Informazione
SITUACIJA, U KOJOJ SE NALAZE NACIONALNE MANJINE NA KOSOVU, NARAVNO DA
JE GENOCID
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/jugoslavija/2004-02-03.html
Moskva, 02. januara 2004. godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel – Geopolitiku
ALEKSANDAR MELJNIK
Delegacija ruskih parlamentaraca ovih dana je u Strazburu podnela
izvestaj o onom sto se desava na Kosovu. Posle bozzicnog putovanja u
taj region (a autobus sa delegacijom tada je kamenovan na Kosovu),
clanovi delegacije smatrali su da se cinjenice ne smeju zataskavati.
Jer, iza strassnih, ali suvoparnih brojki (u Srbiji je kidnapovano 1148
ljudi, od kojih je njih 169 ubijeno, a za sudbinu 869 se nista ne zna)
stoje sudbine i zivoti ljudi. Pre svega dece, koja zive iza bodljikave
zzice.
O tome govori predsednik Fonda Apostola Andreja Prvozvanog, Aleksandar
Meljnik.
- Ideja da na Bozzic odemo na Kosovo potekla je od predsednika Drustva
srpsko-ruskog prijateljstva, poznate srpske glumice Ivane Zzigon. Ona
je veoma mnogo vremena i snage posvetila tome, da Kosovo ne postane
zatvorena stranice srpske istorije. Da bi smo i mi, Rusi, znali i
pamtili ssta Kosovo znaci za Srbe. I tim pre shvatili, de je primer
Kosova upozorenje za Rusiju.
Sa ruske strane inicijator putovanja bio je Fond Andreja Prvozvanog.
I tako, otisli smo. I videli. Na tu temu receno je i napisano mnogo.
Sada je potrebno shvatiti i prihvatiti svu odgovornost za sve sto se
tamo zbiva. Makar i delimicno, makar moralnu odgovornost. Zato smo vec
iduce nedelje u Parizu zakazali susret sa zamenikom generalnog
direktora UNESCO i predstavnikom Ruske Federacije pri UNESCO,
gospodinom Kalamanovom, na kojoj cemo govoriti o tome sta se desava na
Kosovu, izmedju ostalog, sa kulturno-istorijskim spomenicima. Posto se
UNESCO bavi samo spomenicima, mi cemo i govoriti o njima.
Zatim cemo otici u Strazburg, gde se 28.29. i 30. januara odrzava
redovna sednica Parlamentarne skupstine Saveta Evrope, gde cemo
govoriti o situaciji na Kosovu sa delegatima evrospkog parlamenta, sa
sefovima delegacija koji se na ovaj ili onaj nacin bave balkanskom
problematikom, pre svega izbeglicama, geopolitickim pitanjima,
problemima promene granica.
Na sednici PSSE ce se, pored ostalih, razmatrati problemi borbe protiv
medjunarodnog terorizma. Planirano je da u okviru tih zasedanja nasi
parlamentarci pokrenu pitanje o situaciji sa pravima nacionalnih
manjina i zastiti kulturno-istorijske basstine na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Naravno, niko ne misli da se situacija moze trenutacno promeniti, ali
se moraju ciniti posetepeni, etapni, ali stalni koraci. Kazu, “put ce
osvojiti onaj ko njime krene”, i zato treba ici stalno, postepeno,
malo-po malo.
Naravno, mi nameravamo da navedemo i konkretne primere – statistike tu
ima dosta, ali u sustini niko nije jos saccinio potpunu statistiku o
svemu sto se tamo zbiva. Brojke, u krajnjem slucaju, odrazavaju
tendenciju. Naravno, mi cemo govoriti, na primer, o decaku koji vec
cetiri godine ne sme da krocci na ulicu. Sobom nosimo fotografije,
dokumenta, svedocanstva i nase utiske. A najznacajnije je ono sto smo
svojim ocima videli, i stoga imamo pravo da govorimo.
Moguce je navoditi razlicite brojke, moze se polemisati o njima, reci
da nije poruseno 112, vec 109 hramova. Smisao je u necem drugom. Cak i
jedan jedini hram, jedan jedini ljudksi zivot vrede da se za njega
bori. I situacija u kojoj se sada nalaze nacionalne manjine na Kosovu
je, naravno, genocid. E, o tome ce govoriti clanovi delegacije Ruske
Federacije na Parlaementarnoj skupstini Saveta Evrope. U delegaciji se
nalaze deputati Drzavne dume i clanovi Saveta Federacije. U delegaciji
se nalaze glavni ucesnici i inicijatori razamtranja problema Kosova i
Metohije, Mihail Margelov, predsednik Komiteta Saveta Federacije za
medjunarodne odnose, i Jurij Ssarandin, predsednik komiteta Saveta
Federacije za ustavno zakonodavstvo.
Sada treba govoriti o tragediji u celini. Uporedo s time, statistika se
izrazava u brojkama, a one su bezlicne. Ukoliko uspemo da uz pomoc
konkretnih primera i cinjenica pokazemo tragediju obicnog coveka, koji
zivi na Kosovu i Metohiji - nije vazno je li on Srbin ili ne – to ce
pomoci evropskim parlamentarcima da makar “subjektivno” ocene procese
koji se odvijaju u pokrajini.
Stigli smo na Kosovo jednog zimskog suncanog dana. Sve je teklo
normalno. Ispred nas su se kretala oklopna vozila sa natpisom OUN.
