Na prvu godišnjicu od objavljivanja teksta Deklaracije, profesor emeritus sa najprestižnijeg univerziteta na svijetu MIT-a (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) odlučio je da je potpiše tekst u kojem se navodi da Bošnjaci, Srbi, Hrvati i Crnogorci govore zajedničkim policentričnim standardnim jezikom.

Naime, krajem marta 2017. godine, u Sarajevu je zvanično objavljena Deklaracija o zajedničkom jeziku, koju je odmah potpisalo više od 200 lingvista, književnika, naučnih i kulturnih radnika, aktivista i drugih ličnosti iz javnog života.

Krajem marta 2017. godine, u Sarajevu je zvanično objavljena Deklaracija o zajedničkom jeziku, koju je odmah potpisalo više od 200 lingvista, književnika, naučnih i kulturnih radnika, aktivista i drugih ličnosti iz javnog života.

Potpisnici Deklaracije smatraju da je riječ o zajedničkom standardnom jeziku, a da korištenje četiri naziva za standardne varijante - bosanski, hrvatski, crnogorski i srpski - ne znači da su to četiri različita jezika. Dokument je izazvao veliku pažnju i brojne polemike.

Šta se s Deklaracijom dešavalo proteklih mjeseci? O tome govori Ana Pejović, glavna koordinatorka udruženja „Krokodil“ iz Beograda, kao i cijelog projekta 'Jezici i nacionalizmi', odnosno stvaranja Deklaracije, čiji je potpisnik.

RSE: Na koji način se posljednjih mjeseci potpisuje Deklaracija o zajedničkom jeziku?

Pejović: Deklaracija se potpisuje preko online formulara koji je običan Google online formular, i u suštini je bila dostupna samo ljudima koji imaju malo više znanja što se tiče korišćenja kompjutera. Međutim, mi smo u nekoliko navrata, u različitim programima i projektima koje smo radili, takođe imali potpisivanje uživo, pre svega na festivalu Krokodil, u junu ove godine, gde su nam puno pomagali mladi volonteri koji su dežurali na štandovima. Tako je i tom prilikom, u tih nekoliko događaja, prikupljeno 400 i nešto potpisa. Danas imamo nešto malo manje od deset hiljada, 9.500 potpisa..

RSE: Do kad će trajati potpisivanje?

Pejović: Ona je stalno otvorena za potpisivanje, s tim što ćemo mi vrlo uskoro, verovatno već početkom sledeće godine, ući u drugu fazu ovog programa, odnosno ideje koja stoji iza Deklaracije o zajedničkom jeziku, a to je promovisanje književnosti, pre svega književnosti koja se stvara na jeziku koji nam je međusobno svima razumljiv, a koji zovemo ovim svačetiri imena.

RSE: Kako ste zamislili to predstavljanje? U više gradova, kao što su bile konferencije prije Deklaracije?

Pejović: Mi smo pre svega zamislili to kao jednu vrstu neobavezne lektire, odnosno preporuke prema mladim ljudima, pre svega osnovcima i srednjoškolcima, zatim i studentima, koji su, između ostalog, i bili jedni od inicijatora cele ideje oko Deklaracije o zajedničkom jeziku, koju mi prvobitno u projektu Jezici nacionalizma uopšte nismo ni planirali.

Mi smo smatrali da ćemo nakon četiri konferencije, koje smo radili u Splitu, Sarajevu, Beogradu i Podgorici, uraditi transkript događaja, uraditi jedan finalni tekst koji bi izvukao najinteresantnije i najbolje momente ove četiri konferencije, međutim, u Sarajevu se pojavila odmah inicjativa, uglavnom mladi ljudi su pitali: 'Dobro, i šta sad?'. Odatle je potekla ideja o pisanju teksta Deklaracije.

Naši članovi radne grupe i prošireni članovi radne grupe su na njoj radili neka tri meseca. Sada nama sledi jedan konsultativan proces sa radnom grupom, da vidimo kako će se taj projekat promovisanja zajedničke književnosti na zajedničkom jeziku odvijati početkom sledeće godine. Još uvek nemamo detaljan program, osnosno, imamo ga, ali pre nego što ga prodiskutujemo sa radnom grupom, ja ne bih volela da o njemu malo više pričam.

RSE: U očekivanju detalja tog novog projekta, molim Vas da se vratimo Deklaraciji, koja osim pristalica - odnosno potpisnika, ima i brojne protivnike...

Pejović: Podsećam da je Deklaracija objavljena 30. marta. Dva - tri dana ranije, mi smo poslali obaveštenje medijima u celom regionu da će Deklaracija biti objavljena. Od tog trenutka nadalje krenula je stvarno ogromno medijsko interesovanje, što pozitivno, što negativno.

Čini mi se da je početna reakcija u Hrvatskoj bila dosta histerična i jako negativna. To je bio trenutak kada još niko, izuzev članova radne grupe i onih prvih, inicijalnih dvesta potpisnika, nije znao sadržaj Deklaracije. Dakle, ta naša medijska objava da će Deklaracija biti objavljena nije sadržavala tekst Deklaracije. To je bila samo informacija za novinare i čini mi se da je verovatno taj naziv izazvao dosta kontraverze.

Međutim, u Hrvatskoj se situacija nije smirila ni nekoliko nedelja nakon toga, tako da su neki od potpisnika Deklaracije imali vrlo neprijatna, što medijska, što lična, iskustva sa raznim ljudima, što iz javne sfere, što privatno.

U Srbiji, početna reakcija je bila, čini mi se, dosta pozitivna, a onda je sledeći talas bio prilično negativan, ali on je u neku ruku bio reakcija na negativnu hrvatsku reakciju. Ta dinamika između Srbije i Hrvatske se dosta dobro videla i kroz Deklaraciju o zajedničkom jeziku, uvek se jedna država pozicionira u odnosu na onu drugu. U ovom slučaju to su bili srpski lingvisti iz korpusa, da kažem, nacionalnih lingvista ili nacionalističkih lingvista, koji tvrde da to jeste jedan jezik, ali da je to ustvari srpski jezik i da su svi jezici nastali iz srpskog jezika.

Oni su, u stvari, iskoristili našu tezu da to jeste jedan jezik da bi dokazali svoju tezu da je pre svega postojao srpski, a da su se onda nakon toga razvili dijalekti, ili kako oni kažu – varijeteti – hrvatski, bosanski ili bošnjački i crnogorski. Što je onda izazvalo opet kontrareakcije od strane nekih hrvatskih lingvista. Tako je bilo dosta burno.

RSE: A pozitivne rekacije?

Pejović: Pozitivnih reakcija, moram da kažem, bilo je više i pogotovo od običnih ljudi, od ljudi koji su se pozivali upravo na tu ideju o zdravom razumu i na to da je jako interesantno da konačno neko kaže da je „car go“, ali mi uopšte ne planiramo da se na ovome zadržimo, jer smatramo da to nije dovoljno.

Ovo je bio, da kažem, samo apel za zdrav razum, ali ovom problemu se mora pristupiti sistematski, pogotovo u onim sredinama – u Bosni i Hercegovini ih nažalost ima mnogo – a to su zajedničke sredine u kojima žive dva od tri konstitutivna naroda, gde imamo ovu čuvenu situaciju dve škole pod jednim krovom. Te škole se bave obrazovanjem, ali se takođe bave i formiranjem novih malih Srba, Hrvata i Bošnjaka, što je jako opasno i što u budućnosti može da proizvede mnogo veće probleme od ovih sa kojima se mi sada susrećemo. A složićete se da ni sad situacija nije baš ružičasta.

RSE: Da, ljudi jednostavno ne žele prihvatiti da Deklaracija nikom ništa ne nameće, niti zabranjuje, niti pokušava njihova nacionalna osjećanja anulirati. Ljudi reaguju na 'prvu loptu', i prije nego što pročitaju Deklaraciju, kako ste već rekli. Šta je suština tog teksta?

Pejović: Tekst Deklaracije je jako, jako blag. U suštini, poziva na slobodu i poziva na ideju da svako može svoj jezik da imenuje onako kako on hoće, poštujući činjenicu da se radi o zajedničkom policentričnom standardnom jeziku.

Osnovni problem koji je iza toga sledi jeste politička upotreba, odnosno politička zloupotreba jezika u cilju dokazivanja nečeg drugačijeg, posebno nacionalnih osećanja.

Dalibor Jauković (43)  je sinoć bacio bombu u dvorište američke ambasade, a potom poginuo u drugoj eksploziji, saznaju "Vijesti".

Identitet Jaukovića je potvrdio njegov brat. Obdukcija je završena.

Jauković je živio u Podgorici, a rođen je u Kraljevu.

Na Jaukovićevom facebook profilu se vidi da je nagrađen medaljom za zasluge u oblastima odbrane i bezbjednosti Savezne republike Jugoslavije 1999. godine. [ http://www.vijesti.me/media/cache/e5/ea/e5ea2c85edb68a3840f79cddb6be08e5.jpg ]

Jauković je nagrađen za "izuzetno zalaganje u obavljanju dužnosti i izvršavanju zadataka u odbrani i bezbjednosti otadžbine", a nagradio ga je tadašnji predsjednik SRJ Slobodan Milošević.

Eksplozija se desila oko ponoći.

