UCRAINA

* IAC - Colpo di stato del Presidente filooccidentale Kuchma.
Truppe circondano il Parlamento: Kuchma vuole emulare Eltsin
incominciando a bombardare "per la democrazia"?
Assoluto silenzio stampa sui media occidentali.
* Daily Telegraph - L'Ucraina sempre piu' inserita nella NATO in vista
di future "missioni umanitarie".

* SESSIONE A KIEV DEL TRIBUNALE INTERNAZIONALE PER I CRIMINI DELLA NATO
Una relazione a cura dell'IAC.


---

>From: iacenter@...
>Reply-To: "activist -- key" <iacenter@...>
>To: "actvist -- key" <iacenter@...>
>Subject: 2/4/00: Emergency alert on pro-NATO coup in Ukraine
>Date: Sat, 5 Feb 2000 12:16:14 -0500
>
>EMERGENCY ALERT!
>
>PRO-NATO COUP D'ETAT IN UKRAINE; US-BACKED
>PRESIDENT SURROUNDS PARLIAMENT WITH TROOPS;
>OPPOSITION LAWMAKERS ON HUNGER STRIKE
>
>IAC Delegation Back from Kiev Charges US Gov't Role, Calls for
>Protests to Break US Media Information Blockade
>
>Feb. 4, 2000—Troops have surrounded Ukraine's parliament. Inside
>the main hall are nearly 200 opposition deputies, some of them on
>hunger strike. They oppose rightwing president Kuchma's plan to
>abolish Ukraine's elected legislature (Verkhovnye Rada) and replace it
>with a body more compliant to his wishes. Those include bringing
>Ukraine into NATO as well as privatizing land and other measures
>demanded by the International Monetary Fund. On Feb. 1, protesters
>gathered to defend parliament were attacked by rightwing groups
>organized by the regime.
>
>US ROLE
>Before moving against his country's parliament, Kuchma held a private
>meeting with US vice president Al Gore in Washington, D.C. Kuchma
>was first elected in 1996 with considerable financial aid from the
>Soros Foundation. He was reelected last November in a vote the
>opposition charges was plagued with fraud. European Union electoral
>observers confirm many of their charges.
>
>The current confrontation began Jan. 21, when pro-NATO, pro-IMF
>deputies and their allies held an extralegal gathering in a non-
>government building at the same time as an official Rada session was
>in progress. The unconstitutional meeting voted to oust elected Rada
>speaker Oleksandr Tkachenko and deputy speaker Adam Martynyuk
>and replace them with Kuchma supporters. Attempts to remove
>Tkachenko and Martynyuk by constitutional procedures had failed in
>the Rada. Today armed guards escorting Ivan Plyush, the pro-
>Kuchma grouping's choice for speaker, forcibly seized the speaker's
>office from Tkachenko, who had refused to leave.
>
>OPPOSITION LEADERS SPEAK TO IAC
>International Action Center representatives Larissa Kritskaya and Bill
>Doares were in Kiev last week, where they visited the Rada and met
>with Tkachenko and other opposition leaders. "This crisis comes not
>from the deputies but from the president," Kuchma told the IAC
>representatives. "There is an attempt to forcibly Westernize Ukraine.
>The presidential election was determined by force, and now the
>president is using force against parliament. Kuchma's rule has brought
>ruin to our people. Now he is staging a coup d'etat to concentrate
>absolute power in his hands. Our constitution has been violated at
>every step."
>
>"Kuchma is trying to make a coup to gain absolute power," said
>Ukraine Socialist Party leader Oleksandr Moroz. "He is acting on
>behalf of powerful private groups that support him. Since Kuchma
>came to office, Ukraine has gotten poorer but his friends have gotten
>rich. They now want to get even richer by selling shares in land and
>grabbing control of basic industries like steel, petrochemicals and even
>oil and gas, which is now forbidden to be privatized."
>
>"It is obvious that the United States has designed the Ukraine's
>political landscape," Oleg Grachev, Kiev regional secretary of the
>Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU), told Kritskaya and Doares.
>"You cannot speak about injustice and electoral falsification in this
>country without speaking of the domination of the International
>Monetary Fund."
>
>INTERNATIONAL ACTION CENTER CONDEMNS US ROLE
>"The US-backed presidential coup in Ukraine is of a piece with the
>bloody war against Yugoslavia and the occupation of Kosovo," the
>International Action Center charged in a statement issued today. "It is
>part of NATO's drive to the east. The White House and Pentagon
>want to bring Ukraine into NATO, which is a dangerous step toward
>a new and larger war. This must be seen in the context of the revival
>of Star Wars and the plans to base nuclear weapons in Hungary.
>Washington also wants to crush any opposition in to the dictates of the
>International Monetary Fund in Ukraine and the other former Soviet
>republics. We must not allow a repeat of the events in Chile in 1973,
>with Kuchma as Pinochet."
>
> WALL STREET RULES
>With nearly 50 million people, Ukraine is the second-largest former
>Soviet republic. It was one of the USSR's most productive agricultural
>and industrial regions. Today, like other former Soviet republics, it has
>been devastated by "economic restructuring" dictated by the
>International Monetary Fund. Since the fall of the USSR, Ukraine's
>industrial production has dropped 70 percent. Its population has fallen
>by 2 million in just the past two years. The old-age pension is $13 a
>month and millions of workers are not being paid. While hunger stalks
>many regions, one-third of the state budget goes in interest payments
>to Western banks. The country's debt has risen 30 times since
>Kuchma took office in 1996.
>
>The Kuchma regime has tried to create a fascist-like atmosphere by
>exploiting divisions similar to those used to break up Yugoslavia. It
>has tried to whip up bigotry against the large Russian minority (one
>quarter of the population) among the Ukrainian majority. Soviet-era
>books have been burned in public squares and opposition activists
>attacked by fascist gangs. The regime's nationalist pose does not stop
>Wall Street from dictating its economic policy. It has agreed to raise
>food and fuel prices, rents and gas and electricity rates on a schedule
>dictated by the International Monetary Fund.
>
>MARKED BALLOTS AND HAND GRENADES
>KPU general secretary Petro Simonenko, who calls for Ukraine to
>withdraw from the IMF, was the runner-up in November's
>presidential election. He got an official 38 percent of the vote. The
>KPU brought evidence of marked ballots, ballot-box stuffing and vote
>buying to Ukraine's criminal court but was told such matters were
>outside the court's jurisdiction. In the first round of the presidential
>election, Progressive Socialist Party candidate Natalia Vitorienko,
>who also condemns the IMF, was injured by a hand grenade tossed
>into a rally she was addressing.
>
>IAC CALLS FOR INTERNATIONAL PROTESTS
>"The US corporate media, which so obediently repeated Pentagon-
>State Department lies about Kosovo, appears to have imposed an
>information blockade on the events in Ukraine and US involvement
>there" the IAC statement concluded. "We must break that blockade.
>The democratic forces in Ukraine deserve the support of antiwar and
>justice-loving people in this country and around the world."
>
>The IAC called for protests to be sent to President Kuchma via the
>embassy of Ukraine in Washington at telephone 202-333-0606 or fax
>202-333-0817.
>
>International Action Center
>39 West 14th Street, Room 206
>New York, NY 10011
>email: iacenter@...
>http://www.iacenter.org
>phone: 212 633-6646
>fax: 212 633-2889

---

> Daily Telegraph (UK)
> ISSUE 1709Saturday 29 January 2000
> Nato to help Ukraine train armed forces
>
> NATO will help Ukraine modernise its armed forces, its Secretary-General
> announced yesterday at the end of his two-day visit to the former Soviet
> republic.
> George Robertson told leaders in a speech in Kiev, the capital: "Such a
> reform will be painful. Nato can assist Ukraine. A military that is
> transparent, democratically controlled and fully accountable is part and
> parcel of a mature democracy. And a military that adopts modern
> management techniques will spend scarce resources more efficiently."
> Lord Robertson met President Leonid Kutchma and Prime Minister Viktor
> Yushenko during his visit. Kiev signed a partnership agreement with Nato
> in 1997 but is not an official candidate for membership. Russia has
> opposed Nato's expansion to the east and has warned against inviting
> republics from the former Soviet Union to join the defence alliance.
> Lord Robertson said: "We need to exploit more fully our military
> co-operation in Partnership for Peace. By preparing partner countries to
> be able to deploy forces alongside Allied ones in possible peace support
> or humanitarian operations, we expand the pool of trained forces for
> effective crisis management in Europe."
>
>

Subject: Ukraine war crimes tribunal condemns U.S., NATO
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2000 14:22:00 -0500
From: iacenter@...
To: "International"<iacenter@...>


UKRAINE WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL CONDEMNS
WASHINGTON, NATO

KIEV, Ukraine--President Clinton and other NATO leaders were
found guilty of crimes against peace by an International Peoples
Tribunal on NATO War Crimes Against Yugoslavia (English
translation) that met Jan. 23 in the parliament building of this
beautiful
ancient capital. The hearing was held in defiance of the U.S.-backed
regime of President Leonid Kuchma, who wants to bring Ukraine into
NATO.

