Informazione
URL for this article:
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/borislav.htm
=======================================
A CONVERSATION WITH AMBASSADOR BORISLAV
MILOSEVIC, SLOBODAN'S BROTHER (Part 1)
[Posted 2 June 2002]
=======================================
Note from Jared Israel: On May 24th I
spoke via three way telephone with
BORISLAV MILOSEVIC, Yugoslav Ambassador to
Russia from 1998-2000 and before
that Ambassador to Algeria.
We discussed the significance of
widespread Russian support for Slobodan
Milosevic; the New World Empire's efforts
to destroy international judicial
standards and political discourse; and the
highly deceptive character of
Sept. 11 and the War on Terror.
Ambassador Milosevic mainly spoke
Serbo-Croatian, which was kindly translated
by Vladimir Krsljanin, International
Secretary of the Socialist Party of
Serbia. A few times Ambassador Milosevic
spoke English, as indicated in the text.
-- JARED ISRAEL
[To make following the conversation
easier, we have preceeded comments with
the name of the speaker.]
* JARED ISRAEL
Mr. Ambassador it's a great honor to speak
with you.
For our readers, let me say that your
brother, Slobodan Milosevic, has just
won the Sholokhov prize, named for Mikhail
Sholokhov, author of the great
Russian novel, 'And Quiet Flows the Don.'
Could you say a bit more about the prize?
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes. It is perhaps the most distinguished
Russian award, given to artists and
political leaders of outstanding
achievement. Today at the award ceremony I
accepted the prize for Slobodan Milosevic
because, as the writer Yuri
Bondarev said in bestowing this honor,
Slobodan is being held in the dungeon
of The Hague.
* JARED ISRAEL
Dungeon is the word, isn't it? They don't
even let him meet with Chris Black,
the head of his lawyers' committee. And
his living conditions are outrageous
- terrible food, no exercise, no right to
see his own doctors - or any heart
specialist - even though his heart
condition is a matter of record. And
forced to be in court all day and to
cross-examine witnesses virtually every
day, week after week, which is unheard-of.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
I think this award will further strengthen
the fighting spirit of Slobodan
Milosevic and his courage as well.
* JARED ISRAEL
Also it suggests that the Russians see
President Milosevic's resistance as
important to their own experience.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes. The greater part of Russian society
strongly supports Slobodan and
practically nobody approved his delivery
to The Hague, not even those
Rightist parties who were hostile to his
government. Both houses of the
Russian parliament voted overwhelmingly to
condemn his kidnapping. Even the
mainstream newspapers publish articles
critical of The Hague.
Russian people consider Slobodan Milosevic
a hero of resistance to
imperialist intervention, a patriot who
defends his country and his people.
* JARED ISRAEL
This support from Russia is very
encouraging to me.
I interviewed your brother on March 23rd
2001, just before he was arrested.
During that interview he said that one of
the things US and West European
leaders hated about Yugoslavia was the way
you handled the question of
national and religious group relations.
There had been so much conflict in
the past. Some groups had been organized
by the Nazis and earlier by the
Ottoman Empire to attack Serbs, and Roma
and Jews as well of course - and yet
in Yugoslavia, and this is still true in
Serbia, you had schools in 24
different languages and court proceeding
in nine languages. When I was in
Serbia this past year I saw that there is
still an attitude of mutual
appreciation among different groups.
It seems to me that the strategy of the
New World Empire that has attacked
you is to stir up hatred. They use the
guidelines laid down by the Nazis,
finding points of weakness in ethnic or
religious groups that will allow the
Empire's mass media and operatives to play
on cultural traits that if left
alone wouldn't necessarily be a problem.
They stir up hatred in one culture
against another in a hideous way,
especially appealing to groups that were
once in a dominant position, empowering
their worst elements. The Empire does
this more effectively than the Nazis
because they have much more
sophisticated mass media. Perhaps the
worst thing is that the mass media
romanticizes racist violence by calling it
revenge.
But, contrary to the media lies, (1) your
government never engaged in racism.
You always tried to promote fraternity.
This was clear in Slobodan
Milosevic's speech at Kosovo Field in 1989
(2) and before then too, despite
the extremely provocative situation.
Some people say Russia and Serbia are
linked, that Serbia is little Russia.
And so the fact that the Russian people,
after what they've been through, the
terrible trauma of the 1990s, the fact
that they can see as their beacon this
man who stands for social justice and
tolerance, this gives me hope. Because
there is another possible beacon - ethnic
hatred, anti-Semitism, which has
reared its head in Russia in the past, a
Black Hundreds solution.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
You're completely right. There was no kind
of discrimination in Yugoslavia,
and while some former Yugoslav Republics
have become virtual mono-ethnic
states, Serbia hosts a million refugees of
all national and religious groups
and one third our population is not ethnic
Serbs. (3)
Serbia did not abolish the autonomy of
Kosovo in 1989 as some so-called
experts claim. Only certain extreme and
inappropriate elements of statehood
were removed from what was after all a
provincial government. This was done
to prevent the de facto creation of a
separate state in Kosovo.
* JARED ISRAEL
Which is precisely what NATO and the UN
are supporting now - a separate
Kosovo.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes.
Kosovo Albanians were not deprived of any
human or cultural rights in 1989.
The same was true of people in [the
Serbian province of] Vojvodina. In fact,
Kosovo Albanians continued to have
cultural rights unequalled in the rest of
Europe.
The accusations of loss of autonomy were
contrived. The secessionists
organized or forced ethnic Albanians to
boycott State institutions and set up
parallel institutions for purely political
reasons. (4)
Everyone knows that schools, universities,
the press, hospitals and TV were
maintained in Kosovo in the Albanian
language, even during this decade-long
boycott. The secessionists organized this
boycott to provide Western media
with provocative images and to create a
no-alternative situation for
Albanians. All political manipulation. (4a)
This is clear from the leaflet which
Slobodan Milosevic showed The Hague
'court' while he was cross-examining
[ethnic Albanian leader] Ibrahim Rugova.
The leaflet, which was signed by the KLA
and Rugova, ordered ethnic Albanians
to leave Kosovo during the bombing. Do you
see the game they played?
This demonstrates their dual purpose:
creating the false appearance that
Serbia was causing ethnic Albanians to
suffer, so that this could be
broadcast to the NATO countries, and
fostering a situation within Kosovo
where compromise was near impossible. This
was behind everything they did,
including the so-called Racak massacre and
the exodus of the ethnic Albanian
population during the NATO aggression.
[ Note: regarding the above, please see,
'The Racak Hoax' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/Johnstone/racakhoax.htm
And 'Why Albanians Fled During NATO
Bombing,' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/keys.htm ]
* JARED ISRAEL
And once they got the Albanians to leave,
they put them in refugee camps
under KLA control, with NATO's blessing.
Even the Western media had stories
reporting that these camps featured
non-stop hate-the-Serbs-and-'Gypsies'
indoctrination.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yet during the three months in this Hague
'court', we have seen one after
another witness testify they never even
heard of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
* JARED ISRAEL
It would embarrass NATO. They claim they
are fighting terrorism, but these
people are all members - or leaders - of a
terrorist group.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes. It is a problem.
At the very beginning of the trial it
seemed as if Mr. May, whom they call
'judge,' was trying to create the
impression of impartiality. But now he
openly behaves as an extension of the
prosecutor. He prompts and assists
witnesses, allowing them every liberty
including making political speeches.
But he cuts off Slobodan Milosevic and
does not allow him to conduct
cross-examination fully or to express his
opinion.
This is very alarming. It creates a
precedent for violating accepted legal
principles including the impartiality of
courts, the very basis of law. It
requires the strongest international
protest.
This on top of the fact that Slobodan
Milosevic is a head of state,
overthrown by foreign money and then
kidnapped by foreign agents. Who is next?
* JARED ISRAEL
I think this so-called trial makes the
Reichstag Fire case look good. At
least Dimitrov was allowed to present his
case.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes, this Hague 'court' behaves like
someone's instrument. Since its
foundation it has been a tool of
aggression against Yugoslavia.
In some of my statements here in Russia I
often say that the Yugoslav crisis
was created in order to reorganize the
whole of international relations in
accordance with American interests and
expansionism and it was done in a very
conscious way.
* JARED ISRAEL
You know, also it was a step towards the
encirclement of Russia, wasn't it?
Because isn't it true that those who would
attack Russia need to consolidate
their hold in the Balkans first? And if
you look at what has happened, NATO
now surrounds Russia from Central Asia to
the Baltic. They have penetrated a
dozen countries. (5)
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
The aggression in Yugoslavia was an
attempt to impose new International rules
to justify NATO, a regional military
organization, usurping the sovereign
rights of countries outside its previously
claimed zone of responsibility. So
military and geopolitical expansion is
presented as humanitarian peace
making. Terrorist attacks are launched and
then intervention is threatened if
a country defends itself, and all this is
justified by a whole new
interpretation of international law so
that now even the United Nations is
employed to legitimize geopolitical expansion.
There were in the past many other examples
of violations of the UN charter:
Vietnam, Granada, and so on, and this
includes the sending of Russian troops
to Afghanistan. However, none of these
instances were sanctioned by the
Security Council.
In this sense, the Yugoslav case was
something new, an attempt to create an
international legal framework to justify
the destruction of a country by
terrorist forces. And what took place
after Sept. 11, that is NATO's
expansion into Central Asia, is a
continuation.
So, in the Yugoslavia crisis we saw this
new quality - aggression condoned by
international law and international legal
structures. And after September 11
we see this process moving into a new
stage. This makes it clear that both
the aggression against Yugoslavia and the
expansion of NATO from a West
European organization into Eastern Europe
- these were of more than regional
importance. (5)
* JARED ISRAEL
You know one of the interesting things
about September 11th is that here we
see an Empire which has organized most of
the terrorism in the world, mainly
starting with Afghanistan, but they claim
to be leading a crusade against terrorism.
The whole strategy of the US intervention
in Afghanistan, beginning in 1979,
was to promote terrorism. They and the
Saudis used the Wahhabi form of Islam,
pouring money into the madresses which
became schools training the terrorists
that subsequently plagued Chechnya,
Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Kashmir and I
think they are in the Middle East as well.
And this same terrorism which they have
created - and there is a lot of
indication that Mr. bin Laden is still
connected with the CIA (6) although
now that NATO is entrenched in Central
Asia they conveniently stopped talking
about him - this same terrorism which they
unleash in order to destabilize
areas is also used as an excuse to
intervene. So it is a tool of many
purposes. Very convenient and very
American, because it's very American to
have a tool that does two things at once.
A gadget. Terrorism is a political
gadget because on the one hand they can
use it to attack multiethnic society
as they did in Bosnia and then on the
other hand they can use it as the
excuse to invade, as they are now doing
with Central Asia.
But what shows their hypocrisy is - and
you may or may not know about this -
the United States is still shipping in
millions of militant Islamic
fundamentalist textbooks (6a) into
Afghanistan. Now why on earth would they
be doing this if they were sincerely
fighting against Islamic fundamentalism?
They just used this terrorist movement
which they themselves had created as
an excuse to move in.
Just one other point that occurred to me
when you were talking is that the
conduct and discourse of your government,
which was the last legitimate
government in Yugoslavia since what's
there now was created by the US,
Germany and Norway - the discourse of your
government respected political
ideas. (7)
This New World Empire attacks the very
possibility of political discourse by
shattering the link between words and what
they define - the Empire bombs
people and calls it humanitarian. They
manufacture events - we saw that with
Racak. And they simply rewrite history
(8), including manufacturing a
fictional version of your brother's famous
1989 speech. (1)
By doing these things they undermine the
possibility of rational discussion
because truth becomes whatever the
powers-that-be and their media portray as
true - it's a function of what's shown on
TV. And at the same time, they
reduce politics to threat and violence and
then they say, "Alas, that's
reality." But your brother takes ideas
seriously.
One of the organizations orchestrating the
*anti-human* actions at The Hague
is called, amazingly, Human Rights Watch.
I was present the first few days of
President Milosevic's 'trial' at The Hague
and I got to observe Richard
Dicker, a top HRW bureaucrat, in
operation. Not only was he virtually the
only person representing the 'Tribunal' to
the press - I mean, he was Carla
del Ponte's spokesman! - but both the
press and 'Tribunal' officials clearly
deferred to him, and he was often closeted
with the prosecutors. I saw this
with my own eyes. I commented to one of
the senior reporters, "It looks like
Dickers is running the show," and the
reporter laughed and said, "Dickers
*is* the show."
We have several articles in preparation
about HRW. Their board of directors
is a Who's Who of the Imperial
establishment, including Warren Zimmermann,
the U.S. Ambassador who helped destroy
Yugoslavia including by sponsoring
Alijah Izetbegovic, the fundamentalist who
devastated Bosnia (9) and George
Soros who boasts that he helped his father
run an extortion racket for the
Nazis in Hungary during World War Two,
visiting Jewish families targeted for
death camps and demanding all their money
in exchange for safe passage. And
now he runs a privatized adjunct to the
CIA. And this is *Human Rights* Watch.
HRW demonizes anybody who stands up to
Imperial-organized terror. When NATO
sent the KLA to attack Macedonia, Human
Rights Watch condemned Macedonian
security troops for resisting.
When I interviewed President Milosevic I
asked why your government accepted
defeat during the coup of 2000 instead of
going to war against your
opponents. He said something like, "We
wanted to avoid being sucked into a
civil war, which would allow NATO to
intervene on the grounds that Serbs are
'hopelessly violent.' Moreover, it is easy
to kill people but it isn't easy
to bring them back."
Despite everything that has been done to
you, you resisted descending into a
nightmare pit. You have upheld political
discourse against this Imperial onslaught.
I read a thing the other day by Noam
Chomsky, whom a lot of people put on a
pedestal. In it Chomsky makes the sweeping
generalization that
counter-terrorism "is terrorism carried
out by the state." But that's a very
simple minded approach. Because, contrary
to what Chomsky says happened in
Yugoslavia, when you fought the terrorists
in Kosovo - who were themselves
sponsored by NATO countries - when you
fought them, the Yugoslav Army took
causalities rather than endangering
civilians. (10)
Now one cannot say that *taking*
causalities rather than hurting civilian
is the same as *not* taking casualties and
hurting the civilians. So all
counter-terror is not terror. There are
choices in the unfortunate situation
of fighting terrorism as in everything.
And of course saying,
"counter-terrorism is state terror" has
the effect of obscuring these choices
and may end up justifying terrorism -
because after all the terrorists are by
definition no worse than the people
fighting them.
*** THIS DISCUSSION IS CONTINUED IN PART 2 ***
www.tenc.net * Emperor's Clothes
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/borislav.htm
=======================================
A CONVERSATION WITH AMBASSADOR BORISLAV
MILOSEVIC, SLOBODAN'S BROTHER (Part 1)
[Posted 2 June 2002]
=======================================
Note from Jared Israel: On May 24th I
spoke via three way telephone with
BORISLAV MILOSEVIC, Yugoslav Ambassador to
Russia from 1998-2000 and before
that Ambassador to Algeria.
We discussed the significance of
widespread Russian support for Slobodan
Milosevic; the New World Empire's efforts
to destroy international judicial
standards and political discourse; and the
highly deceptive character of
Sept. 11 and the War on Terror.
Ambassador Milosevic mainly spoke
Serbo-Croatian, which was kindly translated
by Vladimir Krsljanin, International
Secretary of the Socialist Party of
Serbia. A few times Ambassador Milosevic
spoke English, as indicated in the text.
-- JARED ISRAEL
[To make following the conversation
easier, we have preceeded comments with
the name of the speaker.]
* JARED ISRAEL
Mr. Ambassador it's a great honor to speak
with you.
For our readers, let me say that your
brother, Slobodan Milosevic, has just
won the Sholokhov prize, named for Mikhail
Sholokhov, author of the great
Russian novel, 'And Quiet Flows the Don.'
Could you say a bit more about the prize?
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes. It is perhaps the most distinguished
Russian award, given to artists and
political leaders of outstanding
achievement. Today at the award ceremony I
accepted the prize for Slobodan Milosevic
because, as the writer Yuri
Bondarev said in bestowing this honor,
Slobodan is being held in the dungeon
of The Hague.
* JARED ISRAEL
Dungeon is the word, isn't it? They don't
even let him meet with Chris Black,
the head of his lawyers' committee. And
his living conditions are outrageous
- terrible food, no exercise, no right to
see his own doctors - or any heart
specialist - even though his heart
condition is a matter of record. And
forced to be in court all day and to
cross-examine witnesses virtually every
day, week after week, which is unheard-of.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
I think this award will further strengthen
the fighting spirit of Slobodan
Milosevic and his courage as well.
* JARED ISRAEL
Also it suggests that the Russians see
President Milosevic's resistance as
important to their own experience.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes. The greater part of Russian society
strongly supports Slobodan and
practically nobody approved his delivery
to The Hague, not even those
Rightist parties who were hostile to his
government. Both houses of the
Russian parliament voted overwhelmingly to
condemn his kidnapping. Even the
mainstream newspapers publish articles
critical of The Hague.
Russian people consider Slobodan Milosevic
a hero of resistance to
imperialist intervention, a patriot who
defends his country and his people.
* JARED ISRAEL
This support from Russia is very
encouraging to me.
I interviewed your brother on March 23rd
2001, just before he was arrested.
During that interview he said that one of
the things US and West European
leaders hated about Yugoslavia was the way
you handled the question of
national and religious group relations.
There had been so much conflict in
the past. Some groups had been organized
by the Nazis and earlier by the
Ottoman Empire to attack Serbs, and Roma
and Jews as well of course - and yet
in Yugoslavia, and this is still true in
Serbia, you had schools in 24
different languages and court proceeding
in nine languages. When I was in
Serbia this past year I saw that there is
still an attitude of mutual
appreciation among different groups.
It seems to me that the strategy of the
New World Empire that has attacked
you is to stir up hatred. They use the
guidelines laid down by the Nazis,
finding points of weakness in ethnic or
religious groups that will allow the
Empire's mass media and operatives to play
on cultural traits that if left
alone wouldn't necessarily be a problem.
They stir up hatred in one culture
against another in a hideous way,
especially appealing to groups that were
once in a dominant position, empowering
their worst elements. The Empire does
this more effectively than the Nazis
because they have much more
sophisticated mass media. Perhaps the
worst thing is that the mass media
romanticizes racist violence by calling it
revenge.
But, contrary to the media lies, (1) your
government never engaged in racism.
You always tried to promote fraternity.
This was clear in Slobodan
Milosevic's speech at Kosovo Field in 1989
(2) and before then too, despite
the extremely provocative situation.
Some people say Russia and Serbia are
linked, that Serbia is little Russia.
And so the fact that the Russian people,
after what they've been through, the
terrible trauma of the 1990s, the fact
that they can see as their beacon this
man who stands for social justice and
tolerance, this gives me hope. Because
there is another possible beacon - ethnic
hatred, anti-Semitism, which has
reared its head in Russia in the past, a
Black Hundreds solution.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
You're completely right. There was no kind
of discrimination in Yugoslavia,
and while some former Yugoslav Republics
have become virtual mono-ethnic
states, Serbia hosts a million refugees of
all national and religious groups
and one third our population is not ethnic
Serbs. (3)
Serbia did not abolish the autonomy of
Kosovo in 1989 as some so-called
experts claim. Only certain extreme and
inappropriate elements of statehood
were removed from what was after all a
provincial government. This was done
to prevent the de facto creation of a
separate state in Kosovo.
* JARED ISRAEL
Which is precisely what NATO and the UN
are supporting now - a separate
Kosovo.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes.
Kosovo Albanians were not deprived of any
human or cultural rights in 1989.
The same was true of people in [the
Serbian province of] Vojvodina. In fact,
Kosovo Albanians continued to have
cultural rights unequalled in the rest of
Europe.
The accusations of loss of autonomy were
contrived. The secessionists
organized or forced ethnic Albanians to
boycott State institutions and set up
parallel institutions for purely political
reasons. (4)
Everyone knows that schools, universities,
the press, hospitals and TV were
maintained in Kosovo in the Albanian
language, even during this decade-long
boycott. The secessionists organized this
boycott to provide Western media
with provocative images and to create a
no-alternative situation for
Albanians. All political manipulation. (4a)
This is clear from the leaflet which
Slobodan Milosevic showed The Hague
'court' while he was cross-examining
[ethnic Albanian leader] Ibrahim Rugova.
The leaflet, which was signed by the KLA
and Rugova, ordered ethnic Albanians
to leave Kosovo during the bombing. Do you
see the game they played?
This demonstrates their dual purpose:
creating the false appearance that
Serbia was causing ethnic Albanians to
suffer, so that this could be
broadcast to the NATO countries, and
fostering a situation within Kosovo
where compromise was near impossible. This
was behind everything they did,
including the so-called Racak massacre and
the exodus of the ethnic Albanian
population during the NATO aggression.
[ Note: regarding the above, please see,
'The Racak Hoax' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/Johnstone/racakhoax.htm
And 'Why Albanians Fled During NATO
Bombing,' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/keys.htm ]
* JARED ISRAEL
And once they got the Albanians to leave,
they put them in refugee camps
under KLA control, with NATO's blessing.
Even the Western media had stories
reporting that these camps featured
non-stop hate-the-Serbs-and-'Gypsies'
indoctrination.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yet during the three months in this Hague
'court', we have seen one after
another witness testify they never even
heard of the Kosovo Liberation Army.
* JARED ISRAEL
It would embarrass NATO. They claim they
are fighting terrorism, but these
people are all members - or leaders - of a
terrorist group.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes. It is a problem.
At the very beginning of the trial it
seemed as if Mr. May, whom they call
'judge,' was trying to create the
impression of impartiality. But now he
openly behaves as an extension of the
prosecutor. He prompts and assists
witnesses, allowing them every liberty
including making political speeches.
But he cuts off Slobodan Milosevic and
does not allow him to conduct
cross-examination fully or to express his
opinion.
This is very alarming. It creates a
precedent for violating accepted legal
principles including the impartiality of
courts, the very basis of law. It
requires the strongest international
protest.
This on top of the fact that Slobodan
Milosevic is a head of state,
overthrown by foreign money and then
kidnapped by foreign agents. Who is next?
* JARED ISRAEL
I think this so-called trial makes the
Reichstag Fire case look good. At
least Dimitrov was allowed to present his
case.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
Yes, this Hague 'court' behaves like
someone's instrument. Since its
foundation it has been a tool of
aggression against Yugoslavia.
In some of my statements here in Russia I
often say that the Yugoslav crisis
was created in order to reorganize the
whole of international relations in
accordance with American interests and
expansionism and it was done in a very
conscious way.
* JARED ISRAEL
You know, also it was a step towards the
encirclement of Russia, wasn't it?
Because isn't it true that those who would
attack Russia need to consolidate
their hold in the Balkans first? And if
you look at what has happened, NATO
now surrounds Russia from Central Asia to
the Baltic. They have penetrated a
dozen countries. (5)
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
The aggression in Yugoslavia was an
attempt to impose new International rules
to justify NATO, a regional military
organization, usurping the sovereign
rights of countries outside its previously
claimed zone of responsibility. So
military and geopolitical expansion is
presented as humanitarian peace
making. Terrorist attacks are launched and
then intervention is threatened if
a country defends itself, and all this is
justified by a whole new
interpretation of international law so
that now even the United Nations is
employed to legitimize geopolitical expansion.
There were in the past many other examples
of violations of the UN charter:
Vietnam, Granada, and so on, and this
includes the sending of Russian troops
to Afghanistan. However, none of these
instances were sanctioned by the
Security Council.
In this sense, the Yugoslav case was
something new, an attempt to create an
international legal framework to justify
the destruction of a country by
terrorist forces. And what took place
after Sept. 11, that is NATO's
expansion into Central Asia, is a
continuation.
So, in the Yugoslavia crisis we saw this
new quality - aggression condoned by
international law and international legal
structures. And after September 11
we see this process moving into a new
stage. This makes it clear that both
the aggression against Yugoslavia and the
expansion of NATO from a West
European organization into Eastern Europe
- these were of more than regional
importance. (5)
* JARED ISRAEL
You know one of the interesting things
about September 11th is that here we
see an Empire which has organized most of
the terrorism in the world, mainly
starting with Afghanistan, but they claim
to be leading a crusade against terrorism.
The whole strategy of the US intervention
in Afghanistan, beginning in 1979,
was to promote terrorism. They and the
Saudis used the Wahhabi form of Islam,
pouring money into the madresses which
became schools training the terrorists
that subsequently plagued Chechnya,
Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Kashmir and I
think they are in the Middle East as well.
And this same terrorism which they have
created - and there is a lot of
indication that Mr. bin Laden is still
connected with the CIA (6) although
now that NATO is entrenched in Central
Asia they conveniently stopped talking
about him - this same terrorism which they
unleash in order to destabilize
areas is also used as an excuse to
intervene. So it is a tool of many
purposes. Very convenient and very
American, because it's very American to
have a tool that does two things at once.
A gadget. Terrorism is a political
gadget because on the one hand they can
use it to attack multiethnic society
as they did in Bosnia and then on the
other hand they can use it as the
excuse to invade, as they are now doing
with Central Asia.
But what shows their hypocrisy is - and
you may or may not know about this -
the United States is still shipping in
millions of militant Islamic
fundamentalist textbooks (6a) into
Afghanistan. Now why on earth would they
be doing this if they were sincerely
fighting against Islamic fundamentalism?