Ukupan utisak je veoma jednostavan i obican. To je osecanje da postoji
usmereni kao odredjenom cilju, jasan i precizan program naseljavanja
tih teritorija od strane predstavnika jedne nacije, jedne religije,
koja je danas pobedila. Naseljavanje sa iskorenjivanjem svega sto je
bilo pre toga, uz unistavanje kulturnog, istorijskog i civilizacijskog
sloja, koji je pre toga postojao. Unistavanje u bukvalnom smislu reci –
buldozerima.
U metafizickom smislu - to znaci teznju da se zaboravi, unisti,
issccupa, zatre prisustvo same te civilizacije koja se zove srpska
pravoslavna civilizacija. O tome se moze govoriti na svakom koraku – o
bodljikavoj zzici, o 70 dece koje su naoruzani teroristi napali dok su
se kupala (dvoje od njih je ubijeno, a nekoliko njih tesko ranjeno), i
o onoj deci koja i danas tamo zive, ne znajuci za nekakav drugaciji
svet.
Svet iza bodljikave zice za njih ne postoji, oni ga ne poznaju, posto
nemaju nikakve mogucnosti da komuniciraju sa njim. Cak nema ni
televizijske komunikacije, jer u nekim selima ne postoje uslovi za to.
Nemaju grejanje! Zive u hladnoci, ali se ne boje zime.
Bozzicna noc – sluzba na ulici – nama hladno, iako smo umotani u toplu
odecu. Hladno nama, Rusima, koji smo stigli iz mraza, a oni, deca, na
minus 15 stoje raskopcana, jer su vec stasala u ljude, koji zive u
prirodi. Pri tom ne zaboravljaju na svoju kulturu, neguju svoju veru. U
Velikoj Hocci ima 11 hramova iz XI, XII, XIII I XIV veka, od kojih je
svaki spomenik svakog naroda.
Imaju li ta deca buducnost? Naravno da imaju. Srbi se umnozavaju i
obozavaju, kako je to i zapovedano. Oni imaju dosta dece, deca su
bodrog raspolozenja. Jednostavno, ona ce izrasti i izaci iz bodljikave
zice, ili ce biti unistena. Tada ce vec nositi venac muccenika, a za
hrisscanina i to je takodje buducnost.
Nalazeci se tamo, ona cuvaju svoje svetinje, ona imaju veoma svetlu
buducnost, a personalno je za svakog moguc zaista mucenicki kraj, posto
oni koji su tamo ostali otuda nece otici. Ostace tamo do smrti.
A sto se osecanja tice – novinari su vise zapamtili kamenje kojim su
zasuta stakla autobusa. I to se, naravno, pamti. Jer kada ti oko glave
lete kamenice, shvatass da tu nema ssale.
Za mene je bila veoma vazna i cinjenica, kako niccu vile – trospratne,
cetvorospratne kuce, u koje se useljavaju albanske porodice. I ukupno
osecanje mrznje koja vlada u gomili koja se krece ulcom, stoji na
trotoarima ili sedi u restoranima.
Zive oni razlicitim zivotom: Srbi uz svakodnevnu strepnju,
uz rizike po zivot. Albanci vode normalan, svakdonevni zivot. Joss tu i
tamo postoji neko nerasscisceno mesto, tragovi srusenog, ali ce i to
vremenom biti uklonjeno.
Osecanje mrznje – ono je realno, a ne subjektivno. Ono je prisutno i
kod Poljaka koji su se brinuli o nasoj bezbednosti za veme putovanja
Kosovom, i kod Italijana, koji su izgubili prilican broj ljudi.
Italijanski kontrolni punkt, koji stiti Pecku Patrijarsiju, napadan je
iz vatrenog oruzja, prozorska stakla su unistena rafalima. Sam punkt je
izresetan mecima.
Albanci i ne kriju svoj odnos prema onom sto se desava. Oni kazu: nama
ne trebaju ni KFOR, ni OUN, ni medjunarodne snage. Oni su obavili svoj
posao – oterali su odavde Srbe, zaustavili srpsku armiju.
Naravno, bez pratnje oklopnih vozila nas na put ne bi pustili. U
sastavu delegacije nalazile su se znacajne licnosti – svestena lica
Ruske pravoslavne crkve, senatori, velika grupa poznatih u Rusiji i na
Ukrajini novinara. Moze se ici peske a da ne naidjete ni jedan od tih
bezobrazluka, zato sto vas Gospod cuva. Jedan srpski svestenik putuje
bez bilo kakve pratnje. Patrijarh pak putuje u automobilu sa
zatamnjenim staklima – automobila je mnogo i niko ih posebno ne
kontrolise. Medjutim, snage OUN i KFOR nisu smeli da nas posalju bez
pratnje.
Pratilo nas je sedam oklopnih vozila, ali se njihov broj na pojedinim
deonicama povecavao do 15 – 17, jer su se ona nalazila oko hramova u
koje smo dolazili. Na krovove su postavljani snajperisti. Za svaki
slucaj, ljudi su se nalazili u prstenu okruzenja ljudi sa automatima,
da neko ne prodje.