Delegates from Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, Yugoslavia, the Czech
Republic, Poland, Germany and the United States took part in the
hearing. The U.S. was represented by Larissa Kritskaya and Bill
Doares of the International Action Center. Kritskaya and Doares
were shown on the front page of the major daily Kievsky Vedomosty
under the headline "Americans Who Dream of Destroying NATO."

The Kiev tribunal was the second in a series of hearings organized by
the International Peoples Tribunal, which was initiated in Russia by
All-
Slavic Assembly. The first was held in the Russian city of Yaroslavl
Dec. 14. Others are planned for Belgrade (March 27), Warsaw and
Minsk. The Kiev tribunal focused on charges of crimes against peace-
conspiracy to cause a war. IPT organizers plan to coordinate their
efforts with the Commission of Inquiry on U.S./NATO War Crimes
Against Yugoslavia organized by the International Action Center and
former U.S. attorney general Ramsey Clark.

The Ukraine hearing, which was chaired by Prof. Mikhail Kuznetsov
of Moscow, got considerable support from the Socialist, Communist
and other Ukrainian opposition parties. Socialist Party deputy Vil
Nikolayich Romashenko was vice president of the tribunal.

The judges and participants heard eyewitness testimony from
Yugoslav delegates who told of the death and destruction inflicted by
NATO bombs and missiles, which took 2,000 civilian lives. They also
heard several parliamentarians who had visited Yugoslavia during the
war.

Deputy Sergei Kaszian of the Belarus parliament told of his meetings
with ethnic Albanian Kosovar leaders who condemned the NATO
bombing and held the U.S. responsible for the destruction of their
country. Kaszian said that NATO forces used had brutalized Kosovar
refugees, separating children from mothers and sending them to
different countries. He also testified to the large number of children
killed or wounded by NATO bombs and missiles.

Ukrainian Communist deputy Vladimir Moiseenko represents the
Donbass coal-mining region and chairs the Ukraine Association to
Restore the Soviet Union. He pointed out that NATO was from its
inception an aggressive alliance aimed against East Europe and the
Soviet Union and compared the U.S.-NATO strategy used to break
up Yugoslavia with its current strategy toward Ukraine. He quoted
U.S. strategist Zbigniew Brzezinski's description of Ukraine as a
"military platform" for NATO's expansion to the east. A NATO
Ukraine would become a base to invade Belarus and later Russia,
Moiseenko said. He condemned Ukraine's U.S.-backed president
Leonid Kuchma for facilitating NATO's expansion but said, "The
Ukrainian people are waking up to resist Ukraine's colonization." He
also called on the rest of the world to apply economic sanctions
against the U.S. and other NATO states if NATO is not dissolved.
"But the world is not insane yet and has the strength to stop NATO
and its 'spiritual leader' the United States."

Retired Soviet admiral Anatoli Yurkovsky, now a member of
Ukrainian parliament, testified that NATO was also aimed at the
Albanian people. He told of the 1996 mass uprising in southern
Albania against the U.S.-backed Berisha regime. The insurgents
"formed committees of national salvation that were like the workers'
councils in Russia in 1917. But they were smothered by the massive
intervention of NATO troops."

Larissa Kritskaya, a member of the International Action Center, said
that "corporate America has dominated Ukraine long enough to
deliver the country to the point of total destruction. But there is
another America inside the land of giant corporations, and that is
conscious people in the U.S. We are happy to be here today
representing these people as your friends and supporters in your
struggle against the coming colonization planned by U.S.-led NATO."

IAC spokesperson Bill Doares condemned the war against
Yugoslavia "as a cynical maneuver carried out to enrich giant U.S.
corporations that profit off death and destruction." He said that
"bombs and missiles are not the only agency of destruction. When the
International Monetary Fund orders Ukraine to close down its coal
mines and steel plants, reducing workers to starvation, is that not an
act of war?" He denounced NATO as "the strike force of the
International Monetary Fund."

Yugoslav ambassador to Ukraine Goiko Dapcevic said, "the fact that
the war crimes tribunal took place here in Ukraine and the fact that
there were many representatives of your country willing to testify in
the
name of truth about the horrible crimes committed during this unlawful
war that brought a human tragedy to Yugoslavia speaks to our unity.
Yet the war in Yugoslavia is still far from its end," he continued.
"Though there are no missiles and bombs falling from the sky right
now, there is also no peace for us at this time. And the most difficult
thing now is our incapacity to break the blockade on information.
Therefore an event like the war crimes tribunal has special value in our
struggle to tell the world the truth about this war and the present
condition of my country."



--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------

RUSSIA

* Il ruolo delle multinazionali del petrolio nella guerra in Caucaso
(da "Morning Star Daily")

* Il ruolo dei Lupi Grigi turchi nella "guerra santa" cecena ("Il
Manifesto" / CNNitalia)
* Una serie di articoli e dispacci d'agenzia sui rapporti tra terrorismo
ceceno e Taliban afghano-pakistani (Daily Telegraph, Reuters, AFP, AP)
* Una "jihad" in Cecenia (stopnato@...)

* La posizione del Partito Comunista degli USA sulla crisi cecena (da
"People's Weekly World", organo ufficiale del PCUSA)


---


> Stec's Commie-Pinko List - http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/7078
>
> The following article was published in the Morning Star daily newspaper on
> January 19, 2000.
>
>
> The Politics of Oil
> By Kenny Coyle
>
> The break-up of the Soviet Union released enormous resources that had been
> denied to Western transnational corporations for decades.
> In the early years of the 20th century, oil from the Russian Caucuses
> accounted for nearly half of all oil produced in the world. The oil
> district of Grozny was, next to Baku, the most important Russian oil area
> before the revolution and by 1915 accounted for about 18% of Russian oil
> production. The oil fields at Baku provided almost all the remainder.
> More than half the investment in Russian oil came from abroad. Before
> World War I, the total investment in the Russian oil industry was $214
> million, $130 million of that represented foreign capital. Great Britain
> was particularly active in Russia, providing more than 60% of the foreign
> capital.
> In the former Soviet Union, Grozny oil was at one time quite important,
> accounting for one-third of national production in 1932. In the
> post-Soviet era the importance of Grozny oil for the Russian economy has
> diminished greatly but its importance as a regional producer increased.
> Over the years, Grozny became a key oil pipeline crossroads, oil refining
> centre and also a juncture for natural gas from fields in Russia and
> Central Asia.

> The vast oil fields of Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and in the
> North Caucasus of Russia have always been a target for invasion. It was to
> secure unimpeded access to these riches, as much as for the symbolic
> associations with the city's name, that Hitler threw division after
> division at Stalingrad in World War II.
> Access to these newly available resources is an enormous boon for Western
> imperialism. The US is determined not to have to rely on the unstable
> Middle East for supplies. However, as recent events in Venezuela, now one
> of the largest national suppliers of oil to the USA, have shown, nowhere
> is truly safe.

> Prising open the oil fields grouped beneath and around the Caspian Sea
> have been a key strategic target of the US in the past decade. BP Amoco,
> Texaco, Mobil, Chevron and other US and foreign companies have already
> spent over a billion dollars on developing the Caspian oil resources. They
> are drawing on a whole spectrum of Cold War foreign policy figures from
> the US and Britain to cash in on the region.

> Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Adviser under President
> Carter and a key figure in securing initial US support for the Afghan
> mujahidin, is a consultant to Amoco.

> James Baker, a former US Secretary of State, runs a law practice in
> Houston doing business for the oil companies, where he is able to use his
> friendship with his former Soviet counterpart Edward Shevardnadze, and now
> president of Georgia.

> Former US National Security Adviser, Brent Scowcroft, advises Pennzoil and
> the multinational Azerbaijan consortium. Dick Cheney, President Bush's
> Secretary of Defence, is now chief executive of Halliburton of Houston,
> the world's largest oilfield services company.

> Azerbaijan is also a favourite destination for the British oil companies
> such as Monument and Ramco. Timothy Eggar, who as British Energy Minister
> led a delegation to Baku in 1994, is now chief executive of Monument Oil,
> while former Foreign Minister Malcolm Rifkind sits on the board of Ramco.
> In October 1997, Le Monde Diplomatique wrote: "The negotiation of oil
> contracts enabled Washington to show a direct interest in the region. The
> US government sees it as an extra source of energy, should Persian Gulf
> oil be threatened. It also wants to detach the former Soviet republics
> from Russia both economically and politically, so as to make the formation
> of a Moscow-led union impossible.

> In an article published in the spring, former [US] Defence Secretary
> Caspar Weinberger wrote that if Moscow
> succeeded in dominating the Caspian, it would achieve a greater victory than the
> expansion of NATO would be for the West."

> US policy therefore has both a tactical economic aspect and a longer-term
> strategy to further weaken Russia.

