Informazione
La seguente intervista, pubblicata sul quotidiano ``Politika'' e poi
riprodotta sul sito del Ministero dell'Informazione della Serbia
www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-12/31/16573.html
e' stata rilasciata da Slobodan Milosevic in occasione del Capodanno
2000.
Ne riportiamo i passaggi politicamente piu' rilevanti. CRJ
---
December 31, 1999
Federal President Slobodan Miloševic
agreed to an interview for "Politika"
daily. In a lengthy conversation with
the "Politika" Editor-in-Chief - Mr.
Hadži Dragan Antic, President Miloševic
replied to all the 15 questions
concerning the position, the efforts
and the development prospectives of our
nation, as well as the standpoints
related to key political issues
pertaining to the present and the
future.
The interview took place on Wednesday
December 29th, at the presidential
palace.
(...)
During the year we are about to leave
behind the pressure and the attacks our
country has been facing for the last
ten years have culminated. What is it
that the West wants?
- The West wants to seize control of
the entire world. The most developed
part of the global community, usually
called the West, is determined to force
the world around to serve its needs and
interests. Rich countries want to
become even richer. To do that, they
need other countries to become sources
of their constant and unlimited
accumulation of wealth. For the time
being, the most developed part of the
world is rather concerted. At least it
seems to be. But, along with their need
for expansion, their mutual envy will
grow stringer. Such rivalry might hurl
the world - both the developed and the
under-developed world - into a series
of major, tragic conflicts, which might
prove catastrophic for all mankind.
Let us hope that the developed
countries will realize the threat they
represent for themselves in this world
of ours. Still we should hope that the
rest of the world will find the
strength to unite and oppose the
downfall that is inevitable if we are
to wait for things to be solved
spontaneously. In life no solution
comes about by itself. At least no
major and important solution. Everyone
should contribute to the shaping of a
better and a more just world in the
coming century.
I believe that the positive trend that
marked the 20th century will override
the destructiveness that - especially
towards the end of the century - has
grown quite strong.
The Chinese embassy in Belgrade has
been bombed during the war. The
Yugoslavs have grasped the meaning of
it. So did the Chinese. What is your
evaluation of our relations with that
part of the world?
- The Chinese embassy was targeted
deliberately and after serious
planning. It was a message for China to
the effect that in world affairs it
hardly has more influence than
Yugoslavia. That it might even face the
fate of Yugoslavia should it fail to
show obedience to the new world order.
The message was addressed to China not
only because it constitutes a potential
threat to this order, but also because
it publicly and repeatedly condemned
the aggression on Yugoslavia.
Naturally, the message inherent in the
bombing of the Chinese embassy has been
understood by the Chinese, the
Yugoslavs and everyone else. The
message wasn't a complicated or an
ambiguous one. In fact, the West isn't
capable of sending messages to the East
that the East would view as mysteries
it can't understand. Only the other way
around might occur. That's why the
Chinese have not only realized the
message quickly, but gave a quick
answer as well. Not only on the
government level, but also on the level
of ordinary people. Their reply was
that they shall defend their country
fiercely, that they are determined to
develop rapidly and that in
international relations they shall
always endorse peace, equality among
nations and the right of every country
to shape its future autonomously...
With these stands, China is very close
to Yugoslavia, but probably also to all
other peoples and countries that risk
facing aggression and humiliation
tomorrow. Our relations with China are
extremely friendly, our cooperation
with China is comprehensive - economic,
scientific, cultural... We plan to
develop and enhance it in the spirit of
common interests and benefit for both
countries.
Do you think that the future of
Montenegro lies within the Federal
Republic?
- The best solution for Montenegro is
the one that suits the Montenegrin
people. If the Montenegrins believe
that their life without Yugoslavia
would be a better one, then they have
the right to make such a choice. And
vice-versa. If the people of Montenegro
believe that life within Yugoslavia is
the optimum choice, then they should
keep it.
In that case, they must honor the rules
of the game imposed by such life in
common with another nation or another
federal entity. First of all the
Constitution that they have - obviously
- adopted jointly. The Constitution
can, naturally, be changed and it is
good to make changes in it. We live in
dynamic times and it is logical that a
state is to be managed more dynamically
than in the past, keeping in step with
the rhythm of changes that take place.
Life in common is simple and easy for
those that are determined to live
together, and difficult and unpleasant
for those that live together forcibly.
When life together entails imposition,
it is not only difficult and
unpleasant, but it has no prospective.
Lessons have been learnt from the
aggression on Yugoslavia. The rich and
mighty - that a local war and not only
a global one can be a dangerous
adventure even when the enemy is
considered inferior, and the poor and
small and all other nations were faced
with the fact that they shall continue
being poor, insignificant, other,
unless they choose to change it.
At the end of a century in which two
big, tragic wars have been fought, and
practically countless little ones, the
greatest military power assaulted us,
or to be more precise, newly assaulted
us. What is your interpretation of this
occurrence in view of the future of our
country, but of the future of mankind
as well?
- The aggression on the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia was supposed to
be a lesson for all disobedient nations
in the world, to make them realize that
the order of things dictated from a
single place must be respected. With
the aggression on FR Yugoslavia
international organizations have been
suspended, first of all the United
Nations, as the most important
organization that had the task of
arbitrating international conflicts and
controversies. The aggression on
Yugoslavia also deferred international
law and initiated a process for the
abolition of the sovereignty of every
country - big or small - standing in
the way of an order it did not help
create, and that dared voice its
opinion without being asked, or even
dared to rebel. Our country took a
stand, rebelled and hence faced
retaliation.
I would like to stress in particular
the major experience Yugoslavia, and
particularly Serbia have in
international politics, and their
openness for all forms of cooperation
with the immediate environment, but
also with the most distant countries in
the world. We have always been open for
all those that wanted to be here and
had a positive attitude towards those
that wanted to be with us. It is
characteristic of our nation. It is
also our historical heritage.
But this characteristic and heritage do
not include renouncing to the right to
freedom and independence.
For its entire duration, the aggression
kept our nation unified. Everyone knows
that from the very beginning of the
aggression the unity of our heroic
people amazed the world. At least that
part of the world which has free media,
where there's no censorship and where
correspondents reporting the truth and
journalists commenting in favor of it
(the truth) do not risk loosing their
jobs. But the unity of our people faced
with threats and difficulties during
the war is not the only issue. It was a
united, proud and enthusiastic
resistance to the aggressor that was
preparing to become the occupying
power. It was a rare and magnificent
resistance they never expected. The
feeling of invincibility, superiority,
obstinacy, goodness - resulted in a
specific resistance, admired in the
countries where the media are free, and
concealed from the public in the
countries where censorship and
autocracy rule.
But in those countries they also hid
everything else concerning Yugoslavia
and themselves. First of all the truth
that Yugoslavia is by no means an
aggressor. That it was victim of
unprovoked aggression by countries
portraying as the aggressor in order to
use this alleged aggression as an
excuse for the war they started against
it. Partially to teach a lesson, and to
a greater extent to secure their
interests. To seize control of the
Balkans - strategically important both
in the military and economic sense -
and also to use this peninsula as a
beachhead for taking hold of even more
militarily and economically important
regions - in the East: Near and Far.
Lessons have been learnt from the
aggression on Yugoslavia. The rich and
mighty - that a local war and not only
a global one can be a dangerous
adventure even when the enemy is
considered inferior, and the poor and
small and all other nations were faced
with the fact that they shall continue
being poor, insignificant, other,
unless they choose to change it.
Albanian separatists and their NATO
sponsors want to seize Kosovo and
Metohija. What will become of Kosovo
and Metohija?
- Albanian separatism in Kosovo and Metohija
failed to reach its goal even after it brought in
the most powerful ally on the planet in the
shape of NATO and its war machinery.
Warranties of our sovereignty and territorial
integrity are not the result of a unilateral
position but rather conditions under which the war was stopped. These
guarantees that we have accepted are for us final and unchangeable. All
decisions contrary to the guarantees contained in the Ahtisari -
Chernomyrdin Plan and UN SC Resolution 1244 are illegal and void for
us. The presence of the security forces under the auspices of the UN is
temporary. We have to endure and display great patience. NO one can
take Kosovo away from us.
In final instance 1999 will always be remembered here as a war
year. Evil forces attacked us bringing death and destruction. Will
they answer for it and will the immense damages we have suffered
be compensated?
- The question of their responsibility is not a future issue, it is a
question
raised already throughout the world, although it is still mostly limited
to
moral condemnation. Nevertheless everyone expects them to answer for
all this. We do because we have suffered vast material destruction, we
had quite a number of casualties, all people in Serbia went through
terrible
stress, and all this without objectively provoking anyone in the world
to
inflict such evil upon us. Many are those around the world that hope the
criminals shall answer - many world public segments, entire countries,
the
majority of the population, all normal people. But those that
responsibility
falls upon, also fear it. We do not live in times of Hun invasions,
allowing
massacres against nations and crimes against people to be committed
without fear of punishment, except maybe individual.
Half way through this century Fascism had to answer before mankind. I
am confident that this neo-Fascist beast shall also face judgement in
its
time, before entire mankind and in contemporary - not some distant -
history.
As far as compensations are concerned, they go along with the
responsibility. Should the so-called international community fail to
identify
those responsible for the crime against our country, then it is to
assume the
responsibility itself, as well as the compensation of the damages that
can
be paid with money.
The decision to launch a process of rapid, intense reconstruction of
that
has been damaged by the bombing, was not based on the hope that the
reconstruction can rely on the payment of war damages. The decision was
based on the conviction that we are capable of relying on our own forces
and that we shall do everything possible to rebuild and make operational
as quickly as possible all those facilities that have vital importance
for the
country. Naturally, in this reconstruction effort, we enjoy the support
of
certain countries, various foreign companies and numerous individuals
throughout the world. Still, for the time being, the decisive source of
financing of the reconstruction is our own country.
(...) We continue to live with
moderation and self-denial, but also with great efforts; it seems
that even the countries around us, especially former socialist
countries still haven't caught up with us in spite of the fact that
they did not face sanctions and went through a series of
transitions. Do you believe that we can prosper economically even
without the World Bank and the famous IMF?
- Certainly. In the year that lies ahead of us, priority objectives,
along with
the renewal of the country involve development, increase of agricultural
and industrial production, growth of wages, living standard and
employment. The reconstruction of the country is proceeding quickly and
with success. Everything also favors the rapid and successful
realization of
our development objectives. Still, I see no reason why we should be
denied the support you have mentioned. If the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank really are international and really belong to
the
world, then they ought to endorse the interests of all countries and all
nations. Selective support to chosen countries and only given nations
invalidates their international institution character. In that case, the
support
of such institutions shall be denied to many countries not appearing on
the
favorites' list of the financial lobby abusing the name of the
International
Fund and the World Bank for the realization of its extremely partial
interests.
This is becoming increasingly clear not only to financial experts and
skilled
politicians, but to the general public as well. Recently we had the
opportunity to see the humiliating end of the World Trade Organization
meeting in Seattle, where hundreds, thousands of people from the US,
and from all over the world protested against the abuse of this
international organization by the US and its efforts to impose its
interests -
fully, openly and quite brutally - to all, including its partners in
Europe -
the most developed West European countries. The degradation of world
institutions such as the UN, the IMF, the World Bank... or regional
structures such as OSCE, by placing them at the service of Washington's
interests, does not have a negative effect only. It activates the need
of all
free countries in the world to face the threat of hegemonism more
quickly
and more efficiently.
But to go back to the final part of your question concerning our
international economic and financial cooperation. We have no intention
of
isolating ourselves. That's exactly what our foes are hoping for. That's
why
they are upholding the sanctions. We are countering it by establishing
ties
and cooperation with numerous countries in the free world - with the
whole planet. The fact that according to the NATO dictate we are not
being financed by the IMF and the World Bank, did not prevent us from
securing a set of credit arrangements with friendly countries, totaling
more
than the support allocated to all the neighboring countries, even though
they enjoy the support - at least verbal - of the IMF, the European
Union,
the World Bank and America.
You are head of state but also
leader of the strongest political
party in the country. The
Socialist Party of Serbia will
soon hold its congress. What do
You expect from it?
- I expect that the Socialist Party of Serbia shall maintain the
patriotic
heading it has been following ever since its foundation in 1990. Ten
years
we have been defending our country and our people. Some people
realized the country was under attack only when bombs started falling.
But if we hadn't defended the country before, all those long ten years,
we
wouldn't have managed to defend it when the bombing started.
Acting in the most difficult period in this century for the Serbian
people
and Serbian citizens, the SPS has strived to find the right answers to
the
challenges presented by the times we lived in. The citizens trusted this
answer for an entire decade and voted for SPS in all the elections we
had.
This constitutes a major support for our conviction that we managed to
find the right answers for difficult, tormented, unfortunate times.
Maybe
this answer wasn't always the best possible, and maybe better ones might
have been found. It is however important that we acted with the best
intentions, that we made great efforts, and that we are ready to face
the
facts and shape our policy accordingly.
Furthermore, SPS will try to contribute to the strengthening of the
leftist
block now growing in our country and acquiring a new face. There's
nothing illogical in the fact that other leftwing parties different from
SPS
exist. After all, the Left has always been a highly diversified front
encompassing very different leftist, progressive and avant-garde stands.
Furthermore, since our country faced enormous foreign pressure
culminating this spring with the aggression on Yugoslavia, I think that
this is
no time for great and tempestuous party passions, and certainly no time
for such conflicts between the parties. I believe that in the time we
are
living in, all parties that value their country above all, that believe
the love
for one's country is the most profound feeling, that are guided by
patriotism in all their political activities, should find a common
approach in
the efforts to alleviate these dire times for their people, and to
jointly bring
about happier times for all the citizens, for the entire country.
This is why I am certain that at the congress and after it SPS will
build the
spirit of a patriotic front and true solidarity and cooperation with all
those
that wish their country well - peace, economic prosperity, modern
cultural
development, cooperation on equal footing with all the countries in the
world.
Is the unification of Russia and Belorussia a sign of the renewal
and stronger ties between the former Soviet Union countries, and
is this also an indication of broader integration processes
involving Russia, China and India creating a counterbalance for
America?