"Pola sata poslije ponoći ispred objekta Ambasade SAD jedno lice je izvršilo samoubistvo eksplozivnom napravom. Neposredno prije samoubistva lice je sa raskrsnice kod Sportskog centra ubacilo u krug Ambasade SAD jednu eksplozivnu napravu. Najvjerovatnije je riječ o ručnoj bombi sa kašikom. U toku su uviđaj i identifikacija. Tužilac je na licu mjesta i rukovodi uviđajem. Uprava policije CG", napisala je Vlada Crne Gore na Twitteru. 

Podsekretar Stejt Dipartmenta Stiv Goldstin je kazao da su očevici vidjeli čovjeka kako baca objekat preko zida ambasade, prenosi NewYork Times. Navodi se i da niko u ambasadi nije povrijeđen.

Goldstin je dodao i da su bezbjednosni zvaničnici ambasade pretražili teren i da nisu nađene druge eksplozivne naprave, a da zgrada nije oštećena u napadu. 

On nije znao šta je motiv napada, niti da li se radi o namjernom samoubilačkom napadu. 

Ambasada je na svom sajtu saopštila da postoji aktivna bezbjednosna situacija i savjetovani su američki državljani da izbjegavaju ambasadu do novog obavještenja.

Dosadašnja istraga crnogorskog tužilaštva i policije nije pokazala da je 43-ogodišnji Dalibor Jauković bombom napao američku ambasadu kao član neke za to formirane  organizacije, saznaju “Vijesti”. 

On je, između ostalog, u pisma koje je ostavio na desetak strana rokovnika i koje je pronađeno tokom pretresa njegovog stana, napisao da nema želju da živi. 

Jauković, učesnik rata na Kosovu 1999, bacio je bombu na ambasadu SAD u Podgorici tačno deset godina nakon što je zapaljena američka ambasada u Beogradu 2008, neposredno poslije proglašenja nezavisnosti Kosova, a zatim drugom bombom sebi oduzeo život,. 

"Izvinite svi koji me cijenite. A znam da vas ima", stoji u njegovom pismu.. U toj rečenici je naknadno precrtao  najvjerovatnije riječi "volite i". 

Na toj stranici napisao je i rečenicu "Ja prevarant neću bit'. Tako nemam želju da živim”.

Cijelo pismo je konfuzno napisano i u njemu on piše da se protivi ulasku Crne Gore u Nato, koliko je ogorčen zbog toga i da će njegov napad na ambasadu biti njegov odgovor na bombardovanje Jugoslavije 1999.godine. 

Pismo je tužilaštvo predalo vještaku grafološke struke. koji će utvrditi da li ga je pisao Jauković.

Policija je preksinoć i juče pretresala više lokacija na kojima žive ili rade osobe povezane sa Jaukovićem istražujući da li je Podgoričanin u samobilački napad na ambasadu krenuo sam ili kao član neke šire organizacije. 

Izvor "Vijesti" iz bezbjednosnih službi kazao je da se sada već sa velikom sigurnošću može reći da je Jauković djelovao sam. Još je otvoreno pitanje da li ga je i ko podstakao na takav čin. On je, oko između srijede i četvrtka, bacio bombu M75 u dvorište ambasade sa udaljenosti od pet-šest metara. Bomba nije nikoga od zaposlenih u ambasadi povrijedila, niti je napravila veću štetu u dvorištu. Nakon toga, Jauković je prešao ulicu i na poljani preko puta ambasade, i ubrzo aktivirao drugu bombu i ubio se.

Ambasadu je juče bila otvorena kao I obično za izdavanje viza i posjete, iako uz snažne mjere obezbjeđenja I pojačano prisustvo naoružane crnogorske policije. 

Ministar vanjskih poslova Srđan Darmanović juče je nakon posjete ambasadi najoštrije osudio napad i naglasio da je Vlada preduzela sve mjere da istraži slučaj zajedno sa američkim prijateljima i zaštiti sva diplomatska predstavništva u zemlji.

„Crna Gora je dobar domaćin svojim gostima. Mi želimo da se oni osjećaju sigurno u našoj zemlji. Sjedinjene Američke Države su naš partner, saveznik i prijatelj. Vjerujemo da ovaj tragičan događaj nije ugrozio osjećaj sigurnosti diplomatskih misija u Crnoj Gori, jer Crna Gora jeste sigurna zemlja i to će ostati“, poručio je ministar.

XIX Anniversario della aggressione NATO contro la RF di Jugoslavia

24. 3. 1999. – 2018. 19. godišnjica od NATO-agresije protiv SR Jugoslavije / 19th Anniversary of the NATO aggression against the FR of Yugoslavia

L'annuncio delle iniziative che si terranno a Belgrado nel 19.mo Anniversario della aggressione della NATO:

Деветнаест година од почетка агресије

НАТО-АГРЕСИЈА КОЈА ТРАЈЕ (Конференција)

DA SE NE ZABORAVI

PROGRAM (Izvor)

Sreda 21.3.2018.

11:00 Konferencija ha temu: DEVETNAEST GODINA OD POCETKA AGRESIJE NATO. AGRESIJA KOJA TRAJE
Dom Vojske Srbije, svecana sala, Brace Jugovica 19, Beograd
Govore: Momir Bulatovic, Milomir Miladinovic, Nikola Sajnovic, Zivadin Jovanovic, Slobodan Petkovic

Subota, 24.3.2018.

11:00 Polaganje cveca kod spomenika Deci-zrtvama agresije NATO, park Tasmajdan
12:00 Polaganje cveca kod spomenika zrtavama agresie NATO "Vecna vatra", park "Usce", Novi Beograd

На Конференцији су говорили Проф. Др Момир Булатовић, ранији председник Савезне владе СРЈ, Мр. Никола Шаиновић, ранији председник владе Србије и потпредседник Савезне владе СРЈ, Миломир Миладиновић, генерал у пензији, председник Клуба генерала и адмирала Србије, Живадин Јовановић, председник Београдског форума за свет равноправних, Слободан Петковић, генерал у пензији, проф. Др Милован Милутиновић, председник организације старешина Војске Републике Српске, Симо Спасић, председник Удружења породица отетих, несталих и убијених на Косову и Метохији, гости из Немачке и други.
Конференцији је присуствао велики број чланова и пријатеља Београдског форума и Клуба генерала и адмирала Србије, међу којима су била и три ранија наћелника Генералштаба ВС, генерали – Бранко Крга, Драгољуб Ојданић и Милоје Милетић.

Учесници Конференције су једногласно усвојили два апела, први је иницијатива државним органима да се поводом 20-те годишњице агресије, 2019. година прогласи годином мораторијума на војне вежбе Србије са НАТО-м како би се и на тај начин одала почаст палим браниоцима отаџбине и цивилним жртвама агресије НАТО и други, да се све мирољубиве организације, покрети и појединци ангажују са циљем да се заустави даљи раст напетости и продубљивање неповерења у глобалним односима, да се заустави трка у наоружавању и ширење страних војних база, да се унапреди дијалог, партнерство и равноправност као основа односа међу великим силама и светског поретка како би се отклонила растућа опасност од глобалне конфронтације и конфликта. 
Велику пажњу изазвало је излагање генерала Слободана Петковића о катастрофалним последицама коришћења пројектила са осиромашеним уранијумом по здравље људи и природну околину. Он је навео да су пројектили са осиромашеним уранијумом масовно кроишћени тек у завршници агресије када је било јасно да предстоји договор о прекиду агресије што упућује на закљућак да су водеће земље чланице НАТО показале да журе да се ослободе тоих пројектила, односно, нуклеарног отпада, пре него што им се та прилика ускрати. 

Председник Београдског форума Живадин Јовановић је рекао да говорити о агресији НАТО данас значи говорити о грубом кршењу међународних закона, Повеље ОУН, Завршног документа ОЕБС из Хелсинкија и Париске повеље. Заобилажењем Савета безбедности НАТО је 1999. направио преседан који ће касније користи за глобализацију интервенционизма и дестабилизацију целе планете. То је био најозбиљнији ударац Европском и светском систему безбедности од којег се Европа и свет нису опоравили до данас. НАТО је на свом самиоту априла 1999. године у Вашингтону своју јубиларну 50. годишњицу обележио напуштањем дефанзивне и усвајањем офанзивне стратегију експанзије на Исток коју следи и данас у посве другачијем распореду снага на глобалном плану. Извор опасности по мир данас лежи превасходно у немирењу са новим односом моћи карактеристичном за мултиполарност и у илузијама да се привилегије водећих чланица НАТО стечене у ранијим деценијама могу одбранити војном силом, односно, нуклеарним оружјем – сматра Јовановић. Он је рекао да 19 година после агресије водеће чланице НАТО покушавају да оправдају тај злочин против мира и човечности. У том циљу настоје да принуде Србију да учествује у исцртавању нових међународних граница и стварању још једне државице на делу српске државне територије коју они зову «Република Косово». Наметнути рокови и решење по мери геополитичких циљева, сматра Јовановић, не могу довести до мирног и одрживог решења већ искључиво воде гомилању конфликтног потенцијала на Балкану. На односу Европе, а пре свега, Немачке и Велике Британије, као и САД, према начину решавања питања статуса српске Покрајине Косово и Метохија, показаће се да ли је Европа на путу стабилизације и развоја или је безнадежно на колосеку даљег продубљивања нестабилности, слично стању 1938. када је наивно веровала да Судете жртвује ради мира а добила је рат – упозорио је Јовановић. Он је подвукао да једино уравнотежени компромис на основу резолуције СБ УН 1244, уз поштовање суверенитета и територијалног интегритета Србије, гарантују одрживост мира и стабилности на Балкану и у Европи.