> The most crucial question for oil supply though is the route chosen for
> delivery. Unlike the Persian Gulf, none of the oil producing states of
> Caucasus offer the possibility of shipment to the West by tanker, since
> the Caspian Sea is essentially a huge inland lake. The alternative is the
> construction of a super pipeline from Central Asia to either the
> Mediterranean or the Persian Gulf.
>
> For several years, two rival pipeline projects have been mooted. US
> corporations Amoco, Exxon, Pennzoil and Unocal lead the Azerbaijan
> International Oil Consortium (AIOC), comprising Chechnya's neighbour,
> Azerbaijan, and 11 Western companies. Its aim is to construct a pipeline
> to carry Azeri oil from the Caspian seabed. US petroleum concerns are
> currently responsible for more than 50% of oil investment in Azerbaijan.
> The government of Azerbaijan is possibly the most pro-US in the region,
> offering its territory for US military bases and seeking integration into
> Nato through 'big brother', Turkey.
> Meanwhile, the Russians put together a Caspian Pipeline Consortium to run
> a pipeline from the Tengiz fields of Kazakhstan across Russia to the port
> of Novorossisk on the Black Sea and to link this with a pipeline extending
> northwest from Baku.
> However, to do this the pipeline from Baku would have to run through
> either Chechnya, which has been virtually inoperable because of the
> renewed conflict, or neighbouring Dagestan, itself the target of several
> Chechen mujahidin incursions in August 1999.

> The US government insisted from the outset that the pipeline, expected to
> carry one million barrels per day, run from the Azerbaijani capital, Baku,
> to Turkey's Mediterranean port of Ceyhan. The shortest route to Turkey
> leads through Armenia. But Azerbaijan and Armenia broke off all relations
> after a brutal war over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. This route
> does, however, pass through Chechnya's other near neighbour, Georgia,
> despite the fact that this detour is double the cost of a shorter path
> between Azerbaijan and Iran. Washington's aim is to ensure that oil
> supplies are free from Russian and Iranian influence.

> The Istanbul Protocol, signed late last year during the OSCE conference in
> the Turkish city, is a significant victory for the plans of the US and
> Turkey. The New York Times of November 19 1999 bluntly described it as
> "one of President Clinton's cherished foreign policy projects, a pipeline
> that would assure Western control over the potentially vast oil and
> natural gas reserves".

> While US Secretary of Energy, Bill Richardson, enthused: "This is a major
> foreign policy victory. It is a strategic agreement that advances
> America's national interest."

> Inevitably, many Russians believe that destabilisation in the Caucasus
> represents a Western plot to monopolise energy resources in the region.
> While this has a certain simplistic aspect to it, ignoring as it does the
> other complex factors, it nonetheless expresses a certain truth. The
> expansion of Western imperialist influence eastward demands the further
> break-up of Russia and the wresting of her rich energy resources from her
> grasp, piece by piece.
>

---

Da "Il manifesto" del 22 Gennaio 2000:

TURCHIA IL RUOLO DEI LUPI GRIGI
La guerra santa cecena parte da Istanbul

Per molti dei suoi protagonisti, la guerra in Cecenia inizia nelle
strade di Istanbul. E' qui, nella metropoli turca, che convergono da
tutto il mondo islamico i mujaheddin, i guerriglieri della guerra santa.
Gli stesso soldati volontari che stanno opponendo una strenua resistenza
alle forze russe che assediano Grozny. La Turchia è il principale
alleato degli indipendentisti ceceni. Oggi in Turchia vivono circa 3
milioni persone di origine cecena, circassa, abkhasiana, tutte
popolazioni che - sin dai tempi dell'impero ottomano - hanno legami
molto stretti con la Turchia secolare ma islamica. Ogni settimana i
gruppi islamici turchi e i Lupi grigi organizzano manifestazioni contro
la Russia. Ci sono anche alcuni quartieri di Istanbul dove i Lupi grigi
gestiscono le moschee e le organizzazioni commerciali. E' in queste
moschee della periferia di Istanbul che, dopo la preghiera, vengono
raccolte le offerte dei fedeli per aiutare i profughi ceceni (e
probabilmente anche i militari al fronte). Alla moschea di Fatih, uno
dei luoghi di culto più antichi di Istanbul, il network filo-ceceno
arruola ogni giorno uomini da mandare al fronte, raccoglie denaro e
organizza manifestazioni. Anche alla moschea di Beyazit, sotto il
controllo di alcuni gruppi sunniti, ogni venerdì dopo la preghiera la
gente manifesta in favore dei "martiti di Grozny". Sui siti internet che
fanno capo ai diversi filoni del movimento ceceno compaiono preghiere
per i combattenti di Cecenia. E chi si mette in contatto con loro si
sente inevitabilemte offrire di "compiere il proprio dovere" in
Cecenia... In queste ore, mentre
il conflitto si intensifica e vive le sue giornate più drammatiche, gli
sforzi sono stati moltiplicati. Secondo alcune stime, sarebbero tra i 3
e i 5 mila i mujaheddin stranieri transitati dalla Turchia in direzione
Cecenia. Questo movimento non è certo avvenuto senza il tacito consenso
del governo di Ankara. Anzi, non è più un mistero per nessuno il fatto
che a Duzce, una città tra Istanbul e Ankara, ci sia il principale campo
di
addestramento di guerriglieri ceceni. D'inverno il campo di Duzce è
costantemente immerso nella neve e il paesaggio che lo circonda ricorda
molto da vicino quello delle montagne del Caucaso. E anche i legami
storici ed etnici tra Duzce e il Caucaso sono molto forti, perché è
proprio qui che molte popolazioni caucasiche furono costrette ad
amigrare durante i tanti conflitti tra ottomani e russi. A Istanbul,
invece, stanno proliferando le associazioni più o meno umanitarie che
hanno obiettivo quello di fornire aiuto ai ceceni. La più attiva si
chiama Kafkafasya Yardimlasma Dernegi...

( da un articolo di Ali Isingor, messo in rete dall CNNitalia.it )

---

STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG

Daily Telegraph (UK)
ISSUE 1697Monday 17 January 2000
Afghan spectre over Chechnya
By Marcus Warrenin Zamai-Yuri


THE battle for Grozny and the struggle for control of Chechnya are far
from over, with the Russian army now faced with guerrilla warfare waged
by the rebels.

Unpleasant memories: the rough terrain of Chechnya reminds some Russian
officers of the Afghan region
The military may occupy the snow-capped ridges in the Caucasus but some
officers are disturbed by the terrain's resemblance to Afghanistan,
where the Mujahideen humbled the Soviet army in the Eighties. Adding to
their worries, the Chechen rebels are deploying the same tactics as the
victorious Afghans, launching small raiding parties of no more than 10
men to harry the Russians.
Some Chechen fighters are believed to have trained in Afghanistan and
one of their most feared warlords, Khattab, began his military career
fighting Soviet troops there. Col Vladimir Kruglov, a paratroop officer
and Afghan veteran, said: "They use the same methods; they are financed
by the same people and some of their leaders are the same as well."
The Chechen Defence Minister, Magomed Khambiyev, was quoted by Russia's
Interfax news agency yesterday as saying that rebel commanders had
decided at a meeting to declare a hit-and-run war on Russia.
"The period of battles for strategic positions is coming to an end," the
agency quoted Mr Khambiyev as saying. "From now on the tactic of a
guerrilla war will mainly be used. We do not set ourselves the aim of
entering populated areas and holding them. Our aim is to smash separate
units and to retire to repeat the operation in a new place."
Gen Gennady Troshev, one of Russia's best known military chiefs,
relieved of his command a week ago but now apparently back in charge,
said: "They approach, open fire and then hide. And the next morning they
smile at you in the streets."
To combat the guerrillas he advocated even stricter policing of the
territory under Russian control, with special emphasis on thorough
house-to-house searches. He said that until now the searches have been
perfunctory. "Every house without exception will be checked," he said.
"And they will be searched a second time without warning and at random."
Small-scale raids on Russian positions were a problem in the hills near
Zamai-Yurt, but they were clearly not the main reason that Gen Troshev
had flown by helicopter to the Russian base there. His main
preoccupations are Grozny, the Chechen capital, which is obstinately
refusing to surrender, and the counter-attack by the rebels early last
week.
After weeks in which the Russian army admitted losing only a handful of
men, if that, every day, the latest official casualty figures have
jumped much higher to as many as 26 in one ambush and even more every
day. "Aviation and the artillery will do their work and only then will
the troops go in," Gen Troshev said. "The weather today is good," he
said, pointing at a blue sky. What are we going to do? We are going to
kill more bandits."
European Union foreign ministers are to meet next Monday to debate
possible sanctions against Moscow over its intervention in Chechnya.
Afghanistan's Taliban regime said yesterday that it has recognised the
rebel government in Chechnya and its independence from the Russian
Federation, the Afghan Islamic Press reported.
The Taliban's supreme leader, Mulla Mohammad Omar, took the decision
after a meeting in Kandahar with a visiting Chechen delegation. It was
not clear whether the Taliban would help the Chechens militarily.
information.


STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG

Mon, Jan 17 at Prague 09:27 pm, N.Y. 03:27 pm
Afghan Taleban Recognize Chechen Gov't
KABUL, Jan 17, 2000 -- (Reuters) Afghanistan's ruling Taleban Islamic
movement on Sunday became the first government to recognize the
breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya but said it could hardly give any
help to Chechens in their conflict with Moscow.
The formal recognition was agreed by Taleban supreme leader Mullah
Mohammad Omar during a meeting with a Chechen delegation on Sunday at
his headquarters in the southern Afghan town of Kandahar, Taleban
Foreign Minister Abdul Wakil Muttawakil told a Pakistan-based Afghan
news service.
Mullah Omar agreed that the Chechen government "can open its diplomatic
mission in Kabul from today", a Taleban spokesman told Reuters in the
Afghan capital.
It was the first time any government had recognized rebel Chechnya and
comes as a bloody four-month-old Russian military campaign against the
rebels is facing strong resistance in the regional capital Grozny and in
the south.
"The delegation requested the Taleban leader to recognize the Chechen
government, and the Taleban leader accepted this request on the basis of
Islamic brotherhood and recognized the Chechen government," the private
Afghan Islamic Press (AIP) quoted Muttawakil as saying by telephone from
Kandahar.
He said the Taleban, itself struggling for international recognition,
had intended to recognize Chechnya anyway but that the urgency of such a
move had increased because of the Russian assault.
Asked if the Taleban could help the Chechens fight the Russian
offensive, a Taleban spokesman, Tayeb Agha, said Mullah Omar had told
the Chechen delegation that his movement had "limited ability in terms
of giving such help".
The Taleban government, accused by the West of helping international
terrorism is fighting a northern-based opposition alliance and is
recognized by only three countries - Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates.
Moscow has repeatedly accused the Taleban and some Pakistan-based
militant groups of training warriors to fight Russia in Chechnya. The
Taleban and Pakistan deny the charges.
The Taleban government, which controls about 90 percent of Afghanistan,
in turn accuses Russia of helping the opposition alliance that holds the
remainder of the country, which Moscow had occupied in the 1980s under
the former Soviet Union.


Mon, Jan 17 at Prague 09:35 pm, N.Y. 03:35 pm
Afghan Taliban Call On Muslim World To Recognize Chechnya
KABUL, Jan 17, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Afghanistan's ruling
Taliban militia Monday called on the Muslim world to join Kabul in
opening diplomatic relations with the rebel government in Chechnya.
Taliban Minister of Information Qudratullah Jamal said the religious
militia was not worried about reprisals from Moscow a day after his
regime became the first to recognize the breakaway republic.
"It is the obligation of all Muslims to recognize the Chechen
government, which is a big support and cooperation for them," he told
reporters in Kabul.
"We should always cooperate with Muslims, particularly those who demand
this cooperation to enable them to live in Islam and freedom," the
minister said.
Ironically only three countries recognize the Taliban, who now control
most of Afghanistan, as the country's legitimate rulers.
Afghanistan's UN seat is held by the former government and only
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have diplomatic
relations with the militia.
Jamal said the Taliban had not yet decided whether to open a mission in
the embattled Grozny or to give military aid to Chechen fighters.
"We accepted their two demands: official recognition and the opening of
an embassy here. The military aid has not been considered yet," he said.
The Taliban Supreme Leader Mullah Mohammad Omar on Sunday officially
recognized the Chechen rebel government and allowed it to open a
political mission in the Afghan capital.
The permission was secured after a visiting Chechen delegation met Mulla
Omar on Sunday in the southern province of Kandahar, home to the Taliban
headquarters.
"We are not afraid if Russia imposes sanctions on us or threatens us
occasionally," Jamal said.
"The Russians have not recognized us. We are independent. Everybody is
doing his own business," he said.
Moscow, which still recognizes the anti-Taliban leader and ex-president
Burhanuddin Rabbani, has threatened to sever diplomatic ties with any
country which starts formal relations with Chechen rebel regime.
Moscow offers political and military aid to Rabbani and his military
strongman Ahmad Shah Masood, who is battling the Taliban in his
northeastern pockets of resistance.
"Their asistance to our opposition is not a secret anymore. They back
the opposition to the best of their ability whether or not we recognize
Chechnya," Jamal said.
The minister said no place for Chechen embassy in Kabul has been chosen
yet.
He also would not reveal how the six-strong Chechen delegation, led by
Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev a rebel official, traveled into Afghanistan. ((c)
2000 Agence France Presse)


STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
21/1/2000:

Chechens to open Afghan embassy
By AMIR SHAH Associated Press Writer
KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) -- Chechen rebels will open an embassy in the
Afghan capital of Kabul, the Taliban's Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmed
Muttawakil said Friday.
In a joint press conference with Chechen rebel spokesman Zelimkhan
Banderayev, Muttawakil urged Muslims worldwide to rally behind the
Chechens in their bitter war for independence against Russia.
The Taliban, the orthodox Islamic army which rules Afghanistan, is the
only government so far to officially recognize an independent Chechnya.
The move has drawn fire from Russia, which accuses the Taliban of
sending material and men to help the rebels.
But Muttawakil said the Taliban have nothing to offer Chechnya because
they are in the middle of a war of their own against a northern-based
opposition, led by ousted defense chief Ahmed Shah Massood.
``Unfortunately we have nothing left in this country and what we have we
are using to face our opposition,´´ he said.
The Taliban controls about 90 percent of Afghanistan. Only three
countries recognize the Taliban government in Afghanistan.
Muttawakil likened Russia's attack on Chechnya to the 1980s invasion of
Afghanistan by the former Soviet Union. Then, he said, Muslims from
around the world came to Afghanistan to help defeat the former Red Army,
which eventually negotiated a withdrawal from Afghanistan after 10
years.
``Muslim people came from all over the world to help Afghanistan, Now
the Muslim people should help the Chechen people,´´ he said.
Banderayev sharply criticized the international community and the United
Nations for doing too little to stop the Russian assault on Chechnya.

---

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Sat, 29 Jan 2000 12:07:46 -0000
From: MR JAVIER BERNAL <988005350@...>
Reply-To: "STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN!" <STOPNATO@...>
To: STOPNATO@...
Subject: A jihad in Chechnya (+ personal comments)

STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG

I have added some comments. Please, read them.

Javier Bernal


--------------------------------
A jihad in Chechnya
By Kenny Coyle

Islam is one of the world's great religions and probably the most
misunderstood in the West. Ignorance of Islam has led to an essentially
racist 'Islamophobia', on the one hand, which fears Moslem populations
and
states, equating the faith with terrorism.

However, a second error is to ignore the rise of reactionary political
and
social movements simply because they express themselves in Islamic
vocabulary and theology.

This is like confusing Liberation Theology with the conservative and
even
pro-fascist wing of the Catholic hierarchy. For socialists, determining
the
nature of these politico-religious movements must be based on their
social
outlook rather than their theology.

The recent recognition of the breakaway Chechen republic by the Taliban
government of Afghanistan highlights the increasingly open and formal
links
between the Chechen mujahidin and outside powers. In November 1998, a
high-level Chechen delegation led by Abdul Wahid Ibrahim had visited
Afghanistan to lay the ground for open recognition.

As was noted in a previous article, the populations of the northern
Caucasus are primarily, although not exclusively, Moslem. But it has
been
the Sufi wing of Islam that is rooted there. Sufi Islam adapted to local
pre-Islamic beliefs and often incorporated local rites and customs.

However, this places it in opposition to the Wahhabi school of Islam, an
18th century movement aimed at purifying Islam and returning to basic
Koranic concepts. It is this wing of Islam that is best described as
'fundamentalist', although only in the same sense that right-wing
Protestants in the US who hold to the literal truth of the Bible can be
regarded as 'Christian fundamentalists'. In both cases, these are
conservative social movements with definite political agendas.

Anatol Lieven, author of a book on Chechnya noted: "The 'Wahhabis' in
the
North Caucasus used to number a few, with minimal influence; but
religious
radicalisation produced by the war, the arrival of former Arab mujahidin
who had served in Afghanistan and, above all, Arab money, have since
made a strong impact.
"During the Cold War, Islamic movements, such as the Muslim
Brotherhood, were encouraged by Middle Eastern regimes to combat
secular communist parties and pan-Arab nationalism. However, three other
factors have seen the emergence of new Islamicist movements since the
1960s. First, in response to widespread radicalisation caused by the
rising
Palestinian struggle, local conservative regimes saw it as essential to
push at least some of these radicals away from a broader
anti-imperialist
perspective and to focus on a 'holy war' against the Jews and their
Christian backers. Second, the oil wealth that transformed the hitherto
backward and conservative Gulf states also created a revulsion against
consumerism and the local 'playboy' ruling classes. The Wahhabi
movement, which had its origins in the Gulf, won many new and often rich
converts. It was a Saudi-born millionaire, the infamous Osama Bin Laden,
who set up the International Islamic Front for Jihad against the Jews
and
Crusaders. Third, and quite crucially, as part of imperialism's efforts
to roll
back communism, vast quantities of arms and foreign volunteers were made
available to fight the revolutionary government of Afghanistan and its
Soviet ally. The US used Pakistan as the conduit for these efforts. By
1987, some 65,000 tonnes of weapons were being transferred each year to
Afghanistan via Pakistan. A key source of funding for these covert
operations, as in other CIA-orchestrated ventures, has been the heroin
trade. Gulbaddin Hekmatyar's Hizb-i-Islami mujahidin faction, itself
backed
by the CIA and more directly by the Pakistani military, ran at least six
opium refining centres within Pakistan during the 1980s, according to
Alfred
McCoy's 'The Politics of Heroin'. Bin Laden's personal fortune
mysteriously
multiplied during the same period. By 1996, the CIA itself reported that
"heroin is becoming the lifeblood of Pakistan's economy and political
system".