They just used this terrorist movement
which they themselves had created as
an excuse to move in.
Just one other point that occurred to me
when you were talking is that the
conduct and discourse of your government,
which was the last legitimate
government in Yugoslavia since what's
there now was created by the US,
Germany and Norway - the discourse of your
government respected political
ideas. (7)
This New World Empire attacks the very
possibility of political discourse by
shattering the link between words and what
they define - the Empire bombs
people and calls it humanitarian. They
manufacture events - we saw that with
Racak. And they simply rewrite history
(8), including manufacturing a
fictional version of your brother's famous
1989 speech. (1)
By doing these things they undermine the
possibility of rational discussion
because truth becomes whatever the
powers-that-be and their media portray as
true - it's a function of what's shown on
TV. And at the same time, they
reduce politics to threat and violence and
then they say, "Alas, that's
reality." But your brother takes ideas
seriously.
One of the organizations orchestrating the
*anti-human* actions at The Hague
is called, amazingly, Human Rights Watch.
I was present the first few days of
President Milosevic's 'trial' at The Hague
and I got to observe Richard
Dicker, a top HRW bureaucrat, in
operation. Not only was he virtually the
only person representing the 'Tribunal' to
the press - I mean, he was Carla
del Ponte's spokesman! - but both the
press and 'Tribunal' officials clearly
deferred to him, and he was often closeted
with the prosecutors. I saw this
with my own eyes. I commented to one of
the senior reporters, "It looks like
Dickers is running the show," and the
reporter laughed and said, "Dickers
*is* the show."
We have several articles in preparation
about HRW. Their board of directors
is a Who's Who of the Imperial
establishment, including Warren Zimmermann,
the U.S. Ambassador who helped destroy
Yugoslavia including by sponsoring
Alijah Izetbegovic, the fundamentalist who
devastated Bosnia (9) and George
Soros who boasts that he helped his father
run an extortion racket for the
Nazis in Hungary during World War Two,
visiting Jewish families targeted for
death camps and demanding all their money
in exchange for safe passage. And
now he runs a privatized adjunct to the
CIA. And this is *Human Rights* Watch.
HRW demonizes anybody who stands up to
Imperial-organized terror. When NATO
sent the KLA to attack Macedonia, Human
Rights Watch condemned Macedonian
security troops for resisting.
When I interviewed President Milosevic I
asked why your government accepted
defeat during the coup of 2000 instead of
going to war against your
opponents. He said something like, "We
wanted to avoid being sucked into a
civil war, which would allow NATO to
intervene on the grounds that Serbs are
'hopelessly violent.' Moreover, it is easy
to kill people but it isn't easy
to bring them back."
Despite everything that has been done to
you, you resisted descending into a
nightmare pit. You have upheld political
discourse against this Imperial onslaught.
I read a thing the other day by Noam
Chomsky, whom a lot of people put on a
pedestal. In it Chomsky makes the sweeping
generalization that
counter-terrorism "is terrorism carried
out by the state." But that's a very
simple minded approach. Because, contrary
to what Chomsky says happened in
Yugoslavia, when you fought the terrorists
in Kosovo - who were themselves
sponsored by NATO countries - when you
fought them, the Yugoslav Army took
causalities rather than endangering
civilians. (10)
Now one cannot say that *taking*
causalities rather than hurting civilian
is the same as *not* taking casualties and
hurting the civilians. So all
counter-terror is not terror. There are
choices in the unfortunate situation
of fighting terrorism as in everything.
And of course saying,
"counter-terrorism is state terror" has
the effect of obscuring these choices
and may end up justifying terrorism -
because after all the terrorists are by
definition no worse than the people
fighting them.
*** THIS DISCUSSION IS CONTINUED IN PART 2 ***
www.tenc.net * Emperor's Clothes
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/borislav.htm
PART 2 - CONVERSATION WITH AMBASSADOR
BORISLAV MILOSEVIC, SLOBODAN'S BROTHER
* JARED ISRAEL (CONTINUED)
And this current tendency to reduce human
existence to one equivalent evil,
where 'humanitarian' means 'bombing' and
resistance to terrorism is by
definition virtually the same as terror,
where it is considered natural for
ethnic groups to try to kill each other
and we are supposed to root for
whichever side the Imperial media has
portrayed as victims so that whatever
they do is justified as "revenge" against
whatever group has currently been
labeled "just like Hitler" - that, it
seems to me, is what your brother has
been fighting. That is why I'm supporting
him. Sorry for my long speech!
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC [In English]
Yes yes! No, no it's very good speech!
[In Serbo-Croatian] The whole concept
that your government is trying to
impose on the world is very similar to
what they preached when there was a
bipolar world, creating a positive force
and its opponent, a negative force,
which today is called international
terrorism; and in that struggle
everything is allowed. And nobody may be
neutral in that fight.
So in the conditions of world supremacy
of one power, the tendency for having
new armaments of mass destruction, new
lethal arms is increasing and it leads
to development and strengthening of
terrorism. International terrorism cannot
be suppressed by the use of force alone,
especially, as you correctly pointed
out, when the supreme power is itself
organizing terrorism in various ways in
Kosovo, in Afghanistan, in Chechnya. So
international security can be created
only on the basis of universality, and
not on the basis of isolation and
destruction of several countries that
allegedly represent some axis of evil.
And you have correctly pointed out that
many organizations defined as
terrorist for instance and especially in
the Middle East, were created and
are still controlled by the American
secret services.
And the American policy has created great
harm in other ways. There is the
destruction of the environment and the
economy in Yugoslavia because of the
attack. And there is the increasing
danger of both nuclear accident and
nuclear war.
* JARED ISRAEL
I think you made a very important point,
that the Empire wishes to create the
perception of a bipolar world, in which
they are one pole and the other is
terrorism.
This Empire's thinkers are aware that
every action has an equal and opposite
reaction. Because it's a law of politics,
isn't it? So opposition inevitably
develops. And because they are clever,
instead of only attacking the
opposition, the Empire tries to mold the
opposition. How can they lose if
they are fighting something they control?
Their own nightmare image, in effect.
By declaring this war on terrorism, they
are fighting forces which they
covertly control. Then they also defend
these terrorists, whom they actually
organized, by means of the 'human rights'
apparatus which they also control -
and this ends up luring some people into
sympathy and support for the
terrorists.
Such people may not be thinking clearly
or maybe they've just fallen into the
natural reaction that "the enemy of my
enemy is my friend" - it's a human
trait to think that way. So we see people
on what considers itself the Left
in the West making heroes out of the
Taliban and other terrorists. But these
terrorists are not fundamentally
opponents of this Empire. The Taliban,
for example, are victims of a guiding
principle of this Empire, which is, "We
have no friends, we only have future
victims." This Empire may attack those
whom it supported yesterday, as the need
arises. The Taliban were supported
by them (11) and then abruptly they
became a target because the US needed an
excuse, or more properly, the Empire
needed an excuse, because it is not the
same as the US, this Empire is above the
US government, the Empire needed an
excuse to move into Central Asia. This
was for geopolitical reasons. They
wanted to give Central Asian nations the
DOS (12) treatment, which is
penetration by Fifth Column
organizations, and we see this now going
on in Central Asia accompanied by military
penetration and the corruption of the
remnants of the Soviet officer corps
disguised as military aid and training.
The goal is to build a force in these
countries capable of striking Russia.
The Empire knows that Russia, in alliance
with China, is the primary real
threat to their control.
None of this is contradicted by Mr.
Putin's complete capitulation. As we saw
with Macedonia, capitulation does not
protect a country from attack by this
Empire. Indeed, the experience of the
Taliban shows that even being created
by this Empire won't help if they decide
to recycle you! (13)
So this move to complete the encirclement
of Russia is justified by the "war
against Terrorism." And so some people in
the peace movement, perhaps not
giving enough thought to what's going on,
but simply reacting to the
appearance, which is that the Empire is
attacking Islamic fundamentalist
terrorists - some people conclude that
the fundamentalists are an ally in
resisting NATO. Meanwhile, in fact, huge
numbers of Taliban are being
incorporated into the new Afghan army
(14) which is still a Fundamentalist
army, just more directly under Imperial
control and with an end to local
squabbling, or so they hope.
When Russia was the opposite pole, that
was a problem. Russia had positive
ideas and practices regarding social
equality. It was weak on democracy and
sometimes on international morality but
strong on social equality, and this
encouraged dangerous egalitarianism. But
with Islamic terrorists as the
opposite pole, when potential opponents
are drawn to the opposite pole, what
are they idolizing? The most backward and
fascistic forces - the very people
Saudi Arabia and US used to destroy the
secular state in Afghanistan.
So these jihad terrorists, the most
brutal killers, who condone violence
against women, whose definition of
democracy is enforcing the Quran, who
advocate religious war - these fanatics
become the heroes for kids who want
to change the world. What a nightmare.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
It is a difficult situation.
Regarding this, let me say something
about the war on terror. We in
Yugoslavia consider September 11th a
tragic event.
Perhaps your readers are not aware of the
horrific destruction done to my
country [during the NATO attack on
Yugoslavia]. This was a war of terror. It
was launched to support terrorists in
Kosovo. And it was conducted by planes
dropping bombs, often encased in uranium,
from a great height, not by troops
on the ground. Terrible destruction,
massive killings, environmental
devastation. And all carried out from a
great height. Against a country which
hadn't invaded or threatened anyone. So
this too was terror. (15)
But we take no satisfaction regarding
Sept. 11. On the contrary, we
sympathize with those who have suffered
in the US.
It is understandable that people in your
country would have strong reactions
when those terrible events happened last
September. But now time has passed.
A more thoughtful approach may be taken.
A road of peace may be pursued. I
hope that people in your country will
think deeply about these questions. It
is very important to the world.
* JARED ISRAEL
Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC [In English]
OK, Israel. It was very very big pleasure
for me and I am very pleased to
contact to you like this and thank you
very much. Very big pleasure for me.
* JARED ISRAEL
Well, thank your mother and father for
having produced two men who have
contributed so much to the world.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC [Laughs. Says in
English]:
Don't overestimate things.
* JARED ISRAEL
But it's the truth. Where would we be
without Serbia? You resisted. What can
I say? The Serbs seem to do it every
time.
***
Join our email list at
http://emperors-clothes.com/f.htm
Receive articles posted on Emperor's
Clothes.
Click here to email the link to this
article to a friend.
Further Reading:
1) 'MEDIA MISREPRESENTATION OF
MILOSEVIC'S WORDS: A REVIEW OF THE
EVIDENCE,'
by Professor Francisco Gil-White can be
read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/gw.htm
2) 'Milosevic Speech at Kosovo Field
(1989),' can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/milosaid.html
3) 'BY ADDING THREE LIES, ONE DOES NOT
GET THE TRUTH - ONLY A BIGGER LIE,' is
a statement Slobodan Milosevic made
during a pre-'trial' hearing at The
Hague. It contradicts what one might
expect Milosevic to say, based on his
portrait as drawn in the Western media.
Can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/30jan.htm#1
4) In the classic text, 'Seeing
Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass: Politics,
Media and the Ideology of Globalization,'
Diana Johnstone quotes a
semi-internal publication of the very
anti-Milosevic International Crisis
Group which states that Albanian
secessionists in fact boycotted
Albanian-language institutions in Serbia
(as opposed to having been deprived
of such cultural institutions by supposed
racists, as they and the Western
media claimed.) In other words, they and
the Western 'experts' lied. The
relevant quote is at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/Johnstone/1yugo.htm#kspring
Ms. Johnstone's article is generally
instructive in seeing through the dark
glass of misinformation about Yugoslavia.
4a) Speaking of 'provocative images,' in
'Art in the New World Order,'
written in spring of 2000, a news
photographer discusses the amazing fact
that from 1998 to 2000 virtually all the
top photojournalism awards were
given for pictures of crying Kosovo
Albanian women. What will future
generations make of this? Can be read
(and sample prize winning photos can be
seen) at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/artinthe.htm
5) "Afghan Operation Leaves Russia
'Encircled' by US and NATO,"
by Sergey Ptichkin and Aleksey Chichkin
can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/encircle.htm
6) 'Gaping Holes in the 'CIA vs. bin
Laden Story,' by * JARED ISRAEL can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/probestop-i.htm
6a) 'Bush & the Media Cover up the Jihad
Schoolbook Scandal,' By * JARED ISRAEL at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/jihad.htm
7) 'Did any major power NOT fund the
Kostunica campaign?' can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/everybody's.htm
8) 'The Black Hole,' by Petar Makara
documents that 'Yugoslavia' was removed
from the Britanica when the existence of
said country became politically
incorrect. Can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/multiple/blackhole.html
9) Alijah Izetbegovic was portrayed in
the Western media as a moderate in
favor of a multiethnic Bosnia. Nothing
could be further from the truth. For a
revealing quote from his book, "Islamic
Declaration," and a bit on his role
during World War II, see "JOE LIEBERMAN -
APOLOGIST FOR THE FASCIST KLA" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/garris/duringthe.htm#1
10) 'The Other Side of the Story,' by
Dusan Vilic and Bosko Todorovic.
Written by two retired Yugoslav generals
with access to never-before released
army orders, this truly amazing book
documents the ways the Yugoslav Army
strove to fight NATO-backed terrorists in
a civilian-friendly way, thus
demonstrating that contrary to Chomsky,
counter-terrorism need not equal
terror. The issue of civilian relations
is discussed throughout including in
chapter seven which can be accessed at
http://emperors-clothes.com/book/book7.htm
The book can be accessed in full, or, for
quicker loading,
chapter-by-chapter, starting with chapter
one. For whole book go to
http://www.icdsm.org/more/book.htm
or for chapter one (with link to chapter
two, and so on) go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/book/book1.htm
11) 'Congressman: U.S. Set Up
Anti-Taliban to be Slaughtered,' includes
text of Congressional hearing and comments by
* JARED ISRAEL. Go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/misc/rohr.htm
12) DOS stands for Democratic Opposition
of Serbia, a charming use of
language, since these 'democrats'
overthrew the elected Yugoslav government
and burned the Parliament and these
'Serbs' were given what were in Serbian
terms astronomical amounts of money by
the US and other states in the new
Empire in exchange for 'their' nation.
For more information, see these two
texts, which also have useful references
found in 'sections marked Footnotes'
or 'Further Reading':
* a) "Kostunica Says Some Backers
'Unconsciously work for American Imperial
Goals...'" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
[Includes the infamous remark that the US
shipped 'suitcases of cash' to DOS]
* b) 'US Arrogance and Yugoslav lections' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
13) On NATO's use of UN-paid terrorists
to attack Macedonia see: "SORRY,
VIRGINIA, BUT THEY ARE NATO TROOPS, NOT
'REBELS'" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/mac/times.htm
[Note - If you are not familiar with what
has been done to Macedonia, the
phrase "UN-paid terrorists" may sound
like the worst hyperbole. But read the
article and you will see that it is
understatement.]
14) For documentation of claim that much
of Taliban has been incorporated
into the new Afghan Army, go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/oil-1.htm#1
15) In 'Death on a Very Small Planet' we
have posted strikingly similar
pictures of the destruction caused by
September 11th and by NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia. Can be viewed at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/1/rem.htm
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PART 2 - CONVERSATION WITH AMBASSADOR
BORISLAV MILOSEVIC, SLOBODAN'S BROTHER
* JARED ISRAEL (CONTINUED)
And this current tendency to reduce human
existence to one equivalent evil,
where 'humanitarian' means 'bombing' and
resistance to terrorism is by
definition virtually the same as terror,
where it is considered natural for
ethnic groups to try to kill each other
and we are supposed to root for
whichever side the Imperial media has
portrayed as victims so that whatever
they do is justified as "revenge" against
whatever group has currently been
labeled "just like Hitler" - that, it
seems to me, is what your brother has
been fighting. That is why I'm supporting
him. Sorry for my long speech!
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC [In English]
Yes yes! No, no it's very good speech!
[In Serbo-Croatian] The whole concept
that your government is trying to
impose on the world is very similar to
what they preached when there was a
bipolar world, creating a positive force
and its opponent, a negative force,
which today is called international
terrorism; and in that struggle
everything is allowed. And nobody may be
neutral in that fight.
So in the conditions of world supremacy
of one power, the tendency for having
new armaments of mass destruction, new
lethal arms is increasing and it leads
to development and strengthening of
terrorism. International terrorism cannot
be suppressed by the use of force alone,
especially, as you correctly pointed
out, when the supreme power is itself
organizing terrorism in various ways in
Kosovo, in Afghanistan, in Chechnya. So
international security can be created
only on the basis of universality, and
not on the basis of isolation and
destruction of several countries that
allegedly represent some axis of evil.
And you have correctly pointed out that
many organizations defined as
terrorist for instance and especially in
the Middle East, were created and
are still controlled by the American
secret services.
And the American policy has created great
harm in other ways. There is the
destruction of the environment and the
economy in Yugoslavia because of the
attack. And there is the increasing
danger of both nuclear accident and
nuclear war.
* JARED ISRAEL
I think you made a very important point,
that the Empire wishes to create the
perception of a bipolar world, in which
they are one pole and the other is
terrorism.
This Empire's thinkers are aware that
every action has an equal and opposite
reaction. Because it's a law of politics,
isn't it? So opposition inevitably
develops. And because they are clever,
instead of only attacking the
opposition, the Empire tries to mold the
opposition. How can they lose if
they are fighting something they control?
Their own nightmare image, in effect.
By declaring this war on terrorism, they
are fighting forces which they
covertly control. Then they also defend
these terrorists, whom they actually
organized, by means of the 'human rights'
apparatus which they also control -
and this ends up luring some people into
sympathy and support for the
terrorists.
Such people may not be thinking clearly
or maybe they've just fallen into the
natural reaction that "the enemy of my
enemy is my friend" - it's a human
trait to think that way. So we see people
on what considers itself the Left
in the West making heroes out of the
Taliban and other terrorists. But these
terrorists are not fundamentally
opponents of this Empire. The Taliban,
for example, are victims of a guiding
principle of this Empire, which is, "We
have no friends, we only have future
victims." This Empire may attack those
whom it supported yesterday, as the need
arises. The Taliban were supported
by them (11) and then abruptly they
became a target because the US needed an
excuse, or more properly, the Empire
needed an excuse, because it is not the
same as the US, this Empire is above the
US government, the Empire needed an
excuse to move into Central Asia. This
was for geopolitical reasons. They
wanted to give Central Asian nations the
DOS (12) treatment, which is
penetration by Fifth Column
organizations, and we see this now going
on in Central Asia accompanied by military
penetration and the corruption of the
remnants of the Soviet officer corps
disguised as military aid and training.
The goal is to build a force in these
countries capable of striking Russia.
The Empire knows that Russia, in alliance
with China, is the primary real
threat to their control.
None of this is contradicted by Mr.
Putin's complete capitulation. As we saw
with Macedonia, capitulation does not
protect a country from attack by this
Empire. Indeed, the experience of the
Taliban shows that even being created
by this Empire won't help if they decide
to recycle you! (13)
So this move to complete the encirclement
of Russia is justified by the "war
against Terrorism." And so some people in
the peace movement, perhaps not
giving enough thought to what's going on,
but simply reacting to the
appearance, which is that the Empire is
attacking Islamic fundamentalist
terrorists - some people conclude that
the fundamentalists are an ally in
resisting NATO. Meanwhile, in fact, huge
numbers of Taliban are being
incorporated into the new Afghan army
(14) which is still a Fundamentalist
army, just more directly under Imperial
control and with an end to local
squabbling, or so they hope.
When Russia was the opposite pole, that
was a problem. Russia had positive
ideas and practices regarding social
equality. It was weak on democracy and
sometimes on international morality but
strong on social equality, and this
encouraged dangerous egalitarianism. But
with Islamic terrorists as the
opposite pole, when potential opponents
are drawn to the opposite pole, what
are they idolizing? The most backward and
fascistic forces - the very people
Saudi Arabia and US used to destroy the
secular state in Afghanistan.
So these jihad terrorists, the most
brutal killers, who condone violence
against women, whose definition of
democracy is enforcing the Quran, who
advocate religious war - these fanatics
become the heroes for kids who want
to change the world. What a nightmare.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC
It is a difficult situation.
Regarding this, let me say something
about the war on terror. We in
Yugoslavia consider September 11th a
tragic event.
Perhaps your readers are not aware of the
horrific destruction done to my
country [during the NATO attack on
Yugoslavia]. This was a war of terror. It
was launched to support terrorists in
Kosovo. And it was conducted by planes
dropping bombs, often encased in uranium,
from a great height, not by troops
on the ground. Terrible destruction,
massive killings, environmental
devastation. And all carried out from a
great height. Against a country which
hadn't invaded or threatened anyone. So
this too was terror. (15)
But we take no satisfaction regarding
Sept. 11. On the contrary, we
sympathize with those who have suffered
in the US.
It is understandable that people in your
country would have strong reactions
when those terrible events happened last
September. But now time has passed.
A more thoughtful approach may be taken.
A road of peace may be pursued. I
hope that people in your country will
think deeply about these questions. It
is very important to the world.
* JARED ISRAEL
Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC [In English]
OK, Israel. It was very very big pleasure
for me and I am very pleased to
contact to you like this and thank you
very much. Very big pleasure for me.
* JARED ISRAEL
Well, thank your mother and father for
having produced two men who have
contributed so much to the world.
* BORISLAV MILOSEVIC [Laughs. Says in
English]:
Don't overestimate things.
* JARED ISRAEL
But it's the truth. Where would we be
without Serbia? You resisted. What can
I say? The Serbs seem to do it every
time.
***
Join our email list at
http://emperors-clothes.com/f.htm
Receive articles posted on Emperor's
Clothes.
Click here to email the link to this
article to a friend.
Further Reading:
1) 'MEDIA MISREPRESENTATION OF
MILOSEVIC'S WORDS: A REVIEW OF THE
EVIDENCE,'
by Professor Francisco Gil-White can be
read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/gw.htm
2) 'Milosevic Speech at Kosovo Field
(1989),' can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/milosaid.html
3) 'BY ADDING THREE LIES, ONE DOES NOT
GET THE TRUTH - ONLY A BIGGER LIE,' is
a statement Slobodan Milosevic made
during a pre-'trial' hearing at The
Hague. It contradicts what one might
expect Milosevic to say, based on his
portrait as drawn in the Western media.
Can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/30jan.htm#1
4) In the classic text, 'Seeing
Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass: Politics,
Media and the Ideology of Globalization,'
Diana Johnstone quotes a
semi-internal publication of the very
anti-Milosevic International Crisis
Group which states that Albanian
secessionists in fact boycotted
Albanian-language institutions in Serbia
(as opposed to having been deprived
of such cultural institutions by supposed
racists, as they and the Western
media claimed.) In other words, they and
the Western 'experts' lied. The
relevant quote is at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/Johnstone/1yugo.htm#kspring
Ms. Johnstone's article is generally
instructive in seeing through the dark
glass of misinformation about Yugoslavia.
4a) Speaking of 'provocative images,' in
'Art in the New World Order,'
written in spring of 2000, a news
photographer discusses the amazing fact
that from 1998 to 2000 virtually all the
top photojournalism awards were
given for pictures of crying Kosovo
Albanian women. What will future
generations make of this? Can be read
(and sample prize winning photos can be
seen) at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/artinthe.htm
5) "Afghan Operation Leaves Russia
'Encircled' by US and NATO,"
by Sergey Ptichkin and Aleksey Chichkin
can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/encircle.htm
6) 'Gaping Holes in the 'CIA vs. bin
Laden Story,' by * JARED ISRAEL can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/probestop-i.htm
6a) 'Bush & the Media Cover up the Jihad
Schoolbook Scandal,' By * JARED ISRAEL at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/jihad.htm
7) 'Did any major power NOT fund the
Kostunica campaign?' can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/everybody's.htm
8) 'The Black Hole,' by Petar Makara
documents that 'Yugoslavia' was removed
from the Britanica when the existence of
said country became politically
incorrect. Can be read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/multiple/blackhole.html
9) Alijah Izetbegovic was portrayed in
the Western media as a moderate in
favor of a multiethnic Bosnia. Nothing
could be further from the truth. For a
revealing quote from his book, "Islamic
Declaration," and a bit on his role
during World War II, see "JOE LIEBERMAN -
APOLOGIST FOR THE FASCIST KLA" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/garris/duringthe.htm#1
10) 'The Other Side of the Story,' by
Dusan Vilic and Bosko Todorovic.
Written by two retired Yugoslav generals
with access to never-before released
army orders, this truly amazing book
documents the ways the Yugoslav Army
strove to fight NATO-backed terrorists in
a civilian-friendly way, thus
demonstrating that contrary to Chomsky,
counter-terrorism need not equal
terror. The issue of civilian relations
is discussed throughout including in
chapter seven which can be accessed at
http://emperors-clothes.com/book/book7.htm
The book can be accessed in full, or, for
quicker loading,
chapter-by-chapter, starting with chapter
one. For whole book go to
http://www.icdsm.org/more/book.htm
or for chapter one (with link to chapter
two, and so on) go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/book/book1.htm
11) 'Congressman: U.S. Set Up
Anti-Taliban to be Slaughtered,' includes
text of Congressional hearing and comments by
* JARED ISRAEL. Go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/misc/rohr.htm
12) DOS stands for Democratic Opposition
of Serbia, a charming use of
language, since these 'democrats'
overthrew the elected Yugoslav government
and burned the Parliament and these
'Serbs' were given what were in Serbian
terms astronomical amounts of money by
the US and other states in the new
Empire in exchange for 'their' nation.