У суботу, 24. марта Београдски форум и Клуб генерала и адмирала Србије организују полагање цвећа код споменика деци - жртвама агресије, Парк „Ташмајдан“ (11ч.) и код споменика жртвама агресије НАТО у парку „Ушће“, Нови Београд (12ч.).

Once again this March, the Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals, the Club of Generals and Admirals of Serbia and other independent non-party associations in Serbia pay tribute to the victims of NATO 1999 aggression on Serbia (FRY). This aggression took lives of more than thousand defenders, military and the police and their officers, and also of thousands of civilians, including 87 children. Regrettably, the final list of the civilian casualties has not been determined as yet, although the number is estimated to stand at over 3,000. About 10.000 people were wounded. However, the number of those who lost their lives after the end of the aggression due to sustained heavy injuries, or from unexploded cluster bombs, chemical poisoning that resulted from the destruction of refineries, transformer stations, chemical factories and, in particular, due to the delayed effects of the use of missiles with depleted uranium, most likely, will never be precisely determined. There is a certainty, though, of a large scale of victims of the cancerous diseases never heard of before the aggression, with no end of the suffering of the people at sight. The direct damage from the devastation of the industry, infrastructure, residential buildings and facilities of public importance, was estimated to exceed $ 100 billion.
This year, March 21st the Central Military Club of Serbia in Belgrade served as the venue for the Conference titled “NATO Aggression 19 Years On - Aggression Continues”. Among the guests were General Aleksandar Živković, State Secretary in the Ministry of Defense, Colonel Iriškić,  of the General Staff of the Serbian Army, Ambassadors of Belarus Valery Brilov and of Palestine Muhammad Nabhan, representative of the Embassy of the Russian Federation Colonel Koronyenko, as well as representatives of other embassies of friendly countries, and coleagues from Montenegro, the Republic of Srpska, Germany, Macedonia, and others.
The Conference speakers included Prof. Dr. Momir Bulatović, former President of the Federal Government of the FR of Yugoslavia, mr. Nikola Šainović, former President of the Government of Serbia and Deputy-President of the Federal Government of the FRY, General Milomir Miladinović, retired, President of the Club of Generals and Admirals of Serbia, Živadin Jovanović, President of the Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals, General Slobodan Petković, retired, Prof. Dr. Milovan Milutinović, President of the Organization of Senior Officers of the Army of Republic of Srpska, Simo Spasić, President of the Association of Families of the Abducted, Missing and Killed Persons in Kosovo and Metohija, and others.
The Conference was also attended by about 150 members and friends of the Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals and of the Club of Generals and Admirals of Serbia, including three former Chiefs of Staff of the Army General Branko Krga, General Dragoljub Ojdanić and General Miloje Miletić

 
Tribute to the victims - stop military exercises with NATO in 2019

The participants of the Conference unanimously endorsed two appeals.  The first addressed to the state authorities to declare moratorium on all military exercises of Serbia and NATO in 2019, as the year marks the 20th anniversary of the aggression, and thus pay tribute to the fallen defenders of the motherland and the civilian victims of this NATO aggression. The second is to invite all peace-dedicated organizations, movements and individuals to engage with a view to halting further rise of tensions and the deepening of mistrust in global relations, to stop the arms race and expansion of foreign military bases, to promote dialogue, partnership and equality as the only basis of normal relations between the countries, stability and development in the world, so to eliminate causes of the growing danger of a global conflict. 
“Political processes preceding the 1999 NATO aggression has not been finished as yet” - said the first speaker Momir Bulatovic, the war Prime minister. He said: “In order to justify criminal act of aggression and preserve Alliance’s credibility they invented our apparent crimes. They created exodus of Albanians falsifying justification for the bombardment. For those who are open to see the truth this has been proved even in Hague tribunal”- said Bulatovic. 
The professional presentation of General Slobodan Petković on the catastrophic consequences of the use of missiles filled with depleted uranium on human health and the environment has attracted great attention. He revealed that a massive use of the missiles with depleted uranium began in the final days of the aggression when it became clear that the agreement on termination of the aggression was impending. Hence, it may be inferred that the leading countries of NATO were in a hurry to get rid of such missiles containing nuclear waste, before the opportunity would disappear. 

 
Blow to the European security system

President of the Belgrade Forum, Živadin Jovanović, said that to talk about NATO aggression today means to talk about gross violation of the international laws, the UN Charter, the Final Act from Helsinki, and the Paris Charter. By circumventing the UN Security Council, NATO has created a precedent using it later on for a chain of other aggressions in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and other countries. Such a practice has led to the globalization of interventionism and destabilization of the entire planet. This was not the most severe blow to the European and the global security system, from which neither Europe nor the world managed to recover to this day. 
Speaking about this aggression inevitably reminds us on the alliance between NATO and the terrorist KLA which led to the ethnic cleansing of over 250.000 Serbs from the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija who still are waiting to return freely and safely to their homes and fields. Over 150 Serbian churches and medieval monasteries a number of which belong to the world heritage under UNESCO custody had been destroyed during and in the aftermath of the aggression.   The Aggression continues in so far occupied and stolen Kosovo and Metohija has proclaimed unilateral secessions in 2008 in spite of being under UN mandate, solely by support and recognition of that illegal act by the governments of the most of NATO and EU member countries. This is also precedent which has been invoked in a number of other cases and will be invoked even more frequently in the future.  
At the April 1999 Washington Summit marking 50th anniversary of its foundation NATO leaders abandoned the defensive and adopted offensive strategy of expansion to the East, in fact, to the Russian western borders. To date, NATO pursues the same strategy even if in a quite different global distribution of might. Presently, the root causes of the danger for peace are to be found in the denial of a new balance of power that is indicative of multi-polarity, and in the delusions that the privileges of the leading NATO members acquired over the past decades may be defended by military force, that is, by nuclear weapons – contends Jovanović. He went on to say the West is having great difficulties in adapting to the new realities of a multi-polar world. The only way to bring the world back to stability, peace and development is to abide with the principles of equality, partnership and mutual respect.

 
Kosovo - Sudetenland

He added that, 19 years since the aggression, the leading members of NATO seek to vindicate this crime against the peace and humanity. To that end, they are attempting to coerce Serbia to participate in drawing of the new international borders in the part of Europe, in creation of another puppet criminalized state stealing the part of the Serbia’s state territory. The imposed timetable and solution fitting someone else’s geopolitical goals, in the opinion of Jovanović, cannot result in a peaceful and sustainable solution, but will rather lead to further build-up of conflict potential in the Balkans. The position taken by Europe, most notably by Germany and the United Kingdom, as well as the USA, on how to resolve the matter of status of the Serbia’s Province of Kosovo and Metohija, will reveal whether Europe is on the course of stabilization and development, or is hopelessly stuck on the path to further deepening of instability, weakening of identity and missing development opportunity. This is reminiscent of the situation in 1938, when some European leaders met in Munich naively believing that sacrificing the Czechoslovakian Sudetes would bring peace and stability. In fact, they become entangled in war – warned Jovanović. He emphasized that only a balanced compromise based on the UN SC Resolution 1244, coupled while observance of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia, is capable of guaranteeing the sustainability of peace and the stability in the Balkans and in Europe.
Jovanović pointed out that, in the meantime, the NATO aggression has evolved from its military format into other forms, all having the same goals: stealing Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia, drawing new international borders, creating a new Albanian state on a part of the state territory of Serbia, and dividing the Serbian people to those south of this presumed new border making them to be yet another national minority, and to those north of the border remaining in the central Serbia. Attempts are underway to coerce Serbia, with pressures and threats, into collaboration in this geopolitical project by having her refrain to oppose the admission of this illegal construct in the membership of the United Nations. The form is - signing a “comprehensive legally binding document” particularly advocated by Germany.  The aggression continues also by telling Belgrade that “none has the right to veto the creation of the armed forces of Kosovo”, regardless of the territory of the Province of Kosovo and Metohija still being under the UN mandate. The two-year timeline for the ‘delivery’ recently set for Serbia by the EU European Commission, the USA has subsequently reduced to a year, thus demonstrating its dissatisfaction not only with the pace of ‘delivery’ but also with the inefficiency of the European Union.

