[ See at the original URL http://antiwar.com/malic/ for the several
useful hyperlinks.
On the same issue, of Kerry's foreign policy, see also:
D. Johnstone: Clinton, Kerry and Kosovo: The Lie of a "Good War"
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3626 ]
http://antiwar.com/malic/
July 29, 2004
The Choice: Bush's Empire or Kerry's
Empire's Failure in the Balkans
by Nebojsa Malic
With foreign policy becoming the big issue of the 2004 U.S. elections,
predictions that Democrats would invoke the "successes" of Clintonian
interventions, particularly in the Balkans, seem to be coming true. But
though Bosnia and Kosovo don't seem to figure prominently in convention
speeches just yet, with the assortment of Balkans veterans on John
Kerry's staff, that is only a matter of time.
Contrary to the belief of many anti-Bush activists, Kerry is hardly a
peace candidate. The Democrats offer America a vision of "good wars,"
fought with the enthusiastic support of the rest of the world – but
wars still, and fought nonetheless. "American foreign policy under
Kerry would not change dramatically," Philip H. Gordon of the Brookings
Institution told The New York Times.
Americans will get an Empire whether they buy George W. Bush's or John
Kerry's version. And while Bush's reign may make one nostalgic for the
Age of Clinton that Kerry promises to restore, it may not be a bad idea
to remember that Clinton's Empire – and Kerry's – is not all it's
advertised as being.
A Different Reality
Democrats, Republicans and the mendicant media can "package" Imperial
wars all they want, but they cannot change their true nature, which is
becoming increasingly obvious: widespread destruction, bitterness and
poverty among the invaded, along with callousness, cruelty and
corruption among the invaders. "Stopping genocide" sounds great, until
it is discovered the genocide was a fabrication. The gullible may be
fooled by photos of people cheering and throwing flowers at the
occupation troops – as many Albanians did in Kosovo – until someone
points out that they cheered the 1941 Axis invasion with the same
enthusiasm.
The claim that American intervention in the Balkans demonstrated good
will by defending Muslims has utterly failed to impress the Muslim
world. Indeed, many Muslims dismiss intervention in Bosnia and Kosovo
as "belated," and "helping the Serbs," despite evidence to the
contrary. Kosovo Albanians perhaps worship Bill Clinton and Tony Blair,
but the regime of Alija Izetbegovic never presented foreign assistance
as a favor, but rather as a moral obligation the West failed to
properly meet. Dozens of UN commanders in Bosnia were viciously smeared
by Muslims for the slightest refusal to support their cause.
Setting logic and principle aside, for the sake of argument, one fact
dooms the proponents of the Democratic empire as surely as lies about
Iraq ought to doom their Republican counterparts: none of the highly
praised interventions in the Balkans actually worked. Bosnia is a
protectorate misruled by a foreign tyrant. Kosovo is a concentration
camp for non-Albanians, and a haven for slavers, drug- and gun-runners.
And Macedonia is a simmering cauldron of resentment.
Misguided Symbolism
The grand reopening of the reconstructed Old Bridge in Mostar attracted
a lot of media attention last week, with travelogues describing its
beauty and state propaganda calling it a "symbol of hope." The bridge,
built by the Ottoman Turks in the 16th century, was destroyed by
Croatian forces in 1993, during their battles with Bosnian Muslims. It
was rebuilt as closely to the original as possible over the past two
years.
Unfortunately, and as with everything in Bosnia, the restored bridge
was far more important for its political symbolism than its truly
majestic beauty. Bosnia's viceroy Paddy Ashdown called its restoration
a "triumph of hope over barbarism." Both the Washington Post and the
Associated Press saw it as a harbinger of Bosnia's slow but certain
reunification. But if anything, the New Old Bridge is a symbol of
Imperial hubris. Bosnia is still divided, because its people want it
so. There are two Mostars now, Muslim and Croat, while the once-vibrant
Serb community has been destroyed.
For almost nine years, the Empire has sought to reinvent Bosnia from
the ashes of its civil war, pretending that the issues that caused the
conflict did not exist. Persisting in a belief that the right amount of
social engineering, threats and violence can persuade the divided
Bosnians to become one nation, it has erected an illusion of peace and
integration that is, if anything, fueling ethnic animosities. In their
ignorance or arrogance, no matter which, Imperial officials blame the
hatred on "war criminals" still at large. When uncomfortable truths
begin to emerge, such as that Bosnia is an attractive base for Islamic
militants, supporters of the Empire protest and complain. Bosnia has
become a myth cherished by social engineers of the Balkans. Perhaps it
always has been.
