soprattutto nell'est. Il modello Bondsteel sta adesso
incominciando ad essere applicato in Afghanistan e nelle nuove
basi nelle ex-repubbliche sovietiche. Secondo commenti
trapelati alla stampa, diversi politici europei adesso credono
che gli americani hanno spinto per il bombardamento della
Jugoslavia al solo scopo di costruire Bondsteel. Prima dell'inizio
dei bombardamenti della NATO contro la Jugoslavia il
Washington Post aveva affermato: "Con il Medio Oriente
sempre più fragile ci servono basi e diritti di sorvolo nei
Balcani, in modo tale da proteggere il petrolio del Mar Caspio.
La percentuale degli investimenti delle compagnie petrolifere
americane nello sfruttamento dei giacimenti del Mar Caspio,
così come la richiesta del Governo per una economia meno
dipendente dal petrolio importato, specialmente dal Medio
Oriente, richiede una soluzione di lungo termine per il trasporto
del petrolio verso i mercati europei ed americani."
Paul Stuart (traduzione a cura della Caritas)
http://auth.unimondo.org/cfdocs/obportal/index.cfm?fuseaction=news.view2&NewsID=1067
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/apr2002/oil-a29.shtml)
Kossovo: Camp Bondsteel ed il petrolio del Mar Caspio
(16/07/2002) Camp Bondsteel, la più grande base americana costruita
all'estero dai tempi del Vietnam, è quasi stata completata nella
provincia jugoslava del Kosovo. È localizzata vicino ad oleodotti e
corridoi energetici di vitale importanza, al momento ancora in
costruzione, come ad esempio l'oleodotto trans-balcanico,
sponsorizzato dagli Stati Uniti. Grazie al coinvolgimento
nella costruzione della base alcune società appaltatrici del Ministero
della difesa, come ad esempio la Brown & Root Services (società
affiliata della compagnia petrolifera "Halliburton Oil"), stanno
guadagnando una fortuna.
Nel giugno del 1999, all'indomani della fine dei
bombardamenti NATO sulla Jugoslavia, forze americane
si impossessarono di 1000 acri di terra coltivabile nel
sud-est del Kosovo, in località Urosevac, vicino al
confine con la Macedonia, e incominciarono la costruzione
di una base. Camp Bondsteel è noto come "la grande signora"
di una rete di basi americane attive su entrambi i lati del
confine tra Kosovo e Macedonia. In meno di tre anni è stato
trasformato da un accampamento di tende in una base iper-
tecnologica, autosufficiente, che ospita quasi 7.000 soldati,
tre quarti del totale delle truppe americane presenti in Kosovo.
Vi sono più 25 Km di strade e più di 300 edifici a Bondsteel,
circondati da oltre 14 Km di barriere in cemento e terra, 84
Km di filo spinato e 11 torrette d'avvistamento. È così grande
che ha un centro e anche quartieri periferici, negozi, palestre
aperte 24 ore su 24, una cappella, una biblioteca e l'ospedale
meglio attrezzato d'Europa. Al momento vi sono 55 elicotteri
Black Hawk e Apache, e sebbene non vi sia una pista d'atterraggio
il luogo è stato scelto proprio per le possibilità d'espansione.
Vi sono indizi infatti che suggeriscono che Bondsteel possa
sostituire in un futuro la base dell'aviazione di Aviano in Italia.
Secondo quanto scritto dal Colonnello Robert L. McClure in
una rivista specializzata per ingegneri "la progettazione per la
costruzione di queste basi in Kosovo iniziò mesi prima che la
prima bomba venisse sganciata. I pianificatori volevano utilizzare
la lezione imparata in Bosnia e quindi convincere i 'decision
makers' a sostenere una rapidissima costruzione delle basi militari".
Inizialmente gli ingegneri dell'esercito americani hanno preso
il controllo, per uso militare, di 320 Km di strade, 75 ponti
presenti nell'area circostante, incominciando a definire la
struttura della base, incluse le caserme, eliporti, depositi di
munizioni, etc. McClure spiega come alla brigata del genio
militare fu dato l'ordine di collaborare ed integrarsi con la
società appaltatrice Brown & Root Services Corporation, per
la costruzione non di una, ma di due basi (l'altra è Camp Monteith),
che avrebbero accolto un totale di 7.000 soldati. Secondo McClure,
"Nel punto massimo dell'impegno lavoravano alla costituzione
della base circa 1000 espatriati (ex-personale militare) assunti
dalla Brown & Root, affiancati da più di 7.000 locali albanesi
che si unirono ai quasi 1.700 ingegneri militari. Dall'inizio
di giugno fino all'ottobre 1999 la costruzione di entrambi i
campi continuò 24 ore su 24, sette giorni su sette".