For more information, see these two
texts, which also have useful references
found in 'sections marked Footnotes'
or 'Further Reading':
* a) "Kostunica Says Some Backers
'Unconsciously work for American Imperial
Goals...'" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm
[Includes the infamous remark that the US
shipped 'suitcases of cash' to DOS]
* b) 'US Arrogance and Yugoslav lections' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
13) On NATO's use of UN-paid terrorists
to attack Macedonia see: "SORRY,
VIRGINIA, BUT THEY ARE NATO TROOPS, NOT
'REBELS'" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/mac/times.htm
[Note - If you are not familiar with what
has been done to Macedonia, the
phrase "UN-paid terrorists" may sound
like the worst hyperbole. But read the
article and you will see that it is
understatement.]
14) For documentation of claim that much
of Taliban has been incorporated
into the new Afghan Army, go to
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/oil-1.htm#1
15) In 'Death on a Very Small Planet' we
have posted strikingly similar
pictures of the destruction caused by
September 11th and by NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia. Can be viewed at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/1/rem.htm
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INDAGATO DJUKANOVIC: CACCIA AL TESORO DEL PRESIDENTE/ANSA
INDAGATO DJUKANOVIC: CACCIA AL TESORO DEL PRESIDENTE/ANSA
Subject: Novi tekst na ARTEL
GEOPOLITIKA- Vladislav
Jovanovic: Problem izbeglica i
raseljenih lica, kao i nestalih Srba na KiM
Date: Sun, 2 Jun 2002 21:12:18 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
office@...
Datum:02 juni 2002
Vladislav Jovanovi?: PROBLEM IZBEGLICA I
RASELJENIH LICA, KAO I NESTALIH SRBA NA
kOSOVU I METOHIJI
Izlaganje Vladislava Jovanovi?a, bivseg MIP-a SRJ
na okruglom stolu Beogradskog foruma odrzanom u
Etnografskom muzeju u Beogradu na temu "Problem
izbeglica u SRJ i nestalih lica sa Kosova i
Metohije"
Beograd, 24 maj 2002
O izbeglicama i prognanicima iz Hrvatske i BiH,
odnosno sa Kosova i Metohije, koji su nasli
uto?iste u SRJ, tzv. me|unarodna zajednica nerado
govori, a jos manje je spremna da adekvatnije
u?estvuje u pokrivanju najnu?nijih troskova
njihovog golog opstanka. Na njih se gleda kao na
izbeglice drugog reda i stavljaju se na za?elje
liste izbeglica koje se nalaze u drugim bivsim
jugoslovenskim republikama. Dvostruki standard
koji je tokom jugoslovenske krize razvijeni deo
medjunarodne zajednice sistematski primenjivao na
stetu srpskog naroda i SRJ, dobio je u slu?aju
izbeglica posebno cini?an prizvuk. Iako su bili
nedvosmislene ?rtve politike i prakse etni?kog
?is?enja u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu i Metohiji,
izbeglice u Jugoslaviji se diskriminisu i
tretiraju kao nuz produkt politike SRJ, odnosno
Srbije u jugoslovenskoj krizi. Kao takvima, za
njihove patnje i potucanje ima se manje
razumevanja i vrsi se veoma mali pritisak na
vlasti u Hrvatskoj i BiH, odnosno na Kosovu i
Metohiji da im se omogu?i sto raniji povratak u
garantovanim - bezbednosnim i pristojnim
materijalnim uslovima.
Specifi?nost polo?aja izbeglica u Hrvatskoj i BiH
je u tome sto su oni trostruko diskiminisani:
1. kao ?rtve etni?kog ?is?enja u spomenutim
bivsim jugoslovenskim republikama,
2. kao ?rtve osmogodisnje politike sveobuhvatnih
ekonomskih sankcija protiv SRJ gde su ih nevolje
dovele i
3. kao ?rtve tromese?ne agresije NATO na SRJ koja
je osetno smanjila i onako istanjene ekonomske
mogu?nosti Jugoslavije da im vise poma?e i tokom
koje su pogodjeni i neki centri za kolektivan
smestaj izbeglica.
Specifi?nost i ironija polo?aja prognanika sa
Kosova je u tome sto je do njihovog pogroma i
proterivanja doslo posle zavrsetka rata, kada je
realizovanje rezolucije SB 1244 bilo garantovano
od strane UNMIK-a i 50 hiljada do zuba naoru?anih
vojnika NATO-a. Oni nisu ?rtve rata, kao sto
propaganda NATO-a ?eli da predstavi, nego mira
koji je NATO pretvorio u osvetni?ki rat vra?enih
pripadnika OVK protiv nenaoru?anih srpskih i
romskih civila. Prvi put u istoriji aktivnosti
OUN jedna njena mirovna operacija je iskoris?ena
za sprovdjenje politike genocida nad delom naroda
na ?ijoj suverenoj teritoriji se operacija
ostvaruje.
Zbog nespre?avanja takvih zlo?ina i selektivnog
implementiranja rezolucije1244, nije preterano
konstatovati da su UNMIK i KFOR pristali da budu
sau?esnici u po?injenim zlo?inima nad Srbima i
Romima. Paradoksalan je podatak da je SRJ,
odnosno Srbija, najvise optu?ivana za nastanak i
trajanje ratnih sukoba na tlu prethodne SFRJ, a
da su najbrojnije ?rtve etni?kog ?is?enja upravo
njeni sunarodnici. To je najre?itiji dokaz
neosnovanosti i zlonamernosti takvih optu?bi.
Njihov pravi cilj je da se prikrije i umanji
primarna odgovornost onih stranih krugova koji su
raniju SFRJ pustili niz vodu i doprineli njenom
razbijanju, kao i odgovornost separatisti?kih
elita u bivsim jugoslovenskim republikama i na
Kosovu i Metohiji koji su projekte oru?ane
secesije neposredno izveli. Posebna odgovornost
le?i na UNMIK i KFOR-u sto su dozvolili da u zoni
njihove neposredne odgovornosti dodje do brojnih
ubistava i masovnog uns{tavanja ili prisvajanja
imovine prognanih Srba i Roma, kao i do masovnih
i sistematskih otmica preko 1 300 Srba.
Neprihvatljiv je argumenat me|unarodne zajednice
da je to posledica prethodnog sukoba na Kosovu,
odnosno da se radi o odmazdi albanskih terorista
zbog gubitaka koje su pretrpeli tokom sukoba sa
nasom vojskom i policijom. Rezolucija SB 1244 je
garantovala li?nu, kolektivnu i imovinsku
bezbednost svih stanovnika Kosova i Metohije.
KFOR i UNMIK su preuzeli obavezu da osiguraju
primenu te rezolucije u praksi i to bez ikakvog
odlaganja. Oni to jos nisu sproveli - kada je re?
o slobodi i osnovnim ljudskim pravima Srba i
Roma. Ako su o?ekivali krvavu osvetu Albanaca nad
Srbima i Romima, nisu smeli dopustiti da
naoru?ana OVK iz Makedonije i Albanije udje na
teritoriju Kosova i Metohije. Takodje, KFOR je
morao osigurati da povratak albanskih izbeglica
iz spomenutih zemalja bude kontrolisan i pod
njegovim vojnim nadzorom, kako bi se izbegla
stihija i anarhija koji su, odmah posle
povla?enja Vojske Jugoslavije i policije sa
Kosova i Metohije, zavladale tom pokrajinom.
Klju?ne zemlje NATO nemaju za takav propust
nikakav alibi. Znale su, a ako nisu znale onda su
to morale znati, da se mogu o?ekivati masovni
zlo?ini nad Srbima i Romima. Isto tako, znale su
kako se postupa u sli?nim situacijama, ali nisu
preduzele preventivne mere. Morale su se
inspirisati primerom iz vlastite proslosti, kada
su Velika Britanija i Francuska pri kraju Prvog
svetskog rata zabranile pobedni?koj Vojsci Srbije
da prodre u Bugarsku, sa obrazlo?enjem da bi
brojni zlo?ini bugarske okupatorske vojske u
Srbiji mogli dovesti do osvete srpske vojske nad
bugarskim stanovnistvom. Iste te zemlje NATO jos
nisu objasnile zasto ih takvi humanitarni razlozi
nisi naveli da spre?e masovne zlo?ine OVK nad
Srbima i Romima. Utoliko pre sto su oni, posle
odlaska jugoslovenske vojske i policije, bili
potpuno nezasti?eni i moglo se predvideti da ?e
biti ?rtve odmazdi od strane pomahnitalih
Albanaca. Ako bi se striktno primenjivala pravila
Statuta Haskog tribunala, najvisi rukovodioci
NATO morali bi se smatrati krivi?no odgovornim
zato sto su znali sta ?e se dogoditi na Kosovu i
Metohiji, a nisu nista preduzeli da do toga ne
dodje. Kad je do masovnih albanskih zlo?ina
doslo, oni su otvoreno umanjivali njihov obim,
dok zlo?ine u vezi sa nestalim Srbima do danas
prikrivaju ili istinu o njima saopstavaju samo u
malim dozama i u du?im vremenskim razmacima.
Prema podacima jugoslovenskog Crvenog krsta, SRJ
je doma?in oko 600 hiljada izbeglica i privremeno
raseljenih lica iz Hrvatske, BiH i sa Kosova i
Metohije. Mogu?e je da ih ima i vise od toga, jer
ih je do pre par godina bilo skoro 1 milion. Ali
i ako se zadr?imo samo na podacima jugoslovenskog
Crvenog krsta, treba re?i da je to daleko najve?i
broj izbeglica i raseljenih lica koji se u ovom
trenutku nalaze u jednoj evropskoj zemlji.
S obzirom na toliki broj izbeglica i bitno
umanjene ekonomske mogu?nosti SRJ usled sankcija
i agresije, mo?emo polo?aj najve?eg broja
izbeglica ozna?iti kao trenutno najve?u
humanitarnu katastrofu u Evropi. Ogroman broj
izbeglica ?ivi u nemogu?im fizi?kim i
materijalnim uslovima. Bez trajnog posla, oni
nemaju nikakvu porodi?nu imovinu, a bez realnih
nada da ?e se u dogledno vreme vratiti u
nekadasnje domove, oni nemaju ni elementarnu
?ivotnu perspektivu. Objektivno gledano,
prepusteni su sami sebi. Me|unarodna zajednica ih
tretira sa sve ve?om ravnodusnos?u i smanjuje i
dosadasnju skromnu finansijsku pomo?. Zaokupljena
brojnim vlastitim, politi?kim i materijalnim
problemima, SRJ nije u stanju ili nije previse
voljna da prema njima ispolji ve?u solidarnost i
pru?i im adekvatniju zastitu.
Posebno je tragi?na i optu?uju?a situacija u vezi
sa 1 300 nestalih Srba na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Njihovi najbli?i srodnici nemaju ?ak ni osnovno
pravo na informaciju sta se sa njima desilo.
Pravo na informaciju je preduslov za koris?enje
svakog drugog ljudskog prava. Sampioni odbrane
ljudskih prava ne ?ine nista efektivno da se
istina o nestalim Srbima utvrdi i prava njihovih
porodica da je saznaju zastiti. Organi UNMIK i
KFOR guraju to neprijatno pitanje pod tepih, jer
im je va?nije da sa ve?inskim Albancima na Kosovu
i Metohiji ostanu u dobrim odnosima, nego da
otkrivaju i gone njihove zlo?ine nad Srbima.
Zvani?ne vlasti u SRJ i Srbiji vode o tome
ra?una, ali je njihova aktivnost vise
deklarativna nego sustinska. Revnosno ispunjavaju
sve zahteve razvijenog dela medjunarodne
zajednice koji se odnose na albanske zatvorenike
i osudjenike u Srbiji, ali se ne usdj|uju da
njihovo pustanje uslove oslobadjanjem nestalih
Srba ili bar dobijanjem pune i istinite
informacije o njihovoj sudbini.
Inferiorni polo?aj zvani?nih vlasti prema
zapadnom delu me|unarodne zajednice ne pru?a nadu
da ?e se njihova efikasnost u pitanju nestalih
Srba bitnije pove?ati. Resenje se nalazi u
dramati?nom poja?avanju nacionalnog i
medjunarodnog pritiska na UNMIK, KFOR i one
faktore koji ih stite i usmeravaju, radi
naterivanja da sto pre podnesu potpuni izvestaj o
sudbini nestalih Srba i preduzetim merama za
gonjenje i ka?njavanje albanskih krivaca za te
zlo?ine. Za sadasnji te?ak i bezperspektivni
polo?aj najve?eg broja izbeglica i raseljenih
lica u SRJ glavnu krivicu snosi medjunarodna
zajednica koja je mesanjem u jugoslovensku krizu
ubrzala razbijanje SFRJ i pristrasnos?u u korist
Hrvatske, BiH i kosovskih Albanaca pre?utno
opstruisala masovniji povratak izbeglica svojim
rodnim mestima. Medjutim, deo krivice snosi i
prethodna vlast koja je izbeglice dugo dr?ala u
neizvesnosti u pogledu njihove realne budu?nosti,
kao i sadasnja vlast DOS-a koja nastavlja sa
istom politikom. U oba slu?aja, interesi i
izborne ra?unice politi?kih partija na vlasti su
bili i ostali iznad elementarnih nacionalnih
interesa kada je re? o problemima izbeglica i
raseljenih lica. Medjutim, problemi tih lica su
tako veliki i jedinstveni da moraju biti
posmatrani i resavani iznad interesa bilo koje
politi?ke stranke ili koalicije na vlasti. Na
izgon skoro jednog miliona nasih sunarodnika iz
doju?erasnjih delova jedinstvene dr?ave mora se
gledati kao na elementarnu nesre?u nevidjenih
razmera. Takva vanredna nesre?a zahteva
preduzimanje vanrednih mera, ne manjih od onih
koje je SFRJ preduzimala posle velikih
zemljotresa u Skoplju, Banjaluci i Crnoj Gori.
Polaze?i od toga, predla?em da ovaj okrugli sto
usvoji slede?e zaklju?ke i s njima upozna Saveznu
i obe republi?ke vlade i javnost nase zemlje:
1. Da sva lica srpske i crnogorske narodnosti
automatski postaju jugoslovenski dr?avljani ?im
stupe na teritoriju SRJ sa namerom da u njoj
dobiju zastitu od progona u drugoj dr?avi ili da
u njoj ?ive. Sva takva lica koja godinama imaju
status izbeglica automatski ?e se smatrati
jugoslovenskim dr?avljanima. Kao inspiracija i
primer za takvo postupanje mogu da slu?e Izrael i
S.R. Nema?ka koje pravo na automatsko sticanje
dr?avljanstva Izraela odnosno, Nema?ke priznaju
svim licima svog etnikuma ?im stupe na tle
Izraela, odnosno Nema?ke, sa namerom da tamo
ostanu. Argumenat koji je do sada koris?en da bi
lako sticanje jugoslovenskog dr?avljanstva
destimulisalo izbeglice na povratak u Hrvatsku
ili BiH nije odr?iv, jer ih nase dr?avljanstvo ne
spre?ava da zadr?e i dr?avljanstvo Hrvatske ili
BiH. S druge strane, to ne bi oslobodilo Hrvatsku
i BiH obaveze da im osiguraju uslove za povratak,
jer se ne bi moglo tuma?iti kao opcija izbeglica,
ve? samo kao poboljsavanje njihovog polo?aja.
2. Da se, u cilju pru?anja trajne i potpune
zastite izbeglica, njihove maloletne dece,
invalida rata i ratnih siro?adi, donese odluka
(zakon) o osnivanju Fondacije solidarnosti za
period od 20 godina, u koju bi se redovno slivala
sredstva iz obavezne solidarnosti svih plate?no
sposobnih gradjana SRJ, redovni doprinosi
preduze?a, redovni prilozi nase dijaspore i
donacije zemalja koje najvise u?estvuju u
pru?anju humanitarne pomo?i, kao i onih koje su
u?estvovale u bombardovanju SRJ. Fondacija bi
bila pod najstro?im finansijskim re?imom, njeno
poslovanje bi bilo redovno kontrolisano i potpuno
transparentno.
3. Da Vlada SRJ, preko Generalne skupstine OUN,
zatra?i od Stalnog medjunarodnog suda pravde u
Hagu, kao organa OUN, zvani?no tuma?enje da li
rezolucija SB 1244 treba da bude sveobuhvatno, a
ne selektivno implementirana i da li OUN, koja
vrsi privremenu administrativnu i policijsku
vlast, i NATO, koji dr?i Kosovo i Metohiju pod
svojom neposrednom vojnom kontrolom, imaju
obavezu da, zbog propustanja da im osiguraju
li?nu i imovinsku bezbednost, prognanim Srbima i
Romima, kao i porodicama nestalih Srba, isplate
odgovaraju?u finansijsku nadoknadu zbog
izgubljenih ?ivota i imovine, kao i pretrpljene
patnje i dusevnog bola.
GEOPOLITIKA- Vladislav
Jovanovic: Problem izbeglica i
raseljenih lica, kao i nestalih Srba na KiM
Date: Sun, 2 Jun 2002 21:12:18 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
office@...
Datum:02 juni 2002
Vladislav Jovanovi?: PROBLEM IZBEGLICA I
RASELJENIH LICA, KAO I NESTALIH SRBA NA
kOSOVU I METOHIJI
Izlaganje Vladislava Jovanovi?a, bivseg MIP-a SRJ
na okruglom stolu Beogradskog foruma odrzanom u
Etnografskom muzeju u Beogradu na temu "Problem
izbeglica u SRJ i nestalih lica sa Kosova i
Metohije"
Beograd, 24 maj 2002
O izbeglicama i prognanicima iz Hrvatske i BiH,
odnosno sa Kosova i Metohije, koji su nasli
uto?iste u SRJ, tzv. me|unarodna zajednica nerado
govori, a jos manje je spremna da adekvatnije
u?estvuje u pokrivanju najnu?nijih troskova
njihovog golog opstanka. Na njih se gleda kao na
izbeglice drugog reda i stavljaju se na za?elje
liste izbeglica koje se nalaze u drugim bivsim
jugoslovenskim republikama. Dvostruki standard
koji je tokom jugoslovenske krize razvijeni deo
medjunarodne zajednice sistematski primenjivao na
stetu srpskog naroda i SRJ, dobio je u slu?aju
izbeglica posebno cini?an prizvuk. Iako su bili
nedvosmislene ?rtve politike i prakse etni?kog
?is?enja u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu i Metohiji,
izbeglice u Jugoslaviji se diskriminisu i
tretiraju kao nuz produkt politike SRJ, odnosno
Srbije u jugoslovenskoj krizi. Kao takvima, za
njihove patnje i potucanje ima se manje
razumevanja i vrsi se veoma mali pritisak na
vlasti u Hrvatskoj i BiH, odnosno na Kosovu i
Metohiji da im se omogu?i sto raniji povratak u
garantovanim - bezbednosnim i pristojnim
materijalnim uslovima.
Specifi?nost polo?aja izbeglica u Hrvatskoj i BiH
je u tome sto su oni trostruko diskiminisani:
1. kao ?rtve etni?kog ?is?enja u spomenutim
bivsim jugoslovenskim republikama,
2. kao ?rtve osmogodisnje politike sveobuhvatnih
ekonomskih sankcija protiv SRJ gde su ih nevolje
dovele i
3. kao ?rtve tromese?ne agresije NATO na SRJ koja
je osetno smanjila i onako istanjene ekonomske
mogu?nosti Jugoslavije da im vise poma?e i tokom
koje su pogodjeni i neki centri za kolektivan
smestaj izbeglica.
Specifi?nost i ironija polo?aja prognanika sa
Kosova je u tome sto je do njihovog pogroma i
proterivanja doslo posle zavrsetka rata, kada je
realizovanje rezolucije SB 1244 bilo garantovano
od strane UNMIK-a i 50 hiljada do zuba naoru?anih
vojnika NATO-a. Oni nisu ?rtve rata, kao sto
propaganda NATO-a ?eli da predstavi, nego mira
koji je NATO pretvorio u osvetni?ki rat vra?enih
pripadnika OVK protiv nenaoru?anih srpskih i
romskih civila. Prvi put u istoriji aktivnosti
OUN jedna njena mirovna operacija je iskoris?ena
za sprovdjenje politike genocida nad delom naroda
na ?ijoj suverenoj teritoriji se operacija
ostvaruje.
Zbog nespre?avanja takvih zlo?ina i selektivnog
implementiranja rezolucije1244, nije preterano
konstatovati da su UNMIK i KFOR pristali da budu
sau?esnici u po?injenim zlo?inima nad Srbima i
Romima. Paradoksalan je podatak da je SRJ,
odnosno Srbija, najvise optu?ivana za nastanak i
trajanje ratnih sukoba na tlu prethodne SFRJ, a
da su najbrojnije ?rtve etni?kog ?is?enja upravo
njeni sunarodnici. To je najre?itiji dokaz
neosnovanosti i zlonamernosti takvih optu?bi.
Njihov pravi cilj je da se prikrije i umanji
primarna odgovornost onih stranih krugova koji su
raniju SFRJ pustili niz vodu i doprineli njenom
razbijanju, kao i odgovornost separatisti?kih
elita u bivsim jugoslovenskim republikama i na
Kosovu i Metohiji koji su projekte oru?ane
secesije neposredno izveli. Posebna odgovornost
le?i na UNMIK i KFOR-u sto su dozvolili da u zoni
njihove neposredne odgovornosti dodje do brojnih
ubistava i masovnog uns{tavanja ili prisvajanja
imovine prognanih Srba i Roma, kao i do masovnih
i sistematskih otmica preko 1 300 Srba.
Neprihvatljiv je argumenat me|unarodne zajednice
da je to posledica prethodnog sukoba na Kosovu,
odnosno da se radi o odmazdi albanskih terorista
zbog gubitaka koje su pretrpeli tokom sukoba sa
nasom vojskom i policijom. Rezolucija SB 1244 je
garantovala li?nu, kolektivnu i imovinsku
bezbednost svih stanovnika Kosova i Metohije.
KFOR i UNMIK su preuzeli obavezu da osiguraju
primenu te rezolucije u praksi i to bez ikakvog
odlaganja. Oni to jos nisu sproveli - kada je re?
o slobodi i osnovnim ljudskim pravima Srba i
Roma. Ako su o?ekivali krvavu osvetu Albanaca nad
Srbima i Romima, nisu smeli dopustiti da
naoru?ana OVK iz Makedonije i Albanije udje na
teritoriju Kosova i Metohije. Takodje, KFOR je
morao osigurati da povratak albanskih izbeglica
iz spomenutih zemalja bude kontrolisan i pod
njegovim vojnim nadzorom, kako bi se izbegla
stihija i anarhija koji su, odmah posle
povla?enja Vojske Jugoslavije i policije sa
Kosova i Metohije, zavladale tom pokrajinom.
Klju?ne zemlje NATO nemaju za takav propust
nikakav alibi. Znale su, a ako nisu znale onda su
to morale znati, da se mogu o?ekivati masovni
zlo?ini nad Srbima i Romima. Isto tako, znale su
kako se postupa u sli?nim situacijama, ali nisu
preduzele preventivne mere. Morale su se
inspirisati primerom iz vlastite proslosti, kada
su Velika Britanija i Francuska pri kraju Prvog
svetskog rata zabranile pobedni?koj Vojsci Srbije
da prodre u Bugarsku, sa obrazlo?enjem da bi
brojni zlo?ini bugarske okupatorske vojske u
Srbiji mogli dovesti do osvete srpske vojske nad
bugarskim stanovnistvom. Iste te zemlje NATO jos
nisu objasnile zasto ih takvi humanitarni razlozi
nisi naveli da spre?e masovne zlo?ine OVK nad
Srbima i Romima. Utoliko pre sto su oni, posle
odlaska jugoslovenske vojske i policije, bili
potpuno nezasti?eni i moglo se predvideti da ?e
biti ?rtve odmazdi od strane pomahnitalih
Albanaca. Ako bi se striktno primenjivala pravila
Statuta Haskog tribunala, najvisi rukovodioci
NATO morali bi se smatrati krivi?no odgovornim
zato sto su znali sta ?e se dogoditi na Kosovu i
Metohiji, a nisu nista preduzeli da do toga ne
dodje. Kad je do masovnih albanskih zlo?ina
doslo, oni su otvoreno umanjivali njihov obim,
dok zlo?ine u vezi sa nestalim Srbima do danas
prikrivaju ili istinu o njima saopstavaju samo u
malim dozama i u du?im vremenskim razmacima.
Prema podacima jugoslovenskog Crvenog krsta, SRJ
je doma?in oko 600 hiljada izbeglica i privremeno
raseljenih lica iz Hrvatske, BiH i sa Kosova i
Metohije. Mogu?e je da ih ima i vise od toga, jer
ih je do pre par godina bilo skoro 1 milion. Ali
i ako se zadr?imo samo na podacima jugoslovenskog
Crvenog krsta, treba re?i da je to daleko najve?i
broj izbeglica i raseljenih lica koji se u ovom
trenutku nalaze u jednoj evropskoj zemlji.