 
Serbia has chosen - neutrality

The public position of senior NATO echelons is that none is forcing Serbia to accept membership, that Serbia alone is entitled to assess her priorities and interests, though NATO remains open. At lower levels and through the so-called non-governmental sector financed by the funds originating from the member states, however, the points made are that joining NATO is but a natural result of the Serbia’s European (EU) option, that Serbia is encircled by NATO members, that membership bestows huge advantages but does not imply participation in all NATO interventions since this is the matter of own discretion of each member, and so on. It is becoming ever more apparent that NATO is disturbed by anti-NATO public opinion in Serbia whose some 85% of the total population are against membership. This worrying reality prompts NATO to invest great efforts and huge financial resources into portraying NATO as promising, democratic, peace building alliance. Relying on the IPAP (Individual Partnership Action Plan), NATO expects that Serbian official and unofficial structures do contribute to a positive, friendly image of NATO in the public of Serbia. 
Jovanović recalled that there are other neutral countries in Europe which are surrounded by NATO and yet do not feel threatened nor forced to consider formal accession to it. He cited examples of Austria, Switzerland, and Sweden.  Where a country borders with several member states of NATO, this should not imply that, by virtue, NATO poses a threat to the same – said Jovanović. The countries which joined NATO in the period following 1999 aggression on Serbia (FRY) at a short notice,  have different historic experiences, they were no strangers to affiliation in military treaties, have not been neutral or non-aligned and, none of them has genuinely experienced the true meaning of the offensive character and strategy of NATO endorsed at the 1999 Summit in Washington. After all, pointed Jovanović, each country is entitled to own free choice. Serbia’s choice is military neutrality and let it stay so.. She should nurture this neutrality, affirm and strengthen it, by acknowledging the past experiences, tested alliances, and friendships. Serbia is an open, peaceful country and does not fit in a military alliance of an offensive character – concluded Jovanović.

The participants of the Conference titled “NATO Aggression, 18 years on – where do we stand today?”, held on 23 March 2017, in the House of the Army of Serbia, Belgrade, concluded the following:

- that NATO Aggression of 1999 against Serbia (the FRY) was executed in a gross violation of the UN Charter, the role of the United Nations Security Council, the fundamental principles of the international relations, and of the NATO Founding Act of 1949;
- that NATO Aggression of 1999 constitutes a crime against peace and humanity;

Consequently, the participants of the Conference determine decided to submit to the state institutions of the Republic of Serbia the following:

APPEAL

1.    To compile the list of all civilian victims of NATO Aggression of 1999. This is a moral debt whose observance should not be delayed. 
2.    To establish a state commission tasked with finding out the consequences of the use of weapons filled with depleted uranium and of the destruction of chemical facilities and power stations in terms of repercussions on human health and the environmental damage.
3.    To initiate, ex officio, the matter of reparation for the inflicted war damages, on the basis of the irrefutable fact that NATO committed an armed aggression of 1999 in violation of the UN Charter, of the fundamental principles of the international relations, and of the NATO Founding Act of 1949. This was publicly corroborated by representatives of NATO and by several leaders of NATO Member States who had served at the time of aggression.
4.    To legalize and repair the “Eternal Flame” Monument dedicated to the victims of NATO aggression of 1999, located in the “Ušće” Park in Novi Beograd, which had, during its 18 years of existence, garnered a general affirmation and public appreciation. This includes the carving of the names of all victims of NATO aggression onto the plates surrounding this Monument, and the instalment of the “eternal flame”.
5.    To declare 24 March as the Day of Remembrance of Serbian victims, on which would the national flag be lowered on half-mast on the buildings of all state institutions, establishments and publicly-owned enterprises.
6.    To conduct an expert analysis of the representation and the contents of the subject on NATO aggression of 1999 in curricula and textbooks for the primary and the secondary education, in order to remove any potential gaps, one-sided and/or politicised views, and to enable the young generation to form their judgment on the basis of verifiable facts.

On behalf of the participants, the Conference organizers:

Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals            Club of Serbian Generals and Admirals
Živadin Jovanović, President                                Milomir Miladinović, President          
             
 SUBNOR of Serbia                                          Association of Serbian Hosts
Dušan Čukić, President                                      Nićifor Aničić, President                       

An appeal is delivered to the following address:

Mr Tomislav Nikolić
President of the Republic of Serbia

His Holiness Mr Irinej 
Patriarch of Republic of Serbia

Mr Aleksandar Vučić
Prime Minister of the Republic of Serbia

Mrs Maja Gojković
President of the National Assembly of Serbia

Mr Ivica Dačić
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia

Mr Nebojša Stefanović
Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia

Mr Zoran Đorđević
Minister of Defence of the Republic of Serbia

Mr Aleksandar Vulin
Minister of Labour, Employment, Veteran and Social Policy

Mr Vladan Vukosavljević
Minister of Culture and Information

Mr Siniša Mali
Mayor of Belgrade

Mr Mladen Šarčević
Minister of  Education, Science and Technological Development

Prof. Vladimir Kostić Ph.D.
President of Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts

Prof. Branislav Đorđević Ph.D.
Director of Institute of International Politics and Economics

Учесници Конференције ,,Агресија НАТО 18. година после – где смо данас?'',  одржане 23. марта 2017. године у Дому војске Србије, Београд, констатовали су

- да је агресија НАТО 1999. против Србије (СРЈ) извршена грубим кршењем Повеље УН, улоге СБ УН, основних принципа међународних односа, као и Оснивачког акта НАТО од 1949.;
- да агресија НАТО 1999. представља злочин против мира и човечности;

Сагласно томе, учесници Конференције су закључили да државним институцијама  Републике Србије упуте следећи:

А П Е Л

1.    Да се у што краћем року утврди листа свих цивилних жртава агресије НАТО 1999. године. То је морални дуг чије извршење не треба одлагати. 
2..    Да се формира Државна комисија за утврђивање последица коришћења оружја са осиромашеним уранијумом, уништавања хемијских постројења и трафо станица, по здравље људи и природну околину.
3.    Да се званично покрене питање накнаде ратне штете полазећи од тога да је неоспорна чињеница да је оружана агресија НАТО извршена 1999. године кршењем Повеље УН, основних принципа међународног парава као и оснивачког акта НАТО-а од 1949. године. Ове чињенице јавно су потврдили и представници НАТО као и више лидера земаља чланица НАТО-а из времена агресије.
4..    Да се изврши легализација и поправка Споменика ,,Вечна ватра'' жртвама агресије НАТО 1999. године, у парку ,,Ушће'', на Новом Београду, који је током осамнаестогодишњег периода постојања доживео афирмацију и поштовање јавности. То укључује урезивање имена свих жртава агресије НАТО на плочама око споменика и активирање ''вечног пламена''.
5.    Да се 24. март прогласи Даном сећања на српске жртве и да се тог дана на свим државим институцијама, установама и јавним предузећема државна застава спусти на пола копља.
6.    Да се изврши стручна анализа заступљености и садржине теме о агресији НАТО 1999. године у наставним плановима и уџбеницима основног и средњег образовања како би се отклониле све, евентуалне празнине, једностраности, или политизација, а младим нараштајима омогућило формирање свести на поузданим чињеницама.

У име учесника Конференције , организатори:

Београдски форум за свет равноправних            Клуб генерала и адмирала Србије
Живадин Јовановић, председник                              Миломир Миладиновић, председник
СУБНОР Србије                                                               Друштво српских домаћина
Душан Чукић, председник                                            Нићифор Аничић, председник

18. ГОДИШЊИЦА РУШЕЊА ВАРВАРИНСКОГ МОСТА У АГРЕСИЈИ НАТО

Београдски форум за свет равноправних традиционално је учествовао у обележавању годишњице злочина НАТО пакта у коме је срушен мост на обали Велике Мораве у Варварину. Поред Спомен обележја жртвама НАТО агресије 1999. године, одржан је комеморативни скуп у знак сећања на осамнаест година од НАТО бомбардовања варваринског моста када је погинуло 10 цивила, 17 тешко рањено, а 70 лакше..
Комеморацији су присуствовали представници Војске Републике Србије, Општине Варварин, града Крушевац, као и представници више десетина удружења, установа, политичких странака, предузећа и стотине грађана ове општине.

Напад на варварински мост догодио се 30. маја 1999, на Свету Тројицу, у 13.05 сати, у време када је у малом градићу био свети дан. Око цркве, у близини Велике Мораве, и на мосту било је на стотине грађана. Два НАТО бомбардера, са неколико пројектила, срушила су челични мост. Многи грађани и верници одмах су потрчали како би помогли онима који су имали снаге да запомажу. Али, пет минута после првог уследио је други напад. Морава је тога дана била црвена од крви убијених грађана Варварина.

Присутнима су се обратили Председник општине Варварин Војкан Павић и Председник Скупштине општине Варварин Драгољуб Станојевић истичући да овај трагичан злочин  Варварин никада неће и не може заборавити. “Једна мала и мирна варош, без икаквих војних циљева постала је мета која је подмукло, у два наврата, погођена тог мајског дана 1999. године. Овим речима господин Станојевић указао је апсурд злочина у Варварину, граду у чијој близини није било нити једног војног возила.

Делегација Београдског форума за свет равноправних, коју су чинили Драгутин Брчин, директор, као и Сандра Давидовић, Славољуб Матић и Никола Чубрић, чланови Управног одбора Београдског форума, положили су цвеће на спомен обележје и одали почаст невино страдалима.

BONDSTEEL BASE TO BE CLOSED

CLOSE BONDSTEEL!

Rising tensions in the global relations and hot beds of old and new crisis call for unity and efforts of all peace forces for closing foreign military bases, particularly U.S. and NATO foreign military bases, around the globe. The peace forces are obligated to send clear message that U.S. and NATO foreign military bases represent the tools of hegemonism, aggression, occupation, and that as such must be closed.

    Peace and inclusive development, elimination of hunger and misery require redistribution of spending for maintence of military bases in favor of development needs, education and heath services. After the end of the Cold War the whole humanity expected stability, peace and justice in the world of equal states and nations. Such expectations, however, turned to be futile beliefs.