Pakistan is now emerging as a nuclear power with regional ambitions.
Pakistan¹s Inter-Services Intelligence directorate (ISI) was the main
channel for US and Saudi support for the Afghan mujahidin. Today it has
established its own control over the various mujahidin factions,
including
of course with the Taliban, which rapidly emerged from obscurity to fill
the power vacuum in Kabul in the mid-1990s. There are believed to be at
least 20 foreign mujahidin training camps located in Afghanistan and
another 80 on Pakistani territory.

Chechen separatist commander Shamil Basayev led a group of Chechens
to ISI-sponsored camps in Pakistan and Afghanistan during the mid-1990s.
In Afghanistan, the Chechens visited the ISI's training facilities in
the
Khost area, then run by Hekmatyar's Hizb-i-Islami.A leading French
specialist on political Islamic movements Antoine Sfeir has stressed the
need to distinguish between 'Islamo-nationalists', such as Algeria's
Islamic
Salvation Front and the Palestinian Hamas, whose primary concern is
domestic political change, and 'universalists', who regard existing
borders and national
distinctions as unimportant. It appears that a shift within the Chechen
separatist
movement has seen the increasing marginalisation of the
'Islamo-nationalists' and the
growing predominance of the 'universalists'.

The unilateral declaration of Chechen independence in October 1991 by
Dzhokar Dudayev was accompanied by the drafting of a secular
constitution. This was
now been set aside. The current Chechen leader, Aslan Maskhadov,
replaced the
secular legal system with Islamic Sharia law tribunals. However, this
was too little too
late for his deputy and rival Shamil Basayev. Explaining the cause of
the recent conflict,
Basayev told one Islamicist magazine last year: "We only see the
solution to the crisis
of
Chechnya with what agrees with the Islamic Sharia. In 1996, a solution
to
the problem was found not in accordance with the Sharia, which is why
the
war began a second time."

The Chechen rebel forces have three components. Aside from those locals
still loyal to the breakaway republic's leader Maskhadov, there are
others
whose allegiance is to Basayev¹s indigenous, but Islamicist, Chechen and
Dagestani forces. The third distinct force, but working entirely in
tandem with Basayev,
is led by an Arab mujahidin commander known as Ibn Khattab (Note: You
can also find
his name written as Ibn-ul-Khattab. Ibn -or Ben- means "Son of"). After
several years in
Afghanistan, Khattab moved in 1992 to Tajikistan to fight with the
Islamicist opposition.
In 1995 he moved to Chechnya and began training Chechen and other
Islamicists.
To an interviewer, who asked if his forces contained mujahidin from
outside the
Caucasus, Khattab replied: "Yes, we do have mujahidin, but not from
outside, because
the Islamic nation is one nation that belongs to all the Muslims. We
have one common
purpose, which is to expel the Russian forces and to create an Islamic
State for all our
brothers." He added that Russia's military actions are a "Christian war
and crusade
against Islam and its people and it is an obligation upon the Muslims,
especially the
great scholars, to support their mujahidin brothers in the land of the
Caucasus."
Using Sfeir¹s approach, we could place Maskhadov in the camp of
Islamo-nationalism,
Khattab is clearly a 'universalist', and Basayev¹s group, aiming for a
Caucasian
Islamicist state, is a hybrid, which in practice leans toward the
latter.

Russia blamed the Chechen mujahidin for a series of terrorist bombings
in Moscow that
claimed 300 lives. Others suspected a pre-election ploy by pro-Yeltsin
security forces.
The truth is far from clear. In an interview with Associated Press last
September,
Khattab had boasted that: "From now on they will get our bombs
everywhere. Let
Russia await our explosions blasting through their cities. I swear we
will do it." Yet on
the day of that interview's publication, Khattab told the Interfax news
agency that he
had nothing to do with the Moscow explosions, saying: "We would not like
to be akin to
those who kill sleeping civilians with bombs and shells." Further
Russian claims that the
Chechen mujahidin are directly linked to Osama Bin Laden are part of
attempt to win
over Western critics. The mujahidin internationally are deeply
factionalised and attempts
to establish any central co-ordinating centre have invariably
fragmented. The common
theme is that the various mujahidin groups seek patronage, arms,
training and money,
from various regimes, principally Pakistan, Iran and Sudan

(NOTE: I don't know why this columnist leave away the most important,
Saudi Arabia.
In my opinion, this feudal ultraconservative monarchy is using Religion
as an instrument
of power: Most of the critics say that US is backing caucasian republics
-Georgia, ...- to
get another way of getting cheap oil instead Persian Gulf countries, so
it should be good
for saudi purposes to finance a "friendly State" in North Caucasus. In
this way, they can
also control a share of the Caucasus oil politics. All this actions are
natural in a
monarchy who sold their people and the Pan-Arab revolt (Lawrence of
Arabia,...) in order
to mantain its bloody Power. One time more, the key can be found in
History...)

It is the intermeshing of the fanaticism of the mujahidin with the
foreign policy objectives
of their patron states that accounts for the instability and
unpredictability of these armed
Islamicist groups. This has become a crucial aspect of the current
conflict in the
Caucasus.

Ends

---

CPUSA's 'People's Weekly World':
http://www.pww.org

What’s behind the war
in Chechnya?

News Analysis

(Picture)
Local residents cry during a memorial ceremony as they came to pay last
respects to Maj. Gen. Mikhail Malofeyev, killed during fighting in
Grozny, 55 miles west of the Chechen border, Jan. 25.
AP

People’s Weekly World Saturday, January 29, 2000 Page 3

By Gus Hall

Ever since Mikhail Gorbachev started dismantling socialism, the Soviet
Union has been confronted with secessionist movements in one republic
after
another. These secessions eventually led to the disintegration of the
Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

The separatist movements in the Soviet Union are part of the process of
privatization that led to the collapse of socialism within the republics
and
unleashed the secessionist forces throughout the USSR.

Besides a setback for socialism, this crisis is taking a terrible human
toll on all the peoples of the former Soviet Union. In Chechnya, the
1994-96
guerrilla war of secession and the present conflict is causing
continuing
death and destruction.

From the very beginning, the USSR, as a fledgling socialist nation, had
its
hands full holding back the scourge of extreme nationalism and religious
fanaticism inherited from the past. One of the great feats of the
socialist
revolution was the molding of 500 nationalities into one great Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics.

However, these backward movements never completely died out. They were
kept
alive by reactionary forces inside and outside the country.

Because the ideological and educational work was weak, these movements
were
never really challenged during the building of socialism. With the
advent of
the crisis, these secessionist movements were stirred up and supported
by
reactionary forces within the republics and by U.S. imperialism from the
outside.

World imperialism, especially U.S. imperialism, has momentarily won a
major
victory by supporting and encouraging all the "free market" capitalists
and
criminal elements that have fully emerged in control of Russia.

The Russian Federation, which is the largest country left of the USSR,
finds itself fighting another secessionist war caused by the same
factors
extreme nationalism and religious fanaticism.

Understanding the current disaster, the loss of life on both sides, the
destruction of whole villages, cities and regions is not easy. The
propaganda, disinformation and misinformation makes it hard to sort out.

In this very complicated situation there are many factors to consider
in
understanding what is happening and what is at stake. We have a
responsibility to challenge the anti-Communist media fog that is keeping
people so confused.

There has yet to be an explanation of this situation from the Russian
Communists. And, of course, no one has explained anything in terms of
the
oil, the pipelines, privatization and corruption. A complete breakaway
of
Chechnya would be a bonanza for U.S. oil imperialism.

Whatever the political and military mistakes made by the Russian
government
and its military command, the direct cause of the conflict was and is
secession. This movement is largely made up of extreme nationalist and
reactionary religious armed forces drawn from inside and outside
Chechnya
itself. It is aided by U.S. political and financial support, especially
U.S.
oil.

Just as Gorbachev’s capitulation to Estonian secession started the
dismemberment of the USSR, capitulation to Chechen secessionists would
signal the disintegration of the Russian Federation.

The disintegration of the USSR structure, devastation of its economy,
privatization and capitalist economic penetration, severe weakening of
state
and socialist enterprises and the outlawing of the Communist Party are
all
part of the crisis of socialism.

