(english / srpskohrvatski)
New Worker Special Feature - 30/4/2004
Kosovo - The Conflict Continues
by Elizabeth Farrell
---
http://komunist.free.fr/arhiva/maj2004/farrell_sh.html
Kosovo i dalje u plamenu
Buržuaska štampa se prošlog meseca opet bavila "etničkim čišćenjem" na
Kosovu i Metohiji, pokrajini u sastavu Srbije sada pod okupacijom
NATO-snaga. Ovoga puta, međutim, za razliku od prakse uobičajene
zadnjih 14 godina, moglo se pročitati da su vinovnici albanski
ekstremisti. Dvadeset i osam Srba je stradalo u tom dobro pripremljenom
etničkom čišćenju, uništene su pravoslavne crkve i škole. Odkud ta
erupcija nasilja? Navodno povod treba tražiti u ubistvu srpskog mladića
u Zaglavici i tragičnoj pogibiji dvojice Albanskih dečaka u Ibru,
nedaleko od Kosovske Mitrovice.
Od preostalih Srba gotovo polovina živi u Kosovskoj Mitrovici. Upravo
je na njih bačena krivica za stradanje dvojice dečaka u stihiji reke
Ibar. Albanci su se listom te Srpske pokrajine pod NATO okupacijom
digli, navodno, planski i pod organizacijom takozvane Oslobodilačke
vojske Kosova, UÇK-a. Između ostalih, službenik UN je rekao "da su
Albanci napali Srbe, a ne obrnuto", priznavši uzgred da na Kosovu
"ništa nije spontano". Sasvim je u pravu. Zulum nije bio spontan. Evo
šta o tome kaže Miša Gavrilović, predstavnik Britansko-Srpske Alijanse:
"Ako vam u kući eksplodira bomba, krivićete onog ko je bombu podmetnuo,
a ne bombu, zar ne?" Jasno, iza toga stoji UÇK, stoje albanski
ekstremisti, plan o "velikoj Albaniji" koja bi obuhvatila Kosmet,
delove unutrašnje Srbije, Crne Gore, Makedonije, Grčke i Bugarske. UÇK
je, međutim, samo "bomba"! A imperijalisti su odgovorni za njeno
podmetanje.
Američki predstavnici su 1998. osuđivali UÇK kao "terorističku
organizaciju" a potom, naredne godine SAD, Britanija i EU pod NATO
zastavom bombarduju Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju. Zversko
bombardovanje naroda Jugoslavije pravdano je Miloševićevom "kampanjom
čišćenja Kosova od Albanaca". Agresija na Jugoslaviju je usledila nakon
"mirovne konferencije" u Rambujeu gde je predsednik Milošević odbio
ultimatum postavljen Srbiji u vidu imperijalističkih zahteva o
dislociranju trupa na njenoj teritoriji.
UÇK im je tada došao kao poručen, poslužio im je kao izgovor za
razaranje vojnih i civilnih objekata, za nekoliko hiljada stradalih, za
razaranje sankcijama poljuljane privrede, kao i za utvrđivanje Nato
snaga u susednoj Makedoniji. U dokumentu Stejt Dipartmenta stoji:
"došlo se do saznanja (u krugovima NATO) da u sve ovo treba uključiti
UÇK". Opšte je poznato da CIA obučava UÇK već sredinom 1999. UÇK i
separatističke snage su cinično upotrebljene za ostvarenje
imperijalističkih ciljeva koji su bili jasno zacrtani: dokrajčiti
razaranje Jugoslavije na ovaj ili onaj način.
NATO je bombardovanje Srbije i Crne Gore predstavio kao "humanitarnu
intervenciju". Toni Bler će tako kazati: "Zadovoljenje pravde je naša
dužnost" a Bil Klinton: "Stupili smo u akciju da bismo na Kosovu
zaštitili na hiljade nedužnih od vojne ofanzive koja dobija na zamahu".
No, njihov motiv nije bio mir na Balkanu. Njihov cilj je bila totalna
kapitulacija Jugoslavije pred zahtevima imperijalističkih sila.
Zanemarili su čak i pregovore koje su vodili Slobodan Milošević i
miroljubivi albanski predstavnik Ibrahim Rugova. Prvobitno, Rugova je
bio sklon NATO agresiji, ali se naknadno zauzeo za prekid
"bombardovanja i stradanja".