Kao sto je poznato, reakcija zapadnog sveta na sve sto je skopcano sa
Srbijom je prilicno ostra i kategoricna: Srbi su banditi. Kakvu mi
reakciju mozemo ocekivati od naseg nastupa? Skoro da o tome nisam
razmisljao, ali mi je jasno samo jedno: glavni zadatak koji je sada
neophodno resiti jeste zadatak postepenog formiranja u drustvenoj
svesti Zapada osecanja da Srbi nisu neprijatelji. Oni nisu nacija koja
je programirana za zlocinacke radnje, nisu nacija koja je programirana
na unistavanje svih oko sebe. I da se neprijatelj, ako on postoji za
Evropu, nalazi zapravo sa one strane granice, gde se organizuje
kriminalni biznis Evrope.
Poznato mi je da postoji problem i sa crnogorskom, i sa srpskom
dijasporom u Evropi, da ima podataka o tome da i Srbi ucestvuju u
formiranju sivog biznisa, ali je to nesto sasvim drugo. Veliki deo
problema Evrope, narocito u Juznoj Evropi – u Italiji, Spaniji i
Francuskoj – skopcan je sa predstavnicima albanske dijaspore. I to je
ozbiljan i slozen problem.
Rat za Kosovo nije samo religiozni, i nije samo gradjanski rat – to je
rat za izlazak na more, za narokotrafik. S druge strane, prilicno dugo
su i katolici, i muslimani, i pravoslavci mirno egzistirali u tom
regionu. Zasto to danas prakticno nije moguce?
Kao prvo, proliveno je dosta krvi i niko se i ne seca zasto je pocelo
to krvoprilice. Mi govorimo o tome da se od vremena Kaina i Avelja
stalno dogadjaju bratoubistva, ali niko ne shvata – zasto. Da, sve nam
je objasnjeno, sve je jasno: zavist, pare, vlast, borba. S druge
strane, ljudi koji zive u susednim selima nikada od toga nisu dobijali
ni pare, ni vlast, ni dodatne prihode. Oni su dobijali samo
neprijatnosi, negodovanja jedni protiv drugih, krv i otpor.
Ne smatram da situaciju treba gledati samo sa ekonomskog aspekta.
Verujem da Srbi stradaju jos i zato sto su pravoslavni. Zato sto u
svetu izaziva vecu razdrazljivost to sto se covek moze drzati svojih
tradicija. I to uporno, dugo, otvoreno. Vrsena je i islamizacija tog
regiona, vrsena je i hrisscanizacija po-vatikanski, ali su ipak Srbi
sacuvali sebe, a to veoma mnoge i veoma snazno iritira.
A iritira ih, ocigledno, njihovo stalno obracanje Moskvi, njihovo
stalno nagalsavanje da su “Rusi sa nama” i “zivela Rusija”, ne ljuteci
se pri tom na nas zbog toga sto smo ih mi odavno zaboravili. Oni i
dalje smatraju da ce pre ili kasnije Rusi biti zajedno sa njima, makar
i moralno.
Veoma je slozeno klupko problema, koje ni do danas nije razmotano. Zato
sto uz opstu tendenciju u pravcu globalizacije pojedine teritorije
nestaju, i dalje se cepkaju – Balkan i Rusija. Zato nam se i namece
pitanje: zasto se to desava. Zasto se citav svet ujedinjuje, a mi se i
dalje cepkamo na komadice?
Da li je realno da se Srbi vrate na Kosovo? Kako se obicno kaze, sve je
Bozija volja. Ali su Srbi nepodeljeno raspolozeni i to raspolozenje je
jednostavno i shvatljivo – tamo cemo mi ipak biti, to je nas zavicaj,
to je nase Kosovo Polje, nasa Patrijarsija Pecka, tamo su svi nasi
patrijarsi ponikli, otuda je krenulo srpsko Pravoslavlje, tamo je Sava
Srpski, car Lazar, sve je tamo i sve je otuda.
Mozemo mi preseliti Srbe i negde na Amur, u neku nepoznatu zabit, ali
ce oni ipak pamtiti i znati svoju otadzbinu isto kao sto judeji pamte i
znaju gde je njihova “zemlja obecana” i tezze ka njoj. I ako je svet
zaista human i ako se prema raspolozenju nacije u celini i njenom
istorijskom razvoju odnosi nepodeljeno, onda ce isto onako, kao sto je
uspostavljanje izraelske drzave bilo pozdravljeno od strane sveta, biti
podrzano i to da Srbi obnove svoj izvorni sistem. Oni su danas rasejani
i po Rusiji, nalaze se i u Beogradu, i u Vasingtonu, i po citavoj
Evropi, ali svaki od njih pamti gde su njegovi koreni, njegova zavicaj.
Mozda bi smo i mi mogli da ucimo od njih.
A za sada oni zive kao pravi hriscani – u ilegali, u katakombama, iza
bodljikave zice, osecajuci stalnu opasnost od toga da ce sutra doci
glavoseca koji ce narediti da se poseku sva deca.
Ovo putovanje dalo je povoda za ozbiljna razmisljanja. Unutrasnje
osecanje nam govori, da se ne radi samo i toliko o Kosovu, i ne samo o
Srbima, vec se radi i o nasoj zemlji, o nasem prisustvu u svetu.