S obzirom na toliki broj izbeglica i bitno
umanjene ekonomske mogu?nosti SRJ usled sankcija
i agresije, mo?emo polo?aj najve?eg broja
izbeglica ozna?iti kao trenutno najve?u
humanitarnu katastrofu u Evropi. Ogroman broj
izbeglica ?ivi u nemogu?im fizi?kim i
materijalnim uslovima. Bez trajnog posla, oni
nemaju nikakvu porodi?nu imovinu, a bez realnih
nada da ?e se u dogledno vreme vratiti u
nekadasnje domove, oni nemaju ni elementarnu
?ivotnu perspektivu. Objektivno gledano,
prepusteni su sami sebi. Me|unarodna zajednica ih
tretira sa sve ve?om ravnodusnos?u i smanjuje i
dosadasnju skromnu finansijsku pomo?. Zaokupljena
brojnim vlastitim, politi?kim i materijalnim
problemima, SRJ nije u stanju ili nije previse
voljna da prema njima ispolji ve?u solidarnost i
pru?i im adekvatniju zastitu.
Posebno je tragi?na i optu?uju?a situacija u vezi
sa 1 300 nestalih Srba na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Njihovi najbli?i srodnici nemaju ?ak ni osnovno
pravo na informaciju sta se sa njima desilo.
Pravo na informaciju je preduslov za koris?enje
svakog drugog ljudskog prava. Sampioni odbrane
ljudskih prava ne ?ine nista efektivno da se
istina o nestalim Srbima utvrdi i prava njihovih
porodica da je saznaju zastiti. Organi UNMIK i
KFOR guraju to neprijatno pitanje pod tepih, jer
im je va?nije da sa ve?inskim Albancima na Kosovu
i Metohiji ostanu u dobrim odnosima, nego da
otkrivaju i gone njihove zlo?ine nad Srbima.
Zvani?ne vlasti u SRJ i Srbiji vode o tome
ra?una, ali je njihova aktivnost vise
deklarativna nego sustinska. Revnosno ispunjavaju
sve zahteve razvijenog dela medjunarodne
zajednice koji se odnose na albanske zatvorenike
i osudjenike u Srbiji, ali se ne usdj|uju da
njihovo pustanje uslove oslobadjanjem nestalih
Srba ili bar dobijanjem pune i istinite
informacije o njihovoj sudbini.
Inferiorni polo?aj zvani?nih vlasti prema
zapadnom delu me|unarodne zajednice ne pru?a nadu
da ?e se njihova efikasnost u pitanju nestalih
Srba bitnije pove?ati. Resenje se nalazi u
dramati?nom poja?avanju nacionalnog i
medjunarodnog pritiska na UNMIK, KFOR i one
faktore koji ih stite i usmeravaju, radi
naterivanja da sto pre podnesu potpuni izvestaj o
sudbini nestalih Srba i preduzetim merama za
gonjenje i ka?njavanje albanskih krivaca za te
zlo?ine. Za sadasnji te?ak i bezperspektivni
polo?aj najve?eg broja izbeglica i raseljenih
lica u SRJ glavnu krivicu snosi medjunarodna
zajednica koja je mesanjem u jugoslovensku krizu
ubrzala razbijanje SFRJ i pristrasnos?u u korist
Hrvatske, BiH i kosovskih Albanaca pre?utno
opstruisala masovniji povratak izbeglica svojim
rodnim mestima. Medjutim, deo krivice snosi i
prethodna vlast koja je izbeglice dugo dr?ala u
neizvesnosti u pogledu njihove realne budu?nosti,
kao i sadasnja vlast DOS-a koja nastavlja sa
istom politikom. U oba slu?aja, interesi i
izborne ra?unice politi?kih partija na vlasti su
bili i ostali iznad elementarnih nacionalnih
interesa kada je re? o problemima izbeglica i
raseljenih lica. Medjutim, problemi tih lica su
tako veliki i jedinstveni da moraju biti
posmatrani i resavani iznad interesa bilo koje
politi?ke stranke ili koalicije na vlasti. Na
izgon skoro jednog miliona nasih sunarodnika iz
doju?erasnjih delova jedinstvene dr?ave mora se
gledati kao na elementarnu nesre?u nevidjenih
razmera. Takva vanredna nesre?a zahteva
preduzimanje vanrednih mera, ne manjih od onih
koje je SFRJ preduzimala posle velikih
zemljotresa u Skoplju, Banjaluci i Crnoj Gori.
Polaze?i od toga, predla?em da ovaj okrugli sto
usvoji slede?e zaklju?ke i s njima upozna Saveznu
i obe republi?ke vlade i javnost nase zemlje:
1. Da sva lica srpske i crnogorske narodnosti
automatski postaju jugoslovenski dr?avljani ?im
stupe na teritoriju SRJ sa namerom da u njoj
dobiju zastitu od progona u drugoj dr?avi ili da
u njoj ?ive. Sva takva lica koja godinama imaju
status izbeglica automatski ?e se smatrati
jugoslovenskim dr?avljanima. Kao inspiracija i
primer za takvo postupanje mogu da slu?e Izrael i
S.R. Nema?ka koje pravo na automatsko sticanje
dr?avljanstva Izraela odnosno, Nema?ke priznaju
svim licima svog etnikuma ?im stupe na tle
Izraela, odnosno Nema?ke, sa namerom da tamo
ostanu. Argumenat koji je do sada koris?en da bi
lako sticanje jugoslovenskog dr?avljanstva
destimulisalo izbeglice na povratak u Hrvatsku
ili BiH nije odr?iv, jer ih nase dr?avljanstvo ne
spre?ava da zadr?e i dr?avljanstvo Hrvatske ili
BiH. S druge strane, to ne bi oslobodilo Hrvatsku
i BiH obaveze da im osiguraju uslove za povratak,
jer se ne bi moglo tuma?iti kao opcija izbeglica,
ve? samo kao poboljsavanje njihovog polo?aja.
2. Da se, u cilju pru?anja trajne i potpune
zastite izbeglica, njihove maloletne dece,
invalida rata i ratnih siro?adi, donese odluka
(zakon) o osnivanju Fondacije solidarnosti za
period od 20 godina, u koju bi se redovno slivala
sredstva iz obavezne solidarnosti svih plate?no
sposobnih gradjana SRJ, redovni doprinosi
preduze?a, redovni prilozi nase dijaspore i
donacije zemalja koje najvise u?estvuju u
pru?anju humanitarne pomo?i, kao i onih koje su
u?estvovale u bombardovanju SRJ. Fondacija bi
bila pod najstro?im finansijskim re?imom, njeno
poslovanje bi bilo redovno kontrolisano i potpuno
transparentno.
3. Da Vlada SRJ, preko Generalne skupstine OUN,
zatra?i od Stalnog medjunarodnog suda pravde u
Hagu, kao organa OUN, zvani?no tuma?enje da li
rezolucija SB 1244 treba da bude sveobuhvatno, a
ne selektivno implementirana i da li OUN, koja
vrsi privremenu administrativnu i policijsku
vlast, i NATO, koji dr?i Kosovo i Metohiju pod
svojom neposrednom vojnom kontrolom, imaju
obavezu da, zbog propustanja da im osiguraju
li?nu i imovinsku bezbednost, prognanim Srbima i
Romima, kao i porodicama nestalih Srba, isplate
odgovaraju?u finansijsku nadoknadu zbog
izgubljenih ?ivota i imovine, kao i pretrpljene
patnje i dusevnog bola.
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN No.9
May 28, 2002
WITNESSES PROVE PROSECUTION’S IMPOTENCE
The impotence of The Hague Prosecution is more
and more obvious as days go by. As greater
importance is given to some of the witnesses,
as more evident is that the indictment is based
on mounted and constructed evidence. The best
proof comes from today's cross-examination of
the protected witness K-5, whose identity is no
secret to Yugoslav press, since in yesterday's
papers appeared to be a certain Afrim Sijaku from
the town of Urosevac.
In any case, as the witness himself had said in
his written statement, it is a man who has been
charged for heavy felonies, such as thefts and
assaults, who was a notorious drunkard, while
as a police informer he was well into smuggling
of narcotics and other mafia business. His
testimonial was based on allegations that as
a police informer he tipped the houses of Albanians
linked to the KLA, either the individuals active
within the terrorist organization, on the basis of
what the Police executed alleged liquidations,
arsons and plunders.
However, on Milosevic's questions this witness,
almost evidently scared, denied everything related
to KLA crimes, under whose "treatment" he had been
for several days, as he himself had admitted. While
in his written statement he mentioned having been
afraid of the KLA and of some other Albanians, today
he denied it, even when judge May tried to help
him by asking him whether he was afraid in the
beginning, but not at this moment.
Slobodan Milosevic asked the witness regarding
criminal charges that have been pressed against
him for several times, but he kept denying, even
when Milosevic read the document numbers under
which these charges were pressed - there had been
ten in 1990 only, as was the case in all of the
following years till 1995 - when he had spent
nine months in prison. Those charges were mostly
related to thefts, burglaries, assaults, etc.
The witness, however, had no other explanation but
to deny those facts.
In his written statement, given to The Hague
Prosecution representatives two years ago, this
witness mentioned that, as a Serbian police informer,
he was producing data on drug dealers and thieves.
Still, he had no explanation whatsoever, how could
he have had such data, if not because of being
himself involved in the narcotics business. The
same applied to him recalling the reasons for having
been in prison in 1995 and how come the Serbian
Police could not release him from serving his sentence.
Beside that, his answers to Milosevic’s question
about a Serb, with whom he allegedly had opened a
restaurant and shared stolen goods, proved to be
rather contradictory. He claimed the Serb was one
of Arkan’s "Tigers", but later he testified that
the man in question had served a four-year term in
the Lipljan penitentiary, a period coinciding with
the very length of existence of the so-called
"Tigers". The witness never answered to Milosevic’s
questions - has he been an informer for the sake of
committing crimes much easier and has he been a
thief himself. Sijaku’s testimonial has raised
once again the issue of credibility of The Hague
Prosecution, as well as of credibility of the very
indictment against Milosevic, since it was obviously
based on constructed facts and on witnesses
especially trained for the job.
===*===
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN No.10
May 30, 2002
THE MASSACRE IN RACAK FABRICATED
As far as the cross-examination of the witnesses
of The Hague Prosecution by Slobodan Milosevic goes
on, it gets clearer that the alleged massacre of
civilians was fabricated in order to serve to NATO
aggressors as some kind of pretext to start the
bombing of Yugoslavia.
Yesterdays and today's testimony of the Canadian
general Michel Maisoneuve, who was member of the
OSCE Verification Mission and Head of the Prizren
Regional Center, has shown that, too. From his
testimony one could see that one of the key tasks
of the Prosecution is to present Racak as a crime
against civilians, in order to justify the NATO
aggression. However, as much as the general tried
to respond to the suggestive Prosecutor's questions
and present the Racak events as a brutal crackdown
of the Police with the locals, confronted with
Milosevic's questions he seldom had to confess it
was a conflict between the Police and the KLA
terrorists. After all, the OSCE Mission itself
confirmed that among the deads were KLA members as
well.
General Maisoneuve, for instance, on Milosevic's
question could not deny that the Verification Mission
made efforts to affirm the KLA as a legitimate side
in the conflict, since he was the author of the mission
document where this was explicitly specified and which
Milosevic had quoted. Maisoneuve tried to present this
as an attempt of the mission to establish trust. This
way he also tried to justify the complaint raised by
him and the mission as to why the investigation judge
came to Racak the day after the event escorted by the
Police. However, when asked if it meant that him and
the mission are denying the sovereignty of Yugoslavia
and Serbia on that part of their territory as well
as the right of the legal authorities of the State
to eliminate the terrorists who are violently
struggling for secession, Maisoneuve had to confess
that this would not be right and that he does not
consider this was the task of the mission.
Maisoneuve had to confess that in all of the
occasions when OSCE Mission's verifiers were
present, the Police behaved in a correct and
professional way. In the OSCE reports, however,
brutal crackdowns of Albanian civilians by the
Serbian Police were mentioned, which was done
according to the witness on the basis of
testimonies of the Albanians. Maisoneuve had
problems while explaining the allegations from
the mission reports about Army tank and artillery
attacks on Racak civilian homes from distance.
On a direct question if there were any victims
in Racak of these mortar attacks, the witness
had to admit there were not, reducing his whole
story on Army involvement to him being told by
one of his verifiers that one tank had hit a
house. He was also forced by Milosevic's cross-
examination to deny that Army individuals have
accused the Police for intervening in Racak.
General Maisoneuve tried not to avoid answers to
direct questions, so that Milosevic succeeded to
make his answers more useful to the Defence than
to the Prosecution. That is why judge May did his
best to avoid such a situation. When asked by
Milosevic if, after everything he found out so far
about the Racak events he still personally considers
there had been a massacre, May promptly intervened
and explicitly prevented him from answering that
question.
A totally separate story are the Racak victims,
for whom the OSCE mission chief William Walker
affirmed they were civilian ones killed from a
close range on the same spot, where the day after
dead bodies were found. After the cross-examination
of this witness, as well as of other ones before,
it came out rather evident that these people
perished in combat and were brought to one single
spot in order to make it look as if they were executed.
Milosevic has proved that serious fighting took
place between the Police and the KLA forces,
trenched around the village, and that the bodies
were brought and grouped up after the Police and
OSCE verifiers had withdrawn. This was evident from
the position of the bodies, as well as from the
findings of the forensic teams who examined them.
After a series of usuccessful attempts to build-up
a Walker's fabricated story about Racak through
testimonies of witnesses, the prosecution attempted
to bring one of its own investigators to appear as
witness with special goal - to present to the court
a "summary" of the events in Racak, based on written
statements of "many witnesses" who did not appear,
as well as on tons of "documents" collected by
prosecution. After a sharp complaint by President
Milosevic against the "indirect witnesses", the
"trial chamber" decided not to accept testimony
of the prosecution investigator Barney Kelly. This
was considered by many as one of the greatest defets
of the prosecution, since the begining of the "trial".
===*===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian newspaper
advocating liberation)
May 28, 2002
WITNESSES PROVE PROSECUTION’S IMPOTENCE
The impotence of The Hague Prosecution is more
and more obvious as days go by. As greater
importance is given to some of the witnesses,
as more evident is that the indictment is based
on mounted and constructed evidence. The best
proof comes from today's cross-examination of
the protected witness K-5, whose identity is no
secret to Yugoslav press, since in yesterday's
papers appeared to be a certain Afrim Sijaku from
the town of Urosevac.
In any case, as the witness himself had said in
his written statement, it is a man who has been
charged for heavy felonies, such as thefts and
assaults, who was a notorious drunkard, while
as a police informer he was well into smuggling
of narcotics and other mafia business. His
testimonial was based on allegations that as
a police informer he tipped the houses of Albanians
linked to the KLA, either the individuals active
within the terrorist organization, on the basis of
what the Police executed alleged liquidations,
arsons and plunders.
However, on Milosevic's questions this witness,
almost evidently scared, denied everything related
to KLA crimes, under whose "treatment" he had been
for several days, as he himself had admitted. While
in his written statement he mentioned having been
afraid of the KLA and of some other Albanians, today
he denied it, even when judge May tried to help
him by asking him whether he was afraid in the
beginning, but not at this moment.
Slobodan Milosevic asked the witness regarding
criminal charges that have been pressed against
him for several times, but he kept denying, even
when Milosevic read the document numbers under
which these charges were pressed - there had been
ten in 1990 only, as was the case in all of the
following years till 1995 - when he had spent
nine months in prison. Those charges were mostly
related to thefts, burglaries, assaults, etc.
The witness, however, had no other explanation but
to deny those facts.
In his written statement, given to The Hague
Prosecution representatives two years ago, this
witness mentioned that, as a Serbian police informer,
he was producing data on drug dealers and thieves.
Still, he had no explanation whatsoever, how could
he have had such data, if not because of being
himself involved in the narcotics business. The
same applied to him recalling the reasons for having
been in prison in 1995 and how come the Serbian
Police could not release him from serving his sentence.
Beside that, his answers to Milosevic’s question
about a Serb, with whom he allegedly had opened a
restaurant and shared stolen goods, proved to be
rather contradictory. He claimed the Serb was one
of Arkan’s "Tigers", but later he testified that
the man in question had served a four-year term in
the Lipljan penitentiary, a period coinciding with
the very length of existence of the so-called
"Tigers". The witness never answered to Milosevic’s
questions - has he been an informer for the sake of
committing crimes much easier and has he been a
thief himself. Sijaku’s testimonial has raised
once again the issue of credibility of The Hague
Prosecution, as well as of credibility of the very
indictment against Milosevic, since it was obviously
based on constructed facts and on witnesses
especially trained for the job.
===*===
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN No.10
May 30, 2002
THE MASSACRE IN RACAK FABRICATED
As far as the cross-examination of the witnesses
of The Hague Prosecution by Slobodan Milosevic goes
on, it gets clearer that the alleged massacre of
civilians was fabricated in order to serve to NATO
aggressors as some kind of pretext to start the
bombing of Yugoslavia.
Yesterdays and today's testimony of the Canadian
general Michel Maisoneuve, who was member of the
OSCE Verification Mission and Head of the Prizren
Regional Center, has shown that, too. From his
testimony one could see that one of the key tasks
of the Prosecution is to present Racak as a crime
against civilians, in order to justify the NATO
aggression. However, as much as the general tried
to respond to the suggestive Prosecutor's questions
and present the Racak events as a brutal crackdown
of the Police with the locals, confronted with
Milosevic's questions he seldom had to confess it
was a conflict between the Police and the KLA
terrorists. After all, the OSCE Mission itself
confirmed that among the deads were KLA members as
well.
General Maisoneuve, for instance, on Milosevic's
question could not deny that the Verification Mission
made efforts to affirm the KLA as a legitimate side
in the conflict, since he was the author of the mission
document where this was explicitly specified and which
Milosevic had quoted. Maisoneuve tried to present this
as an attempt of the mission to establish trust. This
way he also tried to justify the complaint raised by
him and the mission as to why the investigation judge
came to Racak the day after the event escorted by the
Police. However, when asked if it meant that him and
the mission are denying the sovereignty of Yugoslavia
and Serbia on that part of their territory as well
as the right of the legal authorities of the State
to eliminate the terrorists who are violently
struggling for secession, Maisoneuve had to confess
that this would not be right and that he does not
consider this was the task of the mission.
Maisoneuve had to confess that in all of the
occasions when OSCE Mission's verifiers were
present, the Police behaved in a correct and
professional way. In the OSCE reports, however,
brutal crackdowns of Albanian civilians by the
Serbian Police were mentioned, which was done
according to the witness on the basis of
testimonies of the Albanians. Maisoneuve had
problems while explaining the allegations from
the mission reports about Army tank and artillery
attacks on Racak civilian homes from distance.
On a direct question if there were any victims
in Racak of these mortar attacks, the witness
had to admit there were not, reducing his whole
story on Army involvement to him being told by
one of his verifiers that one tank had hit a
house. He was also forced by Milosevic's cross-
examination to deny that Army individuals have
accused the Police for intervening in Racak.
General Maisoneuve tried not to avoid answers to
direct questions, so that Milosevic succeeded to
make his answers more useful to the Defence than
to the Prosecution. That is why judge May did his
best to avoid such a situation. When asked by
Milosevic if, after everything he found out so far
about the Racak events he still personally considers
there had been a massacre, May promptly intervened
and explicitly prevented him from answering that
question.
A totally separate story are the Racak victims,
for whom the OSCE mission chief William Walker
affirmed they were civilian ones killed from a
close range on the same spot, where the day after
dead bodies were found. After the cross-examination
of this witness, as well as of other ones before,
it came out rather evident that these people
perished in combat and were brought to one single
spot in order to make it look as if they were executed.
Milosevic has proved that serious fighting took
place between the Police and the KLA forces,
trenched around the village, and that the bodies
were brought and grouped up after the Police and
OSCE verifiers had withdrawn. This was evident from
the position of the bodies, as well as from the
findings of the forensic teams who examined them.
After a series of usuccessful attempts to build-up
a Walker's fabricated story about Racak through
testimonies of witnesses, the prosecution attempted
to bring one of its own investigators to appear as
witness with special goal - to present to the court
a "summary" of the events in Racak, based on written
statements of "many witnesses" who did not appear,
as well as on tons of "documents" collected by
prosecution. After a sharp complaint by President
Milosevic against the "indirect witnesses", the
"trial chamber" decided not to accept testimony
of the prosecution investigator Barney Kelly. This
was considered by many as one of the greatest defets
of the prosecution, since the begining of the "trial".
===*===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian newspaper
advocating liberation)
http://www.ansa.it/rubriche/italia/2002-05-29_1260287.html
Presidente Montenegro indagato per mafia e contrabbando
Presidente Montenegro indagato per mafia e contrabbando
Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (7)
Date: Wed, 22 May 2002 14:27:02 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.7
May 21, 2002
Tanic Has Discredited The Prosecution
With the cross-examination of Ratomir Tanic, one of
the key witnesses to the prosecution, Slobodan
Milosevic has publicly exposed the whole Hague
indictment against him as a politically constructed
one. Today's final examination of this witness has
shown that Tanic is not only inventing things or
talking as alleged participant of events he had found
out in the press, but also that he is a man once
sentenced for robbery and a crook whose statements are
being publicly denied by almost everyone whose alleged
associate he had been.
Witness Tanic has only shown a capacity to construct
stories so that, when cornered with no valid reply, he
calls upon his own general evaluations, print errors
or translation mistakes, etc. For instance, when
Milosevic reminded him that in his written statement
he had mentioned that round-tables were just fronts
for real discussions (he meant Milosevic's policies on
Kosovo, off-course), Tanic without hesitation
responded that this was the "role of round-tables
everywhere in the World".
A few times Tanic got into dead-end situations, when
he was forced to assert that his bosses were lying. He
did that when Milosevic ran a video tape, in which the
president of New Democracy and current Interior
Minister of Serbia, Dusan Mihajlovic, said live on TV:
"Tanic had never participated in making decisions or
implementing them, but could have been only an
observer, as any other citizen".
We remind that Tanic almost always called upon his
party leader Mihajlovic, with whom he had allegedly
directly participated in all events regarding Kosovo
and Metohia, since New Democracy has at the time been
a member of the ruling coalition. At a direct
Milosevic's question regarding Mihajlovic's statement
mentioned above, Tanic replied that "Mihajlovic is not
telling the truth now". The same pattern applied to
former Serbian Vice-Prime-minister Ratko Markovic's or
Serbian Renewal Movement leader Vuk Draskovic's
denials of his affirmations. He finally complained
that "it seems everyone has left him".
How reliable a witness Tanic may be before any legal
institution has been clearly put in evidence today,
after Milosevic had presented a certificate of the
Belgrade District Court from May 17 of this year, by
which Ratomir Tanic was declared guilty on March 7,
1977 for hard robbery and sentenced to a year and two
months of imprisonment. On November 1 of the same year
the Serbian Supreme Court had this sentence changed to
a 7 months reclusion, and that one was final. At a
direct question on that episode of his life, Tanic
tried to avoid answering directly, but after Milosevic
insisted, he admitted "not recalling since it happened
a long time ago". At a later question by one of the
Amici Curiae, Tanic replied there had been a minor
punishment and that he was young at the time. He also
claimed not remembering what kind of felony it had
been.
For several times Tanic's examination showed he had
been collaborator of a few Western intelligence
services and that he had obviously prepared his
testimonial together with them. New Democracy's
vice-president, Nebojsa Lekovic, confirms this, by
stating that "Tanic had never in any way participated
in negotiations with the Kosovo and Metohia Albanians
and that he had left the country because of having
enormous unpaid debts, while he had now accepted to
testify for the money". Besides, the book Tanic had
not finished writing yet is financed by the British
Intelligence Service, something he himself confirmed
after being asked by the Amici Curiae. He has as well
confirmed that he was receiving cash from these
services with no written record, and that the content
of the book is exclusively about charges against
Slobodan Milosevic.
Today has started the testimonial of the forensic
expert Erich Packard, and it will be resumed tomorrow.
===*===
Subject: Fw: Freedom fight in the Hague (8)
Date: Fri, 24 May 2002 03:33:23 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.8
May 22, 2002
Science hardly reliable for the Prosecution
French forensic expert Eric Bacard today's testimonial
referred to pathologists reports from different
locations in Kosovo and Metohia where bodies of people
died during the conflict were found. It appeared that
these findings, while based on scientific achievements
in this field, were written in order to prejudge
crimes against the victims. Namely, wherever it was
not possible to come to a decisive conclusion, meaning
different causes of death were possible, the reports
were insisting on causes that meant crimes had been
committed. However, Milosevic managed to unmask such
report tendencies during his cross-examination, since
the witness himself while answering had to remain
consequent to his trade and communicate the real
truth, something that often was not coinciding with
the Prosecution intentions.
Keeping in mind the high level of expertise to these
questions, in this report only some characteristic
examples may be pointed out. At Milosevic's question,
how come it was possible to induce several death
causes for the same person, Bacard replied that only
several causes can be induced. The witness said that
the circumstances of lethal outcome, if there had been
caused by war casualty or a conflict between two
persons, may be established only as a hypothesis, and
not as it is been done in a report.