Bombardovanje Jugoslavije završeno je tek nakon 78 dana i nakon što se
Milošević pismeno obavezao da će povući srpske snage sa Kosova. NATO
starešina Majkl Džekson je objavio da je Jugoslavija potpisala "da će
etapno i pod nadzorom povući svoje snage kako bi mirovne snage mogle da
nastupe i osiguraju bezbedan život". Sledi potom poraz SPS na izborima
u Srbiji 2000, zapravo pobeda imperijalista. Novoizabrani predsednik
Koštunica je najavio "demokratski preporod Srbije i Jugoslavije nakon
izbora". Izbor Koštunice i DOS-a, koalicije 18 prozapadnjačkih
stranaka, označio je početak "demokratizacije". Prvi pokušaj
Miloševićevog hapšenja usledio je na samom isteku roka. Naime, iz
Vašingtona su Koštunicu ucenili suspendovanjem kredita od 50 miliona
dolara ako do 31. marta vlada ne izađe u susret zahtevima "Međunarodnog
kriminala". Tako je Milošević zatvoren aprila 2001. nakon što je 24
časa njegov dom bio pod opsadom policijskih snaga, na očigled
pristalica koji su uzvikivali "Nemojte prodati Miloševića NATO paktu!"
Formalno nije podneta optužnica protiv njega. Otet je nekoliko meseci
nakon toga i isporučen "Međunarodnom krivičnom Sudu" u Hagu koji ga
tereti po osnovu 60 različitih optužnica za ratne zločine.
Marta ove godine Srbija je dobila novu koalicionu vladu u čijem se
sastavu nalazi i SPS. Predvodi je prozapadnjački nastrojeni Vojislav
Koštunica koji je obećao da će Srbima "osumnjičenim za ratne zločine"
biti suđeno u Srbiji. SPS je unapred stavila na znanje da će napustiti
koaliciju ukoliko neki Srbin bude isporučen lažnom haškom tribunalu.
Visoki predstavnik SPS, Milorad Vučelić je rekao: "Odmah se povlačimo i
obaramo vladu u slučaju takvih pokušaja". U intervjuu za novine je
izjavio: "Neko mora da odgovara za nezakonito izručenje Miloševića."
Vlada je takođe usvojila i zakon o finansijskoj pomoći Haškim
zatvorenicima pod istragom. Po tom zakonu, Haški zatočenici,
uključujući Miloševića i nacionalističkog vođu Vojislava Šešelja,
trebalo bi da dobijaju iznos jednak ličnom dohotku, nadoknadu putnih
troškova članovima porodice koja im dolazi u posetu i pokriće za
pojedine sudske troškove. Iako je sve to skupa zapravo veoma mali
finansijski dobitak, politički je važan napredak koji pokazuje da
Srbija nije baš spremna da se povinuje svakom zahtevu imperijalističkih
sila.
Takav obrt nikako nije po volji Zapadnim silama. Na njihovom spisku se
nalazi još znatan broj osumnjičenih kojima lažni tribunal treba da
sudi, primerice, komandant vojske bosanskih Srba, Ratko Mladić.
Izručenje "osumnjičenih za ratne zločine" je uslov za preko potrebnu
finansijsku pomoć Srbiji. Američki imperijalisti su odmah "privremeno
suspendovali" pomoć zbog "neodgovarajuće kolaboracije sa Međunarodnim
Sudom za Ratne Zločine".
A što se Kosova tiče, razumljivo, ništa od "bezbednog života" koji su
NATO funkcioneri obećali.
Član Laburističke Partije i poslanik u Parlamentu Majk Gejps (Mike
Gapes) koji je nedavno boravio na Kosovu, prošlog meseca je na
konferenciji u Londonu javno izjavio sledeće: "Ako ste Srbin i ako
živite na Kosovu, nema vam druge nego da u školu odlazite pod
tenkovskom pratnjom KFOR-a, da vam kuća bude pod stražom i da u crkvu
takođe idete pod vojnom pratnjom. To vam je stvarnost".
Srpska vlada je pred ogromnom dilemom. Ako ništa ne bude preduzela,
Srbi će i dalje živeti pod strahom i i dalje bivati ubijani. Ako se
odluči na akciju, pošalje snage na Kosovo koje joj pripada zvanično i
dalje, rizikuje novi sukob sa NATO paktom.
Ivica Dačić, iz SPS -a, rekao nam je sledeće: "Nedavnom erupcijom
nasilja razbijene su iluzije o tome da je Kosovo multietnička
zajednica. Pokazalo se da se tamo zapravo odvija etničko čišćenje.
Srbija mora sve da preduzme u cilju zaštite srpskog življa i sve
političke stranke moraju u tome biti solidarne".
Koštunica sada predlaže, kako se sam izrazio, "kantonizaciju" - podelu
kojom bi bili zaštićeni oni koji su još ostali na Kosovu i kako bi bila
izbegnuta nova krvoprolića. To je donekle već primenjeno u praksi počev
od 1999. kada se veliki broj kosovskih Srba sklonio u Mitrovicu, i to
je možda sada jedino rešenje.