JE GENOCID
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/jugoslavija/2004-02-03.html
Moskva, 02. januara 2004. godine
RIA “Novosti”
Specijalno za Artel – Geopolitiku
ALEKSANDAR MELJNIK
Delegacija ruskih parlamentaraca ovih dana je u Strazburu podnela
izvestaj o onom sto se desava na Kosovu. Posle bozzicnog putovanja u
taj region (a autobus sa delegacijom tada je kamenovan na Kosovu),
clanovi delegacije smatrali su da se cinjenice ne smeju zataskavati.
Jer, iza strassnih, ali suvoparnih brojki (u Srbiji je kidnapovano 1148
ljudi, od kojih je njih 169 ubijeno, a za sudbinu 869 se nista ne zna)
stoje sudbine i zivoti ljudi. Pre svega dece, koja zive iza bodljikave
zzice.
O tome govori predsednik Fonda Apostola Andreja Prvozvanog, Aleksandar
Meljnik.
- Ideja da na Bozzic odemo na Kosovo potekla je od predsednika Drustva
srpsko-ruskog prijateljstva, poznate srpske glumice Ivane Zzigon. Ona
je veoma mnogo vremena i snage posvetila tome, da Kosovo ne postane
zatvorena stranice srpske istorije. Da bi smo i mi, Rusi, znali i
pamtili ssta Kosovo znaci za Srbe. I tim pre shvatili, de je primer
Kosova upozorenje za Rusiju.
Sa ruske strane inicijator putovanja bio je Fond Andreja Prvozvanog.
I tako, otisli smo. I videli. Na tu temu receno je i napisano mnogo.
Sada je potrebno shvatiti i prihvatiti svu odgovornost za sve sto se
tamo zbiva. Makar i delimicno, makar moralnu odgovornost. Zato smo vec
iduce nedelje u Parizu zakazali susret sa zamenikom generalnog
direktora UNESCO i predstavnikom Ruske Federacije pri UNESCO,
gospodinom Kalamanovom, na kojoj cemo govoriti o tome sta se desava na
Kosovu, izmedju ostalog, sa kulturno-istorijskim spomenicima. Posto se
UNESCO bavi samo spomenicima, mi cemo i govoriti o njima.
Zatim cemo otici u Strazburg, gde se 28.29. i 30. januara odrzava
redovna sednica Parlamentarne skupstine Saveta Evrope, gde cemo
govoriti o situaciji na Kosovu sa delegatima evrospkog parlamenta, sa
sefovima delegacija koji se na ovaj ili onaj nacin bave balkanskom
problematikom, pre svega izbeglicama, geopolitickim pitanjima,
problemima promene granica.
Na sednici PSSE ce se, pored ostalih, razmatrati problemi borbe protiv
medjunarodnog terorizma. Planirano je da u okviru tih zasedanja nasi
parlamentarci pokrenu pitanje o situaciji sa pravima nacionalnih
manjina i zastiti kulturno-istorijske basstine na Kosovu i Metohiji.
Naravno, niko ne misli da se situacija moze trenutacno promeniti, ali
se moraju ciniti posetepeni, etapni, ali stalni koraci. Kazu, “put ce
osvojiti onaj ko njime krene”, i zato treba ici stalno, postepeno,
malo-po malo.
Naravno, mi nameravamo da navedemo i konkretne primere – statistike tu
ima dosta, ali u sustini niko nije jos saccinio potpunu statistiku o
svemu sto se tamo zbiva. Brojke, u krajnjem slucaju, odrazavaju
tendenciju. Naravno, mi cemo govoriti, na primer, o decaku koji vec
cetiri godine ne sme da krocci na ulicu. Sobom nosimo fotografije,
dokumenta, svedocanstva i nase utiske. A najznacajnije je ono sto smo
svojim ocima videli, i stoga imamo pravo da govorimo.
Moguce je navoditi razlicite brojke, moze se polemisati o njima, reci
da nije poruseno 112, vec 109 hramova. Smisao je u necem drugom. Cak i
jedan jedini hram, jedan jedini ljudksi zivot vrede da se za njega
bori. I situacija u kojoj se sada nalaze nacionalne manjine na Kosovu
je, naravno, genocid. E, o tome ce govoriti clanovi delegacije Ruske
Federacije na Parlaementarnoj skupstini Saveta Evrope. U delegaciji se
nalaze deputati Drzavne dume i clanovi Saveta Federacije. U delegaciji
se nalaze glavni ucesnici i inicijatori razamtranja problema Kosova i
Metohije, Mihail Margelov, predsednik Komiteta Saveta Federacije za
medjunarodne odnose, i Jurij Ssarandin, predsednik komiteta Saveta
Federacije za ustavno zakonodavstvo.
Sada treba govoriti o tragediji u celini. Uporedo s time, statistika se
izrazava u brojkama, a one su bezlicne. Ukoliko uspemo da uz pomoc
konkretnih primera i cinjenica pokazemo tragediju obicnog coveka, koji
zivi na Kosovu i Metohiji - nije vazno je li on Srbin ili ne – to ce
pomoci evropskim parlamentarcima da makar “subjektivno” ocene procese
koji se odvijaju u pokrajini.
Stigli smo na Kosovo jednog zimskog suncanog dana. Sve je teklo
normalno. Ispred nas su se kretala oklopna vozila sa natpisom OUN.