Most of the ambiguous quotes relate to skeletized
corpses, where tissue putrefaction occurred. So at
Milosevic's question, how possible it may be to make a
distinction if injuries were committed with a sharp
object on a person alive or after death, or how such
quotes apply to carbonized corpses, Bacard replied
that in most of the cases it is rather difficult or
virtually impossible to give an answer. He was
expressed that blindfolds were never found on victims,
which was mentioned in one of the reports.
Several Milosevic's questions referred to details of
the pathologists report from Racak, and from the
witness's answers no one could have concluded that
reliable findings show murders were committed from a
short range, e.g. there was no massacre as
characterized by OSCE Mission chief William Walker.
Bacard even denied the allegations enshrined in the
pathologists report from Racak, stating that in
neither of the cases the distance from which the
victims found there were shot could have been
precisely established. The witness insisted no
cold-blooded execution took place in Racak, since only
shots from less than a few centimeters could be
reliably detected as such.
Typically, in the pathologists report from Racak there
was no analysis of the "parafin glove", by which it
has been proved that the dead ones before being shot
were themselves shooting with firearms. Bacard said
that method was rejected as unreliable. However, he
could not give an answer to the Amici's question why a
traditional analysis of the victims' clothes had not
been performed, something that even today would be
possible to do.
How unprecise and incomplete, and especially
one-sided, are the reports on pathologists' findings
on which the Prosecution relies, was clearly shown by
some of Bacard's conclusions. In one of the reports
it's been said that some of the victims, due to their
health could not take part in the armed conflicts,
like the one who had bladder cancer, but Bacard
testified that illness was in such stage, so that
person could take part in armed conflicts. Also, other
report affirms 19 out 20 found skeletons were women,
but the witness had to clarify that their gender could
not with certainty be established for corpses in their
stage of skeletization.
In today's cross-examination Bacard came out with the
conclusion that reports about the victims of NATO
bombing of Dubrava penitentiary were not true, since
they were all killed by the blasts, and their
subsequent wounds were caused by bumping on different
kinds of objects, meaning part of them had not been
executed after the bombing had stopped.
The unreliability of some of the pathologists' reports
was evidenced also today by the case of Suva Reka,
where Bacard could not be a judge of two pathologists'
totally opposed findings.
Photographs, shown to the witness by one of the Amici,
from which it is clearly visible that the corpses in
the ditch near Racak were brought there from another
location, made Bacard only conclude that photographs
could not constitute a reliable evidence.
===*===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)
Date: Wed, 22 May 2002 14:27:02 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.7
May 21, 2002
Tanic Has Discredited The Prosecution
With the cross-examination of Ratomir Tanic, one of
the key witnesses to the prosecution, Slobodan
Milosevic has publicly exposed the whole Hague
indictment against him as a politically constructed
one. Today's final examination of this witness has
shown that Tanic is not only inventing things or
talking as alleged participant of events he had found
out in the press, but also that he is a man once
sentenced for robbery and a crook whose statements are
being publicly denied by almost everyone whose alleged
associate he had been.
Witness Tanic has only shown a capacity to construct
stories so that, when cornered with no valid reply, he
calls upon his own general evaluations, print errors
or translation mistakes, etc. For instance, when
Milosevic reminded him that in his written statement
he had mentioned that round-tables were just fronts
for real discussions (he meant Milosevic's policies on
Kosovo, off-course), Tanic without hesitation
responded that this was the "role of round-tables
everywhere in the World".
A few times Tanic got into dead-end situations, when
he was forced to assert that his bosses were lying. He
did that when Milosevic ran a video tape, in which the
president of New Democracy and current Interior
Minister of Serbia, Dusan Mihajlovic, said live on TV:
"Tanic had never participated in making decisions or
implementing them, but could have been only an
observer, as any other citizen".
We remind that Tanic almost always called upon his
party leader Mihajlovic, with whom he had allegedly
directly participated in all events regarding Kosovo
and Metohia, since New Democracy has at the time been
a member of the ruling coalition. At a direct
Milosevic's question regarding Mihajlovic's statement
mentioned above, Tanic replied that "Mihajlovic is not
telling the truth now". The same pattern applied to
former Serbian Vice-Prime-minister Ratko Markovic's or
Serbian Renewal Movement leader Vuk Draskovic's
denials of his affirmations. He finally complained
that "it seems everyone has left him".
How reliable a witness Tanic may be before any legal
institution has been clearly put in evidence today,
after Milosevic had presented a certificate of the
Belgrade District Court from May 17 of this year, by
which Ratomir Tanic was declared guilty on March 7,
1977 for hard robbery and sentenced to a year and two
months of imprisonment. On November 1 of the same year
the Serbian Supreme Court had this sentence changed to
a 7 months reclusion, and that one was final. At a
direct question on that episode of his life, Tanic
tried to avoid answering directly, but after Milosevic
insisted, he admitted "not recalling since it happened
a long time ago". At a later question by one of the
Amici Curiae, Tanic replied there had been a minor
punishment and that he was young at the time. He also
claimed not remembering what kind of felony it had
been.
For several times Tanic's examination showed he had
been collaborator of a few Western intelligence
services and that he had obviously prepared his
testimonial together with them. New Democracy's
vice-president, Nebojsa Lekovic, confirms this, by
stating that "Tanic had never in any way participated
in negotiations with the Kosovo and Metohia Albanians
and that he had left the country because of having
enormous unpaid debts, while he had now accepted to
testify for the money". Besides, the book Tanic had
not finished writing yet is financed by the British
Intelligence Service, something he himself confirmed
after being asked by the Amici Curiae. He has as well
confirmed that he was receiving cash from these
services with no written record, and that the content
of the book is exclusively about charges against
Slobodan Milosevic.
Today has started the testimonial of the forensic
expert Erich Packard, and it will be resumed tomorrow.
===*===
Subject: Fw: Freedom fight in the Hague (8)
Date: Fri, 24 May 2002 03:33:23 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.8
May 22, 2002
Science hardly reliable for the Prosecution
French forensic expert Eric Bacard today's testimonial
referred to pathologists reports from different
locations in Kosovo and Metohia where bodies of people
died during the conflict were found. It appeared that
these findings, while based on scientific achievements
in this field, were written in order to prejudge
crimes against the victims. Namely, wherever it was
not possible to come to a decisive conclusion, meaning
different causes of death were possible, the reports
were insisting on causes that meant crimes had been
committed. However, Milosevic managed to unmask such
report tendencies during his cross-examination, since
the witness himself while answering had to remain
consequent to his trade and communicate the real
truth, something that often was not coinciding with
the Prosecution intentions.
Keeping in mind the high level of expertise to these
questions, in this report only some characteristic
examples may be pointed out. At Milosevic's question,
how come it was possible to induce several death
causes for the same person, Bacard replied that only
several causes can be induced. The witness said that
the circumstances of lethal outcome, if there had been
caused by war casualty or a conflict between two
persons, may be established only as a hypothesis, and
not as it is been done in a report.
Most of the ambiguous quotes relate to skeletized
corpses, where tissue putrefaction occurred. So at
Milosevic's question, how possible it may be to make a
distinction if injuries were committed with a sharp
object on a person alive or after death, or how such
quotes apply to carbonized corpses, Bacard replied
that in most of the cases it is rather difficult or
virtually impossible to give an answer. He was
expressed that blindfolds were never found on victims,
which was mentioned in one of the reports.
Several Milosevic's questions referred to details of
the pathologists report from Racak, and from the
witness's answers no one could have concluded that
reliable findings show murders were committed from a
short range, e.g. there was no massacre as
characterized by OSCE Mission chief William Walker.
Bacard even denied the allegations enshrined in the
pathologists report from Racak, stating that in
neither of the cases the distance from which the
victims found there were shot could have been
precisely established. The witness insisted no
cold-blooded execution took place in Racak, since only
shots from less than a few centimeters could be
reliably detected as such.
Typically, in the pathologists report from Racak there
was no analysis of the "parafin glove", by which it
has been proved that the dead ones before being shot
were themselves shooting with firearms. Bacard said
that method was rejected as unreliable. However, he
could not give an answer to the Amici's question why a
traditional analysis of the victims' clothes had not
been performed, something that even today would be
possible to do.
How unprecise and incomplete, and especially
one-sided, are the reports on pathologists' findings
on which the Prosecution relies, was clearly shown by
some of Bacard's conclusions. In one of the reports
it's been said that some of the victims, due to their
health could not take part in the armed conflicts,
like the one who had bladder cancer, but Bacard
testified that illness was in such stage, so that
person could take part in armed conflicts. Also, other
report affirms 19 out 20 found skeletons were women,
but the witness had to clarify that their gender could
not with certainty be established for corpses in their
stage of skeletization.
In today's cross-examination Bacard came out with the
conclusion that reports about the victims of NATO
bombing of Dubrava penitentiary were not true, since
they were all killed by the blasts, and their
subsequent wounds were caused by bumping on different
kinds of objects, meaning part of them had not been
executed after the bombing had stopped.
The unreliability of some of the pathologists' reports
was evidenced also today by the case of Suva Reka,
where Bacard could not be a judge of two pathologists'
totally opposed findings.
Photographs, shown to the witness by one of the Amici,
from which it is clearly visible that the corpses in
the ditch near Racak were brought there from another
location, made Bacard only conclude that photographs
could not constitute a reliable evidence.
===*===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)
Subject: Kongres EMF poziva borce za mir i protivnike
globalizacije:
Podrzite Milosevica!
Date: Thu, 23 May 2002 00:41:48 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Beograd, 21. maja 2002.g.
KONGRES EVROPSKOG MIROVNOG FORUMA
Atina, 17-19. maj 2002. g.
- s a o p s t e nj e -
U Atini je proteklog vikenda odr?an kongres
Evropskog mirovnog
foruma, pod geslom: "Za evropski mirovni poredak - protiv
militarizacije meðunarodne politike od strane SAD i NATO". Na
skupu
su uèestvovali predstavnici vise desetina mirovnih pokreta i
prograsivnih
organizacija, kao i istaknuti pojedinci iz Austrije,
Belorusije, Bugarske,
Grèke, Italije, Jugoslavije, Kipra, Nemaèke, Ruske
Federacije, Ukrajine,
Finske, Èeske i Svedske.
Drugi dan kongresa bio je u celini posveæen temi
"Ratovi na
Balkanu i sluèaj Miloseviæ". Posle uvodnih izlaganja Hanesa
Hofbauera
(Austrija), Klausa Hartmana (Nemaèka) i Vladimira Krsljanina
(Jugoslavija) i bogate diskusije, Kongres Evropskog mirovnog
foruma
usvojio je posebnu deklaraciju o ovom pitanju.
Deklaracija konstatuje da su otmica i tzv. proces
protiv
Predsednika Miloseviæa u Hagu dogaðaj bez presedana u
istoriji
meðunarodnih odnosa i meðunarodnog prava, zamisljen da
opravda
agresiju NATO protiv Jugoslavije i tako omoguæi da se slièni
agresivni
ratovi vode i protiv drugih dr?ava. Zbog toga je ovo tema
koja se tièe svih
pobornika mira i protivnika imperijalistièke globalizacije.
U skladu sa ovim, a istièuæi da se radi o procesu
protiv liènosti
koja je zaslu?eno postala simbol otpora militaristièkom
intervencionizmu i
agresivnoj politici NATO, Kongres Evropskog mirovnog foruma u
ovoj
Deklaraciji zahteva:
Neodlo?no obustavljanje procesa protiv Slobodana
Miloseviæa,
kao i protiv drugih optu?enih iz Jugoslavije i njihovo
momentalno
osloboðenje;
Raspustanje haskog tribunala stvorenog krsenjem Povelje
UN;
Suðenje i ka?njavanje odgovornih za NATO agresiju protiv
Jugoslavije;
Isplatu ratnih reparacija Jugoslaviji i kompenzacija
jugoslovenskim
?rtvama agresije za stetu koja im je naneta.
Uèesnici Kongresa uputili su telegram podrske Predsedniku
Miloseviæu,
kao i telegram predsedniku "tribunala" Klodu ?orda, u kojem
se ponavljaju
zahtevi sadr?ani u Deklaraciji.
Evropski mirovni forum osnovan je 24. marta 2001.
godine u
Berlinu, na drugu godisnjicu agresije NATO. Meðu osnivaèima
bili su, uz
predstavnike brojnih evropskih nevladinih organizacija,
nemaèki admiral
Elmar Smeling, veliki ukrajinski pisac Boris Olijnik, èeski
publicista i
humanista Rajko Doleèek, predsednik italijanske fondacije
"Nino Pasti"
Paolo Pjopi, poznati bugarski politièar i borac za ljudska
prava Velko
Vlkanov i druge liènosti - politièari, istaknuti nauèni
radnici,
parlamentarci.
Kongres Evropskog mirovnog foruma, na svom zasedanju u Atini,
od
17. do 19. maja 2002. g, posle razmatranja teme "Ratovi na
Balkanu i
sluèaj Miloseviæ" usvojio je sledeæu
D E K L A R A C I J U
Kroz nekoliko nedelja navrsava se godinu dana
od kada je
takozvanom "Meðunarodnom kriviènom tribunalu za bivsu
Jugoslaviju"
predat predsednik Socijalistièke partije Srbije i
dugogodisnji predsednik
Republike Srbije i Savezne Republike Jugoslavije Slobodan
Miloseviæ.
"Izruèenje" Miloseviæa, koje je u stvari bilo otmica
organizovana od
strane tajnih slu?bi, kao i sam proces pred haskim
"tribunalom"
predstavljaju dogaðaj bez presedana u istoriji meðunarodnih
odnosa i
meðunarodnog prava.
Èinjenice same govore.
1. Optu?nica protiv Miloseviæa za navodne ratne
zloèine podignuta
je u toku zloèinaèkog agresivnog rata koji je vodio NATO.
Agresori su
podigli optu?nicu protiv sefa dr?ave, koja je bila predmet
agresije, odnosno
zloèinci koji su primenili nasilje podigli su optu?nicu
protiv ?rtava nasilja.
2. Posle rata agresori su metodima pritiska,
ucene i korupcije
prinudili vladajuæi re?im u zemlji - ?rtvi agresije, da
uhapsi predsednika
svrgnutog uz masovnu podrsku NATO, i da ga, uz krsenje Ustava
Jugoslavije i uprkos odluci njenog Ustavnog suda, izruèi.
3. Agresori su predsednika dr?ave ?rtve agresije
predali ilegalnom
sudu, "tribunalu" koji je stvoren, popunjen personalom i
finansiran od
strane UN, uz krsenje Povelje UN.
Cilj ovog grotesknog odstupanja od svih pravnih i
moralnih normi,
jeste nala?enje opravdanja za NATO, odnosno za agresivni rat
koji je
NATO vodio protiv Jugoslavije i samim tim, stvaranje osnova
da se takvi
ratovi ponove u buduænosti. To je pokusaj sirokih razmera da
se celom
svetu demonstrira da je otpor globalnim aspiracijama SAD i
NATO na
hegemoniju zabranjen i da æe se strogo ka?njavati.
U tome je prava sustina procesa protiv
jugoslovenskog predsednika
i drugih optu?enih, u tome je sustina "sluèaja Miloseviæ".
U sali haskog "tribunala" ne radi se o pojedincu,
o kome svako
mo?e da ima svoje misljenje. Tu se radi o istini ili la?i, o
pravu ili
bespravlju. Tu se radi o liènosti, koja je zbog mnogih
razloga zaslu?eno
postala simbol otpora intervencionizmu NATO koji je
neslaganja i
suprotnosti na prostoru prethodne Jugoslavije pretvarao u
ratove, i otpora
agresiji NATO. Sa stanovista NATO, njihov agresivni rat æe
biti
pobedonosno zavrsen, a razbijanje Jugoslavije okonèano, tek
onda kada taj
simbol bude diskreditovan.
Veæ samo zbog toga proces u Hagu mora biti stvar
svih pobornika
mira i protivnika imperijalistièke globalizacije.
Svako ko je ustao protiv agresije NATO i
78-dnevnog teroristièkog
bombardovanja, ne mo?e se pasivno odnositi prema
pseudopravnom
produ?avanju agresije.
Dosadasnji tok procesa u Hagu je potvrdio politièke ciljeve
njegovih
organizatora, meðutim njima za sada nije uspelo da te ciljeve
ostvare.
Oèigledna pristrasnost sudija, bedan nivo i nedostatak dokaza
optu?be,
uvodno izlaganje Slobodana Miloseviæa i fijasko svedoka tokom
unakrsnog ispitivanja, sve vise ote?avaju re?iserima ovog
procesa
ostvarivanje njihovih ciljeva.
Optu?eni od strane NATO postao je tu?ilac protiv NATO-a, pa
se stoga
planirani politièki proces, zamisljen da javnosti poka?e
trijumf NATO-a,
sve vise pretvara u tajni proces. S obzirom da se pokazalo da
re?ija
procesa nije u stanju da moralno slomi Slobodana Miloseviæa,
ona
pokusava da ga fizièki oslabi posredstvom nepodnosljivih
zatvorskih
uslova i da neprekidnim i beskrajnim trajanjem "suðenja",
narusi njegovo
zdravlje i snagu njegovog otpora.
Neophodno je zaustaviti samovolju ilegalnog suda.
Prikljuèujuæi se meðunarodnom pokretu protesta, zahtevamo:
Neodlo?no obustavljanje procesa protiv Slobodana
Miloseviæa, kao i protiv drugih optu?enih iz Jugoslavije
i
njihovo momentalno osloboðenje;
Raspustanje "tribunala" protiv Jugoslavije, stvorenog
krsenjem Povelje UN;
Sto skorije ratifikovanje Rimskog sporazuma o stvaranju
Meðunarodnog kriviènog suda od strane svih dr?ava, a pre
svega od strane SAD, kao i prosirenje jurisdikcije tog
suda na
zloèine protiv mira, na agresiju;
Suðenje i ka?njavanje odgovornih za agresivni rat NATO
protiv Jugoslavije;
Isplatu ratnih reparacija jugoslovenskoj dr?avi i
kompenzacija
jugoslovenskim ?rtvama rata za stetu koja im je naneta.
Atina, 19. maja 2002. g.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian
newspaper advocating liberation)
globalizacije:
Podrzite Milosevica!
Date: Thu, 23 May 2002 00:41:48 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Beograd, 21. maja 2002.g.
KONGRES EVROPSKOG MIROVNOG FORUMA
Atina, 17-19. maj 2002. g.
- s a o p s t e nj e -
U Atini je proteklog vikenda odr?an kongres
Evropskog mirovnog
foruma, pod geslom: "Za evropski mirovni poredak - protiv
militarizacije meðunarodne politike od strane SAD i NATO". Na
skupu
su uèestvovali predstavnici vise desetina mirovnih pokreta i
prograsivnih
organizacija, kao i istaknuti pojedinci iz Austrije,
Belorusije, Bugarske,
Grèke, Italije, Jugoslavije, Kipra, Nemaèke, Ruske
Federacije, Ukrajine,
Finske, Èeske i Svedske.
Drugi dan kongresa bio je u celini posveæen temi
"Ratovi na
Balkanu i sluèaj Miloseviæ". Posle uvodnih izlaganja Hanesa
Hofbauera
(Austrija), Klausa Hartmana (Nemaèka) i Vladimira Krsljanina
(Jugoslavija) i bogate diskusije, Kongres Evropskog mirovnog
foruma
usvojio je posebnu deklaraciju o ovom pitanju.
Deklaracija konstatuje da su otmica i tzv. proces
protiv
Predsednika Miloseviæa u Hagu dogaðaj bez presedana u
istoriji
meðunarodnih odnosa i meðunarodnog prava, zamisljen da
opravda
agresiju NATO protiv Jugoslavije i tako omoguæi da se slièni
agresivni
ratovi vode i protiv drugih dr?ava. Zbog toga je ovo tema
koja se tièe svih
pobornika mira i protivnika imperijalistièke globalizacije.
U skladu sa ovim, a istièuæi da se radi o procesu
protiv liènosti
koja je zaslu?eno postala simbol otpora militaristièkom
intervencionizmu i
agresivnoj politici NATO, Kongres Evropskog mirovnog foruma u
ovoj
Deklaraciji zahteva:
Neodlo?no obustavljanje procesa protiv Slobodana
Miloseviæa,
kao i protiv drugih optu?enih iz Jugoslavije i njihovo
momentalno
osloboðenje;
Raspustanje haskog tribunala stvorenog krsenjem Povelje
UN;
Suðenje i ka?njavanje odgovornih za NATO agresiju protiv
Jugoslavije;
Isplatu ratnih reparacija Jugoslaviji i kompenzacija
jugoslovenskim
?rtvama agresije za stetu koja im je naneta.
Uèesnici Kongresa uputili su telegram podrske Predsedniku
Miloseviæu,
kao i telegram predsedniku "tribunala" Klodu ?orda, u kojem
se ponavljaju
zahtevi sadr?ani u Deklaraciji.
Evropski mirovni forum osnovan je 24. marta 2001.
godine u
Berlinu, na drugu godisnjicu agresije NATO. Meðu osnivaèima
bili su, uz
predstavnike brojnih evropskih nevladinih organizacija,
nemaèki admiral
Elmar Smeling, veliki ukrajinski pisac Boris Olijnik, èeski
publicista i
humanista Rajko Doleèek, predsednik italijanske fondacije
"Nino Pasti"
Paolo Pjopi, poznati bugarski politièar i borac za ljudska
prava Velko
Vlkanov i druge liènosti - politièari, istaknuti nauèni
radnici,
parlamentarci.
Kongres Evropskog mirovnog foruma, na svom zasedanju u Atini,
od
17. do 19. maja 2002. g, posle razmatranja teme "Ratovi na
Balkanu i
sluèaj Miloseviæ" usvojio je sledeæu
D E K L A R A C I J U
Kroz nekoliko nedelja navrsava se godinu dana
od kada je
takozvanom "Meðunarodnom kriviènom tribunalu za bivsu
Jugoslaviju"
predat predsednik Socijalistièke partije Srbije i
dugogodisnji predsednik
Republike Srbije i Savezne Republike Jugoslavije Slobodan
Miloseviæ.
"Izruèenje" Miloseviæa, koje je u stvari bilo otmica
organizovana od
strane tajnih slu?bi, kao i sam proces pred haskim
"tribunalom"
predstavljaju dogaðaj bez presedana u istoriji meðunarodnih
odnosa i
meðunarodnog prava.
Èinjenice same govore.
1. Optu?nica protiv Miloseviæa za navodne ratne
zloèine podignuta
je u toku zloèinaèkog agresivnog rata koji je vodio NATO.
Agresori su
podigli optu?nicu protiv sefa dr?ave, koja je bila predmet
agresije, odnosno
zloèinci koji su primenili nasilje podigli su optu?nicu
protiv ?rtava nasilja.
2. Posle rata agresori su metodima pritiska,
ucene i korupcije
prinudili vladajuæi re?im u zemlji - ?rtvi agresije, da
uhapsi predsednika
svrgnutog uz masovnu podrsku NATO, i da ga, uz krsenje Ustava
Jugoslavije i uprkos odluci njenog Ustavnog suda, izruèi.
3. Agresori su predsednika dr?ave ?rtve agresije
predali ilegalnom
sudu, "tribunalu" koji je stvoren, popunjen personalom i
finansiran od
strane UN, uz krsenje Povelje UN.
Cilj ovog grotesknog odstupanja od svih pravnih i
moralnih normi,
jeste nala?enje opravdanja za NATO, odnosno za agresivni rat
koji je
NATO vodio protiv Jugoslavije i samim tim, stvaranje osnova
da se takvi
ratovi ponove u buduænosti. To je pokusaj sirokih razmera da
se celom
svetu demonstrira da je otpor globalnim aspiracijama SAD i
NATO na
hegemoniju zabranjen i da æe se strogo ka?njavati.
U tome je prava sustina procesa protiv
jugoslovenskog predsednika
i drugih optu?enih, u tome je sustina "sluèaja Miloseviæ".
U sali haskog "tribunala" ne radi se o pojedincu,
o kome svako
mo?e da ima svoje misljenje. Tu se radi o istini ili la?i, o
pravu ili
bespravlju. Tu se radi o liènosti, koja je zbog mnogih
razloga zaslu?eno
postala simbol otpora intervencionizmu NATO koji je
neslaganja i
suprotnosti na prostoru prethodne Jugoslavije pretvarao u
ratove, i otpora
agresiji NATO. Sa stanovista NATO, njihov agresivni rat æe
biti
pobedonosno zavrsen, a razbijanje Jugoslavije okonèano, tek
onda kada taj
simbol bude diskreditovan.
Veæ samo zbog toga proces u Hagu mora biti stvar
svih pobornika
mira i protivnika imperijalistièke globalizacije.
Svako ko je ustao protiv agresije NATO i
78-dnevnog teroristièkog
bombardovanja, ne mo?e se pasivno odnositi prema
pseudopravnom
produ?avanju agresije.
Dosadasnji tok procesa u Hagu je potvrdio politièke ciljeve
njegovih
organizatora, meðutim njima za sada nije uspelo da te ciljeve
ostvare.
Oèigledna pristrasnost sudija, bedan nivo i nedostatak dokaza
optu?be,
uvodno izlaganje Slobodana Miloseviæa i fijasko svedoka tokom
unakrsnog ispitivanja, sve vise ote?avaju re?iserima ovog
procesa
ostvarivanje njihovih ciljeva.