- The unification of Russia and Belorussia is an indication of a
potential
rapprochement and establishing of ties between Eur-Asian nations and
countries that might mark - should stronger and more rapid ties be
established - the beginning of the establishment of global balance which
was completely abolished at the beginning of the nineties. The
cancellation
of the Warsaw Pact and the League of East European Countries not only
undermined the world balance, but gave a free hand to the members of
the surviving block, primarily to the NATO military alliance, to redraw
the
borders of countries, regulate countries, cause wars, introduce
sanctions,
punish the recalcitrant, award the obedient and submissive and generally
organize the entire world to their liking.
This is why any form of serious, and especially major, association
anywhere in the world constitutes a chance to establish the balance
which
has been missing for a decade and a chance to protect mankind from
hegemonism and violence which accompanies it inevitably.
Our Parliament endorsed the project for the adherence of our
country to the commonwealth of Russia and Belorussia. Now that
this community has been formalized, what is the prospect of our
status being also formalized within it?
- We stand fast in this decision and hope that in the foreseeable and
not a
very distant future we shall join this alliance. I hope this will be in
the
interest of our country, but also in the interest of bringing together
Slav
and other nations having a common goal to live in peace and evolve
freely.
Big countries like China, Russia, India, as well as the Arab world,
Latin America and Africa, undoubtedly support our just struggle
for independence and territorial integrity. The European public,
also is increasingly becoming aware to which extent has
Yugoslavia first been demonized by the media, and then brutally
attacked by NATO countries. What is you view of the relations
with Europe and with the other countries and regions I
mentioned?
- First of all, we are not out of Europe. We are a European country. The
question can be raised how will our relations evolve with the European
Union countries, or with the countries that have taken part in the
aggression on Yugoslavia, or with the neighboring countries, etc. The
answers are quite different. Except one. We are willing to cooperate
with
the whole world and hence with all the countries on our continent.
Obviously we are most interested in cooperation with the countries from
our own continent.
But for cooperation on equal footing. For cooperation that can help the
development of our country and for cooperation that will give us a
chance
to help the development of others, of all. In all times, and especially
in our
times, everyone must rely on others, all communications are precious,
everyone can contribute to his wellbeing and that of others, at the same
time even.
With the neighboring countries we will implement cooperation -
successful
and mutual to the extent that they are prepared and available for such
collaboration. This is also the case of our cooperation with Eastern
Europe countries. These countries can learn much from Yugoslav
experience, particularly from what happened to us this spring. From
their
experience we have drawn precious lessons and our conviction that we
must confront hegemonism partially results from those lessons.
As far as the countries that took part in the aggression on Yugoslavia
are
concerned, we will have relations with them as states, with their
institutions
and organizations, commensurate to their good will to help remove the
effects of the evil they have done to us.
The West should find the courage and moral strength to face the guilt
for
the crimes committed in the aggression on Yugoslavia. Otherwise it will
loose all self-respect. The longer it hesitates, the greater shall be
its shame.
And some new Willy Brandt will have to come up and tell the truth.
We often hear that the media have greatly contributed to the
creation of the bad image of our country. Can you draw a
comparison between foreign media and domestic media?
- In Yugoslavia, and primarily in Serbia, there' s absolute freedom in
the
operation of all media. Most of the media belongs to the private sector.
In
our country there's no state control of the media. However, a
significant
percentage of television and radio stations and printed media is
financially
and politically under the full control of given western governments or
their
institutions operating as non-government organizations and they have the
task to promote the destabilization of Yugoslavia, to discredit all the
efforts of the Yugoslav authorities for the reconstruction and
development
of the country, to stir up public diffidence, suspicion and intolerance
for all
that the legally elected government is doing, to depict in the worse
possible way government officials and their families, to belittle all
the
progressive and humane achievement made in our country, to question the
very sense of freedom, independence and patriotism, to represent our
people as inferior, stupid, retrograde and conservative unlike
"sophisticated" nations that are rational, educated, smart, progressive
etc.
Such "freedom" of the media, is obviously more than freedom. The Public
Information Law, passed by the Serbian Parliament two years ago,
prepared as a compilation of corresponding laws in a number of western,
introduced certain moderate means of protecting the truth, the dignity
of
the country and its citizens, the right of the individual not to be
humiliated,
i.e. to be protected from slander, intrigue etc. This law was greatly
opposed by a segment of opposition parties and part of the media sector
that are under foreign influence. Their objections have been promptly
echoed and joined by their mentors abroad that consult no one about the
laws they adopt in their own country, but deem themselves authorized to
shape the laws of other countries. On the other hand, they rigorously
apply far more radical and stricter laws not only on public media but
other
domains as well, and never dream of engage in polemics about those laws
with foreign governments or television stations.
Our institutions and individuals have made an effort to honor this law,
but
lately its enforcement is rather feeble and in practice we are nearly
back in
the phase of media irresponsibility that we faced in the past ten years
or
so.
As far as the media abroad are concerned, in most countries, and
especially in developed western countries, the situation is quite
different.
All media there - both private and state owned, are under intense
government control. All that the government deems contrary to the
interests of its current policy can not appear in the media, or it is
published
at the risk of facing diverse forms of retribution for going against the
will of
the authorities - such consequences can be financial, political, moral,
physical...
In western democracies, all media are dependent on their owner - state,
corporate or individual. Still, in final instance the state has the
decisive role
in the responsibility of the media. This is quite logical because modern
media play an important part in conflicts of interests, in clashes of
concepts, in creating the vision of global and regional development, in
determining the fate of the community and its individual members, in
shaping the life every single person.
What would you like to wish to the people of Yugoslavia for the
coming year 2000?
- I wish our country peace. That it may develop swiftly, successfully
and
in step with the times. I wish it to cooperate with the whole world, on
grounds of parity and mutual interest. The people of Yugoslavia, the
people of Serbia in particular, should never forget the violence we have
faced this year. The memory of all that evil shall shield us and other
nations from new, future violence.
The new century shall be better and nicer than this one only if mankind
manages to triumph against violence, first of all wars, but also against
its
other forms all the way down to the family level - between sexes and
generations.
Should the 21st century bring about the victory of peace, good will,
solidarity and equality among men, humanity shall be able to say that
all
the lives sacrificed throughout the centuries for those were not
immolated
in vain. That the enormous efforts to make those ideals come true made
by noble and courageous men throughout history had a purpose and
brought about results. I believe that in the coming century our people
will
achieve the tranquility and prosperity it well deserves. Therefore I
wish all
of us unity and concord that we may deserve and reach these happier
times - President Slobodan Miloševic said at the end of his interview
for
"Politika". H. D. A.
Copyright © 1998, 1999 Ministry of Information
Email: mirs@...
riprodotta sul sito del Ministero dell'Informazione della Serbia
www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-12/31/16573.html
e' stata rilasciata da Slobodan Milosevic in occasione del Capodanno
2000.
Ne riportiamo i passaggi politicamente piu' rilevanti. CRJ
---
December 31, 1999
Federal President Slobodan Miloševic
agreed to an interview for "Politika"
daily. In a lengthy conversation with
the "Politika" Editor-in-Chief - Mr.
Hadži Dragan Antic, President Miloševic
replied to all the 15 questions
concerning the position, the efforts
and the development prospectives of our
nation, as well as the standpoints
related to key political issues
pertaining to the present and the
future.
The interview took place on Wednesday
December 29th, at the presidential
palace.
(...)
During the year we are about to leave
behind the pressure and the attacks our
country has been facing for the last
ten years have culminated. What is it
that the West wants?
- The West wants to seize control of
the entire world. The most developed
part of the global community, usually
called the West, is determined to force
the world around to serve its needs and
interests. Rich countries want to
become even richer. To do that, they
need other countries to become sources
of their constant and unlimited
accumulation of wealth. For the time
being, the most developed part of the
world is rather concerted. At least it
seems to be. But, along with their need
for expansion, their mutual envy will
grow stringer. Such rivalry might hurl
the world - both the developed and the
under-developed world - into a series
of major, tragic conflicts, which might
prove catastrophic for all mankind.
Let us hope that the developed
countries will realize the threat they
represent for themselves in this world
of ours. Still we should hope that the
rest of the world will find the
strength to unite and oppose the
downfall that is inevitable if we are
to wait for things to be solved
spontaneously. In life no solution
comes about by itself. At least no
major and important solution. Everyone
should contribute to the shaping of a
better and a more just world in the
coming century.
I believe that the positive trend that
marked the 20th century will override
the destructiveness that - especially
towards the end of the century - has
grown quite strong.
The Chinese embassy in Belgrade has
been bombed during the war. The
Yugoslavs have grasped the meaning of
it. So did the Chinese. What is your
evaluation of our relations with that
part of the world?
- The Chinese embassy was targeted
deliberately and after serious
planning. It was a message for China to
the effect that in world affairs it
hardly has more influence than
Yugoslavia. That it might even face the
fate of Yugoslavia should it fail to
show obedience to the new world order.
The message was addressed to China not
only because it constitutes a potential
threat to this order, but also because
it publicly and repeatedly condemned
the aggression on Yugoslavia.
Naturally, the message inherent in the
bombing of the Chinese embassy has been
understood by the Chinese, the
Yugoslavs and everyone else. The
message wasn't a complicated or an
ambiguous one. In fact, the West isn't
capable of sending messages to the East
that the East would view as mysteries
it can't understand. Only the other way
around might occur. That's why the
Chinese have not only realized the
message quickly, but gave a quick
answer as well. Not only on the
government level, but also on the level
of ordinary people. Their reply was
that they shall defend their country
fiercely, that they are determined to
develop rapidly and that in
international relations they shall
always endorse peace, equality among
nations and the right of every country
to shape its future autonomously...
With these stands, China is very close
to Yugoslavia, but probably also to all
other peoples and countries that risk
facing aggression and humiliation
tomorrow. Our relations with China are
extremely friendly, our cooperation
with China is comprehensive - economic,
scientific, cultural... We plan to
develop and enhance it in the spirit of
common interests and benefit for both
countries.
Do you think that the future of
Montenegro lies within the Federal
Republic?
- The best solution for Montenegro is
the one that suits the Montenegrin
people. If the Montenegrins believe
that their life without Yugoslavia
would be a better one, then they have
the right to make such a choice. And
vice-versa. If the people of Montenegro
believe that life within Yugoslavia is
the optimum choice, then they should
keep it.
In that case, they must honor the rules
of the game imposed by such life in
common with another nation or another
federal entity. First of all the
Constitution that they have - obviously
- adopted jointly. The Constitution
can, naturally, be changed and it is
good to make changes in it. We live in
dynamic times and it is logical that a
state is to be managed more dynamically
than in the past, keeping in step with
the rhythm of changes that take place.
Life in common is simple and easy for
those that are determined to live
together, and difficult and unpleasant
for those that live together forcibly.
When life together entails imposition,
it is not only difficult and
unpleasant, but it has no prospective.
Lessons have been learnt from the
aggression on Yugoslavia. The rich and
mighty - that a local war and not only
a global one can be a dangerous
adventure even when the enemy is
considered inferior, and the poor and
small and all other nations were faced
with the fact that they shall continue
being poor, insignificant, other,
unless they choose to change it.
At the end of a century in which two
big, tragic wars have been fought, and
practically countless little ones, the
greatest military power assaulted us,
or to be more precise, newly assaulted
us. What is your interpretation of this
occurrence in view of the future of our
country, but of the future of mankind
as well?
- The aggression on the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia was supposed to
be a lesson for all disobedient nations
in the world, to make them realize that
the order of things dictated from a
single place must be respected. With
the aggression on FR Yugoslavia
international organizations have been
suspended, first of all the United
Nations, as the most important
organization that had the task of
arbitrating international conflicts and
controversies. The aggression on
Yugoslavia also deferred international
law and initiated a process for the
abolition of the sovereignty of every
country - big or small - standing in
the way of an order it did not help
create, and that dared voice its
opinion without being asked, or even
dared to rebel. Our country took a
stand, rebelled and hence faced
retaliation.
I would like to stress in particular
the major experience Yugoslavia, and
particularly Serbia have in
international politics, and their
openness for all forms of cooperation
with the immediate environment, but
also with the most distant countries in
the world. We have always been open for
all those that wanted to be here and
had a positive attitude towards those
that wanted to be with us. It is
characteristic of our nation. It is
also our historical heritage.
But this characteristic and heritage do
not include renouncing to the right to
freedom and independence.
For its entire duration, the aggression
kept our nation unified. Everyone knows
that from the very beginning of the
aggression the unity of our heroic
people amazed the world. At least that
part of the world which has free media,
where there's no censorship and where
correspondents reporting the truth and
journalists commenting in favor of it
(the truth) do not risk loosing their
jobs. But the unity of our people faced
with threats and difficulties during
the war is not the only issue. It was a
united, proud and enthusiastic
resistance to the aggressor that was
preparing to become the occupying
power. It was a rare and magnificent
resistance they never expected. The
feeling of invincibility, superiority,
obstinacy, goodness - resulted in a
specific resistance, admired in the
countries where the media are free, and
concealed from the public in the
countries where censorship and
autocracy rule.
But in those countries they also hid
everything else concerning Yugoslavia
and themselves. First of all the truth
that Yugoslavia is by no means an
aggressor. That it was victim of
unprovoked aggression by countries
portraying as the aggressor in order to
use this alleged aggression as an
excuse for the war they started against
it. Partially to teach a lesson, and to
a greater extent to secure their
interests. To seize control of the
Balkans - strategically important both
in the military and economic sense -
and also to use this peninsula as a
beachhead for taking hold of even more
militarily and economically important
regions - in the East: Near and Far.
Lessons have been learnt from the
aggression on Yugoslavia. The rich and
mighty - that a local war and not only
a global one can be a dangerous
adventure even when the enemy is
considered inferior, and the poor and
small and all other nations were faced
with the fact that they shall continue
being poor, insignificant, other,
unless they choose to change it.
Albanian separatists and their NATO
sponsors want to seize Kosovo and
Metohija. What will become of Kosovo
and Metohija?