Ukupan utisak je veoma jednostavan i obican. To je osecanje da postoji
usmereni kao odredjenom cilju, jasan i precizan program naseljavanja
tih teritorija od strane predstavnika jedne nacije, jedne religije,
koja je danas pobedila. Naseljavanje sa iskorenjivanjem svega sto je
bilo pre toga, uz unistavanje kulturnog, istorijskog i civilizacijskog
sloja, koji je pre toga postojao. Unistavanje u bukvalnom smislu reci –
buldozerima.
U metafizickom smislu - to znaci teznju da se zaboravi, unisti,
issccupa, zatre prisustvo same te civilizacije koja se zove srpska
pravoslavna civilizacija. O tome se moze govoriti na svakom koraku – o
bodljikavoj zzici, o 70 dece koje su naoruzani teroristi napali dok su
se kupala (dvoje od njih je ubijeno, a nekoliko njih tesko ranjeno), i
o onoj deci koja i danas tamo zive, ne znajuci za nekakav drugaciji
svet.
Svet iza bodljikave zice za njih ne postoji, oni ga ne poznaju, posto
nemaju nikakve mogucnosti da komuniciraju sa njim. Cak nema ni
televizijske komunikacije, jer u nekim selima ne postoje uslovi za to.
Nemaju grejanje! Zive u hladnoci, ali se ne boje zime.
Bozzicna noc – sluzba na ulici – nama hladno, iako smo umotani u toplu
odecu. Hladno nama, Rusima, koji smo stigli iz mraza, a oni, deca, na
minus 15 stoje raskopcana, jer su vec stasala u ljude, koji zive u
prirodi. Pri tom ne zaboravljaju na svoju kulturu, neguju svoju veru. U
Velikoj Hocci ima 11 hramova iz XI, XII, XIII I XIV veka, od kojih je
svaki spomenik svakog naroda.
Imaju li ta deca buducnost? Naravno da imaju. Srbi se umnozavaju i
obozavaju, kako je to i zapovedano. Oni imaju dosta dece, deca su
bodrog raspolozenja. Jednostavno, ona ce izrasti i izaci iz bodljikave
zice, ili ce biti unistena. Tada ce vec nositi venac muccenika, a za
hrisscanina i to je takodje buducnost.
Nalazeci se tamo, ona cuvaju svoje svetinje, ona imaju veoma svetlu
buducnost, a personalno je za svakog moguc zaista mucenicki kraj, posto
oni koji su tamo ostali otuda nece otici. Ostace tamo do smrti.
A sto se osecanja tice – novinari su vise zapamtili kamenje kojim su
zasuta stakla autobusa. I to se, naravno, pamti. Jer kada ti oko glave
lete kamenice, shvatass da tu nema ssale.
Za mene je bila veoma vazna i cinjenica, kako niccu vile – trospratne,
cetvorospratne kuce, u koje se useljavaju albanske porodice. I ukupno
osecanje mrznje koja vlada u gomili koja se krece ulcom, stoji na
trotoarima ili sedi u restoranima.
Zive oni razlicitim zivotom: Srbi uz svakodnevnu strepnju,
uz rizike po zivot. Albanci vode normalan, svakdonevni zivot. Joss tu i
tamo postoji neko nerasscisceno mesto, tragovi srusenog, ali ce i to
vremenom biti uklonjeno.
Osecanje mrznje – ono je realno, a ne subjektivno. Ono je prisutno i
kod Poljaka koji su se brinuli o nasoj bezbednosti za veme putovanja
Kosovom, i kod Italijana, koji su izgubili prilican broj ljudi.
Italijanski kontrolni punkt, koji stiti Pecku Patrijarsiju, napadan je
iz vatrenog oruzja, prozorska stakla su unistena rafalima. Sam punkt je
izresetan mecima.
Albanci i ne kriju svoj odnos prema onom sto se desava. Oni kazu: nama
ne trebaju ni KFOR, ni OUN, ni medjunarodne snage. Oni su obavili svoj
posao – oterali su odavde Srbe, zaustavili srpsku armiju.
Naravno, bez pratnje oklopnih vozila nas na put ne bi pustili. U
sastavu delegacije nalazile su se znacajne licnosti – svestena lica
Ruske pravoslavne crkve, senatori, velika grupa poznatih u Rusiji i na
Ukrajini novinara. Moze se ici peske a da ne naidjete ni jedan od tih
bezobrazluka, zato sto vas Gospod cuva. Jedan srpski svestenik putuje
bez bilo kakve pratnje. Patrijarh pak putuje u automobilu sa
zatamnjenim staklima – automobila je mnogo i niko ih posebno ne
kontrolise. Medjutim, snage OUN i KFOR nisu smeli da nas posalju bez
pratnje.
Pratilo nas je sedam oklopnih vozila, ali se njihov broj na pojedinim
deonicama povecavao do 15 – 17, jer su se ona nalazila oko hramova u
koje smo dolazili. Na krovove su postavljani snajperisti. Za svaki
slucaj, ljudi su se nalazili u prstenu okruzenja ljudi sa automatima,
da neko ne prodje.
Kao sto je poznato, reakcija zapadnog sveta na sve sto je skopcano sa
Srbijom je prilicno ostra i kategoricna: Srbi su banditi. Kakvu mi
reakciju mozemo ocekivati od naseg nastupa? Skoro da o tome nisam
razmisljao, ali mi je jasno samo jedno: glavni zadatak koji je sada
neophodno resiti jeste zadatak postepenog formiranja u drustvenoj
svesti Zapada osecanja da Srbi nisu neprijatelji. Oni nisu nacija koja
je programirana za zlocinacke radnje, nisu nacija koja je programirana
na unistavanje svih oko sebe. I da se neprijatelj, ako on postoji za
Evropu, nalazi zapravo sa one strane granice, gde se organizuje
kriminalni biznis Evrope.