Optu?eni od strane NATO postao je tu?ilac protiv NATO-a, pa
se stoga
planirani politièki proces, zamisljen da javnosti poka?e
trijumf NATO-a,
sve vise pretvara u tajni proces. S obzirom da se pokazalo da
re?ija
procesa nije u stanju da moralno slomi Slobodana Miloseviæa,
ona
pokusava da ga fizièki oslabi posredstvom nepodnosljivih
zatvorskih
uslova i da neprekidnim i beskrajnim trajanjem "suðenja",
narusi njegovo
zdravlje i snagu njegovog otpora.
Neophodno je zaustaviti samovolju ilegalnog suda.
Prikljuèujuæi se meðunarodnom pokretu protesta, zahtevamo:
Neodlo?no obustavljanje procesa protiv Slobodana
Miloseviæa, kao i protiv drugih optu?enih iz Jugoslavije
i
njihovo momentalno osloboðenje;
Raspustanje "tribunala" protiv Jugoslavije, stvorenog
krsenjem Povelje UN;
Sto skorije ratifikovanje Rimskog sporazuma o stvaranju
Meðunarodnog kriviènog suda od strane svih dr?ava, a pre
svega od strane SAD, kao i prosirenje jurisdikcije tog
suda na
zloèine protiv mira, na agresiju;
Suðenje i ka?njavanje odgovornih za agresivni rat NATO
protiv Jugoslavije;
Isplatu ratnih reparacija jugoslovenskoj dr?avi i
kompenzacija
jugoslovenskim ?rtvama rata za stetu koja im je naneta.
Atina, 19. maja 2002. g.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian
newspaper advocating liberation)
1. Pismo Beogradskog foruma Haskom Tribunalu
2. Pravi krivci nisu u Hagu (M. Tepavac)
===*===
Subject: Novi tekst na ARTEL
GEOPOLITICI- Pismo Beogradskog
foruma Haskom Tribunalu
Date: Thu, 16 May 2002 00:53:23 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
by
www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:15. maj 2002.
Pismo Predsedavaju?eg Beogradskog foruma
Vladislava Jovanovi?a Klodu ?orda iz Medjunarodnog
krivi?nog suda za bivsu Jugoslaviju
15 maj 2002.
Medjunarodnom krivi?nom sudu za bivsu Jugoslaviju
Gospodinu Klodu ?orda
Postovani gospodine, Izra?avam svoju duboku
zabrinutost povodom na?ina na koji se vodi
sudjenje gospodinu Slobodanu Milosevi?u pred
Me|unarodnim krivi?nim Tribunalom za bivsu
Jugoslaviju (ICTY) u Hagu i zbog rastu?e
pristrasnosti Tribunala.
Posebno me zabrinjava prihvatanje gospodina
Ridl-Majera kao nezavisnog eksperta za oblast
istorijskih spomenika kulture od strane Tribunala.
Ovo prihvatanje je doslo uprkos ?injenici da je
gospodin Ridl-Majer obezbedio sredstva za svoj
pristrasan istra?iva?ki projekt o Kosovu iz sebi
poznatih izvora, a zatim ponudio svoje usluge
kancelariji tu?ilastva Tribunala. S druge strane,
poznata mi je dobro ustanovljena praksa
nepristrasnih krivi?nih sudova bilo gde u svetu da
su vestaci za pojedina vesta?enja odredjeni od
strane samih sudova, dok su sredstva za vesta?enje
obezbedjena iz izvora koja su striktno odredjena
krivi?nim procesnim pravom.
Takodje me zabrinjava veliki i rastu?i broj
pitanja koje predsedavaju?i sudija Ri?ard Mej
proglasava irelevantnim za vreme unakrsnog
ispitivanja svedoka od strane gospodina
Milosevi?a. U tom smislu, stroga vremenska
ograni?ewa su primenjena, ?ak i onda kada gospodin
Milosevi? unakrsno ispituje neke od najva?nijih
svedoka poput gospodina Ibrahima Rugove,
predsednika Kosova, dana 3. i 6. maja 2002.
godine. Smatram neprihvatljivim da pitanja kao
npr. utvrdjenje uloge, karaktera i izvora
finansiranja OVK budu proglasena "irelevantnim". U
isto vreme, predsedavaju?i sudija Mej nije ulo?io
nikakav zna?ajan napor da bi u?inio da gospodin
Rugova da precizne, koncizne i konkretne odgovore
na pitanja gospodina Milosevi?a i amicus curiae.
Mnogi pravnici i novinari prisutni u Hagu su
svedo?enje gospodina Rugove okarakterisali "kao
sramotu za medjunarodnu pravdu", izvestio je
beogradski dnevnik "Glas javnosti", dana 4. maja
2002. godine.
Imaju?i u vidu da mnogi svedoci sa Kosova svedo?e
da ?ak uopste nisu ni ?uli za OVK, izra?avam
zabrinutost povodom ?injenice da ni jedan svedok
nije bio upozoren da se zbog la?nog svedo?ewa mogu
primeniti kaznene mere po ?lanu 91 Pravilnika
procedure i dokazivanja Tribunala. Ove mere moraju
biti primenjene u cilju spre?avanja svedo?enja
lisenih kredibiliteta, zloupotrebe prava od strane
tu?ilastva i nepotrebnog iscrpljivanja gospodina
Milosevi?a koji je podvrgnut veoma duga?kom
sudjenju.
Na kraju, izra?avam duboku zabrinutost zbog
stalnih izmena u redosledu pojavljivanja pojedinih
svedoka koje ?ini tu?ilastvo, a koje sudsko Ve?e
olako odobrava.
Sdj|enje gospodinu Milosevi?u je vrlo kompleksno,
i ono sa sobom donosi veoma kompleksna pitanja pri
?emu isuvise uzak, selektivan i nestrpljiv pristup
sudskog Ve?a tim pitanjima mo?e imati stetne
posledice po prava gospodina Milosevi?a.
Smatraju?i da je takav pristup ve? po?eo da
ugro?ava njegovo pravo na posteno sudjenje,
pozivam sve organizacije za zastitu ljudskih prava
da postave svoje posmatra?e na sudjenju, ili da
prate proces na drugi prikladan na?in. Takodje,
pozivam sve organizacije za zastitu ljudskih prava
da preduzmu onu akciju koju smatraju prikladnom u
cilju zaustavljawa krsenja prava na fer sudjenje
gospodina Slobodana Milosevi?a.
Sa postovanjem,
Vladislav Jovanovi?,
Predsedavaju?i Beogradskog foruma
za svet ravnopravnih
Beograd, Misarska 6
Tel/Fax: (+ 381 11) 3245601
www.belgrade-forum.org
office@...
===*===
Subject: Pravi krivci nisu u Hagu
Date: Mon, 20 May 2002 10:33:33 -0400
From: "Miroslav Antic"
Ovaj moj tekst objavila je beogradska "Politika" od
20.5.2002.
Pravi krivci nisu u Hagu
"Hag nije Nirnberg" 15. maj
Èitalac Budimir Rudoviæ je svojim tekstom sjajno
pokazao i dokazao da "Hag nije Nirnberg", to jest
razliku izmeðu nirnberskog tribunala i tzv. haskog
tribunala.
Kljuèno u nirnberskoj optu?nici protiv nacistièkih
zloèinaca je bilo ka?njavanje krivih za zloèine
protiv mira, to jest planiranje i voðenje
agresorskih ratova kao vrhunskih zloèina po osnovu
meðunarodnog prava, iz kojih proizlaze svi drugi
ratni zloèini, ili zloèini protiv meðunarodnog
humanitarnog prava, kako se to danas govori.
Za razliku od nirnberskog (pa i tokijskog)
tribunala, takozvani haski tribunal uopste nije
nadle?an za krivièna dela protiv mira, kao sto su
spoljna ili unutrasnja agresija, veæ samo za ona
krivièna dela koja se èine tokom rata, na bojnom
polju, odnosno kako to pravnici ka?u za dela in
bello.
Ovakvo èinjenièno stanje nameæe svakom èoveku
normalne pameti neizbe?no pitanje: zasto su se
autori haskog tribunala opredelili za ovakvo
resenje? Ovo pitanje je tim prirodnije sto se èesto
u javnosti, pa i od samih kreatora haskog
tribunala, poziva na Nirnberg i Tokio kao na uzore
i presedane. Jedini moguæi logièan odgovor jeste:
ovakvom resenju se pribeglo namerno i svesno, da bi
se onemoguæio krivièni postupak protiv pravih
krivaca za tragediju Jugoslavije i njenih naroda,
pre svih naravno srpskog naroda, to jest onih koji
su isplanirali, organizovali, podsticali,
finansirali i izveli nasilno komadanje Jugoslavije.
Drugi bi razlog mogao biti da je u vreme kada je
stvaran haski tribunal, znaèi 1992/93. godine, veæ
bio anticipiran agresivni rat NATO-a protiv
Jugoslavije, pa, da bi se krivci zastitili od bilo
kakve odgovornosti, bilo je potrebno statutom
tribunala iskljuèiti njegovu nadle?nost u pogledu
agresije! Mo?emo se mi ljutiti koliko hoæemo na
Karlu del Ponte sto odbija da protiv NATO-a,
odnosno dr?ava èlanica te alijanse koje su
uèestvovale u agresiji podigne optu?nicu, ali ona
je formalno u pravu, jer joj statut tribunala,
vidimo, to onemoguæava, èak i da ona to lièno ?eli.
Ove nepobitne èinjenice vise nego dovoljno govore,
kako o haskom tribunalu, tako i o njegovim
autorima.
Dr Milan Tepavac
Beograd
MT
miltep@...
www.antic.org/YU4NSP/
2. Pravi krivci nisu u Hagu (M. Tepavac)
===*===
Subject: Novi tekst na ARTEL
GEOPOLITICI- Pismo Beogradskog
foruma Haskom Tribunalu
Date: Thu, 16 May 2002 00:53:23 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
by
www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:15. maj 2002.
Pismo Predsedavaju?eg Beogradskog foruma
Vladislava Jovanovi?a Klodu ?orda iz Medjunarodnog
krivi?nog suda za bivsu Jugoslaviju
15 maj 2002.
Medjunarodnom krivi?nom sudu za bivsu Jugoslaviju
Gospodinu Klodu ?orda
Postovani gospodine, Izra?avam svoju duboku
zabrinutost povodom na?ina na koji se vodi
sudjenje gospodinu Slobodanu Milosevi?u pred
Me|unarodnim krivi?nim Tribunalom za bivsu
Jugoslaviju (ICTY) u Hagu i zbog rastu?e
pristrasnosti Tribunala.
Posebno me zabrinjava prihvatanje gospodina
Ridl-Majera kao nezavisnog eksperta za oblast
istorijskih spomenika kulture od strane Tribunala.
Ovo prihvatanje je doslo uprkos ?injenici da je
gospodin Ridl-Majer obezbedio sredstva za svoj
pristrasan istra?iva?ki projekt o Kosovu iz sebi
poznatih izvora, a zatim ponudio svoje usluge
kancelariji tu?ilastva Tribunala. S druge strane,
poznata mi je dobro ustanovljena praksa
nepristrasnih krivi?nih sudova bilo gde u svetu da
su vestaci za pojedina vesta?enja odredjeni od
strane samih sudova, dok su sredstva za vesta?enje
obezbedjena iz izvora koja su striktno odredjena
krivi?nim procesnim pravom.
Takodje me zabrinjava veliki i rastu?i broj
pitanja koje predsedavaju?i sudija Ri?ard Mej
proglasava irelevantnim za vreme unakrsnog
ispitivanja svedoka od strane gospodina
Milosevi?a. U tom smislu, stroga vremenska
ograni?ewa su primenjena, ?ak i onda kada gospodin
Milosevi? unakrsno ispituje neke od najva?nijih
svedoka poput gospodina Ibrahima Rugove,
predsednika Kosova, dana 3. i 6. maja 2002.
godine. Smatram neprihvatljivim da pitanja kao
npr. utvrdjenje uloge, karaktera i izvora
finansiranja OVK budu proglasena "irelevantnim". U
isto vreme, predsedavaju?i sudija Mej nije ulo?io
nikakav zna?ajan napor da bi u?inio da gospodin
Rugova da precizne, koncizne i konkretne odgovore
na pitanja gospodina Milosevi?a i amicus curiae.
Mnogi pravnici i novinari prisutni u Hagu su
svedo?enje gospodina Rugove okarakterisali "kao
sramotu za medjunarodnu pravdu", izvestio je
beogradski dnevnik "Glas javnosti", dana 4. maja
2002. godine.
Imaju?i u vidu da mnogi svedoci sa Kosova svedo?e
da ?ak uopste nisu ni ?uli za OVK, izra?avam
zabrinutost povodom ?injenice da ni jedan svedok
nije bio upozoren da se zbog la?nog svedo?ewa mogu
primeniti kaznene mere po ?lanu 91 Pravilnika
procedure i dokazivanja Tribunala. Ove mere moraju
biti primenjene u cilju spre?avanja svedo?enja
lisenih kredibiliteta, zloupotrebe prava od strane
tu?ilastva i nepotrebnog iscrpljivanja gospodina
Milosevi?a koji je podvrgnut veoma duga?kom
sudjenju.
Na kraju, izra?avam duboku zabrinutost zbog
stalnih izmena u redosledu pojavljivanja pojedinih
svedoka koje ?ini tu?ilastvo, a koje sudsko Ve?e
olako odobrava.
Sdj|enje gospodinu Milosevi?u je vrlo kompleksno,
i ono sa sobom donosi veoma kompleksna pitanja pri
?emu isuvise uzak, selektivan i nestrpljiv pristup
sudskog Ve?a tim pitanjima mo?e imati stetne
posledice po prava gospodina Milosevi?a.
Smatraju?i da je takav pristup ve? po?eo da
ugro?ava njegovo pravo na posteno sudjenje,
pozivam sve organizacije za zastitu ljudskih prava
da postave svoje posmatra?e na sudjenju, ili da
prate proces na drugi prikladan na?in. Takodje,
pozivam sve organizacije za zastitu ljudskih prava
da preduzmu onu akciju koju smatraju prikladnom u
cilju zaustavljawa krsenja prava na fer sudjenje
gospodina Slobodana Milosevi?a.
Sa postovanjem,
Vladislav Jovanovi?,
Predsedavaju?i Beogradskog foruma
za svet ravnopravnih
Beograd, Misarska 6
Tel/Fax: (+ 381 11) 3245601
www.belgrade-forum.org
office@...
===*===
Subject: Pravi krivci nisu u Hagu
Date: Mon, 20 May 2002 10:33:33 -0400
From: "Miroslav Antic"
Ovaj moj tekst objavila je beogradska "Politika" od
20.5.2002.
Pravi krivci nisu u Hagu
"Hag nije Nirnberg" 15. maj
Èitalac Budimir Rudoviæ je svojim tekstom sjajno
pokazao i dokazao da "Hag nije Nirnberg", to jest
razliku izmeðu nirnberskog tribunala i tzv. haskog
tribunala.
Kljuèno u nirnberskoj optu?nici protiv nacistièkih
zloèinaca je bilo ka?njavanje krivih za zloèine
protiv mira, to jest planiranje i voðenje
agresorskih ratova kao vrhunskih zloèina po osnovu
meðunarodnog prava, iz kojih proizlaze svi drugi
ratni zloèini, ili zloèini protiv meðunarodnog
humanitarnog prava, kako se to danas govori.
Za razliku od nirnberskog (pa i tokijskog)
tribunala, takozvani haski tribunal uopste nije
nadle?an za krivièna dela protiv mira, kao sto su
spoljna ili unutrasnja agresija, veæ samo za ona
krivièna dela koja se èine tokom rata, na bojnom
polju, odnosno kako to pravnici ka?u za dela in
bello.
Ovakvo èinjenièno stanje nameæe svakom èoveku
normalne pameti neizbe?no pitanje: zasto su se
autori haskog tribunala opredelili za ovakvo
resenje? Ovo pitanje je tim prirodnije sto se èesto
u javnosti, pa i od samih kreatora haskog
tribunala, poziva na Nirnberg i Tokio kao na uzore
i presedane. Jedini moguæi logièan odgovor jeste:
ovakvom resenju se pribeglo namerno i svesno, da bi
se onemoguæio krivièni postupak protiv pravih
krivaca za tragediju Jugoslavije i njenih naroda,
pre svih naravno srpskog naroda, to jest onih koji
su isplanirali, organizovali, podsticali,
finansirali i izveli nasilno komadanje Jugoslavije.
Drugi bi razlog mogao biti da je u vreme kada je
stvaran haski tribunal, znaèi 1992/93. godine, veæ
bio anticipiran agresivni rat NATO-a protiv
Jugoslavije, pa, da bi se krivci zastitili od bilo
kakve odgovornosti, bilo je potrebno statutom
tribunala iskljuèiti njegovu nadle?nost u pogledu
agresije! Mo?emo se mi ljutiti koliko hoæemo na
Karlu del Ponte sto odbija da protiv NATO-a,
odnosno dr?ava èlanica te alijanse koje su
uèestvovale u agresiji podigne optu?nicu, ali ona
je formalno u pravu, jer joj statut tribunala,
vidimo, to onemoguæava, èak i da ona to lièno ?eli.
Ove nepobitne èinjenice vise nego dovoljno govore,
kako o haskom tribunalu, tako i o njegovim
autorima.
Dr Milan Tepavac
Beograd
MT
miltep@...
www.antic.org/YU4NSP/
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m051602.html
ANTIWAR, Thursday, May 16, 2002
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
Empire in the Balkans: Hypocrisy Rampant
Next to the ever-present irony and all-pervading lies, hypocrisy is a
major
fixture of the Balkans nowadays. Besides the usual discrepancy between
words
and deeds common to politics, there is also a frequent discrepancy
between
words themselves, a sure sign that those who speak them have as much
commitment to principles as a windsock.
Like Master, Like Vassal
Serbian authorities held talks this week with high NATO officials on
joining
the Alliance's "Partnership for Peace" program. Three years ago, that
same
NATO was bombing Serbia to smithereens, yet was unable to conquer it or
Kosovo until resorting to treachery. Back then, most of those who run
the
current government whined how the bombing might hurt their chances to
win
power - not really giving a damn about the countless dead, displaced, or
dispossessed. Seeing how they are getting all friendly with NATO - on
top of
all the groveling before Empire's Hague Inquisition - their priorities
haven't changed, only their rhetoric.
When NATO was attacking Serbia, Macedonia supported the effort, and
joined
the calls branding Slobodan Milosevic a war criminal. After NATO forced
it
to capitulate to the very same Albanian militants as Serbia, and as
Interior
Minister Ljube Boskovski is rumored to be in the Hague Inquisition's
sights,
Macedonian media defend him much the same way Milosevic defends himself.
The
irony, and the comparison, is completely lost on the befuddled
Macedonians.
Neither Belgrade nor Skopje sees anything abnormal in this sort of
behavior.
Apparently, promising Serbs a better, more dignified life really meant
groveling before their executioners and being grateful for table scraps.
By
the same token, condemning Serbia for defending itself from terrorists
is no
obstacle to protesting Macedonia's condemnation for the same thing.
But what can one expect, when the Empire itself, the Alpha and Omega of
Balkan satraps' universe, is engaging in some of the most outrageous
feats
of hypocrisy known to man - and getting away with it?
Their Court, And Ours
Some ten days ago the US theatrically "unsigned" the treaty establishing
the
International Criminal Court, the genetically enhanced spawn of its own
Hague Inquisition. On that occasion, undersecretary of state for
political
affairs Marc Grossman said, "We believe that states, not international
institutions, are primarily responsible for ensuring justice in the
international system." (AP, May 6)
The same news story quotes Grossman saying that "the United States has
never
recognized the right of an international organization" to try
non-citizens
who commit crimes against other nation's citizens or on their territory,
as
that would "threaten US sovereignty".
Further down the article,
Rep. Henry Hyde, R-Ill., chairman of the House International Relations
Committee, said, "We simply cannot accept an international institution
that
claims jurisdiction over American citizens."
Both Grossman and Hyde are absolutely right. The ICC is a threat to
national
sovereignty, which is the equivalent of individual liberty in the world
of
foreign relations. But substitute the "United States" with "Yugoslavia"
or
"Serbia," and these statements become mere echoes of Vojislav Kostunica,
Kosta Cavoski and yes, Slobodan Milosevic.
Given its insistence on creating the Hague Inquisition to further its
political aims in the Balkans; given its merciless cajoling, blackmail
and
arm-twisting of Serbia to surrender to the Inquisition's authority; and
given the current show trial of Milosevic at The Hague, the Empire has
no
moral right to object to a similar court wishing to try its citizens -
unless it disavows the Hague Inquisition first. Predictably, there has
yet
been no mention of the possibility.
Words and Deeds
Facts are, obviously, extremely relative when it comes to serving
Empire's
purposes. Discovery by NATO's occupation forces of two major weapons
caches
in the Muslim-controlled part of southern Bosnia was downplayed in the
media. Meanwhile, their counterparts in Kosovo have been frantically
searching for any weapons in possession of Kosovo Serbs, ransacking
homes
even on Easter Sunday. They have found nothing, because there is nothing
to
find - but they will keep looking. If only they had been so eager when
tons
of Albanian weapons found their way from Kosovo into Macedonia last
year?
Empire's legions behave much the same when confronting rampant organized
crime. It is common knowledge that trafficking in weapons, drugs and
sex-slaves is a very profitable venture for primarily Albanian gangsters
in
NATO's Great Protectorate. But Michael Steiner, Empire's viceroy in
Kosovo,
is far more concerned with cigarette smugglers, because vassal
governments
lose "large amounts of badly needed tax revenue." No mention of smoking
being harmful to people's health, or preferable to hard drugs, sexual
slavery or gun-running. See, there's just no revenue in cracking down on
those?
Then there is Herr Steiner's recently announced "reintegration" plan.
Under
the cover of encouraging returns of Serbs and other non-Albanians
expelled
at gunpoint (according to UNMIK, perfectly justifiably) in 1999,
Kosovo's
occupation authorities are determined to demolish the last vestiges of
Serb
society in Kosovo, completely subordinating them to the
Albanian-dominated
government. Nor does he stop there.
In an interview with Beta, a Serbian news agency, Steiner criticized
Kosovo
Serbs for wanting "what is not your [Serb] right"; defended his
privatization plan, which seeks to plunder Serbian property in Kosovo
for
sale to foreigners; rationalized the Albanian hatred of Serbs; and even
had
the nerve to say he supported "decentralization of power from higher
levels
to the local communities," which directly contradicts his
"reintegration"
plan.
Obviously, neither Steiner nor his masters believe in much of anything
except raw power. There is certainly nothing remotely resembling
principles
to be found in their words, let alone actions. And that's what the
Empire is
all about.
A Universe of Lies
Lies and hypocrisy - as a sophisticated form of lies - have been in the
Balkans for a long time. Only recently, though, has the Empire made them
into a way of life, built an entire elaborate universe out of them. In
that
universe, Ibrahim Rugova can freely commit perjury in the service of
Imperial "justice," while hypocritically accusing Milosevic of doing the
same. In that universe, there can be a sham court for the Balkans
savages,
but none for Imperial Übermenschen. Words and deeds are judged not on
their
own merit, but rather on the political correctness of those who stand
behind
them.
It is an act of supreme hubris, prideful arrogance, to defy reality
itself
and try to replace it with fiction. What dire consequences await on that
road? Perhaps the ravaged lands of the Balkans, reduced to mimicking
their
executioners and bowing to their every whim, should serve as a haunting
example.
And maybe, just maybe, if anyone there finds the strength and courage to
say
"No!" they might yet offer an example of hope.
ANTIWAR, Thursday, May 16, 2002
Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
Empire in the Balkans: Hypocrisy Rampant
Next to the ever-present irony and all-pervading lies, hypocrisy is a
major
fixture of the Balkans nowadays. Besides the usual discrepancy between
words
and deeds common to politics, there is also a frequent discrepancy
between
words themselves, a sure sign that those who speak them have as much
commitment to principles as a windsock.
Like Master, Like Vassal
Serbian authorities held talks this week with high NATO officials on
joining
the Alliance's "Partnership for Peace" program. Three years ago, that
same
NATO was bombing Serbia to smithereens, yet was unable to conquer it or
Kosovo until resorting to treachery. Back then, most of those who run
the
current government whined how the bombing might hurt their chances to
win
power - not really giving a damn about the countless dead, displaced, or
dispossessed. Seeing how they are getting all friendly with NATO - on
top of
all the groveling before Empire's Hague Inquisition - their priorities
haven't changed, only their rhetoric.
When NATO was attacking Serbia, Macedonia supported the effort, and
joined
the calls branding Slobodan Milosevic a war criminal. After NATO forced
it
to capitulate to the very same Albanian militants as Serbia, and as
Interior
Minister Ljube Boskovski is rumored to be in the Hague Inquisition's
sights,
Macedonian media defend him much the same way Milosevic defends himself.
The
irony, and the comparison, is completely lost on the befuddled
Macedonians.
Neither Belgrade nor Skopje sees anything abnormal in this sort of
behavior.
Apparently, promising Serbs a better, more dignified life really meant
groveling before their executioners and being grateful for table scraps.
By
the same token, condemning Serbia for defending itself from terrorists
is no
obstacle to protesting Macedonia's condemnation for the same thing.