- Albanian separatism in Kosovo and Metohija
failed to reach its goal even after it brought in
the most powerful ally on the planet in the
shape of NATO and its war machinery.
Warranties of our sovereignty and territorial
integrity are not the result of a unilateral
position but rather conditions under which the war was stopped. These
guarantees that we have accepted are for us final and unchangeable. All
decisions contrary to the guarantees contained in the Ahtisari -
Chernomyrdin Plan and UN SC Resolution 1244 are illegal and void for
us. The presence of the security forces under the auspices of the UN is
temporary. We have to endure and display great patience. NO one can
take Kosovo away from us.
In final instance 1999 will always be remembered here as a war
year. Evil forces attacked us bringing death and destruction. Will
they answer for it and will the immense damages we have suffered
be compensated?
- The question of their responsibility is not a future issue, it is a
question
raised already throughout the world, although it is still mostly limited
to
moral condemnation. Nevertheless everyone expects them to answer for
all this. We do because we have suffered vast material destruction, we
had quite a number of casualties, all people in Serbia went through
terrible
stress, and all this without objectively provoking anyone in the world
to
inflict such evil upon us. Many are those around the world that hope the
criminals shall answer - many world public segments, entire countries,
the
majority of the population, all normal people. But those that
responsibility
falls upon, also fear it. We do not live in times of Hun invasions,
allowing
massacres against nations and crimes against people to be committed
without fear of punishment, except maybe individual.
Half way through this century Fascism had to answer before mankind. I
am confident that this neo-Fascist beast shall also face judgement in
its
time, before entire mankind and in contemporary - not some distant -
history.
As far as compensations are concerned, they go along with the
responsibility. Should the so-called international community fail to
identify
those responsible for the crime against our country, then it is to
assume the
responsibility itself, as well as the compensation of the damages that
can
be paid with money.
The decision to launch a process of rapid, intense reconstruction of
that
has been damaged by the bombing, was not based on the hope that the
reconstruction can rely on the payment of war damages. The decision was
based on the conviction that we are capable of relying on our own forces
and that we shall do everything possible to rebuild and make operational
as quickly as possible all those facilities that have vital importance
for the
country. Naturally, in this reconstruction effort, we enjoy the support
of
certain countries, various foreign companies and numerous individuals
throughout the world. Still, for the time being, the decisive source of
financing of the reconstruction is our own country.
(...) We continue to live with
moderation and self-denial, but also with great efforts; it seems
that even the countries around us, especially former socialist
countries still haven't caught up with us in spite of the fact that
they did not face sanctions and went through a series of
transitions. Do you believe that we can prosper economically even
without the World Bank and the famous IMF?
- Certainly. In the year that lies ahead of us, priority objectives,
along with
the renewal of the country involve development, increase of agricultural
and industrial production, growth of wages, living standard and
employment. The reconstruction of the country is proceeding quickly and
with success. Everything also favors the rapid and successful
realization of
our development objectives. Still, I see no reason why we should be
denied the support you have mentioned. If the International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank really are international and really belong to
the
world, then they ought to endorse the interests of all countries and all
nations. Selective support to chosen countries and only given nations
invalidates their international institution character. In that case, the
support
of such institutions shall be denied to many countries not appearing on
the
favorites' list of the financial lobby abusing the name of the
International
Fund and the World Bank for the realization of its extremely partial
interests.
This is becoming increasingly clear not only to financial experts and
skilled
politicians, but to the general public as well. Recently we had the
opportunity to see the humiliating end of the World Trade Organization
meeting in Seattle, where hundreds, thousands of people from the US,
and from all over the world protested against the abuse of this
international organization by the US and its efforts to impose its
interests -
fully, openly and quite brutally - to all, including its partners in
Europe -
the most developed West European countries. The degradation of world
institutions such as the UN, the IMF, the World Bank... or regional
structures such as OSCE, by placing them at the service of Washington's
interests, does not have a negative effect only. It activates the need
of all
free countries in the world to face the threat of hegemonism more
quickly
and more efficiently.
But to go back to the final part of your question concerning our
international economic and financial cooperation. We have no intention
of
isolating ourselves. That's exactly what our foes are hoping for. That's
why
they are upholding the sanctions. We are countering it by establishing
ties
and cooperation with numerous countries in the free world - with the
whole planet. The fact that according to the NATO dictate we are not
being financed by the IMF and the World Bank, did not prevent us from
securing a set of credit arrangements with friendly countries, totaling
more
than the support allocated to all the neighboring countries, even though
they enjoy the support - at least verbal - of the IMF, the European
Union,
the World Bank and America.
You are head of state but also
leader of the strongest political
party in the country. The
Socialist Party of Serbia will
soon hold its congress. What do
You expect from it?
- I expect that the Socialist Party of Serbia shall maintain the
patriotic
heading it has been following ever since its foundation in 1990. Ten
years
we have been defending our country and our people. Some people
realized the country was under attack only when bombs started falling.
But if we hadn't defended the country before, all those long ten years,
we
wouldn't have managed to defend it when the bombing started.
Acting in the most difficult period in this century for the Serbian
people
and Serbian citizens, the SPS has strived to find the right answers to
the
challenges presented by the times we lived in. The citizens trusted this
answer for an entire decade and voted for SPS in all the elections we
had.
This constitutes a major support for our conviction that we managed to
find the right answers for difficult, tormented, unfortunate times.
Maybe
this answer wasn't always the best possible, and maybe better ones might
have been found. It is however important that we acted with the best
intentions, that we made great efforts, and that we are ready to face
the
facts and shape our policy accordingly.
Furthermore, SPS will try to contribute to the strengthening of the
leftist
block now growing in our country and acquiring a new face. There's
nothing illogical in the fact that other leftwing parties different from
SPS
exist. After all, the Left has always been a highly diversified front
encompassing very different leftist, progressive and avant-garde stands.
Furthermore, since our country faced enormous foreign pressure
culminating this spring with the aggression on Yugoslavia, I think that
this is
no time for great and tempestuous party passions, and certainly no time
for such conflicts between the parties. I believe that in the time we
are
living in, all parties that value their country above all, that believe
the love
for one's country is the most profound feeling, that are guided by
patriotism in all their political activities, should find a common
approach in
the efforts to alleviate these dire times for their people, and to
jointly bring
about happier times for all the citizens, for the entire country.
This is why I am certain that at the congress and after it SPS will
build the
spirit of a patriotic front and true solidarity and cooperation with all
those
that wish their country well - peace, economic prosperity, modern
cultural
development, cooperation on equal footing with all the countries in the
world.
Is the unification of Russia and Belorussia a sign of the renewal
and stronger ties between the former Soviet Union countries, and
is this also an indication of broader integration processes
involving Russia, China and India creating a counterbalance for
America?
- The unification of Russia and Belorussia is an indication of a
potential
rapprochement and establishing of ties between Eur-Asian nations and
countries that might mark - should stronger and more rapid ties be
established - the beginning of the establishment of global balance which
was completely abolished at the beginning of the nineties. The
cancellation
of the Warsaw Pact and the League of East European Countries not only
undermined the world balance, but gave a free hand to the members of
the surviving block, primarily to the NATO military alliance, to redraw
the
borders of countries, regulate countries, cause wars, introduce
sanctions,
punish the recalcitrant, award the obedient and submissive and generally
organize the entire world to their liking.
This is why any form of serious, and especially major, association
anywhere in the world constitutes a chance to establish the balance
which
has been missing for a decade and a chance to protect mankind from
hegemonism and violence which accompanies it inevitably.
Our Parliament endorsed the project for the adherence of our
country to the commonwealth of Russia and Belorussia. Now that
this community has been formalized, what is the prospect of our
status being also formalized within it?
- We stand fast in this decision and hope that in the foreseeable and
not a
very distant future we shall join this alliance. I hope this will be in
the
interest of our country, but also in the interest of bringing together
Slav
and other nations having a common goal to live in peace and evolve
freely.
Big countries like China, Russia, India, as well as the Arab world,
Latin America and Africa, undoubtedly support our just struggle
for independence and territorial integrity. The European public,
also is increasingly becoming aware to which extent has
Yugoslavia first been demonized by the media, and then brutally
attacked by NATO countries. What is you view of the relations
with Europe and with the other countries and regions I
mentioned?
- First of all, we are not out of Europe. We are a European country. The
question can be raised how will our relations evolve with the European
Union countries, or with the countries that have taken part in the
aggression on Yugoslavia, or with the neighboring countries, etc. The
answers are quite different. Except one. We are willing to cooperate
with
the whole world and hence with all the countries on our continent.
Obviously we are most interested in cooperation with the countries from
our own continent.
But for cooperation on equal footing. For cooperation that can help the
development of our country and for cooperation that will give us a
chance
to help the development of others, of all. In all times, and especially
in our
times, everyone must rely on others, all communications are precious,
everyone can contribute to his wellbeing and that of others, at the same
time even.
With the neighboring countries we will implement cooperation -
successful
and mutual to the extent that they are prepared and available for such
collaboration. This is also the case of our cooperation with Eastern
Europe countries. These countries can learn much from Yugoslav
experience, particularly from what happened to us this spring. From
their
experience we have drawn precious lessons and our conviction that we
must confront hegemonism partially results from those lessons.
As far as the countries that took part in the aggression on Yugoslavia
are
concerned, we will have relations with them as states, with their
institutions
and organizations, commensurate to their good will to help remove the
effects of the evil they have done to us.
The West should find the courage and moral strength to face the guilt
for
the crimes committed in the aggression on Yugoslavia. Otherwise it will
loose all self-respect. The longer it hesitates, the greater shall be
its shame.
And some new Willy Brandt will have to come up and tell the truth.
We often hear that the media have greatly contributed to the
creation of the bad image of our country. Can you draw a
comparison between foreign media and domestic media?
- In Yugoslavia, and primarily in Serbia, there' s absolute freedom in
the
operation of all media. Most of the media belongs to the private sector.
In
our country there's no state control of the media. However, a
significant
percentage of television and radio stations and printed media is
financially
and politically under the full control of given western governments or
their
institutions operating as non-government organizations and they have the
task to promote the destabilization of Yugoslavia, to discredit all the
efforts of the Yugoslav authorities for the reconstruction and
development
of the country, to stir up public diffidence, suspicion and intolerance
for all
that the legally elected government is doing, to depict in the worse
possible way government officials and their families, to belittle all
the
progressive and humane achievement made in our country, to question the
very sense of freedom, independence and patriotism, to represent our
people as inferior, stupid, retrograde and conservative unlike
"sophisticated" nations that are rational, educated, smart, progressive
etc.
Such "freedom" of the media, is obviously more than freedom. The Public
Information Law, passed by the Serbian Parliament two years ago,
prepared as a compilation of corresponding laws in a number of western,
introduced certain moderate means of protecting the truth, the dignity
of
the country and its citizens, the right of the individual not to be
humiliated,
i.e. to be protected from slander, intrigue etc. This law was greatly
opposed by a segment of opposition parties and part of the media sector
that are under foreign influence. Their objections have been promptly
echoed and joined by their mentors abroad that consult no one about the
laws they adopt in their own country, but deem themselves authorized to
shape the laws of other countries. On the other hand, they rigorously
apply far more radical and stricter laws not only on public media but
other
domains as well, and never dream of engage in polemics about those laws
with foreign governments or television stations.
Our institutions and individuals have made an effort to honor this law,
but
lately its enforcement is rather feeble and in practice we are nearly
back in
the phase of media irresponsibility that we faced in the past ten years
or
so.
As far as the media abroad are concerned, in most countries, and
especially in developed western countries, the situation is quite
different.
All media there - both private and state owned, are under intense
government control. All that the government deems contrary to the
interests of its current policy can not appear in the media, or it is
published
at the risk of facing diverse forms of retribution for going against the
will of
the authorities - such consequences can be financial, political, moral,
physical...
In western democracies, all media are dependent on their owner - state,
corporate or individual. Still, in final instance the state has the
decisive role
in the responsibility of the media. This is quite logical because modern
media play an important part in conflicts of interests, in clashes of
concepts, in creating the vision of global and regional development, in
determining the fate of the community and its individual members, in
shaping the life every single person.
What would you like to wish to the people of Yugoslavia for the
coming year 2000?
- I wish our country peace. That it may develop swiftly, successfully
and
in step with the times. I wish it to cooperate with the whole world, on
grounds of parity and mutual interest. The people of Yugoslavia, the
people of Serbia in particular, should never forget the violence we have
faced this year. The memory of all that evil shall shield us and other
nations from new, future violence.
The new century shall be better and nicer than this one only if mankind
manages to triumph against violence, first of all wars, but also against
its
other forms all the way down to the family level - between sexes and
generations.
Should the 21st century bring about the victory of peace, good will,
solidarity and equality among men, humanity shall be able to say that
all
the lives sacrificed throughout the centuries for those were not
immolated
in vain. That the enormous efforts to make those ideals come true made
by noble and courageous men throughout history had a purpose and
brought about results. I believe that in the coming century our people
will
achieve the tranquility and prosperity it well deserves. Therefore I
wish all
of us unity and concord that we may deserve and reach these happier
times - President Slobodan Miloševic said at the end of his interview
for
"Politika". H. D. A.
Copyright © 1998, 1999 Ministry of Information
Email: mirs@...
WHAT'S AMERICA, DIREBBE NANDO MENICONI!...
Ultima tra le visite illustri sul nostro sito internet - a seguire di
poche settimane quelle da parte della base NATO di Vicenza e del
Ministero dell'Interno italiano - registriamo questa settimana un
collegamento da parte di un computer del Pentagono.
Cogliamo l'occasione per salutare i militari americani, cui saremo ben
lieti di fornire ogni ulteriore documentazione sulle questioni
balcaniche di cui non fossero ancora in possesso... Se ce ne fosse
bisogno, siamo anche disponibili a piazzare un grande TARGET sulla
nostra home page, casomai avessero difficolta' a prendere la mira.