A šta bivši predsednik Milošević kaže o "etničkom čišćenju"? Na velikom
zboru pred 30 000 okupljenih u Kosovu Polju 1992. izjavio je sledeće:
"Odavde, sa Kosova, potekla je ideja o "etničkom čišćenju" zašta srpski
narod danas biva neodgovorno optužen a bio je žrtva etničkog čišćenja
baš ovde na Kosovu, teritoriji Jugoslavije. Ovde su albanski
separatisti prvi upotrebili izraz etnički čisto Kosovo. Od njih smo
čuli prvi put za takve ideje i nehumanu politiku uperenu protiv našeg
naroda. Tada, kada je Srpski narod bio ugrožen i izložen jezivim
pritiscima, ni Evropa ni Svet nisu marili. Zlo naneto Srbima njih nije
uzrujavalo. Niko nije obraćao pažnju niti pokazivao želju da zaštiti
Kosovske Srbe.
Elizabet Farel
New Worker Online,
Friday, April 30, 2004
prevod: PRCF
(Pôle de Renaissance Communiste en France)
---
http://komunist.free.fr/arhiva/maj2004/farrell.html
Kosovo - The Conflict Continues
REPORTS of "ethnic cleansing" in the Nato-occupied Serbian province of
Kosovo-Metohija appeared in the bourgeois press once again last month.
But this time – for the first time in 14 years – they wrote that
Albanian extremists were to blame for the aggression. Twenty-eight
Serbs paid for the organised violence with their lives; schools and
Orthodox churches were destroyed. So what caused the latest outbreak of
violence? It was allegedly sparked by two incidents – an Albanian
attack on a young Serb in Caglavica, and the deaths of at least two
Albanian boys who tragically drowned in the river Ibar near the town of
Kosovska Mitrovica.
Nearly half of all Serbs still in Kosovo live in Mitrovica, and
Albanians blamed local Serbs for "driving the boys into the river".
Riots took place across the Nato-occupied Serbian province following
these events – which many say are planned and co-ordinated by the
so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army" or UCK. One UN official described
the atrocities as "one-way violence from Albanians against Serbs", and
admitted that "nothing in Kosovo happens spontaneously". He was right –
the upsurge in violence did not happen spontaneously. As Misha
Gavrilovic of the British Serbian alliance puts it: "If a bomb goes off
in your house, you do not blame the bomb: you blame the person who put
it there." Of course there are Albanian extremists and the UCK. Of
course there are those whose agenda is a "greater Albania", including
Kosovo, some other parts of Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Greece and
Bulgaria. But the UCK is only "the bomb" – it is clearly imperialism
that "put it there".
In 1998, only a year before the United States, Britain and European
imperialism, under the Nato flag, began bombing the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, even US officials denounced the UCK as a "terrorist
organisation". But in 1999 they were waging a brutal bombing campaign
against the Yugoslav people, under the pretext that Miloševic was
"ethnically cleansing Kosovan Albanians". The bombing of Yugoslavia
followed President Slobodan Miloševic’s refusal to accept imperialist
demands formulated at the "peace talks" in Rambouillet, France – in
reality an ultimatum for Serbia to accept foreign troops in Kosovo.
The UCK then became very useful to them; it then suddenly became a
reason to bomb Serbian military targets as well as houses, hospitals,
schools, bridges – killing thousands and destroying an economy already
fragile because of sanctions – and to build up Nato forces in bordering
Macedonia. A US defence department document stated: "The realisation
has come to the people [within Nato] that we have to have the UCK
involved in this process." It is well known that the CIA has trained
UCK fighters since the mid-1990s. The UCK and separatist forces were
cynically used by imperialism to create a political pretext for doing
what Anglo-American imperialism would decide in any case: to complete
the break-up of Yugoslavia.
Nato, when it bombed Serbia and Montenegro in 1999, presented the
attack as a "humanitarian intervention". Tony Blair said that "we have
a duty to see justice is done" and Bill Clinton insisted: "We act to
protect thousands of innocent people in Kosovo from a mounting military
offensive." But they were not interested in restoring peace in the
Balkans. They were interested only in the total capitulation of
Yugoslavia to imperialism’s terms. Even talks between Slobodan
Miloševic and Kosovo Albanian pacifist leader Ibrahim Rugova were
completely ignored. Rugova, who initially supported the Nato
aggression, now called for an end to "the bombing and the killings".
The 78-day air war ended only when Miloševic signed an agreement
promising to withdraw all Serb troops from Kosovo. Senior Nato
commander Michael Jackson announced Yugoslavia had agreed to a "phased,
verifiable and orderly withdrawal from Kosovo" that would allow for a
peacekeeping force to enter the province and provide a "secure
environment".