The Old Bridge was restored more for the sake of politicians and
princes. The peoples who reduced it – and Bosnia – to rubble would
likely do it again, given the opportunity. Modern Bosnia does not
deserve such an architectural treasure; it may some day, but not yet.
Defending Disaster
The next "successful" intervention, in Kosovo (1999), has been tainted
from the start by the naked aggression it entailed, brazen lies used to
justify it, and the ethnic cleansing that took place once NATO occupied
that Serbian province. Supporters of the Empire persistently ignored
the terror that has ravaged Kosovo since 1999, again pretending there
was "progress" where there manifestly couldn't be any. Then the pogrom
of March 17-18 took place, with some 60,000 Albanians attacking Serb
villages, churches and monasteries in an organized fashion, often
unhindered by NATO troops or UN police. Faced with such a damning
indictment of their occupation, what do the Empire's partisans do? Lie
and deny, again.
Four months later, with the pogrom already forgotten in Washington and
Brussels, Human Rights Watch, a frequent apologist for intervention,
issued a report condemning NATO and UNMIK for failure to protect the
Serbs from attacks. Apparently, it takes four months to state the
obvious. Not that it made any difference: NATO and the UN rejected
HRW's criticism out of hand. Besides, HRW only demanded a restructuring
of the occupation, not its end.
Visiting EU dignitaries continue to spout nonsense about Kosovo. Just
this week, Dutch Foreign Minister Bernard Bot said he was "shocked by
the March events, but … encouraged by reconstruction."
What reconstruction?
Signs of Resistance
Macedonia, also a victim of Empire's intervention (2001), demonstrated
this week the consequences of impossible demands. Under immense
pressure from EU and NATO to enact a law on "decentralization" that
would give more power to local authorities (in effect, empowering
Albanian separatists in the western part of the country), the
government ran into a roadblock: its own people.
Open riots erupted in the town of Struga last Thursday, where angry
protesters chased off the visiting Defense Minister. A protest meeting
was scheduled for Tuesday in the capital, Skopje, and it took place
peacefully. Unfortunately, the political forces opposing the
fragmentation of the country not only failed to present a compelling
and principled argument against it, but merely recycled old and
discredited rhetoric. While the government desperately seeks approval
from Brussels and Washington, the opposition appeals to the people's
fear of losing their nationhood. In this bitter but futile infighting,
the only winners are Albanian separatists and the Empire.
However ineffectual Macedonians' resistance may seem, however, it is
worth noting that people are no longer willing to suffer the iniquities
of Imperial diktat in silence. Who knows, maybe the inevitable
rejection of their sentiments by the Empire will dispel the
Macedonians' illusions about the "international community," which are
largely the source of their current predicament.
Doomed to Failure
It is evident from looking at Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia – to take
just these three – that Empire's intervention in the Balkans is not a
success, but rather a disaster. The Pax Americana imposed on the region
in the last decade is unnatural, based on lies and violence. It has had
a considerable corrupting effect on people already suffering from
Communism and chauvinism. The results are in plain view: poverty,
apathy, despair, lingering hatred, violent crime and widespread
delusions.
Some may argue that the solution lies in fine-tuning the intervention;
however well-intentioned, they would be wrong. The best thing the
Empire can do for the Balkans would be to leave. A true peace must be
made by consenting parties, and as long as the Empire is around to back
any of them, there will be no political will for a settlement of any
kind.
Ninety years ago, a once-potent European empire embarked on a project
of conquering the Balkans. On July 28, 1914, Austria-Hungary declared
war on Serbia and started a chain reaction that became World War One.
What followed is sometimes described as the "suicide of European
civilization," resulting in a century of protracted agony. It was
certainly the end of Austria-Hungary, and its Hapsburg emperors.
Attempts to force an artificial order upon the Balkans – or anywhere
else, really – are doomed to fail. The more this pressure forces things
to bend to its will, the more violent the blowback will be. History has
shown this time and again. Does anyone really need another
demonstration?
useful hyperlinks.