US Military:
otjag-pcip-122.army.pentagon.mil
26 Jan -- 22:47:56 -- -- /crj/RELIGIO/stepinac.html
(un grazie al compagno R.R. ed al suo formidabile programmino per la
lettura degli accessi sul sito web!)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
** NO COPYRIGHT ! **
------------------------------------------------------------
Ultima tra le visite illustri sul nostro sito internet - a seguire di
poche settimane quelle da parte della base NATO di Vicenza e del
Ministero dell'Interno italiano - registriamo questa settimana un
collegamento da parte di un computer del Pentagono.
Cogliamo l'occasione per salutare i militari americani, cui saremo ben
lieti di fornire ogni ulteriore documentazione sulle questioni
balcaniche di cui non fossero ancora in possesso... Se ce ne fosse
bisogno, siamo anche disponibili a piazzare un grande TARGET sulla
nostra home page, casomai avessero difficolta' a prendere la mira.
US Military:
otjag-pcip-122.army.pentagon.mil
26 Jan -- 22:47:56 -- -- /crj/RELIGIO/stepinac.html
(un grazie al compagno R.R. ed al suo formidabile programmino per la
lettura degli accessi sul sito web!)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
** NO COPYRIGHT ! **
------------------------------------------------------------
>
> Con i delegati della Zastava da Taranto a Bolzano
>
> Su iniziativa del "Ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari - associazione
> culturale e di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava", del comitato di
> solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava di Napoli, di comitati e gruppi
> promotori di iniziative di solidarietà di Torino e Bolzano, della FIOM di
> Lecco, del coordinamento nazionale RSU, saranno in Italia tre delegati
> della Zastava, la fabbrica di automobili di Kragujevac distrutta dai
> bombardamenti della NATO nella primavera dello scorso anno: Rajka Veljovic,
> Sreten Milicevic, Milan Doncic.
>
> Durante il loro viaggio
>
> - testimonieranno della situazione in Jugoslavia distrutta dai
> bombardamenti della NATO e strangolata dall'embargo;
>
> - presenteranno il libro di poeti dilettanti contro la guerra "Gli
> assassini della tenerezza", illustrato con disegni di bambini di Kragujevac
> e con prefazione di Fulvio Grimaldi (edizioni La città del Sole, Napoli, L.
> 15.000), il ricavato delle cui vendite sarà devoluto in solidarietà ai
> lavoratori della Zastava;
>
> - trarranno un primo bilancio dell'iniziativa di "adozione a distanza" dei
> bambini di Kragujevac; discuteranno insieme con tutti i cittadini e i
> lavoratori che si sono opposti alla guerra della NATO il modo in cui
> sviluppare iniziative di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava;
>
> - parteciperanno ad iniziative di critica della guerra e di denuncia dei
> crimini della NATO.
>
> Il programma di massima è il seguente [se c'è "(?)" l'iniziativa è da
> confermare]:
>
> Lunedì 7 febbraio, ore 16.30 - Conversano (BA). Incontro con gli assessori
> alla cultura e alla solidarietà sociale per la promozione di iniziative di
> solidarietà (?)
>
> ore 19.00, Putignano (BA) sala Fidas, corso Vittorio Emanuele 37 - incontro
> organizzato nell'ambito della "rete di lilliput" per il Sud-Est Barese - si
> darà lettura, tra l'altro, di poesie tratte dal libro "Gli assassini della
> tenerezza"
>
> martedì 8 febbraio,
>
> ore 11.00, all'ITG 'Pitagora' (C.so Cavour 249 Bari). Incontro con le
> classi coinvolte nel progetto d'istituto "critica della guerra e cultura
> della pace".
>
> ore 16.00 al Liceo scientifico 'Scacchi' (C.so Cavour 241 Bari): incontro
> con i sostenitori del progetto di adozione a distanza dei bambini di
> Kragujevac
>
> ore 18.00, sempre al Liceo 'Scacchi', presentazione del libro di poesie
> 'Gli assassini della tenerezza'; testimonianze da un paese bombardato e
> sottoposto ad embargo
>
> mercoledì 9 febbraio
>
> Bari, Serono-Pharma, ore 9-10, assemblea con i lavoratori
>
> ore 11.30, Putignano, incontro con gli studenti delle quinte classi del
> liceo scientifico (via Turi 43)
>
> ore 18.00 Bisceglie (BA)- incontro con l'assessore alla solidarietà sociale
> e il consiglio comunale che ha votato una mozione contro l'embargo; poi
> assemblea pubblica (?)
>
> giovedì 10 febbraio - Napoli, incontro con gli operai dell'Alfa Romeo di
> Pomigliano d'Arco
>
> Venerdì 11, Napoli, ore 11.00, Università Orientale; incontro-dibattito.
>
> Sabato 12, ore 19.00 Roma, dibattito sulla guerra alla libreria della
> Manifestolibri (?)
>
> Domenica 13 febbraio, Roma, ore 10.00, incontro-dibattito. Interviene
> Fulvio Grimaldi. Sarà disponibile il libro "Gli assassini della tenerezza"
>
> Lunedì 14 Firenze, manifestazione regionale promossa dal coordinamento RSU
>
> martedì 15 Bologna manifestazione regionale promossa dal coordinamento RSU
>
> mercoledì 16 Brescia, iniziative FIOM e RSU
>
> giovedì 17 Lecco e Milano, iniziative FIOM e RSU
>
> venerdì 18 Lodi e Milano
>
> lunedì 21 Genova e Savona
>
> martedì 22 Torino, iniziativa al Politecnico promossa dal coordinamento
> cittadino per la pace.
>
> mercoledì 23 a Padova, iniziativa regionale delle RSU
>
> giovedì 24 a Bolzano, iniziativa del gruppo promotore del comitato di
> solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava. Ore 15.00, incontro con
> rappresentanti degli enti locali. Ore 18.00: Presentazione dell'iniziativa
> di adozione a distanza. Sarà disponibile il libro "Gli assassini della
> tenerezza"
>
> sabato 26, Taranto, ore 17.00, Aula magna ITI "Righi" (via Dante),
> dibattito e presentazione del libro di poesie "Gli assassini della tenerezza".
>
> Si stanno definendo i dettagli organizzativi di ogni iniziativa.
>
> Nei prossimi giorni vi invieremo una comunicazione piu' completa.
>
> Mi auguro che ciascuno possa collaborare con spirito autenticamente
> unitario e costruttivo al successo dell'iniziativa e che questo pesante
> "tour de force" cui sottoponiamo i delegati della Zastava sia ripagato non
> solo dalla critica serrata della guerra della NATO e dall'approvazione
> quanto più estesa di mozioni contro l'embargo, ma anche da una cospicua
> raccolta di fondi che aiutino i lavoratori e la popolazione jugoslava a
> superare il terribile inverno balcanico.
>
> Andrea Catone
> Con i delegati della Zastava da Taranto a Bolzano
>
> Su iniziativa del "Ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari - associazione
> culturale e di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava", del comitato di
> solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava di Napoli, di comitati e gruppi
> promotori di iniziative di solidarietà di Torino e Bolzano, della FIOM di
> Lecco, del coordinamento nazionale RSU, saranno in Italia tre delegati
> della Zastava, la fabbrica di automobili di Kragujevac distrutta dai
> bombardamenti della NATO nella primavera dello scorso anno: Rajka Veljovic,
> Sreten Milicevic, Milan Doncic.
>
> Durante il loro viaggio
>
> - testimonieranno della situazione in Jugoslavia distrutta dai
> bombardamenti della NATO e strangolata dall'embargo;
>
> - presenteranno il libro di poeti dilettanti contro la guerra "Gli
> assassini della tenerezza", illustrato con disegni di bambini di Kragujevac
> e con prefazione di Fulvio Grimaldi (edizioni La città del Sole, Napoli, L.
> 15.000), il ricavato delle cui vendite sarà devoluto in solidarietà ai
> lavoratori della Zastava;
>
> - trarranno un primo bilancio dell'iniziativa di "adozione a distanza" dei
> bambini di Kragujevac; discuteranno insieme con tutti i cittadini e i
> lavoratori che si sono opposti alla guerra della NATO il modo in cui
> sviluppare iniziative di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava;
>
> - parteciperanno ad iniziative di critica della guerra e di denuncia dei
> crimini della NATO.
>
> Il programma di massima è il seguente [se c'è "(?)" l'iniziativa è da
> confermare]:
>
> Lunedì 7 febbraio, ore 16.30 - Conversano (BA). Incontro con gli assessori
> alla cultura e alla solidarietà sociale per la promozione di iniziative di
> solidarietà (?)
>
> ore 19.00, Putignano (BA) sala Fidas, corso Vittorio Emanuele 37 - incontro
> organizzato nell'ambito della "rete di lilliput" per il Sud-Est Barese - si
> darà lettura, tra l'altro, di poesie tratte dal libro "Gli assassini della
> tenerezza"
>
> martedì 8 febbraio,
>
> ore 11.00, all'ITG 'Pitagora' (C.so Cavour 249 Bari). Incontro con le
> classi coinvolte nel progetto d'istituto "critica della guerra e cultura
> della pace".
>
> ore 16.00 al Liceo scientifico 'Scacchi' (C.so Cavour 241 Bari): incontro
> con i sostenitori del progetto di adozione a distanza dei bambini di
> Kragujevac
>
> ore 18.00, sempre al Liceo 'Scacchi', presentazione del libro di poesie
> 'Gli assassini della tenerezza'; testimonianze da un paese bombardato e
> sottoposto ad embargo
>
> mercoledì 9 febbraio
>
> Bari, Serono-Pharma, ore 9-10, assemblea con i lavoratori
>
> ore 11.30, Putignano, incontro con gli studenti delle quinte classi del
> liceo scientifico (via Turi 43)
>
> ore 18.00 Bisceglie (BA)- incontro con l'assessore alla solidarietà sociale
> e il consiglio comunale che ha votato una mozione contro l'embargo; poi
> assemblea pubblica (?)
>
> giovedì 10 febbraio - Napoli, incontro con gli operai dell'Alfa Romeo di
> Pomigliano d'Arco
>
> Venerdì 11, Napoli, ore 11.00, Università Orientale; incontro-dibattito.
>
> Sabato 12, ore 19.00 Roma, dibattito sulla guerra alla libreria della
> Manifestolibri (?)
>
> Domenica 13 febbraio, Roma, ore 10.00, incontro-dibattito. Interviene
> Fulvio Grimaldi. Sarà disponibile il libro "Gli assassini della tenerezza"
>
> Lunedì 14 Firenze, manifestazione regionale promossa dal coordinamento RSU
>
> martedì 15 Bologna manifestazione regionale promossa dal coordinamento RSU
>
> mercoledì 16 Brescia, iniziative FIOM e RSU
>
> giovedì 17 Lecco e Milano, iniziative FIOM e RSU
>
> venerdì 18 Lodi e Milano
>
> lunedì 21 Genova e Savona
>
> martedì 22 Torino, iniziativa al Politecnico promossa dal coordinamento
> cittadino per la pace.
>
> mercoledì 23 a Padova, iniziativa regionale delle RSU
>
> giovedì 24 a Bolzano, iniziativa del gruppo promotore del comitato di
> solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava. Ore 15.00, incontro con
> rappresentanti degli enti locali. Ore 18.00: Presentazione dell'iniziativa
> di adozione a distanza. Sarà disponibile il libro "Gli assassini della
> tenerezza"
>
> sabato 26, Taranto, ore 17.00, Aula magna ITI "Righi" (via Dante),
> dibattito e presentazione del libro di poesie "Gli assassini della tenerezza".
>
> Si stanno definendo i dettagli organizzativi di ogni iniziativa.
>
> Nei prossimi giorni vi invieremo una comunicazione piu' completa.
>
> Mi auguro che ciascuno possa collaborare con spirito autenticamente
> unitario e costruttivo al successo dell'iniziativa e che questo pesante
> "tour de force" cui sottoponiamo i delegati della Zastava sia ripagato non
> solo dalla critica serrata della guerra della NATO e dall'approvazione
> quanto più estesa di mozioni contro l'embargo, ma anche da una cospicua
> raccolta di fondi che aiutino i lavoratori e la popolazione jugoslava a
> superare il terribile inverno balcanico.
>
> Andrea Catone
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
FEDERAL MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 27 January 2000 No. 2861
S P E C I A L I S S U E
INTERVIEW OF FEDERAL MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ZIVADIN JOVANOVIC TO JOURNALISTS OF
THE NEWSPAPERS "NEZAVISIMAYA GAZETA"
D. GORNOSTAEV AND "VREMIA" Y. PETROVSKA
(Belgrade, 20 January 2000)
Q: Could you please give us your assessment of the current relations
between Yugoslavia and Russia as well as an assessment of the prospects
for
the further development of relations between the two States?
A: Yugoslavia and Russia, the Yugoslav and Russian peoples are bound by
their Slav origin, common history and culture, shared goals of peace and
stability in Europe and the world. We are also bound by the
strategically
important political, security, economic, cultural and many other
interests.
Therefore, it is no accident that Yugoslavia and Russia - the Serbian,
Montenegrin and Russian peoples - have at crucial periods of history
been
on the same side, the side of the principles of protection of values and
humanity. We jointly fought Nazis in World War Two and, thanks to that
alliance, we defeated that greatest evil in the history of our
civilization. That is why we attach strategic importance to the further
development and strengthening of the friendly and traditionally close
relations between Yugoslavia and the Russian Federation, i.e. between
the
Yugoslav and Russian peoples.
Today, we share common challenges and goals: to enhance our friendship
through the development of economic, cultural, scientific, technical and
all other co-operation. We both face positive challenges. We aspire to
contribute, through this co-operation and close mutual relationship,
towards all positive in Europe and the world at large.
However, we also face a specific challenge. That of efforts to combat
separatism and terrorism. Those efforts may only be successful if there
is
an inter-action, and if there is awareness that terrorism and separatism
today are directed, first and foremost, against the Slav peoples and
that
it also constitutes a universal threat to the world. The phenomena of
terrorism and separatism - with which Serbia, Yugoslavia and Russia are
dramatically faced - are not only related in terms of the times in which
they take place but also in terms of personalities. The terrorists move
from one region to another - from trans-Caucasus to Chechenya and Kosovo
and Metohija but also further afield - from Kashmere, Afghanistan,
Chechenya, Kosovo and further to the west, since terrorism is a
universal
evil.