    In the last two decades, instead of closing U.S. and NATO military bases in Europe, the continent has been interneted by whole chain new U.S. military bases in Bulgaria, Rumania, Poland, Baltic states. As a consequence there are today more U.S. military bases in Europe than at the pick of the Cold War. Peace and security have become more fragile and quality of life jeopardized.

    This dangerous development was triggered in 1999 by NATO-US led aggression against Serbia (FR Yugoslavia). At the end of the aggression US established military base in the occupied part of the Serbian territory Kosovo and Metohija, called Bondsteel, which is one of the most expensive and the largest USA military bases, established after the Vietnam War. It was not only an illegal, but brutal act of disrespect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia and other basic principles of international law. Now, there is even plan to expand the base Bondsteel trabsforming it into a permanent location of American troops and a hub of U.S. military presence in South East Europe for geostrategic purposes and conmfrontations.

We demand that the Bondsteel military base be closed as well as all other U.S.  military bases in Europe and in the World. Preparations for furthering confrontation and new wars are sensless waste of money, energy and development opportunities.

    The Belgrade forum  as an integral part of the world peace movement, stands firmly by the initiative to close all  military bases in the world and redirect resources to rising development needs and people yearnings for better life.

THE BELGRADE FORUM FOR A WORLD OF EQUALS

Belgrade, January 12, 2018

Illegal Occupation Of Southern Serbia: Kosovo – Analysis

By Dr. Parasaran Rangarajan*

Serbia today is a member-State of United Nations (U.N.), after the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was split into several nations during the early 1990’s when war broke out between Serbian General Milosevic and neighboring nations. After partition, Serbia is still the most powerful “state” of the former Yugoslavia.

“Kosovo”, the term used for the territory of southern Serbia, is de-jure recognised as a “state” by over 110+ “states”, but is not a “state” itself, as per the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), and is not a “state” at the U.N. where 2/3rd positive vote is required by the U.N. General Assembly for “statehood”.

Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933) requires that a “state” must have the “capacity to enter into relations with other states” and be a “government”. The entity of the self-termed “government of Kosovo” has neither. The “Declaration of Independence” of “Kosovo” was upheld by an “advisory opinion” at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2010, but an ICJ “advisory opinion” is not legally binding upon any member-State.

ICJ “advisory opinion” on “Kosovo” expressly states that the Court has not made any determination on whether “Kosovo” is a “state”, within the definition of international law or at the U.N., as stated in paragraphs 49-56 of the ICJ advisory opinion.

Furthermore, a “Declaration of Independence” does not mean that the entity has legal rights to exercise control over the territory it claims or even the self-termed “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan”, or the Afghan Taliban’s “Declaration of Independence” would be valid for control of the nation today, since the U.N. General Assembly passed a resolution to assist the Afghan Taliban in 1992, for state-building, when they were controlling Afghanistan.

Since “Kosovo” is not a “state” at the U.N. as it does not have the required 2/3rd majority diplomatic recognition, it is in direct violation of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Conventions (1949), Article 8 (b) (viii) of the Rome Statute (2002), as well as Article 85 (4) of the Additional Protocol I (1977) since Serbia is a “state” and “Kosovo” is conducting:

“The transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the occupied territory within or outside this territory”

Therefore, the self-termed “government of Kosovo” is not a “government” for the purpose of being a “state” as per the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), but an “Occupying power” of Serbia. The entity of “Kosovo” does not have the “capacity to enter into relations with other states” as only “governments” do, in most cases.

Key word here proving that “Kosovo” does not meet the qualifications for a “state” as per the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), as mentioned in Article 1 is it mentions “other states”, implying that “Kosovo” must be a “state” itself to enter into relations with “other states”.

“Kosovo” is not allowed to sign any international treaties and conventions, due to the fact that an entity needs to be a “state”, so they have not even signed the Geneva Conventions (1949); one of the most basic conventions of international law, since it is based on many other conventions which preceded in relation to international humanitarian law (IHL) from the 1800’s.

Nevertheless, the entity of “Kosovo” was established by a U.N. Military Observers including the U.N. Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in 1991, U.N. Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES), etc, which were tasked with restoring peace, as well as law and order, without hindering “political independence” in the former Yugoslavia.

The principle of “political independence” was mentioned in one of the first U.N. Peacekeeping Resolutions in 1991 for the former Yugoslavia, as the U.N. Security Council Resolution which “dispatched small group of personnel (Croatia)” stated that:

“…the people of peoples of Yugoslavia to decide upon and to construct their future Yugoslavia, in liaison with the International Committee of the Red Cross”.”

The Geneva Conventions (1949) were in large, drafted by members of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which “Kosovo” is not a signatory to, as it cannot sign without “statehood”.

Since Serbia is a member-State of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and “Kosovo” is not a “state”, as per international law; Serbia may file a complaint against the “Occupying power” of “Kosovo” by a “Referral of a situation by a State Party” allowed via Article 14 of the Rome Statute (2002), referring to the “situation” of the war crime of illegal occupation of southern Serbia.

The war crime of illegal occupation is being aided and abetted, in violation of Article 25 of the Rome Statute (2002), by the military alliance of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) division for “Kosovo”, also committing the “crime of aggression” since it does not have any U.N. Authorisation to be in Serbia.

This division is called “NATO-KFOR”, which is composed of mostly of United States (U.S.) Armed Forces which are to be prosecuted in an International Criminal Tribunal for the United States of America for crimes against humanity, war crimes, violations of the Geneva Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948), violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention (1997), as well as other serious violations of international law in the near future, as it committed these violations on its own territory as well as territories of many other nations, and where Israel, Canada, including nations are complicit in these violations.

Despite the fact that the ICC has jurisdiction on crimes from 2002 onwards, the bombings by NATO in the 1990’s against civilian targets are not to be taken lightly and can be introduced as evidence, if it is relevant to NATO-KFOR’s war crimes in Serbia today.

Serbia also has the option of charging these individuals at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is not a criminal court to issue arrest warrants, but can issue an order for the illegal war criminals of the war criminal entity of the “government of Kosovo”, the Occupying power, to evacuate the war criminal entity of the “government of Kosovo” of what is considered Serbia for all legal purposes.

This is a comparatively easy case, since the area “Kosovo” is claiming, is still part of southern Serbia. In addition, “Kosovo” has self-admitted to committing “crimes against humanity” as part of an “ethnic cleansing” campaign of Serbians, so many of the belligerent “Kosovo Liberation Army” officials are to face trial in a European Union (E.U.) Tribunal for the same..

Self-admission of “ethnic cleansing” by “Kosovo” only leads us to the human rights violations being committed in southern Serbia today, such as the continuing of the “genocide” against Serbians since there are attacks including disappearances with “discriminatory intent” against Serbians by this war criminal entity; which Serbia can also prosecute at the ICC, as documented by human rights organisations such as Amnesty International.

“Discriminatory intent” is the main criteria distinguishing “crimes against humanity” from “genocide”, and this mens rea or mindstate is easier to prove when there is continuing occurrences of these crimes, especially if it is part of a “policy”.

The ICC is “complimentary” to other national courts, so cases can proceed against this entity at the European Courts and the ICC at the same time, for the same crimes, such as the “ethnic cleansing” against Serbians; a watered-down term for “genocide” against Serbians, for which a case can be made for, against “Kosovo”, at the ICC.

Kosovo is not depicted as a separate “state” on the U.N. World Map (Today), issued by the U.N. Secretariat, nor the U.N. Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO)’s yearly “World Heritage Maps”. Since Kosovo is not a “state” under international law, “Kosovo” is an Occupying power, committing the war crime of illegal occupation against a “state”; Serbia, as per international law.

Superpower alliance of BRICS (Brasil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and most of its allies do not recognise this war criminal entity.

Despite the fact it is the prerogative of states to recognise other states, it can be argued that the “other states” that have recognised this illegal war criminal entity, have done so under false pretext, thinking it was a “state” as per the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933).

Once there is “knowledge”, as stated in the Rome Statute (2002), of a war crime, those who continue to supply arms or defence equipment, etc, are “aiding and abetting” those war crimes so therefore; can be held for complicity for the same crime as per Article 25 of the Rome Statute (2002).

Those who recognise “Kosovo” as a separate entity can also be held accountable under Article 25 (3) (d) (i) (ii) since recognition can be considered as an act to:

1. Be made with the aim of furthering the criminal activity or criminal purpose of the group, where such activity or purpose involves the commission of a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court;
2. Be made in the knowledge of the intention of the group to commit the crime;

The presence of NATO-KFOR in “Kosovo”, which consists of mostly U.S. Armed Forces, with the knowledge war crimes are occurring, makes the contingent complicit if it goes to trial at the ICC.

“Kosovo” is a rouge regime committing the war crime of illegal occupation can be prosecuted at the ICC, and should be brought to the attention of the public as well as the concerned, so no further recognitions or aid can be given to the war criminals; “the government of Kosovo” and “NATO-KFOR”, in the absence of any legal authorisation from the U.N. or a bi-lateral treaty with the “state”, which is required to be in southern Serbia, as per international law.

These persons will not be able to travel to any other member-State of the ICC, which is most of Europe, South America, and Africa, or they will be arrested for extradition, for prosecution at the ICC.