Then came the defeat of Miloševic’s Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) at
the Serbian elections in 2000 – a victory for the imperialists. Newly
elected pro-western President Koštunica declared that "the democratic
reconstruction of Serbia and Yugoslavia will be completed after these
elections". The election of Koštunica and his "Democratic Opposition of
Serbia" (DOS), a coalition of 18 pro-western parties, meant the start
of a process of "democratisation".
The first attempt to arrest the former president was made as a US
deadline was about to expire. Washington had threatened to suspend $50
million in aid unless Koštunica’s government began co-operating with
the "International Criminal" by 31 March. It was soon followed by
Miloševic’s imprisonment in Belgrade in April 2001, after he held out
in his house for 24 hours, surrounded by hundreds of police, and as
many of his supporters chanting "Don’t sell Miloševic to Nato!"
No formal charges were ever made against him. Months later he was
kidnapped and flown to the "International Criminal Tribunal" at The
Hague, where he faces accusations of over 60 counts of war crimes.
In March this year, a new government coalition was formed in Serbia
including the SPS. The new coalition, led by pro-western premier
Vojislav Koštunica, vowed to try Serb "war crimes suspects" in Serbian
courts. But SPS leaders have made it very clear that, if any Serb is
extradited to the kangaroo court at The Hague, the SPS will walk out of
the coalition and the Government will fall.
Senior SPS leader Millorad Vucelic warned: "We [would] immediately move
to topple the Government if this is attempted." And he told a Serbian
newspaper: "Someone will answer for the kidnapping of Miloševic. That
will be our condition. Those who illegally kidnapped Miloševic and who
illegally extradited him will, logically, be taken to court." And this
month the Koštunica government voted to give financial assistance to
Serbian citizens on trial at The Hague. A new law will provide the
prisoners, including Miloševic and nationalist leader Vojislav Seselj,
with the equivalent of their salaries had they worked in Serbia, travel
costs for visits by family members and some legal expenses. Even though
the financial aid provided will only be a small amount, it is
politically an important step that shows Serbia is no longer willing to
do whatever imperialism demands.
Western powers are worried by these developments – there are still a
number of people on the list to be tried at the kangaroo court in the
Netherlands, like Bosnian Serb military chief Ratko Mladic. The
hand-over of their "war crimes suspects" is a precondition for the
economic aid that Serbia very much needs. At the beginning of the month
US imperialism responded to the developments in Serbia by "temporarily
suspending" aid, giving "inadequate co-operation with the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia" as their reason.
As for Kosovo, it didn’t, of course, become the "secure environment"
Nato officials had promised.
Labour MP Mike Gapes who visited Kosovo recently, spoke about the
situation at a public meeting in London last month. "If you are a Serb,
you have to go to school protected by Kfor (Nato "peace-keepers")
tanks; you have to have your houses protected and you have to have your
places of worship protected by armed forces. That is the reality," he
said.
The Serbian government faces a huge dilemma. If it does nothing,
Kosovan Serbs will continously live in fear, and more will inevitably
be killed. If it decides to act and send its troops into the occupied
province – still officially a part of Serbia – it will risk a new
conflict with Nato.
Ivica Dacic of Miloševic’s Socialist Party of Serbia told the New
Worker that the violence has dispelled ideas that Kosovo "is now a
multi-ethnic society" and proved ethnic cleansing is under way there.
"Serbia must do everything to protect Serbs and all the political
parties must back a practical solution," he said.
Koštunica now proposes what he calls "cantonisation" – a partition to
protect what is left of the Serbian minority of the occupied province
to put an end to the violence. This has already started to happen in
practice since the episode in 1999, with the vast majority of Kosovan
Serbs retreating to Mitrovica, and it may now be the only solution.
For now, let’s see what former President Miloševic had to say about the
"ethnic cleansing". He told the people of Kosovo Polje at a
30,000-strong rally in 1992: "Here, in this town, we have heard of
ethnic cleansing for the first time, which the Serbian nation is now
being unjustly accused, that had been exposed to this pressure and
ethnic cleansing for the first time here, in Kosovo, on the territory
of the former Yugoslavia. We have learned the slogan ethnically pure
Kosovo from the Albanian separatists. We have learned it from them for
the first time and have heard of these ideas and this inhumane policy
that was endangering this nation and this country from them for the
first time. "At that time, when this horrible pressure was exerted upon
the Serbian nation, neither Europe nor the world were concerned. There
was no attention and no desire to protect the Serbian nation in Kosovo.
Everything that had been committed against the Serbian nation here was
not disturbing them."