However, U.S. imperialism’s main objective is to direct and oversee the
complete transition to capitalism in Russia, with a massive penetration
of
U.S. multinational capital, while further reducing the wages and living
conditions, with the ultimate aim of making Russia into a semi-colony of
the
United States.

Some facts

First, Chechnya is not a republic. It never was. It has none of the
features that would define it as a republic.

Further, no one called it a republic until the Chechens announced they
were
seceding from the Russian Federation and accelerated their guerrilla war
with a force of Chechen mercenaries and Muslim extremists.

All of a sudden Chechnya became a "rebel republic" fighting for its
independence from "centuries of Russian oppression." Right-wing New York
Times columnist William Safire has called Chechnya the "breakaway
republic,
fighting for its homeland." But he also admits that "if Russia lets
Chechnya
go, other Caucasian dominoes will fall and Moscow will be denied its
Caspian oil."

There are no winners in the Chechen conflict

(Picture)
An Interior Ministry officer, right, checks the documents of a refugee
who
wants to return to Chechnya, at a border checkpoint between war-torn
Chechnya and the neighboring Russian region of Ingishetla, near
Sleptsovskaya, Jan. 25.
AP

Oil- the bottom line

Thus, Chechnya is not a republic, a separate country or a nation. It is
also not a single, united ethnic group or nationality. The armed
struggle is
being waged as a Holy War, a Jihad, that calls for all Muslims to come
to
the aid of their "Chechen brethren."

However, the struggle is not really over religious differences. Calling
it
a Muslim Holy War is a smokescreen to cover up the real, underlying
cause of
the conflict. The bottom line in Chechnya is oil. It is one of the
richest
oil-producting regions in the former USSR. Chechnya also has vast
natural
gas deposits. It is a major chemical processing center.

Perhaps most importantly, Chechnya not only has vast reserves of oil,
but
also a vital pipeline running through its territory to the Caspian Sea.
The
issue is not only oil, but control of these pipelines.

When we say oil, we have to ask what roles Exxon, Standard Oil and
Shell
are playing in this situation. Wherever there is the combination of oil,
privatization and corruption, the oil cartels are deeply involved. They
are
actively making moves that will put them in position to pounce and
penetrate. Once they gain a foothold, it is very difficult to get rid of
them.

One of the main factors in destroying socialism was, and is, political
corruption. Because of the oil and potential private profits, corruption
has
become an even bigger factor in the Chechnya region. In fact, the
temptation
to make huge profits from selling oil to U.S. and world imperialism
corrupted even some very top Communist leaders.

This corruption is directly related to the privatization of Russia.
Privatization and corruption go hand-in-hand. Privatizing socialist
public
property opens wide the doors to corruption and criminal elements of all
kinds.

Historical backdrop

It is interesting to note that this region was one of the earliest
supporters of Boris Yeltsin and privatization. Its leaders quickly
became
corrupt opportunists. They were interested only in enriching themselves
by
selling out socialism to the "free marketplace of capitalism," where
they
could wheel and deal away socially-owned resources by privatizing them.

One of the main leaders was Djovkhar Dudayev, the self-proclaimed
president
of Chechnya who is a Yeltsin-created gangster. Like Gorbachev, he
declared
the region independent and recruited former mercenaries from Afghanistan
and
other regions.

How is it possible for the Chechen guerrillas, poorly trained and
equipped,
to hold off thousands of Russian troops with far superior weapons?
Dudayev
kept them fighting against insurmountable odds by resurrecting and
preaching
a backward ideology. He convinced many that they were "soldiers in a
liberating Holy War," based on national hatreds and religious
fanaticism.

Yes, it is nationalist Muslim fanaticism, but it is also the
indecision,
the political splits in the Russian government and military, the
bumbling
and confusion, which is resulting in many more deaths and much more
destruction than was necessary to subdue the secessionist movement.

Betrayers of socialism

Yeltsin’s war policies were a reflection of his political and economic
policies. The conflicts between nationalities and ethnic groups, the
throwbacks to bitter clan warfare, nationalist extremism, separatism,
racism
and discrimination have all been inflamed and fostered by Yeltsin and
his
gang.

Before him, it was the crimes of Gorbachev against socialism and the
Soviet
people that started the ball of separatism and privatization rolling.
Once
started, separatism and nationalism snowballed from one republic to
another,
from one country to another.

The developments in Russia, Chechnya and other areas are an outgrowth
of
first Gorbachev’s and then Yeltsin’s policies. This led to the
corruption
that makes the people vulnerable to nationalism and secession.
Centuries-old
backwardness, nationalism, extremist and fanatical religious beliefs
were
stirred up. Such backwardness cannot be fought without a socialist
ideology
to take its place.

Yeltsin is out mainly because he managed to alienate and infuriate not
only
his own people, but also his handlers and the right-wing majority in the
U.S. Congress. They want a Russia that can at least pass for bourgeois
democracy, moving steadily to privatize, to reform itself into a free
market
economy, controlled and dominated mainly by U.S. multinationals.

Global monopoly capital actually has two distinct approaches to
Chechnya.
The multinationals and entrepreneurs, like McDonald’s or Pepsi, actually
prefer operating in conditions of disorder, instability and overall
chaos.

On the other hand, finance capital, banking and international finance,
like
the International Monetary Fund, are looking for ripe conditions for
long-term capital investments. They demand stability and order. They
demand
more guarantees that investment will be safe and profitable for
long-term
deals like oil and pipelines. They demand a reliable, cooperative
government
in control, and under their control. They want assurances that the
transition to capitalism is irreversible.

What’s at stake

Let me pose this question to Americans: how would we react if
confronted
with the threat of oilrich Oklahoma seceding from the United States,
declaring independence and demanding recognition as a new sovereign
country?
You can believe that as soon as statemonopoly capital got wind of any
such
move, armed forces would immediately be sent in to squash it.

Thus, the future of the Russian Federation is directly involved in the
outcome of the Chechnya conflict. If Chechnya is allowed to secede,
there
are hundreds of other such areas that would move in the same direction.

It would not take long for the Russian Federation to disintegrate. The
cohesion, unity and very existence of Russia as a sovereign country is
at
stake. Also at stake are all the socialist structures and features
remaining
in the former republics. Secession would mean another big step backward
toward capitalism.

Chechnya is only one more example why ideological education is so
important
in the building and defense of a socialist society. This is especially
true
while there are still powerful, insatiable predators, with corporate
claws
ready to pounce wherever socialism is weak, crippled and vulnerable.

Inadequate attention to the ideological struggle and the false concept
that
the ideological and class struggle are no longer valid, were big factors
in
the crises in the east European socialist countries and in the USSR.

What has been missing in the former republics, in areas and regions
like
Chechnya, is class consciousness and class unity. What is missing is an
ideology that would build a sense of unity, an ideology that would
transform
nationalism and even religious fanaticism into a positive, progressive,
internationalist consciousnesS. What is missing is the ideology of
socialism.

(Picture)
AP
Russian conscripts ferrying ammunition to troops in Chechnya, rest at
the
side of a road in Ingushetia, just kilometers away from the Chechen
border,
at Sleptsovskaya, January 25. The soldiers said they make the resupply
trip
every two to three days.


Gus Hall is national chairman of the Communist Party USA.