The E.U. insisting on Serbia recognising Kosovo as a separate “state”, as a pre-condition for membership, will have to retract this pre-condition, as it is requesting Serbia to recognise war criminals.

If this “situation” is referred to the ICC, Serbia will be able to regain its land back, hold war criminals accountable for serious violations of international human rights law against Serbians, and join the E.U. on new terms.

In the period before the 1999 NATO attack on Yugoslavia, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) waged a campaign to secede and establish an independent Kosovo dominated by Albanians and purged of every other ethnic group. In October 1998, KLA spokesman Bardhyl Mahmuti spelled the KLA’s vision: “We will never change our position. The independence of Kosovo is the only solution…We cannot live together [with Serbs]. That is excluded.”

Once NATO’s war came to an end, the KLA set about driving out of Kosovo every non-Albanian and every pro-Yugoslav Albanian it could lay its hands on. The KLA left in its wake thousands of looted and burning homes, and the dead and dying.

Two months after the end of the war, I visited Hotel Belgrade, located on Mt. Avala, a short distance outside of Belgrade. Those who had been driven from their homes in Kosovo were housed in hotels throughout Yugoslavia, and in this one lived Serbian refugees.

The moment I entered the hotel, the sense of misery overwhelmed me. Children were crying, and the rooms were packed with people. The two delegation members who accompanied me and I were shown all three floors, and the anger among the refugees was so palpable I felt I could reach out in the air and touch it. Nearly everyone here had a loved one who had been killed by the Kosovo Liberation Army. All had lost their homes and everything they owned.

Initially, many of them refused to talk with us, and one refugee demanded of me in a mocking tone, “Can you get my home back?” It was not until a while later that we discovered that due to a misunderstanding, some of the refugees thought the NATO commander of the attack on Yugoslavia, Wesley Clark, had sent us there. We were quick to correct that misapprehension, and then people were more inclined to talk with us. There was still, however, some residual reluctance based on three prior experiences these refugees had with Western visitors, all of whom had treated them with arrogance and contempt. A reporter from the Washington Post was said to have been particularly abusive and insulting.

Several refugees were too upset to talk. The eyes of one woman and her son still haunt me. I could see everything in their eyes – all that they had suffered.

We climbed the stairs to the third floor and began our interviews there. A family of seven people were crowded into the first room we stopped at. We were told that five of them slept at night on the two beds, and the other two on the floor. Goran Djordjevich told us his family left Kosovo on June 13. “We had to leave because of the bandits. They threatened to kill us, so we had to leave. The moment NATO came we knew that we would have to leave.” After having talked with Roma and pro-Yugoslav Albanian refugees on earlier occasions, his family’s story was a familiar one to us by now, in that threats from KLA soldiers had prompted a hasty departure.

“We not only had a house, but also our farm and our property,” Djordjevich continued. “We just let the cattle free and we fled. I drove the tractor from our village to Belgrade for four nights and five days. When our army withdrew and NATO came in, we followed the army. You know, the Albanian bandits were there all the time in the surrounding forest and the moment NATO advanced, they just joined them and started terrorizing us. They were shooting at us but we were the lucky ones because we were with the army; so we were safer, but the ones who left later were in jeopardy. Very soon after we left our house they came to the village and burned the whole village, razing it to the ground. They were firing and burning everything.”

One young man who appeared to be about twenty years-old would not give his name, but spoke to us in halting English. “The American leader is very bad. He killed too many children. Too many bombs. Too many old men. He’s guilty for too much death. I was in Kosovo when the American Air Force bombed and killed our children. They wanted to kill our children; not just our soldiers. They wanted to kill our people. For them it was just a game”

The young man witnessed a startling development when he encountered NATO’s Kosovo Force (KFOR). “When our soldiers, our boys, started to withdraw from Kosovo, KFOR came in. The first soldiers were American soldiers and German soldiers. They took the weapons from the Serbian people, and in front of our eyes, gave them to the Albanian people to kill the Serbian people. We saw that.” I asked, “You saw KFOR turning arms over to the KLA?” The youth replied, “Yes. And giving them to KLA terrorists.”

At the end of the hall, a family of eight was packed into a single room, their mattresses arranged side-by-side from one end of the room to the other. An eighty year-old man reclined on a mattress, his cane nearby. His silence conveyed an aura of deep sorrow. Mitra Dragutinovich said they left Kosovo on June 11. “We knew that the moment the army left Kosovo, then the KLA would take over. The terrorists started threatening, killing, and shooting. Many people were wounded. Our cousin is a pediatrician, and an Albanian woman came to his office with a child and took a gun from her trousers and wounded him, He lost a kidney. Pointing to the eighty year-old man, she said, “The pediatrician who was wounded is his grandson.”

A woman approached, and with rising emotion addressed us in a sharp tone. “Why did the Americans and the Germans come? Why did they come? Did they come to protect us, or did they come to massacre us, to drive us from our homes, to violate our women, and to kill our children? I can’t believe that someone who had first bombed you for three months, every day and for 24 hours, that after that he will come to protect you. I wonder how [US President] Clinton can’t be sorry for the children at least. Are there children in your country? Does he know what it means to be a child? You know, we could retaliate. We could also organize terrorist actions and kill your children in the United States. But we are people with a soul. We would never, never, do that to any American child, because we are people with a soul.”

I asked what life had been like in her village during the bombing, and she answered, “It was awful. We were frightened. We were in our country. We were on our soil. But now, we are no longer on our soil, because we are occupied down there. Whoever they are, be they Americans, British, Germans, French, let them take care of their own problems at home and we shall deal with our problems here, in our country, because this is our country.”

We returned to the first floor, where we found a small crowd gathered in the lobby. Nikola Cheko was from Velika Hocha, near Orahovac.. He had a strikingly expressive manner of speaking that I found quite moving, injecting each word with intense and sincere feeling. “We were surrounded from the very beginning of the aggression on March 24. We were surrounded by the Albanians. No electricity. No water. No bread. None of the conditions necessary for life. No one is taking care of us. KFOR: Nothing! They couldn’t care less for poor Serbs. They think we are stupid farmers; we’ll survive somehow and no one needs us, so KFOR simply forgets us. It’s a shame. It’s a shame for KFOR, for the United States, for Great Britain, for France, for Germany, for NATO, and all the big powers of the world. We are all human beings. We have the right to live. The nationality, the race and the religion are not important at all. A human being should first be a human being. A true human being is the one who is ready to help the victim in need. I think that KFOR should open its eyes and see what’s going on down there and behave according to Resolution 1244 and the documents signed by our Yugoslav representatives and the UN representatives in Kumanovo. In Kosovo, it’s not only Velika Hocha that is in trouble. There are many, many villages where people are absolutely in great need and dying. It’s high time that we become human beings and behave like human beings in the first place.”

Emotions in the room were running quite high and it took considerable prodding and encouragement to get anyone else to talk. My entreaties were met with silent rejection and it was at this point that our translator discovered that everyone thought that NATO general Wesley Clark had sent us. Once our translator cleared up that matter, the people were still disinclined to speak.

A woman in her thirties shouted out, “I don’t want to talk because no one will help. Two of my brothers have been kidnapped.” It was an opening, and I explained that the American people were unaware of what was happening, and that is why we wanted these interviews. Her name was Biljana Lazich, from Sopin, and pretty soon she began to talk more freely. “You know, we are all dressed in black [for mourning]. When Kosovo was part of Serbia and when our army was there, the KLA took my brothers prisoner. They were farmers and they were kidnapped from their homes. We didn’t hear anything from them for a whole year. My mother did everything possible and impossible, through the tracing service of the Yugoslav Red Cross and International Red Cross. The International Red Cross informed us that my brothers were alive and that they would be exchanged. It was in July last year, ten days after they had been taken prisoner.”

But nothing happened. Months passed and one day Lazich’s mother visited William Walker, who had been installed at U.S. insistence as head of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission. The ostensible purpose of the OSCE mission was to reduce the level of conflict between the Yugoslav security forces and the KLA, but the signed agreement applied only to Yugoslavia. The KLA was not part of the agreement, and was free to run wild. Walker packed the mission with CIA agents, who were busy marking targets for the impending NATO attack and providing military training to the KLA. Shortly before departing Kosovo, they handed communications and satellite global positioning equipment to the KLA.

Walker was unresponsive to the pleas, Biljana Lazich told us, and “didn’t say anything.” He was just “beating around the bush,” and “nothing happened.”

Life during the bombing was “awful, awful,” she continued. “We were frightened, both of the bombs coming from the sky and of the KLA. Before the war and the bombing, we had good relations with our neighbors. But when the bombing started, we knew what was in store for us, because we knew the intent of the KLA. We were afraid of the KLA and we wouldn’t allow our kids to leave our houses. They were all locked inside. We didn’t allow the children to play outside at all. We were particularly afraid for the children. The situation was unbearable! We had to flee, to save the children at least.”

Lazich introduced her mother-in-law, Dobrila Lazich, who told us what the KLA had done to her brother’s 13-year-old son in September 1998. The boy “came to see his relatives. First, he came to see one aunt and uncle and then he went to visit the other aunt and uncle, and between the two houses he was kidnapped and killed.” The boy’s mother was reluctant to talk to us, but her relatives pushed her forward and she spoke in a barely audible voice. Her name was Stana Antich and she told us how she sought help from William Walker, but he would not do anything.