Elizabeth Farrell
New Worker Online,
Friday, April 30, 2004
New Worker Special Feature - 30/4/2004
Kosovo - The Conflict Continues
by Elizabeth Farrell
---
http://komunist.free.fr/arhiva/maj2004/farrell_sh.html
Kosovo i dalje u plamenu
Buržuaska štampa se prošlog meseca opet bavila "etničkim čišćenjem" na
Kosovu i Metohiji, pokrajini u sastavu Srbije sada pod okupacijom
NATO-snaga. Ovoga puta, međutim, za razliku od prakse uobičajene
zadnjih 14 godina, moglo se pročitati da su vinovnici albanski
ekstremisti. Dvadeset i osam Srba je stradalo u tom dobro pripremljenom
etničkom čišćenju, uništene su pravoslavne crkve i škole. Odkud ta
erupcija nasilja? Navodno povod treba tražiti u ubistvu srpskog mladića
u Zaglavici i tragičnoj pogibiji dvojice Albanskih dečaka u Ibru,
nedaleko od Kosovske Mitrovice.
Od preostalih Srba gotovo polovina živi u Kosovskoj Mitrovici. Upravo
je na njih bačena krivica za stradanje dvojice dečaka u stihiji reke
Ibar. Albanci su se listom te Srpske pokrajine pod NATO okupacijom
digli, navodno, planski i pod organizacijom takozvane Oslobodilačke
vojske Kosova, UÇK-a. Između ostalih, službenik UN je rekao "da su
Albanci napali Srbe, a ne obrnuto", priznavši uzgred da na Kosovu
"ništa nije spontano". Sasvim je u pravu. Zulum nije bio spontan. Evo
šta o tome kaže Miša Gavrilović, predstavnik Britansko-Srpske Alijanse:
"Ako vam u kući eksplodira bomba, krivićete onog ko je bombu podmetnuo,
a ne bombu, zar ne?" Jasno, iza toga stoji UÇK, stoje albanski
ekstremisti, plan o "velikoj Albaniji" koja bi obuhvatila Kosmet,
delove unutrašnje Srbije, Crne Gore, Makedonije, Grčke i Bugarske. UÇK
je, međutim, samo "bomba"! A imperijalisti su odgovorni za njeno
podmetanje.
Američki predstavnici su 1998. osuđivali UÇK kao "terorističku
organizaciju" a potom, naredne godine SAD, Britanija i EU pod NATO
zastavom bombarduju Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju. Zversko
bombardovanje naroda Jugoslavije pravdano je Miloševićevom "kampanjom
čišćenja Kosova od Albanaca". Agresija na Jugoslaviju je usledila nakon
"mirovne konferencije" u Rambujeu gde je predsednik Milošević odbio
ultimatum postavljen Srbiji u vidu imperijalističkih zahteva o
dislociranju trupa na njenoj teritoriji.
UÇK im je tada došao kao poručen, poslužio im je kao izgovor za
razaranje vojnih i civilnih objekata, za nekoliko hiljada stradalih, za
razaranje sankcijama poljuljane privrede, kao i za utvrđivanje Nato
snaga u susednoj Makedoniji. U dokumentu Stejt Dipartmenta stoji:
"došlo se do saznanja (u krugovima NATO) da u sve ovo treba uključiti
UÇK". Opšte je poznato da CIA obučava UÇK već sredinom 1999. UÇK i
separatističke snage su cinično upotrebljene za ostvarenje
imperijalističkih ciljeva koji su bili jasno zacrtani: dokrajčiti
razaranje Jugoslavije na ovaj ili onaj način.
NATO je bombardovanje Srbije i Crne Gore predstavio kao "humanitarnu
intervenciju". Toni Bler će tako kazati: "Zadovoljenje pravde je naša
dužnost" a Bil Klinton: "Stupili smo u akciju da bismo na Kosovu
zaštitili na hiljade nedužnih od vojne ofanzive koja dobija na zamahu".
No, njihov motiv nije bio mir na Balkanu. Njihov cilj je bila totalna
kapitulacija Jugoslavije pred zahtevima imperijalističkih sila.
Zanemarili su čak i pregovore koje su vodili Slobodan Milošević i
miroljubivi albanski predstavnik Ibrahim Rugova. Prvobitno, Rugova je
bio sklon NATO agresiji, ali se naknadno zauzeo za prekid
"bombardovanja i stradanja".