Poznato mi je da postoji problem i sa crnogorskom, i sa srpskom
dijasporom u Evropi, da ima podataka o tome da i Srbi ucestvuju u
formiranju sivog biznisa, ali je to nesto sasvim drugo. Veliki deo
problema Evrope, narocito u Juznoj Evropi – u Italiji, Spaniji i
Francuskoj – skopcan je sa predstavnicima albanske dijaspore. I to je
ozbiljan i slozen problem.
Rat za Kosovo nije samo religiozni, i nije samo gradjanski rat – to je
rat za izlazak na more, za narokotrafik. S druge strane, prilicno dugo
su i katolici, i muslimani, i pravoslavci mirno egzistirali u tom
regionu. Zasto to danas prakticno nije moguce?
Kao prvo, proliveno je dosta krvi i niko se i ne seca zasto je pocelo
to krvoprilice. Mi govorimo o tome da se od vremena Kaina i Avelja
stalno dogadjaju bratoubistva, ali niko ne shvata – zasto. Da, sve nam
je objasnjeno, sve je jasno: zavist, pare, vlast, borba. S druge
strane, ljudi koji zive u susednim selima nikada od toga nisu dobijali
ni pare, ni vlast, ni dodatne prihode. Oni su dobijali samo
neprijatnosi, negodovanja jedni protiv drugih, krv i otpor.
Ne smatram da situaciju treba gledati samo sa ekonomskog aspekta.
Verujem da Srbi stradaju jos i zato sto su pravoslavni. Zato sto u
svetu izaziva vecu razdrazljivost to sto se covek moze drzati svojih
tradicija. I to uporno, dugo, otvoreno. Vrsena je i islamizacija tog
regiona, vrsena je i hrisscanizacija po-vatikanski, ali su ipak Srbi
sacuvali sebe, a to veoma mnoge i veoma snazno iritira.
A iritira ih, ocigledno, njihovo stalno obracanje Moskvi, njihovo
stalno nagalsavanje da su “Rusi sa nama” i “zivela Rusija”, ne ljuteci
se pri tom na nas zbog toga sto smo ih mi odavno zaboravili. Oni i
dalje smatraju da ce pre ili kasnije Rusi biti zajedno sa njima, makar
i moralno.
Veoma je slozeno klupko problema, koje ni do danas nije razmotano. Zato
sto uz opstu tendenciju u pravcu globalizacije pojedine teritorije
nestaju, i dalje se cepkaju – Balkan i Rusija. Zato nam se i namece
pitanje: zasto se to desava. Zasto se citav svet ujedinjuje, a mi se i
dalje cepkamo na komadice?
Da li je realno da se Srbi vrate na Kosovo? Kako se obicno kaze, sve je
Bozija volja. Ali su Srbi nepodeljeno raspolozeni i to raspolozenje je
jednostavno i shvatljivo – tamo cemo mi ipak biti, to je nas zavicaj,
to je nase Kosovo Polje, nasa Patrijarsija Pecka, tamo su svi nasi
patrijarsi ponikli, otuda je krenulo srpsko Pravoslavlje, tamo je Sava
Srpski, car Lazar, sve je tamo i sve je otuda.
Mozemo mi preseliti Srbe i negde na Amur, u neku nepoznatu zabit, ali
ce oni ipak pamtiti i znati svoju otadzbinu isto kao sto judeji pamte i
znaju gde je njihova “zemlja obecana” i tezze ka njoj. I ako je svet
zaista human i ako se prema raspolozenju nacije u celini i njenom
istorijskom razvoju odnosi nepodeljeno, onda ce isto onako, kao sto je
uspostavljanje izraelske drzave bilo pozdravljeno od strane sveta, biti
podrzano i to da Srbi obnove svoj izvorni sistem. Oni su danas rasejani
i po Rusiji, nalaze se i u Beogradu, i u Vasingtonu, i po citavoj
Evropi, ali svaki od njih pamti gde su njegovi koreni, njegova zavicaj.
Mozda bi smo i mi mogli da ucimo od njih.
A za sada oni zive kao pravi hriscani – u ilegali, u katakombama, iza
bodljikave zice, osecajuci stalnu opasnost od toga da ce sutra doci
glavoseca koji ce narediti da se poseku sva deca.
Ovo putovanje dalo je povoda za ozbiljna razmisljanja. Unutrasnje
osecanje nam govori, da se ne radi samo i toliko o Kosovu, i ne samo o
Srbima, vec se radi i o nasoj zemlji, o nasem prisustvu u svetu.
[L'articolo che segnaliamo qui sotto e' probabilmente la piu' completa
rassegna esistente delle devastazioni a sfondo religioso-razzista
compiute in Kosovo-Metohija e FYROM nel corso del 2003.
Sul problema, nel corso dell'anno passato, ha espresso la sua opinione
anche Massimo Cacciari, ex sindaco di Venezia ("La Nuova" e "La Tribuna
di Treviso", martedì 4 marzo 2003; vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2345). Lo ha
fatto dopo anni di silenzio, quando la situazione e' ormai pressoche'
compromessa; speriamo tuttavia che non debbano trascorrere altri anni
prima che la questione venga risollevata.