At this point, Biljana stepped forward and interjected, “The boy was only 13-years-old. How could he be guilty to anyone? He’s just 13. I have a brother-in-law who was beaten to death, in Dragobilje.” The OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission “knew they were taken prisoner and they communicated to us that they were alive and well, but finally we got their dead bodies.” A third man “was returned alive, but unconscious and very severely beaten.”

Despite some honest members, as a general rule nothing could have been expected from the leadership of an OSCE mission that was riddled with CIA agents. I asked the question that I already could guess the answer to. What did the OSCE Verification mission do in response to these murders? “Nothing,” Biljana responded. “Nothing. They were just sitting idle, waiting for them to beat them to death. They didn’t intervene. They didn’t come to help us. They just came to help the KLA.” Biljana spoke of how people disappeared or were killed outright. “The whole world knew that, but no one wanted to condemn the KLA for these crimes. They put all blame on the Serbian police, constantly accusing them of persecuting the Albanians.”

Dostena Filipovich appeared to be in her sixties and wore a scarf over her head. She told us how she had sent her three children out of Kosovo to ensure their safety. “My husband and I, as elderly people, stayed back to protect and defend the house. Since there were few Serbs who stayed behind in our village, some Albanians started molesting us, threatening and firing guns in front of our windows, so we decided to leave our village. We took only hand luggage and our cow and went to a neighboring village. We have only what we are wearing. We had a lot of poultry. We had a lot of cattle. We didn’t let them loose. We just locked them in the stable and the chicken coop, expecting to return. You remember I said that we decided to go to another Serbian village, but when we arrived there, the people were also fleeing. Since the roads were jammed, we couldn’t move fast and we wanted to go to Brecovica but the roads were so jammed we couldn’t move from Prizren. Even though KFOR was in Prizren, the KLA attacked us in Prizren, firing on our column.” I asked, “And KFOR did nothing?” The tone of Filopovich’s response indicated that she was still astonished to that day. “Nothing! Nothing! Just watching and laughing, watching and laughing.”

The column of refugees eventually made their way to another Serbian village to stay overnight, but at 3:00 AM they heard gunfire in the surrounding area and decided to leave. They arrived at another village, populated by both Serbs and Albanians. “When we arrived in that village, three KLA soldiers wearing different colors of caps came, together with KFOR.” Never

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La Nato in Italia diventa nervosa. Botta e risposta con Manlio Dinucci

Manlio Dinucci, su Il manifesto del 13 marzo https://ilmanifesto.it/litalia-nella-morsa-usanato/ , ha scritto un articolo che ha fatto imbizzarrire il Comando Nato in Italia (sede a Lagopatria vicino Napoli). Tant’è che la stessa Nato ha scritto alla direttrice de Il manifesto per contestare quanto scritto da Manlio Dinucci e chiedere addirittura di modificare l’articolo. Delle due l’una: o la Nato ha avviato insospettabilmente un soft power nelle relazioni pubbliche, oppure stanno diventando decisamente nervosi.

Qui di seguito la lettera inviata dalla Nato e la replica di Manlio Dinucci

Gentile Sig.ra Rangeri,

La prego di notare che l’articolo intitolato “L’ltalia nella morsa USA/NATO”, pubblicato il 13 marzo 2018, a firma di Manlio Dinucci, contiene delle informazioni imprecise e fuorvianti.

Capoverso 3:

È falso che: “L’esercitazione sia diretta dal Comando NATO di Lago Patria (JFC Naples), agli ordini dell’ammiraglio statunitense James Foggo”.

È vero che: II Comando Marittimo della NATO (MARCOM), con sede a Northwood, in Gran Bretagna, detenga il comando e controllo dell’esercitazione alla cui guida si trova l’Ammiraglio Clive Johnstone.

Capoverso 4:

È falso quanto segue: “A cosa serva la Dynamic Manta 2018 lo spiega lo stesso ammiraglio Foggo: è iniziata la “Quarta battaglia dell’Atlantico”, dopo quelle delle due guerre mondiali e della Guerra fredda”.

È vero che: Nel suo articolo dal titolo “La quarta battaglia dell’Atlantico”, pubblicato nel 2016, l’Ammiraglio Foggo fornisse indicazioni circa la visione NATO/U.S. Questa stessa visione, tuttavia, non può essere utilizzata per “spiegare” la Dynamic Manta del 2018. La rimando a quanto pubblicato da MARCOM a proposito della Dynamic Manta 2018 sui proprio sito web mc.nato.int.

Capoverso 6:

È falso dire che: L’ammiraglio Foggo, mentre col cappello di comandante NATO prepara in Italia le forze navali contro la Russia, col cappello di comandante delle forze navali USA in Europa invia dall’ltalia la Sesta Flotta alla Juniper Cobra 2018, esercitazione congiunta USA Israele diretta principalmente contro l’Iran.

È vero che: L’ammiraglio Foggo guida il JFC Naples nella “preparazione, pianificazione e conduzione di operazioni militari finalizzate a preservare la pace, la sicurezza e I’integrità territoriale degli stati membri dell’Alleanza …. “. Per maggiori dettagli, può consultare il sito web dell’ Allied Joint Force Command Naples, alla voce “mission statement”. Inoltre, nella versione inglese del’articolo è improprio usare la parola “captain”. È, invece, appropriato I’utilizzo della parola “Commander”. Sulle competenze nazionali dell’Ammiraglio potrà giovare la consultazione del sito web www.c6f.navy.mil/.

Volevo sottoporre alla sua attenzione anche un’altra imprecisione nell’articolo in questione relativo all’ultimo paragrafo dove l’autore dice che “Poiché Scaparrotti è anche Comandante Supremo alleato in Europa (carica che spetta sempre a un generale USA), il piano prevede una partecipazione Nato, soprattutto italiana, a sostegno di Israele in una guerra su larga scala in Medioriente”.

Il concetto vero è che: La Juniper Cobra è un’esercitazione bilaterale Israelo-Statunitense. Inoltre, qualunque intervento della NATO necessita dell’approvazione incondizionata del Consiglio Atlantico. Questo è un aspetto importante che l’autore tralascia completamente.

Pur apprezzando, complessivamente, l’articolo pubblicato, La prego di rettificare la sua versione online con le modifiche di cui sopra e spero vivamente che la nostra reciproca collaborazione duri nel tempo.
Cordiali saluti

Richard W. Haupt
Capitano della Marina statunitense, Capo Servizio Relazioni Pubbliche del comando Nato di JFC Naples con sede a Lago Patria, Napoli

La replica di Manlio Dinucci

Apprezziamo l’attenzione che la Nato rivolge al nostro giornale. Il manifesto e io personalmente prendiamo atto della rettifica – la sola doverosa, ma francamente un dettaglio – sul comando specifico della Dynamic Manta 2018.

Per il resto, rimane comunque centrale il ruolo del JFC-Naples di Lago Patria, uno dei due comandi permanenti della Forza congiunta Nato a livello operativo, agli ordini dell’ammiraglio statunitense James Foggo.

Egli comanda allo stesso tempo le Forze navali Usa per Europa-Africa/Sesta Flotta Usa, la cui area di responsabilità copre metà dell’Oceano Atlantico e i mari adiacenti compreso il Mediterraneo.

A un seminario in Norvegia il 26 febbraio, l’ammiraglio ha parlato di «Quarta battaglia dell’Atlantico» contro «sottomarini russi sempre più sofisticati che minacciano le linee di comunicazione marittima fra Stati uniti ed Europa».

Poiché esse passano anche attraverso il Mediterraneo, la Dynamic Manta 2018 rientra in questa «visione Nato/Usa». Visione falsa: quali prove ci sono che sottomarini russi siano in agguato, pronti ad affondare le navi sulle rotte fra Europa e Stati uniti?

È falso inoltre che il JFC-Naples abbia quale missione la «preparazione, pianificazione e conduzione di operazioni militari finalizzate a preservare la pace, la sicurezza e l’integrità territoriale degli stati membri dell’Alleanza». Basti ricordare le guerre con cui la Nato ha demolito due Stati, la Jugoslavia e la Libia, da cui non proveniva alcuna minaccia ai membri dell’Alleanza.

Riguardo alla presenza del generale Scaparrotti alla esercitazione Israele-Usa (a cui Foggo ha inviato l’ammiraglia della Sesta Flotta), sarebbe ingenuo ignorare che egli è non solo comandante del Comando Europeo degli Stati uniti, ma allo stesso tempo Comandante supremo alleato in Europa.

Una curiosità: in base a quale norma deve essere sempre «tradizionalmente un comandante Usa»?

Ancora grazie per l’attenzione al nostro lavoro.

Manlio Dinucci

La struttura organizzativa dei vertici UE è stata fin dall’inizio profondamente antidemocratica e legata a doppio filo con gli interessi dei circa trentamila lobbisti “di stanza” permanente a Bruxelles. Ad affiancare questi personaggi nella determinazione delle politiche militari comunitarie sono i vari gruppi di interesse facenti capo alle varie industrie che si occupano della produzione di armamenti. Questi piani sono balzati agli onori della cronaca durante la campagna per il referendum circa la possibilità di rimanere o meno all’interno dell’UE. Ovviamente da parte di coloro che premevano per il “remain” c'è stato un atteggiamento di assoluto silenzio circa la conferma o meno di queste voci.