Brown & Root Services provvede a tutti i servizi di
supporto per Camp Bondsteel. Questi comprendono:
600.000 galloni d'acqua al giorno e corrente elettrica
sufficiente a rifornire una città di 25.000 abitanti. Lava
1.200 sacche di panni sporchi al giorno, fornisce 18.000
pasti, controlla il 95% delle attrezzature ferroviarie ed
aeroportuali della base. Si occupa anche della squadra anti-
incendio della base. Al momento la Brown & Root è il
maggiore datore di lavoro in Kosovo, con più di 5.000
Kosovari di etnia albanese impiegati ed altri 15.000 nei
libri paga. Lo staff di Bondsteel raramente esce dalla base
e le sue attività sono segrete. Mentre le altre pattuglie
della KFOR sono piccole e mobili, con soldati che
indossano i berretti, istruiti ad interagire con la popolazione
locale; il personale militare americano lascia Bondsteel o
in elicottero o in convogli pesantemente armati. In interviste
anonime soldati americani si lamentano che l'ostilità della
popolazione locale nei loro confronti è in crescita, dal
momento che confrontano le loro misere condizioni di vita
con la realtà della base. Coloro che hanno visitato la base
descrivono l'esperienza come un viaggio nel futuro di
almeno 100 anni. L'area circostante la base è infatti
estremamente povera, con un tasso di disoccupazione che
raggiunge l'80%. Poi appare all'orizzonte Bondsteel, con
la sua "foresta" di antenne, parabole per la comunicazione
satellitare e minacciosi elicotteri da combattimento.
Brown & Root paga i lavoratori kosovari tra l' uno ed i tre
dollari l'ora. Il manager per i lavoratori locali ha spiegato
che le paghe sono così basse perché "non possiamo gonfiare
gli stipendi, altrimenti causeremo un'inflazione
dell'economia locale".
Quando le truppe americane arrivano a Bondsteel è più
che probabile che incontrino un impiegato della Brown &
Root che li dirige verso i loro alloggi ed i depositi per le
attrezzature. Secondo quanto afferma G. Cahlink in
Government Executive Magazine (Febbraio 2002), i
peacekeepers dell'esercito, scherzando, affermano che
sulle loro mimetiche manca un distintivo: "Ce ne serve
uno che dica: sponsorizzati da Brown & Root". Battuta
che di fatto corrisponde al vero, dal momento che i quasi
10.000 soldati presenti in tutta la regione ormai contano
sulla Brown & Root Services per tutto, dalla colazione ai
pezzi di ricambio per i loro Humvees blindati. Il contratto
per i servizi a Bondsteel è il maggiore di una serie di contratti
militari affidati alla Brown & Root Services. Le sue fortune
sono cresciute di pari passo all'interventismo americano
all'estero. La compagnia è parte della Halliburton Corporation,
la più grande fornitrice di prodotti e servizi all'industria
petrolifera. Brown & Root è salita alla ribalta per la prima
volta nel 1992, quando Dick Cheney, l'allora Segretario alla
Difesa dell'amministrazione Bush Senior, assegnò alla
compagnia il suo primo contratto per la provvigione dei
servizi all'esercito americano nelle sue operazioni
globali. Cheney lasciò poi la politica per entrare nella
Halliburton come Direttore generale nel periodo dal 1995
al 2000. Attualmente è il vice-Presidente nell'amministrazione
Bush Junior. Nel 1992 la Brown & Root costruì e si occupò
della manutenzione delle basi americane in Somalia,
guadagnando qualcosa come $ 62 milioni. Nel 1994 la Brown &
Root costruì basi e sistemi di supporto per 18.000 soldati
presenti ad Haiti, raddoppiando i propri guadagni ed arrivando
a $ 133 milioni.