Nonostante, o forse proprio a causa del fatto che il Kosovo-Metohija e'
occupato da decine di migliaia di militari dei paesi imperialisti, la
documentazione audiovisiva esistente sul regime di terrore instaurato
nella provincia serba e' scarsissima, e quello che c'e' e' censurato
dai nostri media. Segnaliamo in particolare il prezioso documentario "I
dannati del Kosovo" di M. Collon e V. Stojiljkovic, nell'edizione
italiana curata da SOS Yugoslavia di Torino (per informazioni:
posta@...). A cura di IS]
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/050.shtml
Systematic Destruction of Orthodox Churches and Cemeteries Continued in
2003
by Carl Savich
Introduction: Erasing the history of Christianity in Kosovo
Genocide or Multi-Ethnic Society?
Islamic Revival in Kosovo? The Islamization of Kosovo-Metohija
Roman Catholic Revival in Kosovo?
The Expulsion of the Jewish Population of Kosovo
Destruction of Orthodox Churches in Macedonia by the UCK
Article II
Gorazdevac Massacre
Kosovo Serbs under NATO Occupation: “Looking Like a Prisoner from
Auschwitz”
Conclusion: Kosovo, "Black Hole" of Human Rights
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/050.shtml
rassegna esistente delle devastazioni a sfondo religioso-razzista
compiute in Kosovo-Metohija e FYROM nel corso del 2003.
Sul problema, nel corso dell'anno passato, ha espresso la sua opinione
anche Massimo Cacciari, ex sindaco di Venezia ("La Nuova" e "La Tribuna
di Treviso", martedì 4 marzo 2003; vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2345). Lo ha
fatto dopo anni di silenzio, quando la situazione e' ormai pressoche'
compromessa; speriamo tuttavia che non debbano trascorrere altri anni
prima che la questione venga risollevata.
Nonostante, o forse proprio a causa del fatto che il Kosovo-Metohija e'
occupato da decine di migliaia di militari dei paesi imperialisti, la
documentazione audiovisiva esistente sul regime di terrore instaurato
nella provincia serba e' scarsissima, e quello che c'e' e' censurato
dai nostri media. Segnaliamo in particolare il prezioso documentario "I
dannati del Kosovo" di M. Collon e V. Stojiljkovic, nell'edizione
italiana curata da SOS Yugoslavia di Torino (per informazioni:
posta@...). A cura di IS]
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/050.shtml
Systematic Destruction of Orthodox Churches and Cemeteries Continued in
2003
by Carl Savich
Introduction: Erasing the history of Christianity in Kosovo
Genocide or Multi-Ethnic Society?
Islamic Revival in Kosovo? The Islamization of Kosovo-Metohija
Roman Catholic Revival in Kosovo?
The Expulsion of the Jewish Population of Kosovo
Destruction of Orthodox Churches in Macedonia by the UCK
Article II
Gorazdevac Massacre
Kosovo Serbs under NATO Occupation: “Looking Like a Prisoner from
Auschwitz”
Conclusion: Kosovo, "Black Hole" of Human Rights
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/050.shtml
HVALA BOGU DA IMA AMERIKANA !
US experts assist Serbia's environmental development
Belgrade, Feb 2, 2004 - Serbian Minister of Natural Resources and
Environmental Protection Andjelka Mihajlov said that the first of the
six training workshops, which are part of the US Environmental
Protection Agency's (EPA) assistance, will be held from Feb 3 to 5 in
Belgrade.
The first training workshop entitled "Environmental Compliance and
Enforcement" is being organised by the US Embassy to Serbia-Montenegro,
the EPA and the Regional Environmental Centre for Central and Eastern
Europe.
The EPA assistance is aimed at boosting capacities and performance of
the newly-established Serbian Agency for Environment and the Serbian
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection.
Minister Mihajlov and US Ambassador to Serbia-Montenegro William
Montgomery told a press conference on Monday that environmental
cooperation is a very important element in the bilateral relations
between the two countries. The training workshops represent an
opportunity for EPA experts to transfer their experiences in the
practice of environmental protection to local experts.
The cooperation between the EPA and the environment ministries of
Serbia and Montenegro is a part of a network of international
partnerships promoted by the International Network for Environmental
Compliance and Enforcement Network (INECE) and the Balkan Environmental
Regulatory Compliance and Enforcement Network (BERCEN).
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2004-
02/02/332996.html
US experts assist Serbia's environmental development
Belgrade, Feb 2, 2004 - Serbian Minister of Natural Resources and
Environmental Protection Andjelka Mihajlov said that the first of the
six training workshops, which are part of the US Environmental
Protection Agency's (EPA) assistance, will be held from Feb 3 to 5 in
Belgrade.
The first training workshop entitled "Environmental Compliance and
Enforcement" is being organised by the US Embassy to Serbia-Montenegro,
the EPA and the Regional Environmental Centre for Central and Eastern
Europe.
The EPA assistance is aimed at boosting capacities and performance of
the newly-established Serbian Agency for Environment and the Serbian
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection.
Minister Mihajlov and US Ambassador to Serbia-Montenegro William
Montgomery told a press conference on Monday that environmental
cooperation is a very important element in the bilateral relations
between the two countries. The training workshops represent an
opportunity for EPA experts to transfer their experiences in the
practice of environmental protection to local experts.