Bombardovanje Jugoslavije završeno je tek nakon 78 dana i nakon što se
Milošević pismeno obavezao da će povući srpske snage sa Kosova. NATO
starešina Majkl Džekson je objavio da je Jugoslavija potpisala "da će
etapno i pod nadzorom povući svoje snage kako bi mirovne snage mogle da
nastupe i osiguraju bezbedan život". Sledi potom poraz SPS na izborima
u Srbiji 2000, zapravo pobeda imperijalista. Novoizabrani predsednik
Koštunica je najavio "demokratski preporod Srbije i Jugoslavije nakon
izbora". Izbor Koštunice i DOS-a, koalicije 18 prozapadnjačkih
stranaka, označio je početak "demokratizacije". Prvi pokušaj
Miloševićevog hapšenja usledio je na samom isteku roka. Naime, iz
Vašingtona su Koštunicu ucenili suspendovanjem kredita od 50 miliona
dolara ako do 31. marta vlada ne izađe u susret zahtevima "Međunarodnog
kriminala". Tako je Milošević zatvoren aprila 2001. nakon što je 24
časa njegov dom bio pod opsadom policijskih snaga, na očigled
pristalica koji su uzvikivali "Nemojte prodati Miloševića NATO paktu!"
Formalno nije podneta optužnica protiv njega. Otet je nekoliko meseci
nakon toga i isporučen "Međunarodnom krivičnom Sudu" u Hagu koji ga
tereti po osnovu 60 različitih optužnica za ratne zločine.
Marta ove godine Srbija je dobila novu koalicionu vladu u čijem se
sastavu nalazi i SPS. Predvodi je prozapadnjački nastrojeni Vojislav
Koštunica koji je obećao da će Srbima "osumnjičenim za ratne zločine"
biti suđeno u Srbiji. SPS je unapred stavila na znanje da će napustiti
koaliciju ukoliko neki Srbin bude isporučen lažnom haškom tribunalu.
Visoki predstavnik SPS, Milorad Vučelić je rekao: "Odmah se povlačimo i
obaramo vladu u slučaju takvih pokušaja". U intervjuu za novine je
izjavio: "Neko mora da odgovara za nezakonito izručenje Miloševića."
Vlada je takođe usvojila i zakon o finansijskoj pomoći Haškim
zatvorenicima pod istragom. Po tom zakonu, Haški zatočenici,
uključujući Miloševića i nacionalističkog vođu Vojislava Šešelja,
trebalo bi da dobijaju iznos jednak ličnom dohotku, nadoknadu putnih
troškova članovima porodice koja im dolazi u posetu i pokriće za
pojedine sudske troškove. Iako je sve to skupa zapravo veoma mali
finansijski dobitak, politički je važan napredak koji pokazuje da
Srbija nije baš spremna da se povinuje svakom zahtevu imperijalističkih
sila.
Takav obrt nikako nije po volji Zapadnim silama. Na njihovom spisku se
nalazi još znatan broj osumnjičenih kojima lažni tribunal treba da
sudi, primerice, komandant vojske bosanskih Srba, Ratko Mladić.
Izručenje "osumnjičenih za ratne zločine" je uslov za preko potrebnu
finansijsku pomoć Srbiji. Američki imperijalisti su odmah "privremeno
suspendovali" pomoć zbog "neodgovarajuće kolaboracije sa Međunarodnim
Sudom za Ratne Zločine".
A što se Kosova tiče, razumljivo, ništa od "bezbednog života" koji su
NATO funkcioneri obećali.
Član Laburističke Partije i poslanik u Parlamentu Majk Gejps (Mike
Gapes) koji je nedavno boravio na Kosovu, prošlog meseca je na
konferenciji u Londonu javno izjavio sledeće: "Ako ste Srbin i ako
živite na Kosovu, nema vam druge nego da u školu odlazite pod
tenkovskom pratnjom KFOR-a, da vam kuća bude pod stražom i da u crkvu
takođe idete pod vojnom pratnjom. To vam je stvarnost".
Srpska vlada je pred ogromnom dilemom. Ako ništa ne bude preduzela,
Srbi će i dalje živeti pod strahom i i dalje bivati ubijani. Ako se
odluči na akciju, pošalje snage na Kosovo koje joj pripada zvanično i
dalje, rizikuje novi sukob sa NATO paktom.
Ivica Dačić, iz SPS -a, rekao nam je sledeće: "Nedavnom erupcijom
nasilja razbijene su iluzije o tome da je Kosovo multietnička
zajednica. Pokazalo se da se tamo zapravo odvija etničko čišćenje.
Srbija mora sve da preduzme u cilju zaštite srpskog življa i sve
političke stranke moraju u tome biti solidarne".
Koštunica sada predlaže, kako se sam izrazio, "kantonizaciju" - podelu
kojom bi bili zaštićeni oni koji su još ostali na Kosovu i kako bi bila
izbegnuta nova krvoprolića. To je donekle već primenjeno u praksi počev
od 1999. kada se veliki broj kosovskih Srba sklonio u Mitrovicu, i to
je možda sada jedino rešenje.