The efforts to combat terrorism and separatism are all the more
difficult
today, considering that the proponents of a unipolar world order are
using
those factors of destruction for their strategic purposes. Separatism
and
terrorism in Chechenya and Kosovo and Metohija are no accidental
occurrences. Terrorism in these regions is encouraged and supported by,
and
it receives financial assistance, expertise and arms from the proponents
of
the concept of unipolarity, and that, in our view, is the current US
Administration. By encouraging separatism and offering support to
terrorists, they seek to fragment all those countries and peoples who
stand
in the way of hegemony, expansionism and neo-colonialism. In this
respect,
it is clear that such policy is directed against Yugoslavia, against its
integrity and sovereignty as well as against Russia as a great power and
factor resisting the unipolar concept of international relations.
In other words, in addition to positive approaches and our strategy to
ensure, through mutual co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia,
improved
conditions for economic, social, democratic, technological and cultural
development, we also face common threats that make us turn to each other
to
co-operate and develop closer relations.
We estimate that co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia is based on
friendship, respect, mutual confidence and on very important common
strategic interests. We have achieved positive results in this
co-operation, the results which are all the more significant because
they
have been achieved in very difficult circumstances and under stringent
restrictions.
As far as Yugoslavia is concerned, these restrictions mean sanctions,
isolation, the outer wall of sanctions. In the eight years of sanctions,
Yugoslavia has suffered losses of nearly 150 billion dollars.
Constraints
is also an enormous destruction of Yugoslavia during the NATO aggression
that has reduced our economic potential and opportunities. Losses due to
aggression are estimated at 100 billion dollars. Briefly, as a result of
the sanctions and NATO destruction, Yugoslavia has had losses of 250
billion dollars in total over the last eight years.
At the same time, we also hosted a million refugees. It is our human and
moral obligation to assist them and care for them regardless of the
sanctions, isolation and other hardship. We do not enjoy any financial
or
material support of international financial institutions and other
organizations such as the IMF or the World Bank.
New constraints on us have also been due to the imposition on our
neighbours of the will of the NATO aggressors spearheaded by the US
Administration. The American Administration, Washington ordered them to
discontinue their co-operation with Yugoslavia, to comply with the
embargo,
to suspend air links with it, not to allow deliveries of oil and other
goods to it.
Russia, on its part, has its own constraints that I would not like to
dwell on. However, it is a fact that for all the constraints on both
sides,
we have developed a successful co-operation. We very much appreciate the
credit line extended by Russia, by the Russian Government, to
Yugoslavia.
Part of this line of credit has already been drawn, while the rest will
be
put into use later on. Russia's assistance in natural gas deliveries is
also very important, especially in conditions when Western Europe and
the
United States prevent us from importing heating oil. Our trade is
successful, although very modest. In fact, we wish to develop our trade
further and, in that context, we would like to remove customs,
administrative and all other barriers to our co-operation.
Right now we are in the process of signing a Trade Liberalization
Agreement to allow free flow of goods between Yugoslavia and Russia both
ways that will substantially increase the volume of trade co-operation.
We
also maintain good cultural and scientific-technical co-operation, even
though it can be improved and upgraded in all areas. Our plan is to
establish a Cultural Centre in Moscow in order to contribute to a better
co-operation in that way too.
We have a good co-operation at the international level. In particular,
we
maintain fairly regular contacts and co-operation on the implementation
of
UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), concerning Kosovo and
Metohija.
Our demands are identical: to ensure a consistent and full
implementation
of the Resolution and to put a stop to the present dramatic
deterioration
of the overall situation in Kosovo and Metohija. We co-operate at the
United Nations and on other issues of common concern.
In our opinion, the period ahead of us will be a period of further
expansion and comprehensive development of our overall relations and
bilateral co-operation. We have adopted a very active attitude towards
the
ideas and initiatives encouraging the development of our relations and
co-operation in line with the historical achievements and future
interests
of our two countries and our two peoples. Such an all-round development
of
relations between Yugoslavia and Russia is in the joint interest, and
such
co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia is of strategic importance
for
peace and stability in South Eastern Europe, as well as for peace and
stability in Europe as a whole.
Q: As regards closer ties between our peoples, the idea of Yugoslavia
joining the parliamentary alliance of Russia and Belarus, in which
Yugoslavia now has an observer status, has been put into operation. What
turn will the development of relations in this field take in the future?
A: First of all, we are pleased that Russia and Belarus have signed an
alliance agreement. In our assessment, this event is extremely important
to
Russia and Belarus, and it has a wider positive significance in Europe.
Yugoslavia is satisfied that the alliance of Russia and Belarus is open
for
co-operation. Therefore, it is happy to have participated and to
continue
to participate in observer status in the parliamentary alliance of these
two countries.
Yugoslavia has expressed its interest in joining the Russia-Belarus
alliance. We believe that after Russia and Belarus had entered into
alliance, pre-conditions have been put in place for the consideration
and
realization of this Yugoslav initiative. We consider that Yugoslavia's
participation in the alliance of Russia and Belarus is a positive
development, not only for the peoples of Russia, Belarus and Yugoslavia,
but that it is also a contribution to the positive aspirations and
positive
developments in Europe. It is primarily beneficial to defence and
consolidation of peace and stability, as well as to prosperity in
Europe.
Q: Mister Minister, could you please tell us about your specific
position
as a diplomat and Foreign Minister in conditions where your country is
exposed to pressures from Europe and the United States?
A: Of course, that position is not simple, but I must say that it is a
special challenge to my country, to its leadership and to me as Minister
for Foreign Affairs. We are deeply convinced that the sanctions,
isolation
and pressures are directed against peace, stability, humanity and
prosperity. They are instruments of destabilization and creation of
instability. Those countries, those governments and those individuals
who
advocate sanctions are opposed to closer links between countries and
peoples; they are against the betterment of this region in South Eastern
Europe. Indeed, they are all in favour of mass violations of human
rights.
As a matter of fact, there is no such massive violation of human rights
as
the sanctions and the embargo imposed on Yugoslavia.
Actually, I think that sanctions are a remnant of an old philosophy and
that some quarters in Europe and the United States play an old record
which
is not suitable to present realities. It may be that they are powerless
to
change the tune, because they know that they are responsible for the
aggression against Yugoslavia and are unable to think differently except
as
a guilty one.
Why is this old tune not in touch any more? Because they do not see that
an overwhelming majority of mankind on this planet stands by Yugoslavia,
by
the Yugoslav people, and is on our side. Here I do not only have in mind
the fact that Russia, China as the most populated country in the world
and
India as a large country are on our side. I have in mind, for instance,
that almost all Asian countries, all African countries and the entire
Latin
America have sided with Yugoslavia.
And this is not all. More importantly, the public in the aggressor
countries like the American public, the publics in France, Spain, Italy,
Germany and intellectual, scientific and other circles, have unmasked
the
lie that initiated the concept of the aggression and that the sanctions
rely on. The rationale behind the aggression, sanctions and
destabilization
is still insisted on by the innermost circles in power, the same ones
who
have been denounced by their own public opinion and who have lost or are
losing elections.
I need not, for example, remind you of the outcome of provincial
elections
in Germany or those held in some other European countries, but the mood
of
people in the countries neighbour to Yugoslavia is also indicative
enough.
Take a look at the moods of people in Greece, Macedonia, Bulgaria and
finally Romania: All of them are heart and soul with Yugoslavia, aware
that
Yugoslavia's policy and positions are on the side of justice, truth,
peace
and understanding. You see, those sentiments and assessments make me, as
Minister for Foreign Affairs, persist in this foreign policy
orientation,in
the defence of freedom, independence and safeguarding of vital national
and
State interests of Yugoslavia.
Such efforts are very much rewarding for me personally. For these past
five months, for instance, I have met and discussed with about a hundred
Foreign Ministers or with other high-ranking representatives from a
hundred
world countries. No Foreign Minister of an embargoed country can pride
himself on having so many contacts and talks.
To add, Yugoslavia has 110 diplomatic and consular missions throughout
the
world. At the same time, there are some hundred foreign missions in
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, taking into account the resident offices of
international organizations. There are a few hundred foreign
correspondents
in Yugoslavia. Trade, cultural, scientific, but also Government,
delegations visit Yugoslavia every day. In short, Yugoslavia has a large
number of friends in the world and an increasing number of trading
partners.
We in the Government and in this Ministry very often receive letters
from
the United States, Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, from all
these NATO countries. They express an admiration for the courage and
determination with which we resisted the NATO aggression. I think that
these letters are not merely polite and that they are not complementary
without reason. People who wrote those letters are not known to us, but
they expressed their true feelings about a small country summing up
courage
to resist the most powerful military machinery in the history of human
kind
and that it succeeded in defending its freedom.
Having said this, I would not like to pretend that we have no problems
at
all, or that our goals are less complex and difficult to accomplish. I
only
wish to say that we are fully aware where we are, who is with us, what
our
possibilities are, and we are very clear about what we aspire to. That
what
we aspire to is not egotism or autarky, but are actually the goals of
peace, co-operation, stability, solidarity - the goals that are for the
well-being of South Eastern Europe and Europe as a whole.
With regard to our goals or the goals of my Ministry and our diplomacy,
I
said that they were complex. Our foremost goal is to defend and protect
our
sovereignty and integrity. That is an extremely important task in view
of
the separatism and terrorism that are going on in Kosovo and Metohija,
but
also in view of the aggression being continued by other non-military
means.
The trade embargo imposed amounts actually to an economic aggression.
Besides, there is also a political aggression by looking for internal
enemies to destabilize Yugoslavia from within. The media aggression as a
third segment of the non-military means of aggression is being carried
out
- true, with less and less success - by spreading lies about Yugoslavia.
What is our response to this new aggression? We respond to the economic
aggression by mobilizing our own economic resources in the
reconstruction
and rebuilding of the country and by co-operating with those countries
and
partners who accept our co-operation. Such partners and such countries
are
more and more numerous. It goes without saying, that our strongest
partners
are Russia, China and some other countries, including EU countries. The
success of our response to the economic aggression is proved by the 40
reconstructed and rebuilt bridges and by the keys being given to all
those
people who had been rendered homeless by NATO.
You will remember the graphite bombs and the heavy destruction of our
power supply system. However, this harsh winter that is more severe than
some other in the past, we do not have any more serious problems with
electricity. NATO demolished the heating plant in Novi Beograd which
provides the heating for 500,000 people. This heating plant was restored
and is now fully operational. Also restored were the heating plants in
Kragujevac, Kru{evac and Ni{. They destroyed or damaged 340 schools.
Have
you heard about any school not being open or about any schoolchildren
not
attending classes! They knocked down hospitals, maternity wards and
other
health institutions. They have all been restored to their former glory
and
are operational.
The lies that they used to justify the destruction of bridges, the
killing
of children, students, refugees and the shelling of refugee centres are
a
disgrace to Europe, a disgrace to modern-day civilization. Take the most
recent example, the Grdelica gorge bridge. That bridge was bombed twice
in
broad daylight and as an international passenger trained passed through.
On
that occasion, NATO officials said that the pilot did not have time to
abort action, supporting it by video shots. Later on, the shots were
found
to be doctored. Very famous experts proved on 17 January 2000 that the
train movement on the video was accelerated 4.7 times.
Can you imagine, dear friends, what kind of democracy is offered to us
and
our neighbours by those lying to their own people and hiding from them
that
they had deliberately targeted an international train in order to scare
people in Yugoslavia. Or, say, another bridge, in Varvarin over the
Velika
Morava river, was bombed at noon on 30 May 1999, on the great Orthodox
Christian holiday of Holy Trinity. As many as 12 civilians, including a
fourteen-year old Sanja Milenkovi} who used to win many European and
regional competitions for young talents in mathemetics, were killed on
that
bridge. The pilots saw people on the bridge and targeted them and not
the
bridge!
The bridge was repaired thanks to the assistance of Serbs living in
Switzerland. It cost around 3 million Deutsche marks and is now twice as
wide as and safer than the old one.
This period of sanctions and the embargo speaks of our economic response
to aggression. Our GDP rose 5 to 8 per cent annually in the past five
years. We were under sanctions, feeling its consequences alongside the
influx of refugees and lack of access to the IMF and the World Bank. We
were barred from the Paris club of government creditors and the London
club
of commercial creditors. We had no access, either, to international
commercial capital markets. As much 400 million dollars worth of our
cash
funds held at American and other banks abroad were frozen. During all
that
time they considered us as a country lacking democracy.
Our neighbours such as Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania and others like
Moldova, Ukraine and the entire Eastern Europe, all the while,
experienced
a GDP growth of 1.7 per cent. Concurrently with this, according to the
US
State Department, Bulgaria, Macedonia are democratic countries. They
are
members of the World Bank and the IMF, and they have access to
international capital markets. They enjoy full freedom and political
support. All this is self-evident. The only thing which is not clear is
where are the results of this socio-economic development?!
Even in conditions of an isolation and economic sanctions, i.e. in the
period of the economic aggression against Yugoslavia, we have managed to
get foreign loans and foreign humanitarian assistance, as well as
financial
assistance and to attack foreign investors. At the same time, the
"democratic countries" in our neighbourhood have had trouble feeding
their
nations, while we have enough food for the population. They are viewed
as
being successful transition countries and as having completed the
privatization of their economies. The only problem they have is that
there
is no output. In some of our neighbouring countries that prided
themselves
on the production and export of food and which exported cheese,
vegetables
and many other products even to Russia, now sell Dutch cheese and
vegetables from the European Union in their shops. Their domestic
production has been extinguished. In our country, on the other hand,
there
are both goods originating from the country and those imported.