--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------

Rossi Alma wrote:
> ----------------------------------------------------------
> Vi inviamo il programma delle iniziative che si terranno tra il 7 ed il 26
> febbraio in diverse località d'Italia alla presenza di tre lavoratori della
> zastava di Kragujevac (solo per la Lombardia anche alla presenza di due
> medici del presidio sanitario di Kragujevac)
>
> CONTRO LA GUERRA, CONTRO L'EMBARGO, E PER IL SOSTEGNO DI CONCRETE AZIONI DI
> SOLIDARIETA' A FAVORE DEI LAVORATORI E DELLA POPOLAZIONE JUGOSLAVA COLPITA
> DALLA GUERRA
>
> In tutti gli incontri programmati saranno proiettati dei filmati e saranno
> presentate le seguenti iniziative di solidarietà:
>
> a.. Progetto Zastava - della Cgil Lombardia
>
> b.. Progetto di adozioni a distanza di famiglie di lavoratori della
> Zastava di Kragujevac
>
> c.. Presentazione del Libro "Gli assassini della tenerezza" - Libro di
> poeti dilettanti contro la guerra il cui ricavato è totalmente devoluto a
> favore dei lavoratori della Zastava di Kragujevac
>
> NEL PROGRAMMA, PER ALCUNE LOCALITA', NON E' ANCORA INDICATO IL LUOGO ESATTO
> DOVE SI TERRANNO LE INIZIATIVE.
>
> PER AGGIORNAMENTI ED INFORMAZIONI POTETE COLLEGARVI AL SITO INTERNET DEL
> COORDINAMENTO RSU ( http//:www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/ ) OPPURE CHIEDERE
> INFORMAZIONI A alma@...
>
> LUNEDI' 7 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 16,30 - Conversano (Bari)Incontro con l'Amministrazione Comunale per la
> promozione di iniziative di solidarietà
>
> ORE 19 - Putignano (Bari) sala Fidas C.so Vittorio Emanuele 37 Incontro
> organizzato dalla rete "Lilliput".
>
> MARTEDI' 8 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 10,30 - All'ITG "Pitagora" di bari - C.so Cavour 249 Incontro con le
> classi coinvolte del progetto d'istituto "critica della guerra e cultura
> della Pace"
>
> ORE 16,30 - Al Liceo Scientifico "Scacchi" di Bari - C.so Cavour 241
> Incontro con i sostenitori del progetto di adozione a distanza dei bambini
> di Kragujevac.
>
> ORE 18,30 - Al Liceo Scientifico "Scacchi" di bari - C.so Cavour 241
> Presentazione del libro di poesie "Gli assassini della tenerezza" -
> testimonianze da un paese bombardato e sottoposto ad embargo.
>
> MERCOLEDI' 9 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 9 - Assemblea con i lavoratori e la RSU della Serono-Pharma di Bari
>
> ORE 11,30 - Putignano (Bari) - Via Turi 43 Incontro con gli studenti del
> Liceo scientifico
>
> ORE 18 - Bisceglie (Bari) Incontro con l'Amministrazione Locale che ha
> votato una mozione contro l'embargo - Segue Assemblea cittadina
>
> GIOVEDI' 10 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 10 - Pomigliano d'Arco (Napoli) Assemblea con i lavoratori Fiat di
> Pomigliano d'Arco
>
> ORE 14 - Napoli Incontro con il presidente e la giunta della provincia di Napoli
>
> VENERDI' 11 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 10 - presso istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli Incontro con gli
> studenti, il coordinamento LSU, il coordinamento disoccupati, delegati RSU
>
> SABATO 12 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 11 - Presso la libreria "Manifesto Libri" di Roma - Incontro conferenza
> su guerra e dopoguerra - progetti di solidarietà con i giornalisti ed
> esponenti della società civile
>
> ORE 13 - Presso la redazione di Liberazione Intervista col direttore "Curzi"
> e la redazione di Liberazione
>
> DOMENICA 13 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 10 - sala teatro centro sociale Intifada, via Casalbruciato 11 (zona
> Tiburtina). Solidarieta' con i lavoratori della Zastava, prima bombardati
> dalla Nato e poi strangolati dall'embargo.
>
> LUNEDI' 14 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 15 - Università di Firenze - Assemblea con gli studenti, delegati RSU,
> centri sociali
>
> ORE 20,30 - a Firenze - Festa organizzata dai circoli aziendali del PRC con
> proiezione di video e musiche contro la guerra
>
> MARTEDI' 15 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 10 - Assemblea con i lavoratori della Coopoerativa Nord/Est di Reggio Emilia
>
> ORE 12 - Incontro con amministrazioni locali della provincia di Reggio Emilia
>
> ORE 15 - Incontro con la segreteria FIOM di Bologna con Delegati RSU delle
> piu' grandi aziende di Bologna
>
> ORE 21 - Bologna - Spettacolo contro la guerra con musiche Rom (Organizzato
> da Coordinamento Rsu Bologna ed i Rom del centro profughi di Bologna fuggiti
> dal Kosovo)
>
> MERCOLEDI' 16 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 9 - Assemblea alla OM-Iveco di Brescia
>
> ORE 10,30 - Incontro con la Giunta del Comune di brescia
>
> ORE 15 - Incontro con l'associazione industriali di Brescia
>
> ORE 16,30 - Incontro con la Camera di Commercio di Brescia
>
> ORE 17,30 - Incontro alla Cgil di Brescia (e poi cena alle 20,30) con i
> sostenitori del programma di adozioni a distanza della Lombardia
>
> GIOVEDI' 17 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 15 - presso la Cgil di lecco - Incontro con le RSU della provincia di Lecco
>
> ORE 21 - A Lecco - Incontro con i sostenitori del progetto adozioni a distanza
>
> ORE 21 - A Lodi - Assemblea con il comitato provinciale contro la guerra,
> RSU, sindacalisti Cgil, e comitato promotore del programma di adozioni a
> distanza
>
> VENERDI' 18 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 16 - Incontro con la segreteria CGIL Lombardia (promotrice del progetto
> Zastava)
>
> ORE 21 - Milano - Assemblea regionale dei delegati RSU, dei comitati contro
> la guerra indetta da Alternativa sindacale CGIL con l'adesione di radio Popolare
>
> SABATO 19 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 21 - Presso il centro Sociale Di Vittoria di Milano - Concerto di
> solidarietà
>
> DOMENICA 20 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 12 - Sesto S.Giovanni (milano) - Organizzato dal Comitato contro la
> guerra - pranzo e festa di solidarietà.
>
> LUNEDI' 21 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 21 - Savona - Assemblea del comitato contro la guerra e del Coord. RSU
> di Savona
>
> MARTEDI' 22 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 15 - presso la Cgil di Torino (Via Pedrotto 5) - Iniziativa con delegati
> RSU per il sostegno dell'iniziativa di adozioni a distanza
>
> ORE 20,30 - Val di Susa (Torino) - Assemblea pubblica
>
> MERCOLDI' 23 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 15 - a Padova assemblea regionale dei delegati RSU
>
> GIOVEDI' 24 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> Ore 20,30 - a Bolzano - presso sala Kolpinghaus via Ospedale - Assemblea con
> Livia menapace organizzata da pax Cristi ed il circolo orizzonte
>
> VENERDI' 26 FEBBRAIO 2000
>
> ORE 17 - presso Istituto tecnico Righi di Taranto - Incontro dibattito sulla
> solidarietà e riflessioni contro la guerra.
>
> Alma Rossi - email - alma@...
> indirizzo email del coordinamento RSU - coord.naz.rsu@...
> indirizzo internet del Coordinamento RSU - http://www.ecn.org/coord.rsu/
>


--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------

STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG

World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org

Balkans
Bosnia fours years after the Dayton Accord: US and Europe preside over
ethnic partition and corruption