A šta bivši predsednik Milošević kaže o "etničkom čišćenju"? Na velikom
zboru pred 30 000 okupljenih u Kosovu Polju 1992. izjavio je sledeće:
"Odavde, sa Kosova, potekla je ideja o "etničkom čišćenju" zašta srpski
narod danas biva neodgovorno optužen a bio je žrtva etničkog čišćenja
baš ovde na Kosovu, teritoriji Jugoslavije. Ovde su albanski
separatisti prvi upotrebili izraz etnički čisto Kosovo. Od njih smo
čuli prvi put za takve ideje i nehumanu politiku uperenu protiv našeg
naroda. Tada, kada je Srpski narod bio ugrožen i izložen jezivim
pritiscima, ni Evropa ni Svet nisu marili. Zlo naneto Srbima njih nije
uzrujavalo. Niko nije obraćao pažnju niti pokazivao želju da zaštiti
Kosovske Srbe.
Elizabet Farel
New Worker Online,
Friday, April 30, 2004
prevod: PRCF
(Pôle de Renaissance Communiste en France)
---
http://komunist.free.fr/arhiva/maj2004/farrell.html
Kosovo - The Conflict Continues
REPORTS of "ethnic cleansing" in the Nato-occupied Serbian province of
Kosovo-Metohija appeared in the bourgeois press once again last month.
But this time – for the first time in 14 years – they wrote that
Albanian extremists were to blame for the aggression. Twenty-eight
Serbs paid for the organised violence with their lives; schools and
Orthodox churches were destroyed. So what caused the latest outbreak of
violence? It was allegedly sparked by two incidents – an Albanian
attack on a young Serb in Caglavica, and the deaths of at least two
Albanian boys who tragically drowned in the river Ibar near the town of
Kosovska Mitrovica.
Nearly half of all Serbs still in Kosovo live in Mitrovica, and
Albanians blamed local Serbs for "driving the boys into the river".
Riots took place across the Nato-occupied Serbian province following
these events – which many say are planned and co-ordinated by the
so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army" or UCK. One UN official described
the atrocities as "one-way violence from Albanians against Serbs", and
admitted that "nothing in Kosovo happens spontaneously". He was right –
the upsurge in violence did not happen spontaneously. As Misha
Gavrilovic of the British Serbian alliance puts it: "If a bomb goes off
in your house, you do not blame the bomb: you blame the person who put
it there." Of course there are Albanian extremists and the UCK. Of
course there are those whose agenda is a "greater Albania", including
Kosovo, some other parts of Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Greece and
Bulgaria. But the UCK is only "the bomb" – it is clearly imperialism
that "put it there".
In 1998, only a year before the United States, Britain and European
imperialism, under the Nato flag, began bombing the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, even US officials denounced the UCK as a "terrorist
organisation". But in 1999 they were waging a brutal bombing campaign
against the Yugoslav people, under the pretext that Miloševic was
"ethnically cleansing Kosovan Albanians". The bombing of Yugoslavia
followed President Slobodan Miloševic’s refusal to accept imperialist
demands formulated at the "peace talks" in Rambouillet, France – in
reality an ultimatum for Serbia to accept foreign troops in Kosovo.
The UCK then became very useful to them; it then suddenly became a
reason to bomb Serbian military targets as well as houses, hospitals,
schools, bridges – killing thousands and destroying an economy already
fragile because of sanctions – and to build up Nato forces in bordering
Macedonia. A US defence department document stated: "The realisation
has come to the people [within Nato] that we have to have the UCK
involved in this process." It is well known that the CIA has trained
UCK fighters since the mid-1990s. The UCK and separatist forces were
cynically used by imperialism to create a political pretext for doing
what Anglo-American imperialism would decide in any case: to complete
the break-up of Yugoslavia.
Nato, when it bombed Serbia and Montenegro in 1999, presented the
attack as a "humanitarian intervention". Tony Blair said that "we have
a duty to see justice is done" and Bill Clinton insisted: "We act to
protect thousands of innocent people in Kosovo from a mounting military
offensive." But they were not interested in restoring peace in the
Balkans. They were interested only in the total capitulation of
Yugoslavia to imperialism’s terms. Even talks between Slobodan
Miloševic and Kosovo Albanian pacifist leader Ibrahim Rugova were
completely ignored. Rugova, who initially supported the Nato
aggression, now called for an end to "the bombing and the killings".
The 78-day air war ended only when Miloševic signed an agreement
promising to withdraw all Serb troops from Kosovo. Senior Nato
commander Michael Jackson announced Yugoslavia had agreed to a "phased,
verifiable and orderly withdrawal from Kosovo" that would allow for a
peacekeeping force to enter the province and provide a "secure
environment".