In the framework of the political aggression, centres for
destabilization
of Yugoslavia have been established. Madam Albright and her associates
along with some satellites from Europe set up such centres in Timisoara,
Budapest, Szeged and Sofia. This is where they invite some individuals
from
Yugoslavia, from Belgrade, who follow their instructions for money. US
administration and European Commission say that they give money to their
collaborators in Belgrade. As a matter of fact, Mr Bzezinski wrote in
his
latest book that in their strategy towards Eastern Europe they rely on
the
elite that is financially dependent on America. This is no secret. Only
the
bribe-takers from Yugoslavia who take money do not like to be told that
they are taking money, but the facts speak that they do that. How much -
probably not a lot.
In those centres for destabilization they have seminars, where they are
assigned tasks and are supervised in their implementation. These days,
they
are having a trilateral meeting - whether it is trilateral,
quadrilateral
or multilateral - it is nevertheless the same old tune. We have been
listening to it for a long time and it is boring. We know it and pay
attention no more.
Political destabilization is a part of the concept of destabilization of
Yugoslavia. One of the elements is assistance to independent media in
Belgrade. What kind of independence is it if you have to do something
for
money? This looks more like an expression of hopelessness on the part of
those promoting the ideas of aggression and pressures on Yugoslavia than
something that has any perspective. This political aggression encourages
also separatism in Yugoslavia. They are looking for individuals,
separatists from national minorities to join them to the so called Serb
opposition.
What is our reply to the political aggression? It is - the unity of the
country, the unity of the people, the unity towards economic, cultural,
social progress, resistance to hegemonism and enslavement, unity towards
rebuilding and reconstruction of the country, the unity in achieving
greater productivity, bigger wages, a better life. The results achieved
so
far in these areas speak for themselves.
Yesterday (19 January), the production of the most popular Yugoslav
car,
JUGO, was resumed. Manufacturing a car in a destroyed economy is not a
simple task. It does not imply only the reconstruction of the factory
where
parts are assembled but many other factories as well, in which those
parts
are made. So, our Government and our leadership are acting in unison
along
this positive course.
As for media aggression, our reply is - truth. Our Government is
presenting the facts to the domestic and foreign public. The facts on
the
aggression, on the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, on continued
terrorism
in Kosovo and Metohija, the facts on economic development, our open
policy
of equal cooperation with other countries. Our truth is increasingly
gaining ground in the world.
Several days ago, the representatives of the Yugoslav Ministry formally
submitted a Memorial to the International Court of Justice in The Hague
against NATO aggressors and against international representatives
responsible for the crimes in Kosovo and Metohija, now committed under
their leadership. It has been welcomed in Russia, in Moscow, in Bejing,
India and many European towns.
The day before yesterday (18 January) I received a letter from a lawyer
from the Netherlands, from The Hague, who wishes to represent free of
charge the parents of Sanja Milenkovic, killed on 30 May 1999 on the
bridge
across the Velika Morava river, near Varvarin. The world over, NATO
crimes
are being more and more condemned. The international public has
uncovered
the lies spread by NATO when they embarked upon the destruction of
Yugoslavia.
Q: This is not The Hague Tribunal?
A: No. It is the International Court of Justice in The Hague, an organ
of
the United Nations, established in 1945 by the Charter of the United
Nations. As opposed, the so called Hague Tribunal is not an instrument
for
the administration of justice but a NATO instrument. It has been
established so that the aggressors may punish the victims of aggression.
Have you ever heard that a Vietnam Tribunal has been established? Have
there been no crimes there? Or a Somalia Tribunal? The Hague Tribunal is
an
extended arm of NATO pact, fearing its own responsibility for the crimes
against peace and humanity, for the crimes of genocide in Yugoslavia,
which
is trying to defend itself by making a victim look like a culprit. This
of
course does not work, it cannot possibly work.
No aggression, no pressure or interference into internal affairs can
derail Yugoslavia from its path to freedom. Should anyone think this to
be
an exaggeration he should read history books and see what side the Serb
and
Montenegrin peoples were on in the past. Have they ever been aggressors,
have they ever been on the wrong side?
So, we and the Russians have always had the same attitude towards
history,
towards our roots, culture - and those who should understand and realize
that - it simply is not in their interest to understand that. They would
rather hold on to their aggressive position which is, in the case of
aggression and overall attitude towards Yugoslavia, also a racist
attitude.
That racism is reflected also in the current efforts of certain circles
seking to teach the Serb people democracy. Can you imagine the state of
mind of those US and European Ministers who send messages to the Serb
people - what is their mental capacity if they think that the Serb
people
is under-educated and that it needs to be taught democracy from the
outside? Who will give lessons - those who only yesterday rained death?
There are many analyses on personal responsibility for the aggression
against Yugoslavia. You have probably heard of some theories that there
was
some kind of a private aggression against Yugoslavia. Just think of
those
people who sent bombers on Serb children, Serb workers, Serb peasants
-now
they talk from the pedestal to the Serb people - we love you, it is just
that you do not understand that and that is why we came to explain it to
you in person.
That lady and those Ministers who talk to the Serb people start from a
sick premise that people are divided on the gifted and handicapped, and
that the task of the gifted is to teach the handicapped. The Serb people
has no time to listen to those lessons and sick advice. The Serb people
has
always been against patrionasing attitudes, against racism and any kind
of
discrimination. The Serb people has faith in itself in the first place
and
in its proven historical friends. It cannot trust liars, those who lie
to
their own people.
The Serb people will not trust those who are not trusted, for example,
by
the Americans or British or the people in Germany. You know for yourself
who lied and about what, in political and in private life, remember all
those indecretions. One just does not have enough time to deal with
numerous examples of corruption, aberrations and deviations of all those
alleged teachers of democracy.
Q: There is an ongoing discussion in Russia on how much Russia
contributed,
how much Yeltsin did, Igor Ivanov or the Russian Embassy, to stop NATO
aggression, i.e. whether they did all they could and later on, to
protect
the interests of Serbia. What is your view on the role of Ivanov,
Yeltsin,
and Victor Chernomyrdin in these events?
A: In the period before the NATO aggression and during the aggression
itself we had a continuous dialogue with Russian representatives. This
dialogue was useful. In the talks with the Russian representatives we
underlined in particular the fact that the aggression against Yugoslavia
was only an experiment which would later be applied to Russia.
Yugoslavia
is an important country. Throughout their history Serbian and
Montenegrin
peoples are well known for their steadfastness and courage, for their
contribution to culture, civilization and defence of the interests of
Europe.
We are quite aware that such qualities of a country and a people are not
favoured by the proponents of hegemony and occupation. It is evident
that
we have been and that we remain to be an obstacle standing in the way of
hegemony, neocolonialism, exploitation, occupation. We have always
repeated
to Russia that Yugoslavia is not the final target. The final target is
Russia, China, Europe - the big powers, while the aggression against
Yugoslavia should have been only an experiment, to feel the pulse not
only
of Russia and China, but of other countries as well.
Along these line we sought a concrete support and assistance of Russia.
We have shared identical views in respect to many issues and global
assessments. We have also agreed that the American goal was the Caspian
basin, and that the Caucasus is the so-called "south belly" of Russia.
But, differences emerged when those general assessments about all global
dangers were transferred to the field of concrete positions and
relations
in the preparatory stage of the aggression as well as during the
aggression
of NATO Alliance against Yugoslavia. We believed that it was necessary
to
achieve a higher level of agreement on concrete issues. In the
negotiations
concerning the ending of the aggression which we had with Mr.
Chernomyrdin
special attention was attached to elimination of Chapter VII of the
Charter
of the United Nations from the text of the then future Security Council
resolution 1244 (1999). However, in spite of the promise that Russia
would
not allow Chapter VII to be invoked in the resolution, that Chapter was
still mentioned in a certain form in resolution 1244.
Q: Chernomyrdin promised that to you personally?
A: Yes, he promised that Russia would not accept that. But we must turn
ourselves to the present and future. We have to turn to the things which
constitute bulwark of the protection of vital national and State
interests.
In concrete terms, we rely on the guarantees concerning the sovereignty
and
territorial integrity given in the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin document which
were reaffirmed later in Security Council resolution 1244. This is a
positive element of strategic importance that has been achieved.
The other element of strategic importance is a guarantee that the
situation in Kosovo and Metohija will be solved by political means
through
dialogue and with respect of sovereignty and integrity of Serbia and
Yugoslavia, providing an autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia.
The third extremely important element is the fact that the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations must be observed in the process of
finding a solution for the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, i.e. that
this
problem is to be resolved through the Security Council, and not through
the
NATO Alliance. Those are crucial elements and we insist on a full
respect
for the principles from the Ahtissaari-Chernomyrdin document and
Security
Council resolution 1244.
Having in mind those three elements Yugoslavia approved the deployment
of
international civilian and security missions in Kosovo and Metohija
under
the auspices of the United Nations. The responsibility for the respect
of
these fundamental principles lies with the United Nations, i.e. the
Security Council as a body that is most responsible for peace and
security.
Within this framework, we count on and expect the support and active
involvement of Russia as a Security Council permanent member and a
factor
which directly participated in the conclusion of a peace agreement, and
understandably as a friendly country and Yugoslav ally.
The support of China as a Security Council permanent member is also very
important and we expect from other Security Council members to manifest
a
greater realism. As far as non-permanent members of the Security Council
are concerned, we have noticed that they expressed significant
understanding for our positions and interests. Positive changes in
respect
to Yugoslavia are particularly visible in the General Assembly itself,
where the majority of its 188 members share the positions and
principles
advocated by Yugoslavia.
The European Union bears great responsibility for the consistent
implementation of resolution 1244 and the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin
document
which served as a basis for the Security Council resolution, because Mr.
Ahtisaari participated in those negotiations in the capacity of the
Chairman of the Union. We think that Europe is not still aware of the
importance and significance of its responsibility for the consistent
implementation of Security Council resolution 1244. Europe has a twofold
responsibility - because it participated in the negotiations through
Ahtisaari and because Yugoslavia is an integral part of Europe.
There are certain signs of a greater realism in Europe but also of being
held hostage to the passive approach and to the pressures of the US
Administration. There is a growing concern for the continuous
deterioration
of security and the overall situation in Kosovo and Metohija. It is
clear
that European and American interests in Yugoslavia, i.e. in Kosovo and
Metohija, cannot be and are not identical. In our opinion, this
evolution
towards a greater realism and better understanding of one's own
strategic
interests in South Eastern Europe and the Balkans is highly disputable.
Europe is still seriously suffering from extensive American syndrome of
giving in to the great control and pressures of the US Administration.
This has become evident on the example of the lifting of the sanctions
against Yugoslavia. It is positive that 13 out of 15 members of the
European Union have voted for the lifting of the flights ban and the oil
embargo. It is interesting to note, however, that Britain is persistent
in
advocating American interests in the European Union and opposing the
reaching of a consensus. We are, understandably, optimistic in respect
to
the future developments because we believe that the process of
identification of Europe with its own interests is irreversible,
irrespective of its slow pace.
Kosovo and Metohija is far from a solution to the situation.
Representatives of the international civil and security presence, and
ultimately the Security Council, are accountable for the lack of a just
and
principled solution, the solution in accordance with the Security
Council
resolution.
We hope that it is still not late for the Security Council to undertake
appropriate and concrete measures to ensure the implementation of its
own
decisions:
- to stop terrorism;
- to disband and disarm the terrorist organization "KLA";
- to stop and suspend all decisions in contradiction with the
sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia;
- to halt the ethnic cleansing of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks;
- to ensure conditions for a free and safe return of 350 000 expelled
Serbs and other non-Albanian population;
- to expel over 200 000 foreign citizens, mainly the citizens of Albania
who illegally entered into the Yugoslav territory with the consent of
the
international presence;
- to ensure the implementation of the provision concerning the return of
the Yugoslav army and police to Kosovo and Metohija and to Yugoslav
borders;
- to eliminate other violations of the resolution and sovereignty of
Serbia and Yugoslavia such as opening of foreign missions in Kosovo and
Metohija, banning of flights between Belgrade and Pristina;
- to restore the property rights concerning the private, public and
State
property.
We hope that it is not late for the Security Council to really undertake
an effort to have its decisions implemented, rather than to delegate
this
to NATO, which committed an aggression against Yugoslavia. We are for a
peaceful, political solution, for the full respect of the Security
Council
resolution and the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin document, irrespective of the
fact that most of their provisions are not in acordance with the Serbian
and Yugoslav principled interests and rights.
In view of the above, we shall never recognize a single decision or
state
of affairs which is contrary to the Security Council resolution, which
represents the violation of those documents, and in particular any
solution
which constitutes a violation of sovereignty and integrity of Serbia and
Yugoslavia. Neither NATO nor Clinton will stay in Kosovo for ever.
Kosovo
was under provisional occupations several times throughout its history.
Those who are counting on supporting separatism and terrorism, who are
counting on a lasting occupation of Kosovo and Metohija, are advised to
look back what happened to the former occupier of this part of Serbia
throughout the history, either in the Middle ages or in the twentieth
century. Serbia has its roots and its place in European civilization,
it
has its self-confidence and dignity. And all of this is related to
Kosovo
and Metohija. It is an illusion to make plans with criminals and
terrorists. Any solution, except the solution within Serbia, is not
realistic.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
------------------------------------------------------------
FEDERAL MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 27 January 2000 No. 2861
S P E C I A L I S S U E
INTERVIEW OF FEDERAL MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ZIVADIN JOVANOVIC TO JOURNALISTS OF
THE NEWSPAPERS "NEZAVISIMAYA GAZETA"
D. GORNOSTAEV AND "VREMIA" Y. PETROVSKA
(Belgrade, 20 January 2000)
Q: Could you please give us your assessment of the current relations
between Yugoslavia and Russia as well as an assessment of the prospects
for
the further development of relations between the two States?
A: Yugoslavia and Russia, the Yugoslav and Russian peoples are bound by
their Slav origin, common history and culture, shared goals of peace and
stability in Europe and the world. We are also bound by the
strategically
important political, security, economic, cultural and many other
interests.