But what can one expect, when the Empire itself, the Alpha and Omega of
Balkan satraps' universe, is engaging in some of the most outrageous
feats
of hypocrisy known to man - and getting away with it?
Their Court, And Ours
Some ten days ago the US theatrically "unsigned" the treaty establishing
the
International Criminal Court, the genetically enhanced spawn of its own
Hague Inquisition. On that occasion, undersecretary of state for
political
affairs Marc Grossman said, "We believe that states, not international
institutions, are primarily responsible for ensuring justice in the
international system." (AP, May 6)
The same news story quotes Grossman saying that "the United States has
never
recognized the right of an international organization" to try
non-citizens
who commit crimes against other nation's citizens or on their territory,
as
that would "threaten US sovereignty".
Further down the article,
Rep. Henry Hyde, R-Ill., chairman of the House International Relations
Committee, said, "We simply cannot accept an international institution
that
claims jurisdiction over American citizens."
Both Grossman and Hyde are absolutely right. The ICC is a threat to
national
sovereignty, which is the equivalent of individual liberty in the world
of
foreign relations. But substitute the "United States" with "Yugoslavia"
or
"Serbia," and these statements become mere echoes of Vojislav Kostunica,
Kosta Cavoski and yes, Slobodan Milosevic.
Given its insistence on creating the Hague Inquisition to further its
political aims in the Balkans; given its merciless cajoling, blackmail
and
arm-twisting of Serbia to surrender to the Inquisition's authority; and
given the current show trial of Milosevic at The Hague, the Empire has
no
moral right to object to a similar court wishing to try its citizens -
unless it disavows the Hague Inquisition first. Predictably, there has
yet
been no mention of the possibility.
Words and Deeds
Facts are, obviously, extremely relative when it comes to serving
Empire's
purposes. Discovery by NATO's occupation forces of two major weapons
caches
in the Muslim-controlled part of southern Bosnia was downplayed in the
media. Meanwhile, their counterparts in Kosovo have been frantically
searching for any weapons in possession of Kosovo Serbs, ransacking
homes
even on Easter Sunday. They have found nothing, because there is nothing
to
find - but they will keep looking. If only they had been so eager when
tons
of Albanian weapons found their way from Kosovo into Macedonia last
year?
Empire's legions behave much the same when confronting rampant organized
crime. It is common knowledge that trafficking in weapons, drugs and
sex-slaves is a very profitable venture for primarily Albanian gangsters
in
NATO's Great Protectorate. But Michael Steiner, Empire's viceroy in
Kosovo,
is far more concerned with cigarette smugglers, because vassal
governments
lose "large amounts of badly needed tax revenue." No mention of smoking
being harmful to people's health, or preferable to hard drugs, sexual
slavery or gun-running. See, there's just no revenue in cracking down on
those?
Then there is Herr Steiner's recently announced "reintegration" plan.
Under
the cover of encouraging returns of Serbs and other non-Albanians
expelled
at gunpoint (according to UNMIK, perfectly justifiably) in 1999,
Kosovo's
occupation authorities are determined to demolish the last vestiges of
Serb
society in Kosovo, completely subordinating them to the
Albanian-dominated
government. Nor does he stop there.
In an interview with Beta, a Serbian news agency, Steiner criticized
Kosovo
Serbs for wanting "what is not your [Serb] right"; defended his
privatization plan, which seeks to plunder Serbian property in Kosovo
for
sale to foreigners; rationalized the Albanian hatred of Serbs; and even
had
the nerve to say he supported "decentralization of power from higher
levels
to the local communities," which directly contradicts his
"reintegration"
plan.
Obviously, neither Steiner nor his masters believe in much of anything
except raw power. There is certainly nothing remotely resembling
principles
to be found in their words, let alone actions. And that's what the
Empire is
all about.
A Universe of Lies
Lies and hypocrisy - as a sophisticated form of lies - have been in the
Balkans for a long time. Only recently, though, has the Empire made them
into a way of life, built an entire elaborate universe out of them. In
that
universe, Ibrahim Rugova can freely commit perjury in the service of
Imperial "justice," while hypocritically accusing Milosevic of doing the
same. In that universe, there can be a sham court for the Balkans
savages,
but none for Imperial Übermenschen. Words and deeds are judged not on
their
own merit, but rather on the political correctness of those who stand
behind
them.
It is an act of supreme hubris, prideful arrogance, to defy reality
itself
and try to replace it with fiction. What dire consequences await on that
road? Perhaps the ravaged lands of the Balkans, reduced to mimicking
their
executioners and bowing to their every whim, should serve as a haunting
example.
And maybe, just maybe, if anyone there finds the strength and courage to
say
"No!" they might yet offer an example of hope.
FASCIST LEGACY
La "eredita' fascista" dei crimini di guerra commessi
dagli italiani nei Balcani ed in Africa nel corso della
II Guerra Mondiale
* Resoconto della proiezione di Torino, 4/5/2002
* Scheda filmografica
===
Resoconto della proiezione di Torino, 4/5/2002
Sabato 4 maggio 2002 al Politecnico di Torino ha avuto luogo la
proiezione del film "Fascist Legacy", cui ha fatto seguito una
breve conferenza. Presenti personaggi della cultura di rilievo:
Costanzo Preve, filosofo, Angelo del Boca, storico e Massimo Sani,
regista. Coordinava Massimo Zucchetti, del Politecnico. L'incontro
era organizzato dal Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia, da
SNUR-CGIL Torino e Piemonte, RSU PolitecnicoTorino, Torino Social
Forum, Lavoro e società-Cambiare rotta Piemonte, PRC Federazione
Torino e Assemblea Antimperialista.
Tra il numeroso pubblico, oltre a studenti del quinto anno delle
superiori (per la valle di Susa, il liceo di Bussoleno), la signora
Rita Comoglio della ANPPIA di Torino e Bruno Carli.
Il film, un documento storico prodotto dalla BBC, è stato da oltre
dieci anni tradotto in italiano dal regista Sani e consegnato alla
RAI, che ne aveva acquistato i diritti sulla versione italiana ma
non intende in nessun modo, da dieci anni, mandarlo in onda. Perché?
È probabile che cio' non sia ancora "politicamente opportuno", né per
la destra al governo, né per quella sinistra che comunque ha spesso
appoggiato le iniziative di intervento armato coloniale dell'Italia,
già prima del fascismo (le mire coloniali italiane risalgono al 1895
con la dura sconfitta all'Amba Alagi e la conseguente caduta del
governo Crispi nel 1896), e che solo due anni fa ha "finalmente"
potuto esprimere, in prima persona, queste velleita' occupando "per
ragioni umanitarie" la provincia jugoslava del Kosovo, dopo aver
partecipato ai bombardamenti sulle infrastrutture e sui centri abitati
della Serbia e del Montenegro; d'altronde, soldati italiani sono
presenti nei Balcani (Bosnia e Macedonia) gia' da qualche anno. Anche
secondo i relatori, l'intervento della NATO per il Kosovo non era
dovuto a "ragioni umanitarie" in quanto non era in corso un
"genocidio" bensì uno scontro tra esercito e miliziani secessionisti:
le ragioni addotte per l'attacco NATO nascondono piuttosto
in modo grossolano finalita' di tipo coloniale.
La questione dei crimini di guerra e della occupazione militare
italiana nei Balcani e' dunque di estrema attualita'. Il film della
BBC è diviso in due parti: nella prima sono documentate in modo chiaro
e terribile le atrocità commesse dal regio esercito italiano in Africa
e poi in Jugoslavia, per reprimere col terrore la resistenza delle
popolazioni; nella seconda parte, testimoni, storici, politici e
documenti dimostrano la volontà degli alleati, Statunitensi ed
Inglesi, di insabbiare le indagini sugli oltre 750 criminali di guerra
italiani, colpevoli di numerosi crimini. Duecento i campi di prigionia
solo italiani, non tedeschi, nei Balcani, dove si moriva perfino di
sete, come a Rab/Arbe! Centinaia di migliaia gli internati (600mila
secondo il governo jugoslavo, 250mila accertati per gli storici),
donne e bambini compresi, di cui pochissimi i sopravvissuti (perché
gli uomini tra i 16 e i 60 anni venivano subito massacrati e uccisi).
750 criminali di guerra italiani, nessuno condannato in Italia,
nessuno estradato all'estero. Si dice che cio' fosse necessario in
funzione anticomunista, perché era di fatto già iniziata la "guerra
fredda".
Ora, come hanno ribadito Preve e del Boca, non si tratta solo di
ridimensionare il mito degli "italiani brava gente", ne' tantomeno di
ridescrivere gli italiani come "cattivi" e fare esercizio di
moralismo: è indubbio invece che si debbano conoscere questi fatti e
se ne debba comprendere la gravità, perche' un popolo che non conosce
la propria storia, e costruisce la propria politica estera sulla falsa
coscienza, e' destinato a commettere gli stessi errori e crimini, o a
commetterne di ancora piu' gravi. Lo dimostrano le conseguenze dei
bombardamenti del 1999, effettuati in spregio alla stessa Costituzione
repubblicana, e lo dimostra pure la politica di appoggio ai settori
micronazionalisti e secessionisti, eredi dei collaborazionisti locali
del nazifascismo, perseguita con grande disinvoltura ed
irresponsabilita' in questi anni, grazie ad una furiosa campagna di
disinformazione rivolta alla opinione pubblica per manipolarne il
consenso.
L'incontro si e' concluso con la stesura e la sottoscrizione, da parte
di tutti i partecipanti, di un appello rivolto al Presidente della
Repubblica affinche' intervenga per "sbloccare" la situazione
consentendo la messa in onda del filmato da parte della RAI.
(a cura del CNJ)
===
Scheda filmografica
Fascist Legacy (L'eredità del fascismo), Gran Bretagna 1989. 2x50
minuti. Regia: Ken Kirby; consulenza storica: Michael Palumbo;
fotografia:
Nigel Walters; montaggio: George Farley; voce narrante: Michael
Bryant.
Documentario prodotto e trasmesso dalla BBC in due puntate, l'1 e 8
novembre 1989, suscitando una protesta da parte dell'ambasciatore
italiano a Londra, un'interpellanza parlamentare e articoli apparsi su
tutti i maggiori quotidiani italiani1. Successivamente è stato
acquistato dalla RAI che ne ha prodotto una versione italiana che non
è mai stata trasmessa.
Affronta il tema della rimozione dei crimini sistematicamente commessi
dall'Italia fascista nella costruzione del suo impero, in nome della
"superiore civiltà italica" e della sua "missione civilizzatrice", in
Africa (Libia, Etiopia, Somalia) e nei Balcani (Albania, Jugoslavia e
Grecia). Massacri di civili, distruzione di interi villaggi,
eliminazione delle élite intellettuali e politiche, uso di armi
chimiche, distruzione delle colture e del bestiame per ridurre alla
fame la popolazione, deportazioni e campi di concentramento con una
mortalità che arrivò sino al 50% degli internati. Una serie di orrori,
con un bilancio di morti, arrotondato per difetto, di 300.000 etiopi,
100.000 libici, 100.000 greci e 250.000 jugoslavi.2
La prima parte, intitolata A Promise Fulfilled (Una promessa
mantenuta), documenta questi crimini analizzando quanto avvenne in
Etiopia e Jugoslavia. Gli episodi e i luoghi più significativi di
questi crimini vengono ripercorsi affiancando alle immagini dell'epoca
il racconto di testimoni oculari e il commento di alcuni autorevoli
storici, fra cui Angelo Del Boca, Guido Rochat e lo jugoslavo Ivan
Kovacic.
La seconda, intitolata A Pledge Betrayed (Un'impegno tradito) illustra
le ragioni per cui i responsabili di quei crimini non furono mai
processati e incriminati, contrariamente agli impegni precentemente
presi dagli Alleati, né si sviluppò mai un serio dibattito pubblico
che rielaborasse la memoria collettiva di tali eventi, rimasta così
ancora oggi abbandonata a un'ambigua mescolanza di rimozione e luoghi
comuni ereditati dalla propaganda autoassolutoria del regime.
Basandosi principalmente sui documenti della Commissione ONU per i
crimini di guerra istitutita nel 1943, lo storico Michael Palumbo
ricostruisce come Stati Uniti e Gran Bretagna al termine del conflitto
appoggiarono deliberatamente i tentativi di chi in Italia voleva
affossare le richieste di processare quei criminali di querra italiani
che la stessa commissione ONU riconosceva come tali. Testimoni
dell'epoca, come il membro della Commissione ONU Marian Mushkat,
l'allora ministro degli esteri jugoslavo Leo Mattes, storici come
David Ellwood e Claudio Pavone, affiancano la documentazione fornita
da Palumbo nel far luce sulla motivazione fondamentale di questo
insabbiamento: condannare i criminali fascisti avrebbe messo in moto
in Italia un processo di epurazione che avrebbe indebolito il fronte
anticomunista, ritenuto essenziale nella logica della Guerra Fredda.
Così nessun criminale venne processato, molti continuarono anzi a
ricoprire alte cariche istituzionali. Contestualmente si orchestrò una
campagna d'opinione che diffuse quel mito del "bravo italiano" ben
rispecchiato anche nel cinema che ha affrontato queste vicende. Film
come Mediterraneo (1991), I giorni dell'amore e dell'odio (1999) e il
più recente Il mandolino del Capitano Corelli (2001) presentano tutti
un'immagine del soldato italiano vittima egli stesso e
costituzionalmente incapace di crudeltà.
Paradossalmente, il massacro di Cefalonia, cui gli ultimi due film
citati sono dedicati, venne a suo tempo insabbiato, come tante altre
stragi naziste in Italia, prima ancora che insorgesse l'esigenza di
non ostacolare il riarmo della Repubblica Federale Tedesca in funzione
del ruolo assegnatogli dal suo ingresso nella NATO, proprio per
evitare che questi processi potessero determinare un "effetto
boomerang", costituendo un precedente che legittimasse le richieste di
processare i criminali di guerra italiani avanzate da Jugoslavia ed
Etiopia3. Così, dopo che nel 1953 la pubblicazione sulla rivista
"Cinema Nuovo" di una proposta di realizzare un film critico sul
comportamento dei soldati italiani in Grecia, che avrebbe dovuto
intitolarsi L'armata Sagapò, costò ai suoi promotori Guido Aristarco e
Renzo Renzi l'arresto e un processo di fronte a un tribunale militare,
un film italiano su questa pagina buia della nostra storia nei Balcani
attende ancora di essere fatto. Va ricordato infine come nei confronti
dell'Africa il cinema italiano sia riuscito a fare ben di peggio, se
si pensa a quel fortunato genere cinematografico di cui negli anni
Sessanta sono stati iniziatori Franco Prosperi e Gualtiero Jacopetti
con il loro Africa Addio (1966).
Un ultimo colpo di coda del razzismo colonialista, sferrato mentre era
in atto il processo di decolonizzazione. Un film peraltro prontamente
difeso da un autorevole custode della memoria italiana dell'avventura
africana come Indro Montanelli. Fra i critici di allora Alessandro
Galante Garrone, che in un suo articolo pubblicato su "Cinema Nuovo"
nel marzo del 1966, ne denunciava l'ideologia sintetizzandola con il
commento espresso all'uscita dei cinema da un suo spettatore ideale:
"Quelli sono popoli selvaggi. Avrebbero ancora bisogno di noi bianchi,
della nostra civiltà superiore".
Va sottolineato come la censura praticata nei confronti di questo
documentario, così come quella attuata dieci anni prima e tuttora
mantenuta nei confronti del film Omar Mukthar. Lion of the Desert4,
che documentava la brutale repressione nei confronti della resistenza
libica all'occupazione fascista, vada inserita all'interno di quella
politica della memoria che và dalla storiografia defeliciana
all'attuale retorica della riconciliazione nazionale. Denunciare i
crimini del colonialismo fascista e l'ideologia razzista che li
legittimò, smonta infatti una delle basi su cui tale interpretazione
del fascismo si regge, vale a dire la negazione del carattere
costitutivamente razzista del fascismo.
A tal fine si è in primo luogo tentato di allontanare l'Italia dal
"cono d'ombra dell'Olocausto", sino a disegnare un'immagine del
fascismo che "come non fu razzista non fu nemmeno antisemita", secondo
le celebri formulazioni di De Felice5. Le leggi razziali del 1938
diventano così un fenomeno importato dalla Germania, da condannare
oggi come un semplice errore di percorso o una brutta parentesi,
relativizzabile inoltre a fronte delle maggiori atrocità del nazismo.
Presunte attenuanti queste, tutte inutilizzabili per assolvere il
fascismo da quel razzismo antislavo e coloniale che fu persino
sanzionato da una legislazione razziale che precedette quella
antiebraica e sostenuto da una propaganda sulla superiorità della
razza italica che contribuì a preparare il terreno all'accettazione
delle stesse leggi antiebraiche. Da qui la necessità di rimuovere
totalmente questo razzismo e le atrocità che esso servì a
legittimare6..Da qui, anche, la costruzione del mito del "bravo
italiano" promossa nel dopoguerra7, tuttora perfida arma ideologica
utilizzata in quel conflitto delle memorie, particolarmente evidente
in occasione di celebrazioni come il 25 aprile o il recentemente
istituito "Giorno della memoria"8 e nelle produzioni cinematografiche
e televisive italiane di questi ultimi anni, la cui posta in gioco
sono gli stessi valori democratici che la lotta contro il fascismo
consegnò alla Costituzione dell'Italia repubblicana.
Marco Farano
1. E. Franceschini, L'italia non è innocente, "La Repubblica",
10.11.1988; M. Vignolo, In Tv per gli inglesi i crimini degli italiani
in guerra, "Corriere della sera", 10.11.1989; F. Merlo, Ma l'Italia
poi voltò pagina, "Corriere della sera", 10.11.1989; L. Maisano,
Questi italiani sono stati criminali di guerra, "Il giornale",
10.11.1989; M. Ciriello, La BBC processa i criminali italiani, "La
Stampa", 10.11.1989; L. Froni, Crimini di guerra, la BBC accusa, "Il
Tempo", 10.11.1989; P. Filo della Torre, Italia, ecco i tuoi crimini
di guerra, "La Repubblica", 10.11.1989; R. Caprile, "È vero, e Londra
sapeva" gli storici italiani rispondono, "La Repubblica", 10.11.1989;
A. Colombo, Criminali brava gente, "Il Manifesto", 10.11.1989; F.
Merlo, Crimini di guerra, ora si minimizza, "Corriere della Sera",
11.11.1989; M. Vignolo, Mack Smith: "Gli italiani non hanno colpe,
restano brava gente", "Corriere della sera", 11.11.1989; P. Filo della
Torre, Italiani suscettibili, "La Repubblica", 11.11.1989; N.
Tranfaglia, Tutti assolti, "Repubblica", 12.11.1989; L. Campagnano,
Smemorati. Gli italiani e i crimini di guerra, "Il manifesto",
11.11.1989; F. Longo, M. Moder, La lista della vergogna. Quel che non
vedremo in tv. Pulizia etnica, genocidio, torture. La BBC accusa i
generali italiani, Raiuno censura, "Il manifesto", 23.4.2000; R.
Carroll, Italian's bloody secret, "The Guardian", 25.6.2001; M.
Cervino, Italiani cattiva gente, "Diario", 7.7.2001.
2. Per quanto riguarda l'Africa si rimanda alle fondamentali ricerche
di Angelo Del Boca, per un cui primo approccio si consiglia L'Africa
nella coscienza degli italiani, Laterza, 1992 e Le guerre coloniali
del fascismo, Laterza, 1991. Per un'introduzione e ulteriori
indicazioni bibliografiche si rimanda a Enzo Collotti, Sulla politica
di repressione italiana nei balcani in L. Paggi, La memoria del
nazismo nell'Europa di oggi, La Nuova Italia, 1997.
3. Vedi in proposito alcune ricerche storiche condotte successivamente
alla realizzazione di questo documentario quali: Filippo Focardi, La
questione della punizione dei criminali di guerra in Italia dopo la
fine del secondo conflitto mondiale, in "Quellen und Forschungen",
Deutschen Historischen Institut in Rom, Band 80, Max Niemayer Verlag
Tübingen, 2000; F. Focardi e Lutz Klinkhammer, La questione dei
"criminali di guerra" italiani e una Commissione di inchiesta
dimenticata, in "Storia contemporanea", Anno IV, n° 3, 2001; Mimmo
Franzinelli, Le stragi nascoste, Mondadori, 2002.
4. Vedi A. Del Boca, L'Africa nella coscienza degli italiani, cit.
pag. 125.
5. Le espressioni citate ricorrono rispettivamente nella celebre
intervista di De Felice al "Corriere della Sera" del 27.12.1987 e
nell'introduzione all'ultima edizione della sua Storia degli ebrei
italiani sotto il fascismo, Einaudi, 1993.
6. Vedi Enzo Collotti, Il razzismo negato in Enzo Collotti, Fascismo e
antifascismo. Rimozioni, revisioni, negazioni, Laterza 2000; sui
rapporti fra razzismo antisemita e razzismo coloniale in Italia vedi
Centro Furio Jesi, La menzogna della razza. Documenti e immagini del
razzismo e dell'antisemitismo fascista, Grafis1994 e Alberto Burgio,
Nel nome della razza. Il razzismo nella storia d'Italia 1870-1945, Il
Mulino, 1999.
7. Vedi Filippo Focardi, "Bravo italiano" e "cattivo tedesco":
riflessioni sulla genesi di due immagini incrociate, in "Storia e
memoria", n° 1, Istituto Ligure per la Storia della Resistenza e
dell'Età contemporanea, 1996 (contenente diversi altri contributi sul
tema, in particolare quelli di Brunello Mantelli e Gerhard Schreiber);
il tema è ulteriormente sviluppato da Focardi nel suo saggio L'ombra
del passato, in "Germania: cultura del ricordo e passato nazista",
Istituto per la storia della resistenza e dell'età contemporanea di
Modena, 2000.
8. Valga ad esempio la puntuale osservazione polemica di un'autorevole
storico della legislazione fascista antiebraica come Michele Sarfatti
che ha rilevato come il testo della legge che ha istituito tale
ricorrenza non nomini neppure il fascismo, oppure la decisione da
parte della RAI di celebrare quest'anno tale ricorrenza con un film su
Giorgio Perlasca.
La "eredita' fascista" dei crimini di guerra commessi
dagli italiani nei Balcani ed in Africa nel corso della
II Guerra Mondiale
* Resoconto della proiezione di Torino, 4/5/2002
* Scheda filmografica
===
Resoconto della proiezione di Torino, 4/5/2002
Sabato 4 maggio 2002 al Politecnico di Torino ha avuto luogo la
proiezione del film "Fascist Legacy", cui ha fatto seguito una
breve conferenza. Presenti personaggi della cultura di rilievo:
Costanzo Preve, filosofo, Angelo del Boca, storico e Massimo Sani,
regista. Coordinava Massimo Zucchetti, del Politecnico. L'incontro
era organizzato dal Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia, da
SNUR-CGIL Torino e Piemonte, RSU PolitecnicoTorino, Torino Social
Forum, Lavoro e società-Cambiare rotta Piemonte, PRC Federazione
Torino e Assemblea Antimperialista.
Tra il numeroso pubblico, oltre a studenti del quinto anno delle
superiori (per la valle di Susa, il liceo di Bussoleno), la signora
Rita Comoglio della ANPPIA di Torino e Bruno Carli.
Il film, un documento storico prodotto dalla BBC, è stato da oltre
dieci anni tradotto in italiano dal regista Sani e consegnato alla
RAI, che ne aveva acquistato i diritti sulla versione italiana ma
non intende in nessun modo, da dieci anni, mandarlo in onda. Perché?
È probabile che cio' non sia ancora "politicamente opportuno", né per
la destra al governo, né per quella sinistra che comunque ha spesso
appoggiato le iniziative di intervento armato coloniale dell'Italia,
già prima del fascismo (le mire coloniali italiane risalgono al 1895
con la dura sconfitta all'Amba Alagi e la conseguente caduta del
governo Crispi nel 1896), e che solo due anni fa ha "finalmente"
potuto esprimere, in prima persona, queste velleita' occupando "per
ragioni umanitarie" la provincia jugoslava del Kosovo, dopo aver
partecipato ai bombardamenti sulle infrastrutture e sui centri abitati
della Serbia e del Montenegro; d'altronde, soldati italiani sono
presenti nei Balcani (Bosnia e Macedonia) gia' da qualche anno. Anche
secondo i relatori, l'intervento della NATO per il Kosovo non era
dovuto a "ragioni umanitarie" in quanto non era in corso un
"genocidio" bensì uno scontro tra esercito e miliziani secessionisti:
le ragioni addotte per l'attacco NATO nascondono piuttosto
in modo grossolano finalita' di tipo coloniale.
La questione dei crimini di guerra e della occupazione militare
italiana nei Balcani e' dunque di estrema attualita'. Il film della
BBC è diviso in due parti: nella prima sono documentate in modo chiaro
e terribile le atrocità commesse dal regio esercito italiano in Africa
e poi in Jugoslavia, per reprimere col terrore la resistenza delle
popolazioni; nella seconda parte, testimoni, storici, politici e
documenti dimostrano la volontà degli alleati, Statunitensi ed
Inglesi, di insabbiare le indagini sugli oltre 750 criminali di guerra
italiani, colpevoli di numerosi crimini. Duecento i campi di prigionia
solo italiani, non tedeschi, nei Balcani, dove si moriva perfino di
sete, come a Rab/Arbe! Centinaia di migliaia gli internati (600mila
secondo il governo jugoslavo, 250mila accertati per gli storici),
donne e bambini compresi, di cui pochissimi i sopravvissuti (perché
gli uomini tra i 16 e i 60 anni venivano subito massacrati e uccisi).