Una volta passato l’uragano-referendum i vertici europei sono tornati a battere sui tamburi di guerra. Come detto dai portavoce della Campagna Contro il Commercio delle Armi (CAAT) “la macchina UE si è progressivamente adattata al ruolo di sostegno agli interessi del complesso industriale militare”. Pertanto nei tempi più recenti si è assistito alla sempre maggiore militarizzazione dell’Unione Europea.

Nel 2016 è stato varato il Piano Europeo di Azione Difensiva (EDAP), seguito da un Programma di Ricerca (EDRP) con l’intento lucrativo di spendere circa tre miliardi e mezzo di euro nel periodo 2021 – 2027. Dopo un investimento pilota di circa novanta milioni di euro provenienti dai Fondi Comuni Europei per il periodo 2017 – 2019 la Commissione sta proponendo una spesa di cinquecento milioni per il biennio 2019 – 2020.

Tale cifra potrebbe salire a un miliardo e mezzo di euro entro il 2021.

Questo si aggiunge alle precedenti decisioni di creare un singolo canale per le operazioni di addestramento alle missioni militari all’estero oltre a un fondo di cinque miliardi e mezzo di euro volto a garantire per i vari stati membri la possibilità di acquistare gli armamenti più all’avanguardia.

Le esportazioni di armi sono cresciute di pari passo con le sempre più concilianti politiche UE nei confronti di alcuni tra i peggiori tiranni del mondo.

Tuttavia i riflettori si sono puntati più intensamente su queste politiche quando è tornata a balenare nell’aria la proposta di creare un esercito comune tra i vari paesi membri. Ventitré dei ventotto stati componenti l’UE hanno sottoscritto a Bruxelles un documento il giorno 13 novembre 2017 (un martedì) prima di effettuare una dichiarazione ufficiale in seno ad un recente summit europeo. Sigmar Gabriel, Ministro degli Esteri UE, ha chiamato tutto questo “una pietra miliare negli sviluppi dell’UE futura”. Gran Bretagna, Danimarca, Irlanda, Malta e Portogallo hanno per ora rifiutato di sottoscrivere il documento lasciando però intendere una possibile modifica di tale comportamento in futuro.

Gli accordi sulla difesa conosciuti come Cooperazione Strutturata Permanente (PESCO) vedranno la partecipazione di stato che stanno sviluppando nuove tipologie di armamenti difensivi come carri armati e droni. Sembra anche che si intenda creare a livello europeo singoli canali per la logistica ed il supporto medico. Si tratta di politiche volte a svolgere una funzione ausiliaria nei confronti delle missioni militari a guida UE presenti e future. L’oscuro piano originario dei Federalisti Europei riguardo un’unica politica monetaria, agricola e migratoria oltre che un unico Parlamento controllato da istituzioni corporative ed un unico mercato protetto da una altrettanto unica politica militare e di difesa è divenuto realtà ed è positivo per le forze socialiste mondiali che almeno la Gran Bretagna abbia mangiato la foglia ed abbia optato per l’uscita dall’UE.

L’inizio del cataclisma è ufficiale: il Parlamento Europeo, nel mese di novembre, ha detto come le Politiche Comuni Europee sulla Sicurezza e sulla Difesa “dovrebbero portare alla creazione delle Forze Armate Europee”. Da allora si sta operando su più livelli per tradurre queste parole in realtà.

Il Servizio di Azione Esterna UE ha anche prodotto il suo Piano di Implementazione di Sicurezza e Difesa con l’intento di utilizzare le strutture difensive europee per le proprie strategie di politica estera. Una veloce occhiata a queste posizioni in politica estera appunto renderà immediatamente chiara la direzione sulla quale si intenda proseguire. L’imposizione di sanzioni nei confronti del Venezuela e l’aiuto dato all’opposizione antidemocratica all’interno del paese dovrebbero far capire come gli intenti siano tutt’altro che buoni.

Ma queste istanze sono tutto fuorché sconosciute.

È noto come ai tempi i vertici UE abbiano fatto finta di niente quando la Germania decise di riconoscere il governo ribelle croato dando inizio al conflitto interno alla Jugoslavia. In egual modo il sorgere della minaccia fascista in Ucrainae i consistenti spostamenti di popolazione conseguenti alle migrazioni provenienti dai paesi dell’Europa Orientale entrati nell’UE hanno ulteriormente favorito la Germania nel proseguimento della propria strategia. I vertici europei, senza farne mistero, vorrebbero caldamente l’ingresso della Turchia nell’Unione. Nemmeno le attuali politiche di Erdogan volte allo sterminio della minoranza curda sembrano costituire un impedimento al coronamento di questo disegno.

Una sorta di infatuazione per l’Unione Europea ha portato a sottovalutare le sue mire di stampo quasi coloniale. I vertici UE con l’appoggio del governo tedesco e dei circoli militari si sono impadroniti della Grecia e tengono tuttora in scacco i governi dell’Europa Meridionale che non possono o non vogliono sottostare senza batter ciglio alle politiche di austerità imposte da Bruxelles..

Ugualmente, la strenua difesa del mercato unico da parte di esponenti del nostro stesso “lato” politico può portare le future generazioni ad una strenua lotta intestina per accaparrarsi le briciole di un sistema produttivo controllato da pochi eletti che continuano a reggerne le redini al sicuro da qualsiasi rischio di capovolgimento dei rapporti di forza attuali.

Le stesse tensioni diplomatiche tra stati che al momento si affacciano sullo scenario internazionale possono portare in futuro a vere e proprie guerre.. Perché quindi i vertici UE intendono perseguire nel disegno di implementare una politica di difesa comune?

C'è da pensare che essi intendano arrivare a porsi come ulteriore polo di potere internazionale in rivalità con gli Stati Uniti, la Russia e la Cina. Gli stessi paesi che basano una parte consistente della propria economia sulle esportazioni possono trovarsi un domani nella condizione di obbedire forzatamente ai dettami europei dietro la minaccia di vedersi chiuso ogni accesso commerciale a questo immenso mercato per i loro prodotti. L’adesione di alcuni paesi africani ai dettami della corrente agenda economica UE ha portato a una situazione problematica dal punto di vista del poter far fronte alle esigenze alimentari interne.

Come forze socialiste mondiali è opportuno anche denunciare il furto delle risorse dei paesi africani ed asiatici da parte europea con lo scopo di soddisfare la sempre crescente domanda interna mentre andrebbero adottate politiche volte a garantire che questi stessi paesi possano impiegare le proprie ricchezze naturali al fine di sviluppare maggiormente le proprie economie.

Si può dire che l’UE piuttosto che adottare una nuova politica economica volta a garantire uno sviluppo futuro solido e sostenibile ai propri paesi membri sia perlopiù interessata a proseguire nell’attuazione di una serie di politiche di stampo neoliberista, le stesse messe in atto dai vari governi negli ultimi trent’anni. Tutto ciò non farà altro che avvantaggiare le multinazionali a scapito dei diritti dei lavoratori di tutto il mondo.

I difensori del progetto europeo sembrano dimenticare come le forze politiche dominanti all’interno del Parlamento di Bruxelles siano proprio quelle espressione dell’agenda economica neoliberista. Dei settecentocinquanta deputati componenti il Parlamento UE solo una cinquantina fanno riferimento a compagini politiche socialiste o comunque di sinistra.

Si tratta di una cifra molto minore di quella relativa non solo alle forze politiche di destra, ma anche a quelle del gruppo politico dominante nell’assemblea (facente capo al Partito Popolare Europeo) e al numero dei singoli deputati di provenienza tedesca. In un altro contesto, se fosse varata una proposta per l’abrogazione delle correnti politiche economiche e militari dell’Unione Europea, sarebbe opportuno supporre come solo un centinaio di deputati (in regime di voto libero) si esprimerebbero in favore del mantenimento di queste ultime. Volendo essere particolarmente generosi nelle stime, includendo cioè tra i voti contrari anche quelli degli appartenenti al gruppo Alleanza Progressista dei Democratici e dei Socialisti (PASD) di cui fa parte anche la quota di deputati del Partito Laburista di Gran Bretagna, si otterrebbe una cifra di circa centonovanta voti contrari a fronte di circa cinquecentosessantuno favorevoli all’abrogazione.

La natura eminentemente reazionaria dell’UE si evince dalla crescente presa di potere delle forze di destra in molti paesi membri, inclusi quelli dell’area scandinava. Con il proseguimento di scelte in politica economica che si sono finora rese responsabili della perdita per circa venti milioni di lavoratori dei loro rispettivi posti i vertici UE sono sicuramente una delle cause principali della crescente forza di queste compagini politiche.

Le forze politiche socialiste e i sindacati devono sostenere la posizione del “leave” al referendum che avrà luogo in via formale il giorno 29 marzo 2019, impegnandosi a ricordare che quando ci si appresta a trattare con il diavolo bisogna essere pronti a rifiutare qualunque proposta agli faccia, per quanto allettante possa essere.

Doug Nicholls è portavoce di Sindacalisti Contro l’Unione Europea, una rete di sindacalisti britannici che ha fatto campagna per l’uscita e che ora sostiene un programma progressista incentrato sul lavoro. L’articolo ci è arrivato in inglese ed è stato tradotto da Fabio Martoccia