La compagnia ha ottenuto nel 1999 un contratto della
durata di 5 anni, del valore di $180 milioni ogni anno,
per la costruzione di strutture militari in Ungheria, Croazia e
Bosnia. È stato Camp Bondsteel comunque ad essere
chiamato "la madre di tutti i contratti" dalla Contract
Services Association of America. "Lì, facciamo tutto
ciò che non richiede l'utilizzo di armi", afferma David
Capouya, direttore della Brown & Root. Lo scopo
dell'appaltare ad aziende private il supporto ed i servizi
all'esercito è quello di rendere disponibili più soldati
possibili per le mansioni di combattimento. La rivista del
Dipartimento della Difesa nel 2001 affermava che l'utilizzo
di aziende private sarebbe aumentato: "Solo quelle funzioni
che devono essere svolte dal Dipartimento della difesa
dovrebbero essere mantenute dal Dipartimento. In altri
settori controllati dalle altre potenze occidentali, i soldati
della KFOR, che vivono di solito in palazzi e fabbriche
bombardate, ci scherzano sopra: "Quali sono le due cose
che possono essere viste dallo spazio? Una è la grande
muraglia cinese, l'altra è la base Bondsteel". Più seriamente
un alto ufficiale inglese ha affermato al Washington Post:
"è un segno evidente che gli americani stanno aumentando
la loro presenza nei Balcani e che intendono rimanervi".
Un analista ha descritto il comportamento americano come
un aver sfruttato una serie di condizioni favorevoli in modo
tale da creare le basi necessarie per futuri piani militari. Camp
Bondsteel è diventato un luogo per importanti discorsi politici
dei principali uomini dell'amministrazione Bush. Il 5 giugno
del 2001 il Segretario alla difesa Donald Rumsfeld ha spiegato
alle truppe stazionate a Bondsteel che ruolo esse svolgevano
nella strategia economica della nuova amministrazione. Egli ha
dichiarato:
"Quanto dovremmo spendere per le nostre forze armate? Secondo
la mia visione noi non spendiamo per voi, noi investiamo su di
voi. Gli uomini e le donne che servono nelle nostre forze armate
non sono una perdita per la nostra economia, in verità voi
siete a salvaguardia di essa. Voi non siete un peso per la
nostra economia, voi siete un pilastro fondamentale per la
sua crescita." Un mese più tardi, il Presidente George W.
Bush fece la sua prima visita all'estero per visitare le truppe
di Bondsteel. Giunse direttamente dal Summit del G8 di
Genova, dove le tensioni con i governi europei erano chiaramente
emerse. In un discorso descritto come una chiara sottolineatura
della presenza americana in Europa, Bush insistette che le truppe
americane erano giunte in Kosovo per rimanerci. Poi, infrangendo
il normale protocollo, il Presidente firmò davanti ad una folla
festante di militari una legge approvata dal Congresso che
prevedeva un aumento delle spese militari per un valore di $ 1.9
miliardi. Da allora Camp Bondsteel ha continuato a crescere, primo
passo del progetto di redisposizione della basi americane in
Europa e soprattutto nell'est. Il modello Bondsteel sta adesso
incominciando ad essere applicato in Afghanistan e nelle nuove
basi nelle ex-repubbliche sovietiche. Secondo commenti
trapelati alla stampa, diversi politici europei adesso credono
che gli americani hanno spinto per il bombardamento della
Jugoslavia al solo scopo di costruire Bondsteel. Prima dell'inizio
dei bombardamenti della NATO contro la Jugoslavia il
Washington Post aveva affermato: "Con il Medio Oriente
sempre più fragile ci servono basi e diritti di sorvolo nei
Balcani, in modo tale da proteggere il petrolio del Mar Caspio.
La percentuale degli investimenti delle compagnie petrolifere
americane nello sfruttamento dei giacimenti del Mar Caspio,
così come la richiesta del Governo per una economia meno
dipendente dal petrolio importato, specialmente dal Medio
Oriente, richiede una soluzione di lungo termine per il trasporto
del petrolio verso i mercati europei ed americani."
Paul Stuart (traduzione a cura della Caritas)
http://auth.unimondo.org/cfdocs/obportal/index.cfm?fuseaction=news.view2&NewsID=1067
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