Therefore, it is no accident that Yugoslavia and Russia - the Serbian,
Montenegrin and Russian peoples - have at crucial periods of history
been
on the same side, the side of the principles of protection of values and
humanity. We jointly fought Nazis in World War Two and, thanks to that
alliance, we defeated that greatest evil in the history of our
civilization. That is why we attach strategic importance to the further
development and strengthening of the friendly and traditionally close
relations between Yugoslavia and the Russian Federation, i.e. between
the
Yugoslav and Russian peoples.
Today, we share common challenges and goals: to enhance our friendship
through the development of economic, cultural, scientific, technical and
all other co-operation. We both face positive challenges. We aspire to
contribute, through this co-operation and close mutual relationship,
towards all positive in Europe and the world at large.
However, we also face a specific challenge. That of efforts to combat
separatism and terrorism. Those efforts may only be successful if there
is
an inter-action, and if there is awareness that terrorism and separatism
today are directed, first and foremost, against the Slav peoples and
that
it also constitutes a universal threat to the world. The phenomena of
terrorism and separatism - with which Serbia, Yugoslavia and Russia are
dramatically faced - are not only related in terms of the times in which
they take place but also in terms of personalities. The terrorists move
from one region to another - from trans-Caucasus to Chechenya and Kosovo
and Metohija but also further afield - from Kashmere, Afghanistan,
Chechenya, Kosovo and further to the west, since terrorism is a
universal
evil.
The efforts to combat terrorism and separatism are all the more
difficult
today, considering that the proponents of a unipolar world order are
using
those factors of destruction for their strategic purposes. Separatism
and
terrorism in Chechenya and Kosovo and Metohija are no accidental
occurrences. Terrorism in these regions is encouraged and supported by,
and
it receives financial assistance, expertise and arms from the proponents
of
the concept of unipolarity, and that, in our view, is the current US
Administration. By encouraging separatism and offering support to
terrorists, they seek to fragment all those countries and peoples who
stand
in the way of hegemony, expansionism and neo-colonialism. In this
respect,
it is clear that such policy is directed against Yugoslavia, against its
integrity and sovereignty as well as against Russia as a great power and
factor resisting the unipolar concept of international relations.
In other words, in addition to positive approaches and our strategy to
ensure, through mutual co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia,
improved
conditions for economic, social, democratic, technological and cultural
development, we also face common threats that make us turn to each other
to
co-operate and develop closer relations.
We estimate that co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia is based on
friendship, respect, mutual confidence and on very important common
strategic interests. We have achieved positive results in this
co-operation, the results which are all the more significant because
they
have been achieved in very difficult circumstances and under stringent
restrictions.
As far as Yugoslavia is concerned, these restrictions mean sanctions,
isolation, the outer wall of sanctions. In the eight years of sanctions,
Yugoslavia has suffered losses of nearly 150 billion dollars.
Constraints
is also an enormous destruction of Yugoslavia during the NATO aggression
that has reduced our economic potential and opportunities. Losses due to
aggression are estimated at 100 billion dollars. Briefly, as a result of
the sanctions and NATO destruction, Yugoslavia has had losses of 250
billion dollars in total over the last eight years.
At the same time, we also hosted a million refugees. It is our human and
moral obligation to assist them and care for them regardless of the
sanctions, isolation and other hardship. We do not enjoy any financial
or
material support of international financial institutions and other
organizations such as the IMF or the World Bank.
New constraints on us have also been due to the imposition on our
neighbours of the will of the NATO aggressors spearheaded by the US
Administration. The American Administration, Washington ordered them to
discontinue their co-operation with Yugoslavia, to comply with the
embargo,
to suspend air links with it, not to allow deliveries of oil and other
goods to it.
Russia, on its part, has its own constraints that I would not like to
dwell on. However, it is a fact that for all the constraints on both
sides,
we have developed a successful co-operation. We very much appreciate the
credit line extended by Russia, by the Russian Government, to
Yugoslavia.
Part of this line of credit has already been drawn, while the rest will
be
put into use later on. Russia's assistance in natural gas deliveries is
also very important, especially in conditions when Western Europe and
the
United States prevent us from importing heating oil. Our trade is
successful, although very modest. In fact, we wish to develop our trade
further and, in that context, we would like to remove customs,
administrative and all other barriers to our co-operation.
Right now we are in the process of signing a Trade Liberalization
Agreement to allow free flow of goods between Yugoslavia and Russia both
ways that will substantially increase the volume of trade co-operation.
We
also maintain good cultural and scientific-technical co-operation, even
though it can be improved and upgraded in all areas. Our plan is to
establish a Cultural Centre in Moscow in order to contribute to a better
co-operation in that way too.
We have a good co-operation at the international level. In particular,
we
maintain fairly regular contacts and co-operation on the implementation
of
UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), concerning Kosovo and
Metohija.
Our demands are identical: to ensure a consistent and full
implementation
of the Resolution and to put a stop to the present dramatic
deterioration
of the overall situation in Kosovo and Metohija. We co-operate at the
United Nations and on other issues of common concern.
In our opinion, the period ahead of us will be a period of further
expansion and comprehensive development of our overall relations and
bilateral co-operation. We have adopted a very active attitude towards
the
ideas and initiatives encouraging the development of our relations and
co-operation in line with the historical achievements and future
interests
of our two countries and our two peoples. Such an all-round development
of
relations between Yugoslavia and Russia is in the joint interest, and
such
co-operation between Yugoslavia and Russia is of strategic importance
for
peace and stability in South Eastern Europe, as well as for peace and
stability in Europe as a whole.
Q: As regards closer ties between our peoples, the idea of Yugoslavia
joining the parliamentary alliance of Russia and Belarus, in which
Yugoslavia now has an observer status, has been put into operation. What
turn will the development of relations in this field take in the future?
A: First of all, we are pleased that Russia and Belarus have signed an
alliance agreement. In our assessment, this event is extremely important
to
Russia and Belarus, and it has a wider positive significance in Europe.
Yugoslavia is satisfied that the alliance of Russia and Belarus is open
for
co-operation. Therefore, it is happy to have participated and to
continue
to participate in observer status in the parliamentary alliance of these
two countries.
Yugoslavia has expressed its interest in joining the Russia-Belarus
alliance. We believe that after Russia and Belarus had entered into
alliance, pre-conditions have been put in place for the consideration
and
realization of this Yugoslav initiative. We consider that Yugoslavia's
participation in the alliance of Russia and Belarus is a positive
development, not only for the peoples of Russia, Belarus and Yugoslavia,
but that it is also a contribution to the positive aspirations and
positive
developments in Europe. It is primarily beneficial to defence and
consolidation of peace and stability, as well as to prosperity in
Europe.
Q: Mister Minister, could you please tell us about your specific
position
as a diplomat and Foreign Minister in conditions where your country is
exposed to pressures from Europe and the United States?
A: Of course, that position is not simple, but I must say that it is a
special challenge to my country, to its leadership and to me as Minister
for Foreign Affairs. We are deeply convinced that the sanctions,
isolation
and pressures are directed against peace, stability, humanity and
prosperity. They are instruments of destabilization and creation of
instability. Those countries, those governments and those individuals
who
advocate sanctions are opposed to closer links between countries and
peoples; they are against the betterment of this region in South Eastern
Europe. Indeed, they are all in favour of mass violations of human
rights.
As a matter of fact, there is no such massive violation of human rights
as
the sanctions and the embargo imposed on Yugoslavia.
Actually, I think that sanctions are a remnant of an old philosophy and
that some quarters in Europe and the United States play an old record
which
is not suitable to present realities. It may be that they are powerless
to
change the tune, because they know that they are responsible for the
aggression against Yugoslavia and are unable to think differently except
as
a guilty one.
Why is this old tune not in touch any more? Because they do not see that
an overwhelming majority of mankind on this planet stands by Yugoslavia,
by
the Yugoslav people, and is on our side. Here I do not only have in mind
the fact that Russia, China as the most populated country in the world
and
India as a large country are on our side. I have in mind, for instance,
that almost all Asian countries, all African countries and the entire
Latin
America have sided with Yugoslavia.
And this is not all. More importantly, the public in the aggressor
countries like the American public, the publics in France, Spain, Italy,
Germany and intellectual, scientific and other circles, have unmasked
the
lie that initiated the concept of the aggression and that the sanctions
rely on. The rationale behind the aggression, sanctions and
destabilization
is still insisted on by the innermost circles in power, the same ones
who
have been denounced by their own public opinion and who have lost or are
losing elections.
I need not, for example, remind you of the outcome of provincial
elections
in Germany or those held in some other European countries, but the mood
of
people in the countries neighbour to Yugoslavia is also indicative
enough.
Take a look at the moods of people in Greece, Macedonia, Bulgaria and
finally Romania: All of them are heart and soul with Yugoslavia, aware
that
Yugoslavia's policy and positions are on the side of justice, truth,
peace
and understanding. You see, those sentiments and assessments make me, as
Minister for Foreign Affairs, persist in this foreign policy
orientation,in
the defence of freedom, independence and safeguarding of vital national
and
State interests of Yugoslavia.
Such efforts are very much rewarding for me personally. For these past
five months, for instance, I have met and discussed with about a hundred
Foreign Ministers or with other high-ranking representatives from a
hundred
world countries. No Foreign Minister of an embargoed country can pride
himself on having so many contacts and talks.
To add, Yugoslavia has 110 diplomatic and consular missions throughout
the
world. At the same time, there are some hundred foreign missions in
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, taking into account the resident offices of
international organizations. There are a few hundred foreign
correspondents
in Yugoslavia. Trade, cultural, scientific, but also Government,
delegations visit Yugoslavia every day. In short, Yugoslavia has a large
number of friends in the world and an increasing number of trading
partners.
We in the Government and in this Ministry very often receive letters
from
the United States, Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, from all
these NATO countries. They express an admiration for the courage and
determination with which we resisted the NATO aggression. I think that
these letters are not merely polite and that they are not complementary
without reason. People who wrote those letters are not known to us, but
they expressed their true feelings about a small country summing up
courage
to resist the most powerful military machinery in the history of human
kind
and that it succeeded in defending its freedom.
Having said this, I would not like to pretend that we have no problems
at
all, or that our goals are less complex and difficult to accomplish. I
only
wish to say that we are fully aware where we are, who is with us, what
our
possibilities are, and we are very clear about what we aspire to. That
what
we aspire to is not egotism or autarky, but are actually the goals of
peace, co-operation, stability, solidarity - the goals that are for the
well-being of South Eastern Europe and Europe as a whole.
With regard to our goals or the goals of my Ministry and our diplomacy,
I
said that they were complex. Our foremost goal is to defend and protect
our
sovereignty and integrity. That is an extremely important task in view
of
the separatism and terrorism that are going on in Kosovo and Metohija,
but
also in view of the aggression being continued by other non-military
means.
The trade embargo imposed amounts actually to an economic aggression.
Besides, there is also a political aggression by looking for internal
enemies to destabilize Yugoslavia from within. The media aggression as a
third segment of the non-military means of aggression is being carried
out
- true, with less and less success - by spreading lies about Yugoslavia.
What is our response to this new aggression? We respond to the economic
aggression by mobilizing our own economic resources in the
reconstruction
and rebuilding of the country and by co-operating with those countries
and
partners who accept our co-operation. Such partners and such countries
are
more and more numerous. It goes without saying, that our strongest
partners
are Russia, China and some other countries, including EU countries. The
success of our response to the economic aggression is proved by the 40
reconstructed and rebuilt bridges and by the keys being given to all
those
people who had been rendered homeless by NATO.
You will remember the graphite bombs and the heavy destruction of our
power supply system. However, this harsh winter that is more severe than
some other in the past, we do not have any more serious problems with
electricity. NATO demolished the heating plant in Novi Beograd which
provides the heating for 500,000 people. This heating plant was restored
and is now fully operational. Also restored were the heating plants in
Kragujevac, Kru{evac and Ni{. They destroyed or damaged 340 schools.
Have
you heard about any school not being open or about any schoolchildren
not
attending classes! They knocked down hospitals, maternity wards and
other
health institutions. They have all been restored to their former glory
and
are operational.
The lies that they used to justify the destruction of bridges, the
killing
of children, students, refugees and the shelling of refugee centres are
a
disgrace to Europe, a disgrace to modern-day civilization. Take the most
recent example, the Grdelica gorge bridge. That bridge was bombed twice
in
broad daylight and as an international passenger trained passed through.
On
that occasion, NATO officials said that the pilot did not have time to
abort action, supporting it by video shots. Later on, the shots were
found
to be doctored. Very famous experts proved on 17 January 2000 that the
train movement on the video was accelerated 4.7 times.
Can you imagine, dear friends, what kind of democracy is offered to us
and
our neighbours by those lying to their own people and hiding from them
that
they had deliberately targeted an international train in order to scare
people in Yugoslavia. Or, say, another bridge, in Varvarin over the
Velika
Morava river, was bombed at noon on 30 May 1999, on the great Orthodox
Christian holiday of Holy Trinity. As many as 12 civilians, including a
fourteen-year old Sanja Milenkovi} who used to win many European and
regional competitions for young talents in mathemetics, were killed on
that
bridge. The pilots saw people on the bridge and targeted them and not
the
bridge!
The bridge was repaired thanks to the assistance of Serbs living in
Switzerland. It cost around 3 million Deutsche marks and is now twice as
wide as and safer than the old one.
This period of sanctions and the embargo speaks of our economic response
to aggression. Our GDP rose 5 to 8 per cent annually in the past five
years. We were under sanctions, feeling its consequences alongside the
influx of refugees and lack of access to the IMF and the World Bank. We
were barred from the Paris club of government creditors and the London
club
of commercial creditors. We had no access, either, to international
commercial capital markets. As much 400 million dollars worth of our
cash
funds held at American and other banks abroad were frozen. During all
that
time they considered us as a country lacking democracy.
Our neighbours such as Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania and others like
Moldova, Ukraine and the entire Eastern Europe, all the while,
experienced
a GDP growth of 1.7 per cent. Concurrently with this, according to the
US
State Department, Bulgaria, Macedonia are democratic countries. They
are
members of the World Bank and the IMF, and they have access to
international capital markets. They enjoy full freedom and political
support. All this is self-evident. The only thing which is not clear is
where are the results of this socio-economic development?!