On the same issue, of Kerry's foreign policy, see also:
D. Johnstone: Clinton, Kerry and Kosovo: The Lie of a "Good War"
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3626 ]
http://antiwar.com/malic/
July 29, 2004
The Choice: Bush's Empire or Kerry's
Empire's Failure in the Balkans
by Nebojsa Malic
With foreign policy becoming the big issue of the 2004 U.S. elections,
predictions that Democrats would invoke the "successes" of Clintonian
interventions, particularly in the Balkans, seem to be coming true. But
though Bosnia and Kosovo don't seem to figure prominently in convention
speeches just yet, with the assortment of Balkans veterans on John
Kerry's staff, that is only a matter of time.
Contrary to the belief of many anti-Bush activists, Kerry is hardly a
peace candidate. The Democrats offer America a vision of "good wars,"
fought with the enthusiastic support of the rest of the world – but
wars still, and fought nonetheless. "American foreign policy under
Kerry would not change dramatically," Philip H. Gordon of the Brookings
Institution told The New York Times.
Americans will get an Empire whether they buy George W. Bush's or John
Kerry's version. And while Bush's reign may make one nostalgic for the
Age of Clinton that Kerry promises to restore, it may not be a bad idea
to remember that Clinton's Empire – and Kerry's – is not all it's
advertised as being.
A Different Reality
Democrats, Republicans and the mendicant media can "package" Imperial
wars all they want, but they cannot change their true nature, which is
becoming increasingly obvious: widespread destruction, bitterness and
poverty among the invaded, along with callousness, cruelty and
corruption among the invaders. "Stopping genocide" sounds great, until
it is discovered the genocide was a fabrication. The gullible may be
fooled by photos of people cheering and throwing flowers at the
occupation troops – as many Albanians did in Kosovo – until someone
points out that they cheered the 1941 Axis invasion with the same
enthusiasm.
The claim that American intervention in the Balkans demonstrated good
will by defending Muslims has utterly failed to impress the Muslim
world. Indeed, many Muslims dismiss intervention in Bosnia and Kosovo
as "belated," and "helping the Serbs," despite evidence to the
contrary. Kosovo Albanians perhaps worship Bill Clinton and Tony Blair,
but the regime of Alija Izetbegovic never presented foreign assistance
as a favor, but rather as a moral obligation the West failed to
properly meet. Dozens of UN commanders in Bosnia were viciously smeared
by Muslims for the slightest refusal to support their cause.
Setting logic and principle aside, for the sake of argument, one fact
dooms the proponents of the Democratic empire as surely as lies about
Iraq ought to doom their Republican counterparts: none of the highly
praised interventions in the Balkans actually worked. Bosnia is a
protectorate misruled by a foreign tyrant. Kosovo is a concentration
camp for non-Albanians, and a haven for slavers, drug- and gun-runners.
And Macedonia is a simmering cauldron of resentment.
Misguided Symbolism
The grand reopening of the reconstructed Old Bridge in Mostar attracted
a lot of media attention last week, with travelogues describing its
beauty and state propaganda calling it a "symbol of hope." The bridge,
built by the Ottoman Turks in the 16th century, was destroyed by
Croatian forces in 1993, during their battles with Bosnian Muslims. It
was rebuilt as closely to the original as possible over the past two
years.
Unfortunately, and as with everything in Bosnia, the restored bridge
was far more important for its political symbolism than its truly
majestic beauty. Bosnia's viceroy Paddy Ashdown called its restoration
a "triumph of hope over barbarism." Both the Washington Post and the
Associated Press saw it as a harbinger of Bosnia's slow but certain
reunification. But if anything, the New Old Bridge is a symbol of
Imperial hubris. Bosnia is still divided, because its people want it
so. There are two Mostars now, Muslim and Croat, while the once-vibrant
Serb community has been destroyed.
For almost nine years, the Empire has sought to reinvent Bosnia from
the ashes of its civil war, pretending that the issues that caused the
conflict did not exist. Persisting in a belief that the right amount of
social engineering, threats and violence can persuade the divided
Bosnians to become one nation, it has erected an illusion of peace and
integration that is, if anything, fueling ethnic animosities. In their
ignorance or arrogance, no matter which, Imperial officials blame the
hatred on "war criminals" still at large. When uncomfortable truths
begin to emerge, such as that Bosnia is an attractive base for Islamic
militants, supporters of the Empire protest and complain. Bosnia has
become a myth cherished by social engineers of the Balkans. Perhaps it
always has been.
