http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,751898,00.html
Bosnia's new colonial governor
Paddy Ashdown is turning its elected leaders into his
ciphers
David Chandler
Tuesday July 9, 2002
The Guardian
At the end of May, Paddy Ashdown assumed his new post
as Bosnia's international high representative. It is a
powerful job, very similar to that of a colonial
governor, with the authority to sack elected
presidents and prime ministers and to impose
legislation by decree.
Ashdown is the fourth incumbent since the "temporary"
international protectorate was established at the end
of the war in 1995. No Bosnians were involved in the
selection process. The appointment was decided by a
group of western governments - our own lobbied for
Ashdown. Thus a British politician who never managed
to win power in his own country is now in charge of a
foreign state. He has little experience of government
responsibility and faces very different problems from
those he encountered as the MP for Yeovil.
What Ashdown lacks in experience he makes up for in
passion. He has adopted a fresh, media-friendly
approach in his first month in office, and has been
widely seen as taking a new broom to the political
problems of the divided Bosnian state. In his
inaugural speech he stressed the theme of
"partnership": "I want the office of the high
representative to be open and accessible... So,
starting today, I will be spending more time out of
Sarajevo, meeting people from across the country, and
listening to their views."
This is exactly what Ashdown has done, holding "town
hall" meetings around the country and spending hours
in discussions with local dignitaries. He argues that
"we need to do more to give citizens a real voice".
Ashdown doesn't want to be seen as a meddling
outsider, but as a true popular tribune. "I see myself
not just as a representative of the international
community," he says. "I am also a servant of Bosnia
and Herzegovina."
But what is the role of Bosnia's democratically
elected politicians? Ashdown alluded to this at his
inauguration: "I have concluded that there are two
ways I can make my decisions. One is with a tape
measure, measuring the precise equidistant position
between three sides. The other is by doing what I
think is right for the country as a whole. I prefer
the second of these."
Ashdown argues that while political parties represent
the interests of the ethnic groups, it is his job to
put forward the public interest, the interests of
"all" Bosnians. From Ashdown's perspective, Bosnian
politicians are a barrier to the pursuit of the public
interest because of their allegiances. He argues that
the problems of Bosnia are in large part down to there
being too many politicians and too much "politics".
Speaking at a press conference in Mostar recently he
stressed: "We need to worry less about constitu
tions... we need to spend less time talking to
politicians, and more time talking to teachers,
judges, businessmen and returnees."
Certain that he is a better "listener" to the concerns
of the people and a better judge of their interests
than elected politicians, Ashdown has wasted little
time imposing himself. He sacked the deputy prime
minister of the Muslim-Croat Federation, Nikola
Grabovac, and forced the resignation of the Republika
Srpska finance minister, Milenko Vracar, leaving the
local media to speculate that more dismissals are to
come.
The desire to impose the "public interest" is also
reflected in more direct forms of policy-making.
Ashdown's spokesperson, Oleg Milisik, described the
new legislative process: "The high representative
expects all responsible political parties to support
these proposals. He reminds the parliamentary assembly
that any attempt by deputies to dilute this
legislation's capacity... or to delay this legislation
needlessly is unacceptable."
The narrow view of legitimate politics held by Ash
down and his office risks reducing Bosnian politicians
to the role of administrators of international policy
decrees. Bosnian institutions are being drained of
their political role because Bosnian officials are
judged to be representing and negotiating on behalf of
their particular ethnic constituencies, interests
which are defined as conflicting with the public
interest. Yet in this highly segmented society it is
inevitable that elected representatives will reflect
this social division. The international community is
calling for a Bosnian political class that is
apolitical and which therefore is disconnected from
Bosnian society.
Politicians who have little representational
legitimacy are unlikely to build bridges within
society and lack the capacity to resolve conflicts. If
there is any lesson from six years of international
rule over Bosnia, it is that high-handed intervention
in the political sphere has done little to help
overcome insecurities and divisions, while undermining
collective political bodies in which Serb, Croat and
Muslim representatives can negotiate solutions.
· Dr David Chandler is the author of Faking Democracy
after Dayton and From Kosovo to Kabul: Human Rights
and International Intervention (Pluto Press).