Even in conditions of an isolation and economic sanctions, i.e. in the
period of the economic aggression against Yugoslavia, we have managed to
get foreign loans and foreign humanitarian assistance, as well as
financial
assistance and to attack foreign investors. At the same time, the
"democratic countries" in our neighbourhood have had trouble feeding
their
nations, while we have enough food for the population. They are viewed
as
being successful transition countries and as having completed the
privatization of their economies. The only problem they have is that
there
is no output. In some of our neighbouring countries that prided
themselves
on the production and export of food and which exported cheese,
vegetables
and many other products even to Russia, now sell Dutch cheese and
vegetables from the European Union in their shops. Their domestic
production has been extinguished. In our country, on the other hand,
there
are both goods originating from the country and those imported.
In the framework of the political aggression, centres for
destabilization
of Yugoslavia have been established. Madam Albright and her associates
along with some satellites from Europe set up such centres in Timisoara,
Budapest, Szeged and Sofia. This is where they invite some individuals
from
Yugoslavia, from Belgrade, who follow their instructions for money. US
administration and European Commission say that they give money to their
collaborators in Belgrade. As a matter of fact, Mr Bzezinski wrote in
his
latest book that in their strategy towards Eastern Europe they rely on
the
elite that is financially dependent on America. This is no secret. Only
the
bribe-takers from Yugoslavia who take money do not like to be told that
they are taking money, but the facts speak that they do that. How much -
probably not a lot.
In those centres for destabilization they have seminars, where they are
assigned tasks and are supervised in their implementation. These days,
they
are having a trilateral meeting - whether it is trilateral,
quadrilateral
or multilateral - it is nevertheless the same old tune. We have been
listening to it for a long time and it is boring. We know it and pay
attention no more.
Political destabilization is a part of the concept of destabilization of
Yugoslavia. One of the elements is assistance to independent media in
Belgrade. What kind of independence is it if you have to do something
for
money? This looks more like an expression of hopelessness on the part of
those promoting the ideas of aggression and pressures on Yugoslavia than
something that has any perspective. This political aggression encourages
also separatism in Yugoslavia. They are looking for individuals,
separatists from national minorities to join them to the so called Serb
opposition.
What is our reply to the political aggression? It is - the unity of the
country, the unity of the people, the unity towards economic, cultural,
social progress, resistance to hegemonism and enslavement, unity towards
rebuilding and reconstruction of the country, the unity in achieving
greater productivity, bigger wages, a better life. The results achieved
so
far in these areas speak for themselves.
Yesterday (19 January), the production of the most popular Yugoslav
car,
JUGO, was resumed. Manufacturing a car in a destroyed economy is not a
simple task. It does not imply only the reconstruction of the factory
where
parts are assembled but many other factories as well, in which those
parts
are made. So, our Government and our leadership are acting in unison
along
this positive course.
As for media aggression, our reply is - truth. Our Government is
presenting the facts to the domestic and foreign public. The facts on
the
aggression, on the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, on continued
terrorism
in Kosovo and Metohija, the facts on economic development, our open
policy
of equal cooperation with other countries. Our truth is increasingly
gaining ground in the world.
Several days ago, the representatives of the Yugoslav Ministry formally
submitted a Memorial to the International Court of Justice in The Hague
against NATO aggressors and against international representatives
responsible for the crimes in Kosovo and Metohija, now committed under
their leadership. It has been welcomed in Russia, in Moscow, in Bejing,
India and many European towns.
The day before yesterday (18 January) I received a letter from a lawyer
from the Netherlands, from The Hague, who wishes to represent free of
charge the parents of Sanja Milenkovic, killed on 30 May 1999 on the
bridge
across the Velika Morava river, near Varvarin. The world over, NATO
crimes
are being more and more condemned. The international public has
uncovered
the lies spread by NATO when they embarked upon the destruction of
Yugoslavia.
Q: This is not The Hague Tribunal?
A: No. It is the International Court of Justice in The Hague, an organ
of
the United Nations, established in 1945 by the Charter of the United
Nations. As opposed, the so called Hague Tribunal is not an instrument
for
the administration of justice but a NATO instrument. It has been
established so that the aggressors may punish the victims of aggression.
Have you ever heard that a Vietnam Tribunal has been established? Have
there been no crimes there? Or a Somalia Tribunal? The Hague Tribunal is
an
extended arm of NATO pact, fearing its own responsibility for the crimes
against peace and humanity, for the crimes of genocide in Yugoslavia,
which
is trying to defend itself by making a victim look like a culprit. This
of
course does not work, it cannot possibly work.
No aggression, no pressure or interference into internal affairs can
derail Yugoslavia from its path to freedom. Should anyone think this to
be
an exaggeration he should read history books and see what side the Serb
and
Montenegrin peoples were on in the past. Have they ever been aggressors,
have they ever been on the wrong side?
So, we and the Russians have always had the same attitude towards
history,
towards our roots, culture - and those who should understand and realize
that - it simply is not in their interest to understand that. They would
rather hold on to their aggressive position which is, in the case of
aggression and overall attitude towards Yugoslavia, also a racist
attitude.
That racism is reflected also in the current efforts of certain circles
seking to teach the Serb people democracy. Can you imagine the state of
mind of those US and European Ministers who send messages to the Serb
people - what is their mental capacity if they think that the Serb
people
is under-educated and that it needs to be taught democracy from the
outside? Who will give lessons - those who only yesterday rained death?
There are many analyses on personal responsibility for the aggression
against Yugoslavia. You have probably heard of some theories that there
was
some kind of a private aggression against Yugoslavia. Just think of
those
people who sent bombers on Serb children, Serb workers, Serb peasants
-now
they talk from the pedestal to the Serb people - we love you, it is just
that you do not understand that and that is why we came to explain it to
you in person.
That lady and those Ministers who talk to the Serb people start from a
sick premise that people are divided on the gifted and handicapped, and
that the task of the gifted is to teach the handicapped. The Serb people
has no time to listen to those lessons and sick advice. The Serb people
has
always been against patrionasing attitudes, against racism and any kind
of
discrimination. The Serb people has faith in itself in the first place
and
in its proven historical friends. It cannot trust liars, those who lie
to
their own people.
The Serb people will not trust those who are not trusted, for example,
by
the Americans or British or the people in Germany. You know for yourself
who lied and about what, in political and in private life, remember all
those indecretions. One just does not have enough time to deal with
numerous examples of corruption, aberrations and deviations of all those
alleged teachers of democracy.
Q: There is an ongoing discussion in Russia on how much Russia
contributed,
how much Yeltsin did, Igor Ivanov or the Russian Embassy, to stop NATO
aggression, i.e. whether they did all they could and later on, to
protect
the interests of Serbia. What is your view on the role of Ivanov,
Yeltsin,
and Victor Chernomyrdin in these events?
A: In the period before the NATO aggression and during the aggression
itself we had a continuous dialogue with Russian representatives. This
dialogue was useful. In the talks with the Russian representatives we
underlined in particular the fact that the aggression against Yugoslavia
was only an experiment which would later be applied to Russia.
Yugoslavia
is an important country. Throughout their history Serbian and
Montenegrin
peoples are well known for their steadfastness and courage, for their
contribution to culture, civilization and defence of the interests of
Europe.
We are quite aware that such qualities of a country and a people are not
favoured by the proponents of hegemony and occupation. It is evident
that
we have been and that we remain to be an obstacle standing in the way of
hegemony, neocolonialism, exploitation, occupation. We have always
repeated
to Russia that Yugoslavia is not the final target. The final target is
Russia, China, Europe - the big powers, while the aggression against
Yugoslavia should have been only an experiment, to feel the pulse not
only
of Russia and China, but of other countries as well.
Along these line we sought a concrete support and assistance of Russia.
We have shared identical views in respect to many issues and global
assessments. We have also agreed that the American goal was the Caspian
basin, and that the Caucasus is the so-called "south belly" of Russia.
But, differences emerged when those general assessments about all global
dangers were transferred to the field of concrete positions and
relations
in the preparatory stage of the aggression as well as during the
aggression
of NATO Alliance against Yugoslavia. We believed that it was necessary
to
achieve a higher level of agreement on concrete issues. In the
negotiations
concerning the ending of the aggression which we had with Mr.
Chernomyrdin
special attention was attached to elimination of Chapter VII of the
Charter
of the United Nations from the text of the then future Security Council
resolution 1244 (1999). However, in spite of the promise that Russia
would
not allow Chapter VII to be invoked in the resolution, that Chapter was
still mentioned in a certain form in resolution 1244.
Q: Chernomyrdin promised that to you personally?
A: Yes, he promised that Russia would not accept that. But we must turn
ourselves to the present and future. We have to turn to the things which
constitute bulwark of the protection of vital national and State
interests.
In concrete terms, we rely on the guarantees concerning the sovereignty
and
territorial integrity given in the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin document which
were reaffirmed later in Security Council resolution 1244. This is a
positive element of strategic importance that has been achieved.
The other element of strategic importance is a guarantee that the
situation in Kosovo and Metohija will be solved by political means
through
dialogue and with respect of sovereignty and integrity of Serbia and
Yugoslavia, providing an autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia.
The third extremely important element is the fact that the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations must be observed in the process of
finding a solution for the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, i.e. that
this
problem is to be resolved through the Security Council, and not through
the
NATO Alliance. Those are crucial elements and we insist on a full
respect
for the principles from the Ahtissaari-Chernomyrdin document and
Security
Council resolution 1244.
Having in mind those three elements Yugoslavia approved the deployment
of
international civilian and security missions in Kosovo and Metohija
under
the auspices of the United Nations. The responsibility for the respect
of
these fundamental principles lies with the United Nations, i.e. the
Security Council as a body that is most responsible for peace and
security.
Within this framework, we count on and expect the support and active
involvement of Russia as a Security Council permanent member and a
factor
which directly participated in the conclusion of a peace agreement, and
understandably as a friendly country and Yugoslav ally.
The support of China as a Security Council permanent member is also very
important and we expect from other Security Council members to manifest
a
greater realism. As far as non-permanent members of the Security Council
are concerned, we have noticed that they expressed significant
understanding for our positions and interests. Positive changes in
respect
to Yugoslavia are particularly visible in the General Assembly itself,
where the majority of its 188 members share the positions and
principles
advocated by Yugoslavia.
The European Union bears great responsibility for the consistent
implementation of resolution 1244 and the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin
document
which served as a basis for the Security Council resolution, because Mr.
Ahtisaari participated in those negotiations in the capacity of the
Chairman of the Union. We think that Europe is not still aware of the
importance and significance of its responsibility for the consistent
implementation of Security Council resolution 1244. Europe has a twofold
responsibility - because it participated in the negotiations through
Ahtisaari and because Yugoslavia is an integral part of Europe.
There are certain signs of a greater realism in Europe but also of being
held hostage to the passive approach and to the pressures of the US
Administration. There is a growing concern for the continuous
deterioration
of security and the overall situation in Kosovo and Metohija. It is
clear
that European and American interests in Yugoslavia, i.e. in Kosovo and
Metohija, cannot be and are not identical. In our opinion, this
evolution
towards a greater realism and better understanding of one's own
strategic
interests in South Eastern Europe and the Balkans is highly disputable.
Europe is still seriously suffering from extensive American syndrome of
giving in to the great control and pressures of the US Administration.
This has become evident on the example of the lifting of the sanctions
against Yugoslavia. It is positive that 13 out of 15 members of the
European Union have voted for the lifting of the flights ban and the oil
embargo. It is interesting to note, however, that Britain is persistent
in
advocating American interests in the European Union and opposing the
reaching of a consensus. We are, understandably, optimistic in respect
to
the future developments because we believe that the process of
identification of Europe with its own interests is irreversible,
irrespective of its slow pace.
Kosovo and Metohija is far from a solution to the situation.
Representatives of the international civil and security presence, and
ultimately the Security Council, are accountable for the lack of a just
and
principled solution, the solution in accordance with the Security
Council
resolution.
We hope that it is still not late for the Security Council to undertake
appropriate and concrete measures to ensure the implementation of its
own
decisions:
- to stop terrorism;
- to disband and disarm the terrorist organization "KLA";
- to stop and suspend all decisions in contradiction with the
sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia;
- to halt the ethnic cleansing of Serbs, Roma, Muslims, Goranci, Turks;
- to ensure conditions for a free and safe return of 350 000 expelled
Serbs and other non-Albanian population;
- to expel over 200 000 foreign citizens, mainly the citizens of Albania
who illegally entered into the Yugoslav territory with the consent of
the
international presence;
- to ensure the implementation of the provision concerning the return of
the Yugoslav army and police to Kosovo and Metohija and to Yugoslav
borders;
- to eliminate other violations of the resolution and sovereignty of
Serbia and Yugoslavia such as opening of foreign missions in Kosovo and
Metohija, banning of flights between Belgrade and Pristina;
- to restore the property rights concerning the private, public and
State
property.
We hope that it is not late for the Security Council to really undertake
an effort to have its decisions implemented, rather than to delegate
this
to NATO, which committed an aggression against Yugoslavia. We are for a
peaceful, political solution, for the full respect of the Security
Council
resolution and the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin document, irrespective of the
fact that most of their provisions are not in acordance with the Serbian
and Yugoslav principled interests and rights.
In view of the above, we shall never recognize a single decision or
state
of affairs which is contrary to the Security Council resolution, which
represents the violation of those documents, and in particular any
solution
which constitutes a violation of sovereignty and integrity of Serbia and
Yugoslavia. Neither NATO nor Clinton will stay in Kosovo for ever.
Kosovo
was under provisional occupations several times throughout its history.
Those who are counting on supporting separatism and terrorism, who are
counting on a lasting occupation of Kosovo and Metohija, are advised to
look back what happened to the former occupier of this part of Serbia
throughout the history, either in the Middle ages or in the twentieth
century. Serbia has its roots and its place in European civilization,
it
has its self-confidence and dignity. And all of this is related to
Kosovo
and Metohija. It is an illusion to make plans with criminals and
terrorists. Any solution, except the solution within Serbia, is not
realistic.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
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