750 criminali di guerra italiani, nessuno condannato in Italia,
nessuno estradato all'estero. Si dice che cio' fosse necessario in
funzione anticomunista, perché era di fatto già iniziata la "guerra
fredda".
Ora, come hanno ribadito Preve e del Boca, non si tratta solo di
ridimensionare il mito degli "italiani brava gente", ne' tantomeno di
ridescrivere gli italiani come "cattivi" e fare esercizio di
moralismo: è indubbio invece che si debbano conoscere questi fatti e
se ne debba comprendere la gravità, perche' un popolo che non conosce
la propria storia, e costruisce la propria politica estera sulla falsa
coscienza, e' destinato a commettere gli stessi errori e crimini, o a
commetterne di ancora piu' gravi. Lo dimostrano le conseguenze dei
bombardamenti del 1999, effettuati in spregio alla stessa Costituzione
repubblicana, e lo dimostra pure la politica di appoggio ai settori
micronazionalisti e secessionisti, eredi dei collaborazionisti locali
del nazifascismo, perseguita con grande disinvoltura ed
irresponsabilita' in questi anni, grazie ad una furiosa campagna di
disinformazione rivolta alla opinione pubblica per manipolarne il
consenso.
L'incontro si e' concluso con la stesura e la sottoscrizione, da parte
di tutti i partecipanti, di un appello rivolto al Presidente della
Repubblica affinche' intervenga per "sbloccare" la situazione
consentendo la messa in onda del filmato da parte della RAI.
(a cura del CNJ)
===
Scheda filmografica
Fascist Legacy (L'eredità del fascismo), Gran Bretagna 1989. 2x50
minuti. Regia: Ken Kirby; consulenza storica: Michael Palumbo;
fotografia:
Nigel Walters; montaggio: George Farley; voce narrante: Michael
Bryant.
Documentario prodotto e trasmesso dalla BBC in due puntate, l'1 e 8
novembre 1989, suscitando una protesta da parte dell'ambasciatore
italiano a Londra, un'interpellanza parlamentare e articoli apparsi su
tutti i maggiori quotidiani italiani1. Successivamente è stato
acquistato dalla RAI che ne ha prodotto una versione italiana che non
è mai stata trasmessa.
Affronta il tema della rimozione dei crimini sistematicamente commessi
dall'Italia fascista nella costruzione del suo impero, in nome della
"superiore civiltà italica" e della sua "missione civilizzatrice", in
Africa (Libia, Etiopia, Somalia) e nei Balcani (Albania, Jugoslavia e
Grecia). Massacri di civili, distruzione di interi villaggi,
eliminazione delle élite intellettuali e politiche, uso di armi
chimiche, distruzione delle colture e del bestiame per ridurre alla
fame la popolazione, deportazioni e campi di concentramento con una
mortalità che arrivò sino al 50% degli internati. Una serie di orrori,
con un bilancio di morti, arrotondato per difetto, di 300.000 etiopi,
100.000 libici, 100.000 greci e 250.000 jugoslavi.2
La prima parte, intitolata A Promise Fulfilled (Una promessa
mantenuta), documenta questi crimini analizzando quanto avvenne in
Etiopia e Jugoslavia. Gli episodi e i luoghi più significativi di
questi crimini vengono ripercorsi affiancando alle immagini dell'epoca
il racconto di testimoni oculari e il commento di alcuni autorevoli
storici, fra cui Angelo Del Boca, Guido Rochat e lo jugoslavo Ivan
Kovacic.
La seconda, intitolata A Pledge Betrayed (Un'impegno tradito) illustra
le ragioni per cui i responsabili di quei crimini non furono mai
processati e incriminati, contrariamente agli impegni precentemente
presi dagli Alleati, né si sviluppò mai un serio dibattito pubblico
che rielaborasse la memoria collettiva di tali eventi, rimasta così
ancora oggi abbandonata a un'ambigua mescolanza di rimozione e luoghi
comuni ereditati dalla propaganda autoassolutoria del regime.
Basandosi principalmente sui documenti della Commissione ONU per i
crimini di guerra istitutita nel 1943, lo storico Michael Palumbo
ricostruisce come Stati Uniti e Gran Bretagna al termine del conflitto
appoggiarono deliberatamente i tentativi di chi in Italia voleva
affossare le richieste di processare quei criminali di querra italiani
che la stessa commissione ONU riconosceva come tali. Testimoni
dell'epoca, come il membro della Commissione ONU Marian Mushkat,
l'allora ministro degli esteri jugoslavo Leo Mattes, storici come
David Ellwood e Claudio Pavone, affiancano la documentazione fornita
da Palumbo nel far luce sulla motivazione fondamentale di questo
insabbiamento: condannare i criminali fascisti avrebbe messo in moto
in Italia un processo di epurazione che avrebbe indebolito il fronte
anticomunista, ritenuto essenziale nella logica della Guerra Fredda.
Così nessun criminale venne processato, molti continuarono anzi a
ricoprire alte cariche istituzionali. Contestualmente si orchestrò una
campagna d'opinione che diffuse quel mito del "bravo italiano" ben
rispecchiato anche nel cinema che ha affrontato queste vicende. Film
come Mediterraneo (1991), I giorni dell'amore e dell'odio (1999) e il
più recente Il mandolino del Capitano Corelli (2001) presentano tutti
un'immagine del soldato italiano vittima egli stesso e
costituzionalmente incapace di crudeltà.
Paradossalmente, il massacro di Cefalonia, cui gli ultimi due film
citati sono dedicati, venne a suo tempo insabbiato, come tante altre
stragi naziste in Italia, prima ancora che insorgesse l'esigenza di
non ostacolare il riarmo della Repubblica Federale Tedesca in funzione
del ruolo assegnatogli dal suo ingresso nella NATO, proprio per
evitare che questi processi potessero determinare un "effetto
boomerang", costituendo un precedente che legittimasse le richieste di
processare i criminali di guerra italiani avanzate da Jugoslavia ed
Etiopia3. Così, dopo che nel 1953 la pubblicazione sulla rivista
"Cinema Nuovo" di una proposta di realizzare un film critico sul
comportamento dei soldati italiani in Grecia, che avrebbe dovuto
intitolarsi L'armata Sagapò, costò ai suoi promotori Guido Aristarco e
Renzo Renzi l'arresto e un processo di fronte a un tribunale militare,
un film italiano su questa pagina buia della nostra storia nei Balcani
attende ancora di essere fatto. Va ricordato infine come nei confronti
dell'Africa il cinema italiano sia riuscito a fare ben di peggio, se
si pensa a quel fortunato genere cinematografico di cui negli anni
Sessanta sono stati iniziatori Franco Prosperi e Gualtiero Jacopetti
con il loro Africa Addio (1966).
Un ultimo colpo di coda del razzismo colonialista, sferrato mentre era
in atto il processo di decolonizzazione. Un film peraltro prontamente
difeso da un autorevole custode della memoria italiana dell'avventura
africana come Indro Montanelli. Fra i critici di allora Alessandro
Galante Garrone, che in un suo articolo pubblicato su "Cinema Nuovo"
nel marzo del 1966, ne denunciava l'ideologia sintetizzandola con il
commento espresso all'uscita dei cinema da un suo spettatore ideale:
"Quelli sono popoli selvaggi. Avrebbero ancora bisogno di noi bianchi,
della nostra civiltà superiore".
Va sottolineato come la censura praticata nei confronti di questo
documentario, così come quella attuata dieci anni prima e tuttora
mantenuta nei confronti del film Omar Mukthar. Lion of the Desert4,
che documentava la brutale repressione nei confronti della resistenza
libica all'occupazione fascista, vada inserita all'interno di quella
politica della memoria che và dalla storiografia defeliciana
all'attuale retorica della riconciliazione nazionale. Denunciare i
crimini del colonialismo fascista e l'ideologia razzista che li
legittimò, smonta infatti una delle basi su cui tale interpretazione
del fascismo si regge, vale a dire la negazione del carattere
costitutivamente razzista del fascismo.
A tal fine si è in primo luogo tentato di allontanare l'Italia dal
"cono d'ombra dell'Olocausto", sino a disegnare un'immagine del
fascismo che "come non fu razzista non fu nemmeno antisemita", secondo
le celebri formulazioni di De Felice5. Le leggi razziali del 1938
diventano così un fenomeno importato dalla Germania, da condannare
oggi come un semplice errore di percorso o una brutta parentesi,
relativizzabile inoltre a fronte delle maggiori atrocità del nazismo.
Presunte attenuanti queste, tutte inutilizzabili per assolvere il
fascismo da quel razzismo antislavo e coloniale che fu persino
sanzionato da una legislazione razziale che precedette quella
antiebraica e sostenuto da una propaganda sulla superiorità della
razza italica che contribuì a preparare il terreno all'accettazione
delle stesse leggi antiebraiche. Da qui la necessità di rimuovere
totalmente questo razzismo e le atrocità che esso servì a
legittimare6..Da qui, anche, la costruzione del mito del "bravo
italiano" promossa nel dopoguerra7, tuttora perfida arma ideologica
utilizzata in quel conflitto delle memorie, particolarmente evidente
in occasione di celebrazioni come il 25 aprile o il recentemente
istituito "Giorno della memoria"8 e nelle produzioni cinematografiche
e televisive italiane di questi ultimi anni, la cui posta in gioco
sono gli stessi valori democratici che la lotta contro il fascismo
consegnò alla Costituzione dell'Italia repubblicana.
Marco Farano
1. E. Franceschini, L'italia non è innocente, "La Repubblica",
10.11.1988; M. Vignolo, In Tv per gli inglesi i crimini degli italiani
in guerra, "Corriere della sera", 10.11.1989; F. Merlo, Ma l'Italia
poi voltò pagina, "Corriere della sera", 10.11.1989; L. Maisano,
Questi italiani sono stati criminali di guerra, "Il giornale",
10.11.1989; M. Ciriello, La BBC processa i criminali italiani, "La
Stampa", 10.11.1989; L. Froni, Crimini di guerra, la BBC accusa, "Il
Tempo", 10.11.1989; P. Filo della Torre, Italia, ecco i tuoi crimini
di guerra, "La Repubblica", 10.11.1989; R. Caprile, "È vero, e Londra
sapeva" gli storici italiani rispondono, "La Repubblica", 10.11.1989;
A. Colombo, Criminali brava gente, "Il Manifesto", 10.11.1989; F.
Merlo, Crimini di guerra, ora si minimizza, "Corriere della Sera",
11.11.1989; M. Vignolo, Mack Smith: "Gli italiani non hanno colpe,
restano brava gente", "Corriere della sera", 11.11.1989; P. Filo della
Torre, Italiani suscettibili, "La Repubblica", 11.11.1989; N.
Tranfaglia, Tutti assolti, "Repubblica", 12.11.1989; L. Campagnano,
Smemorati. Gli italiani e i crimini di guerra, "Il manifesto",
11.11.1989; F. Longo, M. Moder, La lista della vergogna. Quel che non
vedremo in tv. Pulizia etnica, genocidio, torture. La BBC accusa i
generali italiani, Raiuno censura, "Il manifesto", 23.4.2000; R.
Carroll, Italian's bloody secret, "The Guardian", 25.6.2001; M.
Cervino, Italiani cattiva gente, "Diario", 7.7.2001.
2. Per quanto riguarda l'Africa si rimanda alle fondamentali ricerche
di Angelo Del Boca, per un cui primo approccio si consiglia L'Africa
nella coscienza degli italiani, Laterza, 1992 e Le guerre coloniali
del fascismo, Laterza, 1991. Per un'introduzione e ulteriori
indicazioni bibliografiche si rimanda a Enzo Collotti, Sulla politica
di repressione italiana nei balcani in L. Paggi, La memoria del
nazismo nell'Europa di oggi, La Nuova Italia, 1997.
3. Vedi in proposito alcune ricerche storiche condotte successivamente
alla realizzazione di questo documentario quali: Filippo Focardi, La
questione della punizione dei criminali di guerra in Italia dopo la
fine del secondo conflitto mondiale, in "Quellen und Forschungen",
Deutschen Historischen Institut in Rom, Band 80, Max Niemayer Verlag
Tübingen, 2000; F. Focardi e Lutz Klinkhammer, La questione dei
"criminali di guerra" italiani e una Commissione di inchiesta
dimenticata, in "Storia contemporanea", Anno IV, n° 3, 2001; Mimmo
Franzinelli, Le stragi nascoste, Mondadori, 2002.
4. Vedi A. Del Boca, L'Africa nella coscienza degli italiani, cit.
pag. 125.
5. Le espressioni citate ricorrono rispettivamente nella celebre
intervista di De Felice al "Corriere della Sera" del 27.12.1987 e
nell'introduzione all'ultima edizione della sua Storia degli ebrei
italiani sotto il fascismo, Einaudi, 1993.
6. Vedi Enzo Collotti, Il razzismo negato in Enzo Collotti, Fascismo e
antifascismo. Rimozioni, revisioni, negazioni, Laterza 2000; sui
rapporti fra razzismo antisemita e razzismo coloniale in Italia vedi
Centro Furio Jesi, La menzogna della razza. Documenti e immagini del
razzismo e dell'antisemitismo fascista, Grafis1994 e Alberto Burgio,
Nel nome della razza. Il razzismo nella storia d'Italia 1870-1945, Il
Mulino, 1999.
7. Vedi Filippo Focardi, "Bravo italiano" e "cattivo tedesco":
riflessioni sulla genesi di due immagini incrociate, in "Storia e
memoria", n° 1, Istituto Ligure per la Storia della Resistenza e
dell'Età contemporanea, 1996 (contenente diversi altri contributi sul
tema, in particolare quelli di Brunello Mantelli e Gerhard Schreiber);
il tema è ulteriormente sviluppato da Focardi nel suo saggio L'ombra
del passato, in "Germania: cultura del ricordo e passato nazista",
Istituto per la storia della resistenza e dell'età contemporanea di
Modena, 2000.
8. Valga ad esempio la puntuale osservazione polemica di un'autorevole
storico della legislazione fascista antiebraica come Michele Sarfatti
che ha rilevato come il testo della legge che ha istituito tale
ricorrenza non nomini neppure il fascismo, oppure la decisione da
parte della RAI di celebrare quest'anno tale ricorrenza con un film su
Giorgio Perlasca.
* Proseguono a Gracac (odierna Croazia) le esumazioni dei cadaveri
dei civili massacrati durante la "Operazione Tempesta" del 1995: in
questi
giorni si procedera' con la identificazione di almeno 163 persone.
* Una famiglia serba di Biljane Donje, presso Gorski Kotar (odierna
Croazia)
e' stata costretta nei giorni scorsi ad abbandonare la propria
abitazione a causa
delle minacce dei nazionalisti locali, che hanno poi dato fuoco alla
casa.
* Nella localita' di Crno (odierna Croazia) sono stati scaricati piu' di
un
centinaio di carichi di immondizia allo scopo di impedire il rientro
delle
famiglie locali di origine serba. I profughi serbi della Croazia che
avrebbero,
sulla carta, il diritto di rientrare nelle proprie case, sono circa
400mila.
* Poiche' su tutto questo non troverete niente sui giornali, per
maggiori informazioni
sui "diritti civili" nella odierna Croazia si consiglia di fare
riferimento al sito:
http://www.veritas.org.yu/
+++ Weitere Exhumierungen von Toten +++
GRACAC, 20. Mai 2002. Auf dem Friedhof in Gracac, in
Kroatien, wurde die Exhumierung von 163 Toten
fortgeführt, die während des Überfalls, "Oluja", der
kroatischen Armee auf die "Republik Serbische Krajina"
umgebracht wurden, sagte Slavko Strbac, der Chef des
Information- und Dokumentationszentrums "Veritas".
INET NEWS / AMSELFELD.COM
Anschlag auf die Serben in Kroatien
ZAGREB, 8. Mai 2002. In der Ortschaft Biljane Donje im Gebiet von Gorski
Kotar wurde von den kroatischen Extremisten ein Anschlag auf das Haus
der serbischen Familie Skoric verübt. Die Familie Skoric musste das
Haus schon vor einigen Tagen wegen anhaltender Drohungen seitens der
Kroaten verlassen.
Unterdessen versuchen die kroatischen Behörden ununterbrochen die
Rückkehr der serbischen Bevölkerung zu verhindern. Zuletzt wurden mehr
als 100 Lastwagenladungen Abfall in die Ortschaft Crno abgeladen um die
Serben an der Rückkehr zu hindern.
Im Laufe des Krieges von 1991 bis 1995 wurden mehr als 400 000 Serben
vertrieben und mehr als 20 000 umgebracht. Dabei wurden mehr als 23 000
Familienhäuser vollkommen zerstört.
TANJUG / AMSELFELD.COM
===*===
SCIOPERI DELLA FAME NELLE CARCERI CROATE (Dicembre 2001)
+++ Kroatien: Hungerstreik der serbischen Gefangenen +++
OSIJEK, 16. Dezember 2001. Neun Serben im Gefängnis der
kroatischen Stadt Osijek sind in den Hungerstreik getreten. Ihnen
wird in Kroatien Prozeß wegen angeblicher Kriegsverbrechen
gemacht. Die Streikenden beklagen Diskriminierung in den
Gerichtsverfahren, selektive Rechtsanwendung, Einfluss der
Politik auf die Justiz und unwahrhaftige Berichterstattung der
Medien über die Gerichtsverhandlungen. Dem stellvertretenden
Staatsanwalt Zeljko Krpan werfen sie vor, Zeugen auf den Gängen
des Gerichtes überredet zu haben, bestimmte Aussagen im
Gerichtssaal zu machen.
Die Streikenden verlangen, daß ihnen lieber vor dem
"Kriegsverbrechertribunal" in Den Haag ein Prozeß gemacht wird
als in Kroatien, da sie kein Vertrauen in die kroatische Justiz
haben.
TANJUG / AMSELFELD.COM
+++ Hungerstreik in kroatischem Gefängnis +++
OSIJEK, 14.Dezember 2001. Eine Gruppe von neun Häftlingen im Gefängnis
der kroatischen Stadt Osijek befindet sich seit bereits drei Tagen im
Hungerstreik.
Den Männern wird vorgeworfen sie hätten sich 1991 an
angeblichen Kriegsverbrechen gegenüber kroatischen Zivilisten schuldig
gemacht. Die Hungerstreikenden fordern ein faires Verfahren, welches
ihrer
Meinung nach vor einem kroatischen Gericht nicht zustande kommen könne.
Die Männer beschuldigen den kroatischen Staatsanwalt, er habe Zeugen
beeinflußt. Außerdem protestieren sie gegen die diskriminierenden
Haftbedingungen.
B92 / amselfeld.com
===*===
420,000 REFUGEES FROM BOSNIA, CROATIA REGISTERED IN SERBIA
BELGRADE, April 11 2001 (Tanjug) Serbian Commissioner for Refugees
Sanda Raskovic Ivic said Wednesday that 420,000 refugees from Croatia
and
Bosnia have been registered in Serbia until today, the last day of the
census.
She told a press conference that of this total, 360,000 retain
their status of refugees (white card), and 60,000 have obtained Serbian
(Yugoslav) citizenship (blue card).
About 70 percent of the registered refugees have opted to remain
in Serbia, six percent want to be repatriated and 24 are undecided, she
said.
The commission for refugees and the Serbian and Yugoslav
governments will pressure the Bosnian and Croatian governments to
overcome the problems the refugees are facing after repatriation,
principally
those regarding housing and employment, Raskovic Ivic said.
Pointing to the need for improving the conditions for the
integration of refugees who have decided to remain in Serbia, she said
this must be regulated by a new law on refugees.
A census of refugees from KosovoMetohija will be organized in
May and June, she said.
dei civili massacrati durante la "Operazione Tempesta" del 1995: in
questi
giorni si procedera' con la identificazione di almeno 163 persone.
* Una famiglia serba di Biljane Donje, presso Gorski Kotar (odierna
Croazia)
e' stata costretta nei giorni scorsi ad abbandonare la propria
abitazione a causa
delle minacce dei nazionalisti locali, che hanno poi dato fuoco alla
casa.
* Nella localita' di Crno (odierna Croazia) sono stati scaricati piu' di
un
centinaio di carichi di immondizia allo scopo di impedire il rientro
delle
famiglie locali di origine serba. I profughi serbi della Croazia che
avrebbero,
sulla carta, il diritto di rientrare nelle proprie case, sono circa
400mila.
* Poiche' su tutto questo non troverete niente sui giornali, per
maggiori informazioni
sui "diritti civili" nella odierna Croazia si consiglia di fare
riferimento al sito:
http://www.veritas.org.yu/
+++ Weitere Exhumierungen von Toten +++
GRACAC, 20. Mai 2002. Auf dem Friedhof in Gracac, in
Kroatien, wurde die Exhumierung von 163 Toten
fortgeführt, die während des Überfalls, "Oluja", der
kroatischen Armee auf die "Republik Serbische Krajina"
umgebracht wurden, sagte Slavko Strbac, der Chef des
Information- und Dokumentationszentrums "Veritas".
INET NEWS / AMSELFELD.COM
Anschlag auf die Serben in Kroatien
ZAGREB, 8. Mai 2002. In der Ortschaft Biljane Donje im Gebiet von Gorski
Kotar wurde von den kroatischen Extremisten ein Anschlag auf das Haus
der serbischen Familie Skoric verübt. Die Familie Skoric musste das
Haus schon vor einigen Tagen wegen anhaltender Drohungen seitens der
Kroaten verlassen.
Unterdessen versuchen die kroatischen Behörden ununterbrochen die
Rückkehr der serbischen Bevölkerung zu verhindern. Zuletzt wurden mehr
als 100 Lastwagenladungen Abfall in die Ortschaft Crno abgeladen um die
Serben an der Rückkehr zu hindern.
Im Laufe des Krieges von 1991 bis 1995 wurden mehr als 400 000 Serben
vertrieben und mehr als 20 000 umgebracht. Dabei wurden mehr als 23 000
Familienhäuser vollkommen zerstört.
TANJUG / AMSELFELD.COM
===*===
SCIOPERI DELLA FAME NELLE CARCERI CROATE (Dicembre 2001)
+++ Kroatien: Hungerstreik der serbischen Gefangenen +++
OSIJEK, 16. Dezember 2001. Neun Serben im Gefängnis der
kroatischen Stadt Osijek sind in den Hungerstreik getreten. Ihnen
wird in Kroatien Prozeß wegen angeblicher Kriegsverbrechen
gemacht. Die Streikenden beklagen Diskriminierung in den
Gerichtsverfahren, selektive Rechtsanwendung, Einfluss der
Politik auf die Justiz und unwahrhaftige Berichterstattung der
Medien über die Gerichtsverhandlungen. Dem stellvertretenden
Staatsanwalt Zeljko Krpan werfen sie vor, Zeugen auf den Gängen
des Gerichtes überredet zu haben, bestimmte Aussagen im
Gerichtssaal zu machen.
Die Streikenden verlangen, daß ihnen lieber vor dem
"Kriegsverbrechertribunal" in Den Haag ein Prozeß gemacht wird
als in Kroatien, da sie kein Vertrauen in die kroatische Justiz
haben.
TANJUG / AMSELFELD.COM
+++ Hungerstreik in kroatischem Gefängnis +++
OSIJEK, 14.Dezember 2001. Eine Gruppe von neun Häftlingen im Gefängnis
der kroatischen Stadt Osijek befindet sich seit bereits drei Tagen im
Hungerstreik.
Den Männern wird vorgeworfen sie hätten sich 1991 an
angeblichen Kriegsverbrechen gegenüber kroatischen Zivilisten schuldig
gemacht. Die Hungerstreikenden fordern ein faires Verfahren, welches
ihrer
Meinung nach vor einem kroatischen Gericht nicht zustande kommen könne.
Die Männer beschuldigen den kroatischen Staatsanwalt, er habe Zeugen
beeinflußt. Außerdem protestieren sie gegen die diskriminierenden
Haftbedingungen.
B92 / amselfeld.com
===*===
420,000 REFUGEES FROM BOSNIA, CROATIA REGISTERED IN SERBIA
BELGRADE, April 11 2001 (Tanjug) Serbian Commissioner for Refugees
Sanda Raskovic Ivic said Wednesday that 420,000 refugees from Croatia
and
Bosnia have been registered in Serbia until today, the last day of the
census.
She told a press conference that of this total, 360,000 retain
their status of refugees (white card), and 60,000 have obtained Serbian
(Yugoslav) citizenship (blue card).
About 70 percent of the registered refugees have opted to remain
in Serbia, six percent want to be repatriated and 24 are undecided, she
said.
The commission for refugees and the Serbian and Yugoslav
governments will pressure the Bosnian and Croatian governments to
overcome the problems the refugees are facing after repatriation,
principally
those regarding housing and employment, Raskovic Ivic said.
Pointing to the need for improving the conditions for the
integration of refugees who have decided to remain in Serbia, she said
this must be regulated by a new law on refugees.
A census of refugees from KosovoMetohija will be organized in
May and June, she said.
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