The Old Bridge was restored more for the sake of politicians and
princes. The peoples who reduced it – and Bosnia – to rubble would
likely do it again, given the opportunity. Modern Bosnia does not
deserve such an architectural treasure; it may some day, but not yet.
Defending Disaster
The next "successful" intervention, in Kosovo (1999), has been tainted
from the start by the naked aggression it entailed, brazen lies used to
justify it, and the ethnic cleansing that took place once NATO occupied
that Serbian province. Supporters of the Empire persistently ignored
the terror that has ravaged Kosovo since 1999, again pretending there
was "progress" where there manifestly couldn't be any. Then the pogrom
of March 17-18 took place, with some 60,000 Albanians attacking Serb
villages, churches and monasteries in an organized fashion, often
unhindered by NATO troops or UN police. Faced with such a damning
indictment of their occupation, what do the Empire's partisans do? Lie
and deny, again.
Four months later, with the pogrom already forgotten in Washington and
Brussels, Human Rights Watch, a frequent apologist for intervention,
issued a report condemning NATO and UNMIK for failure to protect the
Serbs from attacks. Apparently, it takes four months to state the
obvious. Not that it made any difference: NATO and the UN rejected
HRW's criticism out of hand. Besides, HRW only demanded a restructuring
of the occupation, not its end.
Visiting EU dignitaries continue to spout nonsense about Kosovo. Just
this week, Dutch Foreign Minister Bernard Bot said he was "shocked by
the March events, but … encouraged by reconstruction."
What reconstruction?
Signs of Resistance
Macedonia, also a victim of Empire's intervention (2001), demonstrated
this week the consequences of impossible demands. Under immense
pressure from EU and NATO to enact a law on "decentralization" that
would give more power to local authorities (in effect, empowering
Albanian separatists in the western part of the country), the
government ran into a roadblock: its own people.
Open riots erupted in the town of Struga last Thursday, where angry
protesters chased off the visiting Defense Minister. A protest meeting
was scheduled for Tuesday in the capital, Skopje, and it took place
peacefully. Unfortunately, the political forces opposing the
fragmentation of the country not only failed to present a compelling
and principled argument against it, but merely recycled old and
discredited rhetoric. While the government desperately seeks approval
from Brussels and Washington, the opposition appeals to the people's
fear of losing their nationhood. In this bitter but futile infighting,
the only winners are Albanian separatists and the Empire.
However ineffectual Macedonians' resistance may seem, however, it is
worth noting that people are no longer willing to suffer the iniquities
of Imperial diktat in silence. Who knows, maybe the inevitable
rejection of their sentiments by the Empire will dispel the
Macedonians' illusions about the "international community," which are
largely the source of their current predicament.
Doomed to Failure
It is evident from looking at Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia – to take
just these three – that Empire's intervention in the Balkans is not a
success, but rather a disaster. The Pax Americana imposed on the region
in the last decade is unnatural, based on lies and violence. It has had
a considerable corrupting effect on people already suffering from
Communism and chauvinism. The results are in plain view: poverty,
apathy, despair, lingering hatred, violent crime and widespread
delusions.
Some may argue that the solution lies in fine-tuning the intervention;
however well-intentioned, they would be wrong. The best thing the
Empire can do for the Balkans would be to leave. A true peace must be
made by consenting parties, and as long as the Empire is around to back
any of them, there will be no political will for a settlement of any
kind.
Ninety years ago, a once-potent European empire embarked on a project
of conquering the Balkans. On July 28, 1914, Austria-Hungary declared
war on Serbia and started a chain reaction that became World War One.
What followed is sometimes described as the "suicide of European
civilization," resulting in a century of protracted agony. It was
certainly the end of Austria-Hungary, and its Hapsburg emperors.
Attempts to force an artificial order upon the Balkans – or anywhere
else, really – are doomed to fail. The more this pressure forces things
to bend to its will, the more violent the blowback will be. History has
shown this time and again. Does anyone really need another
demonstration?