Then came the defeat of Miloševic’s Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) at
the Serbian elections in 2000 – a victory for the imperialists. Newly
elected pro-western President Koštunica declared that "the democratic
reconstruction of Serbia and Yugoslavia will be completed after these
elections". The election of Koštunica and his "Democratic Opposition of
Serbia" (DOS), a coalition of 18 pro-western parties, meant the start
of a process of "democratisation".
The first attempt to arrest the former president was made as a US
deadline was about to expire. Washington had threatened to suspend $50
million in aid unless Koštunica’s government began co-operating with
the "International Criminal" by 31 March. It was soon followed by
Miloševic’s imprisonment in Belgrade in April 2001, after he held out
in his house for 24 hours, surrounded by hundreds of police, and as
many of his supporters chanting "Don’t sell Miloševic to Nato!"
No formal charges were ever made against him. Months later he was
kidnapped and flown to the "International Criminal Tribunal" at The
Hague, where he faces accusations of over 60 counts of war crimes.
In March this year, a new government coalition was formed in Serbia
including the SPS. The new coalition, led by pro-western premier
Vojislav Koštunica, vowed to try Serb "war crimes suspects" in Serbian
courts. But SPS leaders have made it very clear that, if any Serb is
extradited to the kangaroo court at The Hague, the SPS will walk out of
the coalition and the Government will fall.
Senior SPS leader Millorad Vucelic warned: "We [would] immediately move
to topple the Government if this is attempted." And he told a Serbian
newspaper: "Someone will answer for the kidnapping of Miloševic. That
will be our condition. Those who illegally kidnapped Miloševic and who
illegally extradited him will, logically, be taken to court." And this
month the Koštunica government voted to give financial assistance to
Serbian citizens on trial at The Hague. A new law will provide the
prisoners, including Miloševic and nationalist leader Vojislav Seselj,
with the equivalent of their salaries had they worked in Serbia, travel
costs for visits by family members and some legal expenses. Even though
the financial aid provided will only be a small amount, it is
politically an important step that shows Serbia is no longer willing to
do whatever imperialism demands.
Western powers are worried by these developments – there are still a
number of people on the list to be tried at the kangaroo court in the
Netherlands, like Bosnian Serb military chief Ratko Mladic. The
hand-over of their "war crimes suspects" is a precondition for the
economic aid that Serbia very much needs. At the beginning of the month
US imperialism responded to the developments in Serbia by "temporarily
suspending" aid, giving "inadequate co-operation with the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia" as their reason.
As for Kosovo, it didn’t, of course, become the "secure environment"
Nato officials had promised.
Labour MP Mike Gapes who visited Kosovo recently, spoke about the
situation at a public meeting in London last month. "If you are a Serb,
you have to go to school protected by Kfor (Nato "peace-keepers")
tanks; you have to have your houses protected and you have to have your
places of worship protected by armed forces. That is the reality," he
said.
The Serbian government faces a huge dilemma. If it does nothing,
Kosovan Serbs will continously live in fear, and more will inevitably
be killed. If it decides to act and send its troops into the occupied
province – still officially a part of Serbia – it will risk a new
conflict with Nato.
Ivica Dacic of Miloševic’s Socialist Party of Serbia told the New
Worker that the violence has dispelled ideas that Kosovo "is now a
multi-ethnic society" and proved ethnic cleansing is under way there.
"Serbia must do everything to protect Serbs and all the political
parties must back a practical solution," he said.
Koštunica now proposes what he calls "cantonisation" – a partition to
protect what is left of the Serbian minority of the occupied province
to put an end to the violence. This has already started to happen in
practice since the episode in 1999, with the vast majority of Kosovan
Serbs retreating to Mitrovica, and it may now be the only solution.
For now, let’s see what former President Miloševic had to say about the
"ethnic cleansing". He told the people of Kosovo Polje at a
30,000-strong rally in 1992: "Here, in this town, we have heard of
ethnic cleansing for the first time, which the Serbian nation is now
being unjustly accused, that had been exposed to this pressure and
ethnic cleansing for the first time here, in Kosovo, on the territory
of the former Yugoslavia. We have learned the slogan ethnically pure
Kosovo from the Albanian separatists. We have learned it from them for
the first time and have heard of these ideas and this inhumane policy
that was endangering this nation and this country from them for the
first time. "At that time, when this horrible pressure was exerted upon
the Serbian nation, neither Europe nor the world were concerned. There
was no attention and no desire to protect the Serbian nation in Kosovo.
Everything that had been committed against the Serbian nation here was
not disturbing them."
Elizabeth Farrell
New Worker Online,
Friday, April 30, 2004