By Tony Hyland
25 January 2000

"As we take stock of where we are, we see what we lack for a truly
durable peace—a functioning sovereign state that unites all peoples of
Bosnia and Herzegovina; an economy free from political influence and
corruption that can provide jobs and stability; and the ability for all
refugees and displaced persons to return to their homes." ( From a
statement by the United Nations Mission in Bosnia, the Office of the
High Representative, the Mission of the Organisation of Security and
Co-operation in Europe [OSCE], and NATO)
This joint statement by the international agencies presently responsible
for Bosnia-Herzegovina amounts to an admission of failure on key aspects
of the Dayton Peace Accords, signed in November 1995. In an attempt to
salvage some credibility for the UN intervention, the agencies point to
the absence of war four years on. But this offers small comfort, as a
future resumption of armed conflict cannot be ruled out.
The term "peace" is an ill-fitting appellation for a situation in which
ultra-nationalists continue to dominate political life, refugees are
unable to return home and corruption is endemic throughout the power
structures of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The US-brokered accord geographically split the former Yugoslav
republic, with a population of between 3 and 4 million, into two
entities, enshrining ethnic divisions. On one side is the Federation of
Bosnia-Herzegovina (the Moslem-Croat alliance), and on the other, the
Serb Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina (Republika Srpska). The former
controls 51 percent and the latter 49 percent of the country.
This division was largely based upon the relative territorial advantages
the various protagonists enjoyed after two-and-a-half years of fighting,
which witnessed some of the worst atrocities that have accompanied the
dissolution of Yugoslavia. The Western powers extended economic and
military support to the Moslem-Croat alliance, formed under the auspices
of the US.
A NATO occupying force of some 32,000 troops, known as the Stabilisation
Force (S-For), polices the two entities. An Office of the High
Representative was set up by the US and the European Union. The position
concentrates extensive powers into the hands of Wolfgang Petritsch, who
took over the post in September 1999.
As High Representative, Petritsch can veto decisions made by the
governments in the two entities and remove from office uncooperative
local mayors and parliamentary deputies. Even the anthem and flag of
Bosnia-Herzegovina were chosen by the High Representative.
Western policy in Bosnia-Herzegovina continues an anti-Serb bias. Under
the Dayton Accord, the country's territorial division omitted the region
of Brcko, situated in the northwest. A final decision was to be made
within a year but was constantly deferred as the area was hotly
disputed.
For the Bosnian Serbs it formed a hinge between the two halves of the
territory they controlled, whereas for the Moslem-Croat alliance in the
Federation, it offered an important commercial outlet to the Sava River.
Last year it was finally decreed to be a "neutral zone". This meant it
was controlled by the US military and effectively dissected the
Serb-ruled territory, leaving its western side flanked by Croatia on one
side and the Federation on the other.
The Western powers have groomed the present Republika Srpska prime
minister, Milorad Dodik, as their favoured statesman in the Serb
mini-state. He has renounced any association with the Milosevic regime
in Belgrade, and offered to comply with Western dictates.
The West has been assisted by the "collateral damage" from NATO's 78-day
bombardment of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The levelling of
factories throughout Serbia proper cut off a major export outlet for the
Republika Srpska. In 1998 this had accounted for 70 percent of exports
and nearly a quarter of its gross domestic product. The annual value of
trade has since been halved to 350 million German marks.
An example of the integrated character of this trade is shown by
Cajavec, the company in Banja Luka that employed 2,000 people making
electronics components for the Zastava car factory in Serbia. When the
factory was destroyed by NATO bombs the Cajavec workers were deprived of
the outlet for their products. Other economic casualties in Banja Luka
include the Kosmos electronics plant and the Incel paper and plastics
business. According to the Republika Srpska Industry Ministry, 62,000
workers lost their jobs as a result of NATO's action.
The net result of this has been to make the Republika Srpska even more
economically dependent on inward investment and foreign aid, with the
preconditions attached to them by Western powers. Prime Minister Dodic
was quoted in the Financial Times saying: "The fact is that the Yugoslav
economy is now not strong enough to take our products, and we cannot
expect to have a market there like we had before the [Kosovo] war. We
shall now have to look to the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina market, and
to other countries."
The shaky foundations of the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina
The uneasy nature of the Croat-Moslem alliance is exemplified by the
situation in the southern city of Mostar. The city is split in two: the
western side inhabited by Bosnian Croats, the eastern side by Bosnian
Moslems. The freedom of movement claimed by the supporters of Dayton is
belied by everyday life. On the western side of the bridge over the
River Nevetva Croat cab drivers wait to pick up passengers dropped off
by Moslem (Bosniak) cab drivers in the east. The city has separate
police forces and schools.
The Federation's army is also fractious. The units are ethnically
segregated and under a separate ethnic chain of command. The two main
nationalist parties—the Croatian Democratic Union and the Moslem
Democratic Action Party—appoint personnel.
The obstructions preventing refugees returning and the maintenance of
military autonomy are ultimately bound up with Zagreb's plans to annex
Bosnian territory as part of a Greater Croatia. This is particularly the
case in the western part of the Federation, which is referred to as
"Herzeg-Bosna" by the Croatian ultra-nationalists.
While the Western powers have been preoccupied with subjugating
Republika Srpska and isolating it from the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, the predatory appetites of Croatia have gone largely
unchecked. In the recent period NATO has been obliged to rein in this
expansionism, particularly as it prepares to scale down its military
presence to 19,000 troops by April of this year.
The advanced state of these expansionist plans was shown by material
seized in a NATO-led raid last year in the Bosnian Croat sector of
Mostar, situated only 25 miles from the border with Croatia. The raid
was carried out on October 14, 1999 by a combined force of some 1,500
American, British, French, Italian and Spanish troops, and represented
one of the most extensive actions by NATO forces against Croat
nationalists in Bosnia.
Eight cubic meters of material were uncovered, including 10,000
documents, a cache of arms and truckloads of spying equipment.
Diplomatic officials claimed that it offered clear proof that Croat
forces were preventing the resettlement of minorities from areas that
had been ethnically cleansed, that they were protecting suspected war
criminals and that they maintained connections with organised crime. The
seized material included equipment for counterfeiting credit cards and
for the mass copying of pornographic videos.
Payrolls and other documents indicated a financial umbilical chord
between the operations in Mostar and the Croatian capital of Zagreb.
NATO officials said there was evidence of tax revenue being siphoned off
to the HDZ, then the ruling party in Croatia, which was used to pressure
Croatian military officers into supporting the party's agenda.
NATO and diplomatic officials say there were also clandestine payments
from Croatia to its hard-line counterparts in Bosnia, the full extent of
which are not known. Funds were being provided not only for intelligence
activities directed against various Western agencies, but also for the
wages of an estimated 10,000 Croats in the Bosnian army, as well as for
police officers in the Mostar region.
Although then-Croat President Franjo Tudjman was a signatory to the
Dayton Accord, he never accepted a state of affairs whereby Croats had
to share power with Moslems in the new Bosnian Federation. Those
advocating the incorporation of Bosnian territory into a Greater Croatia
have enjoyed considerable influence in domestic Croatian affairs. Known
as the "Herzegovina lobby," their leading spokesperson, Ivic Pasilic,
was Tudjman's main adviser until the latter's death last December 11.
Unlike the Serbs who were driven from their homes and disenfranchised,
Bosnian Croats are entitled to vote. Although they only constitute 9
percent of the electorate, they have specially designated
representatives in the Federation parliament known as "Diaspora
deputies," and make up the right-wing of the HDZ.
The Western media has fostered the perception that the Moslem Democratic
Action Party and its leader Alija Izetbegovic are models of ethnic
tolerance. However, Izetbegovic heads a party that was founded upon
religious exclusivism.
The Bosniak-controlled municipalities provide a base for Islamic
extremists. This was recently brought to light when a member of the
terrorist organisation, Mehrez Amdouni, was arrested in Turkey
travelling on a Bosnian passport. Local Bosnian officials permit
Mujahadeen fighters who had participated in the war in Bosnia to reside
in the villages of Bocnja and Pehare. A majority of these have been
granted citizenship and passports. They reside in the former homes of
Serbs and Croats, and present a major deterrent to the return of those
displaced from the region of Zavidovici-Maglaj.
Four years after the cessation of fighting, ethnic cleansing remains an
intractable problem. The United Nations High Commission on Refugees
(UNCHR) announced figures suggesting a return rate of over 27 percent
for refugees. However this is misleading. Many of these have not
returned to their former neighbourhoods, but to areas where they
constitute the majority ethnic group. A clearer indicator of
resettlement is offered by the number of "minority" returns, those who
have felt safe enough to return to areas where they are in the minority
and are unlikely to be offered houses seized through ethnic cleansing.
Based upon this criterion, the rate of resettlement is just 5 percent.
Market-orientated policies benefit criminal elements
Criminal elements have been the main beneficiaries of the Western
powers' economic polices in Bosnia-Herzegovina. According to some
estimates, the black market accounts for 40 to 60 percent of the
protectorate's economy. An article in the Washington Post on December
26, 1999 declared: "This has fuelled the rise of a wealthy criminal
class that wields enormous political influence and annually diverts
hundreds of millions of dollars in political tax revenue to itself."
A US House International Relations Committee fact-finding team sent to
investigate corruption found that in one of the cantons hundreds of
millions of dollars provided to the government by Western donors had
already been misappropriated. In another case, public funds earmarked
for the tombstones of war victims in the Serb-controlled area of
Srebrenica had disappeared.
Those layers seeking to take advantage of private enterprise have been
drawn from the criminal underworld. A prime example is the "Arizona
market" in Brcko. Its name is testimony to the patronage of US
capital—the Pentagon provided $40,000 of its start-up costs—and it
is referred to ironically as the "Wal-Mart" of Bosnia. Founded in the
NATO-policed "zone of separation", it was meant to be a flagship of the
free market for the rest of Bosnia. Three years on, it has become the
centre for trade in contraband and counterfeit goods.
As one representative of the OSCE stated: "Within Bosnia-Herzegovina
today, organised crime and corruption are more serious threats to
security and stability than military confrontation."
Some $30 million in uncollected taxes have accrued from the sale of
legal goods. With such large amounts of uncollected revenues, the $5.1
billion in foreign aid channelled into Bosnia-Herzegovina amounts to an
indirect form of subsidy to these criminal elements.
The transnational corporations feel aggrieved that these funds have not
been used to set in place the infrastructure that would enable them to
exploit this untapped market. As one think tank, the International
Crisis Group, commented: "Bosnia has become donor dependent. Were it not
for donor aid—which may account for 30 percent of official
GDP—economic growth would probably be negative. Little private
investment—foreign or domestic—has occurred in manufacturing....
Even the American hamburger chain McDonalds has been put off, and
Volkswagen is experiencing difficulties at every step of the way.
Politicians appear more interested in staying in power than in making
the needed structural changes in the economy that will attract private
investment."
The calls for more stringent measures against the criminal cliques have
more than a small dose of hypocrisy. Black marketeers traditionally
formed the constituency that opposed the centralised economies of
Eastern Europe. Having emboldened these elements, Western diplomats and
politicians now turn around and describe their activities as a remnant
of the "communist era." In large measure the attack on "corruption" has
become a euphemism for removing what limited social protection remains
for working people and speeding up privatisation.
There are small but significant signs that the avaricious drive of the
transnationals and the corrupt activities of the criminal/nationalist
cliques are beginning to encounter opposition. Last October tens of
thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Sarajevo, the Bosnian
Federation's capital. They chanted anti-government slogans and carried
placards denouncing the war profiteers.
Since 1991, the continued dismemberment of Yugoslavia has provided NATO
and the US with an opportunity to project their military power beyond
their traditional boundaries. This has been based on carving out a
series of ethnically-based mini-states completely dependent on Western
finance capital and the transnational corporations. Nationalist cliques
have enriched themselves by seeking the sponsorship of one or another
major power. Such has been the reality of "self-determination" in the
Balkans.

World Socialist Web Site


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