Bosnia's new colonial governor
Paddy Ashdown is turning its elected leaders into his
ciphers
David Chandler
Tuesday July 9, 2002
The Guardian
At the end of May, Paddy Ashdown assumed his new post
as Bosnia's international high representative. It is a
powerful job, very similar to that of a colonial
governor, with the authority to sack elected
presidents and prime ministers and to impose
legislation by decree.
Ashdown is the fourth incumbent since the "temporary"
international protectorate was established at the end
of the war in 1995. No Bosnians were involved in the
selection process. The appointment was decided by a
group of western governments - our own lobbied for
Ashdown. Thus a British politician who never managed
to win power in his own country is now in charge of a
foreign state. He has little experience of government
responsibility and faces very different problems from
those he encountered as the MP for Yeovil.
What Ashdown lacks in experience he makes up for in
passion. He has adopted a fresh, media-friendly
approach in his first month in office, and has been
widely seen as taking a new broom to the political
problems of the divided Bosnian state. In his
inaugural speech he stressed the theme of
"partnership": "I want the office of the high
representative to be open and accessible... So,
starting today, I will be spending more time out of
Sarajevo, meeting people from across the country, and
listening to their views."
This is exactly what Ashdown has done, holding "town
hall" meetings around the country and spending hours
in discussions with local dignitaries. He argues that
"we need to do more to give citizens a real voice".
Ashdown doesn't want to be seen as a meddling
outsider, but as a true popular tribune. "I see myself
not just as a representative of the international
community," he says. "I am also a servant of Bosnia
and Herzegovina."
But what is the role of Bosnia's democratically
elected politicians? Ashdown alluded to this at his
inauguration: "I have concluded that there are two
ways I can make my decisions. One is with a tape
measure, measuring the precise equidistant position
between three sides. The other is by doing what I
think is right for the country as a whole. I prefer
the second of these."
Ashdown argues that while political parties represent
the interests of the ethnic groups, it is his job to
put forward the public interest, the interests of
"all" Bosnians. From Ashdown's perspective, Bosnian
politicians are a barrier to the pursuit of the public
interest because of their allegiances. He argues that
the problems of Bosnia are in large part down to there
being too many politicians and too much "politics".
Speaking at a press conference in Mostar recently he
stressed: "We need to worry less about constitu
tions... we need to spend less time talking to
politicians, and more time talking to teachers,
judges, businessmen and returnees."
Certain that he is a better "listener" to the concerns
of the people and a better judge of their interests
than elected politicians, Ashdown has wasted little
time imposing himself. He sacked the deputy prime
minister of the Muslim-Croat Federation, Nikola
Grabovac, and forced the resignation of the Republika
Srpska finance minister, Milenko Vracar, leaving the
local media to speculate that more dismissals are to
come.
The desire to impose the "public interest" is also
reflected in more direct forms of policy-making.
Ashdown's spokesperson, Oleg Milisik, described the
new legislative process: "The high representative
expects all responsible political parties to support
these proposals. He reminds the parliamentary assembly
that any attempt by deputies to dilute this
legislation's capacity... or to delay this legislation
needlessly is unacceptable."
The narrow view of legitimate politics held by Ash
down and his office risks reducing Bosnian politicians
to the role of administrators of international policy
decrees. Bosnian institutions are being drained of
their political role because Bosnian officials are
judged to be representing and negotiating on behalf of
their particular ethnic constituencies, interests
which are defined as conflicting with the public
interest. Yet in this highly segmented society it is
inevitable that elected representatives will reflect
this social division. The international community is
calling for a Bosnian political class that is
apolitical and which therefore is disconnected from
Bosnian society.
Politicians who have little representational
legitimacy are unlikely to build bridges within
society and lack the capacity to resolve conflicts. If
there is any lesson from six years of international
rule over Bosnia, it is that high-handed intervention
in the political sphere has done little to help
overcome insecurities and divisions, while undermining
collective political bodies in which Serb, Croat and
Muslim representatives can negotiate solutions.
· Dr David Chandler is the author of Faking Democracy
after Dayton and From Kosovo to Kabul: Human Rights
and International Intervention (Pluto Press).