The cooperation between the EPA and the environment ministries of
Serbia and Montenegro is a part of a network of international
partnerships promoted by the International Network for Environmental
Compliance and Enforcement Network (INECE) and the Balkan Environmental
Regulatory Compliance and Enforcement Network (BERCEN).
http://www.serbia.sr.gov.yu/cgi-bin/printpage.cgi?filename=/news/2004-
02/02/332996.html
Za Jugoslavene i jugoslaviste -
Per gli Jugoslavi e gli Jugoslavisti
Svakog utorka, od 14,00 do 14,30 sati, na Radio Città Aperta, i valu FM
88.9 za regiju "Lazio", emisija
JUGOSLAVENSKI GLAS.
Emisija je u direktnom prijenosu. Moze se pratiti i preko Interneta:
http://www.radiocittaperta.it
Kratke intervencije na telefon (0039) 06 4393512. Emisija je
dvojezicna, po potrebi i vremenu na raspolaganju.
Podrzite taj slobodni i nezavisni glas, kupujuci knjige, video kazete,
brosure, koje imamo na raspolaganju. Pisite nam na jugocoord@...
, ili fax +39 06 4828957.
Trazimo zainteresirane za usvajanje na daljinu, t.j. djacke stipendije
za djecu prognanika. Odazovite se. Potrebna je pomoc kao i donacija
krvi Marku Milanovicu koji se lijeci vec drugu godinu od leukemije
ovdje u Rimu.
Ogni martedì dalle ore 14,00 alle 14,30,
VOCE JUGOSLAVA su Radio Città Aperta,
FM 88.9 per il Lazio. Si può seguire, come del resto anche le altre
trasmissioni della Radio, via Internet su:
http://www.radiocittaperta.it
La trasmissione è bilingue (a seconda del tempo disponibile e della
necessità) ed in diretta. Brevi interventi telefonici sono possibili
chiamando al numero 06 4393512.
Sostenete questa voce libera ed indipendente acquistando video
cassette, libri, bollettini a nostra disposizione. Sono possibili
adozioni a distanza (borse di studio). Scriveteci all' email:
jugocoord@..., oppure tel/fax 06 4828957.
Necessita anche aiuto o donazioni di sangue per Marko Milanovic che si
trova già per il secondo anno a Roma a curarsi di leucemia.
Contattateci.
Program - programma 3.2.2004
1. Jucer, danas sutra, datumi ... da se ne zaboravi
2. "Od Triglava do Vardara...":
- "Pravda nije za sve ravnopravna" - sto je sa pilotom Emirom Sisicem i
Goranom Jelisicem u talijanskim zatvorima?!
- "Svjedocenje" "duplog WC-a" "War criminal - Wesley Clark".
- Apel za Fond "Sloboda".
1. Ieri, oggi, domani ... date da non dimenticare
2. "Dal monte Triglav al fiume Vardar...":
- "La legge (non) è uguale per tutti" - cosa succede al pilota
Emir Sisic ed a Goran Jelisic, detenuti nelle prigioni italiane?!
- La "testimonianza" del "doppio W.C." "War criminal - Wesley Clark".
- Appello per il fondo "Sloboda".
Per gli Jugoslavi e gli Jugoslavisti
Svakog utorka, od 14,00 do 14,30 sati, na Radio Città Aperta, i valu FM
88.9 za regiju "Lazio", emisija
JUGOSLAVENSKI GLAS.
Emisija je u direktnom prijenosu. Moze se pratiti i preko Interneta:
http://www.radiocittaperta.it
Kratke intervencije na telefon (0039) 06 4393512. Emisija je
dvojezicna, po potrebi i vremenu na raspolaganju.
Podrzite taj slobodni i nezavisni glas, kupujuci knjige, video kazete,
brosure, koje imamo na raspolaganju. Pisite nam na jugocoord@...
, ili fax +39 06 4828957.
Trazimo zainteresirane za usvajanje na daljinu, t.j. djacke stipendije
za djecu prognanika. Odazovite se. Potrebna je pomoc kao i donacija
krvi Marku Milanovicu koji se lijeci vec drugu godinu od leukemije
ovdje u Rimu.
Ogni martedì dalle ore 14,00 alle 14,30,
VOCE JUGOSLAVA su Radio Città Aperta,
FM 88.9 per il Lazio. Si può seguire, come del resto anche le altre
trasmissioni della Radio, via Internet su:
http://www.radiocittaperta.it
La trasmissione è bilingue (a seconda del tempo disponibile e della
necessità) ed in diretta. Brevi interventi telefonici sono possibili
chiamando al numero 06 4393512.
Sostenete questa voce libera ed indipendente acquistando video
cassette, libri, bollettini a nostra disposizione. Sono possibili
adozioni a distanza (borse di studio). Scriveteci all' email:
jugocoord@..., oppure tel/fax 06 4828957.
Necessita anche aiuto o donazioni di sangue per Marko Milanovic che si
trova già per il secondo anno a Roma a curarsi di leucemia.
Contattateci.
Program - programma 3.2.2004
1. Jucer, danas sutra, datumi ... da se ne zaboravi
2. "Od Triglava do Vardara...":
- "Pravda nije za sve ravnopravna" - sto je sa pilotom Emirom Sisicem i
Goranom Jelisicem u talijanskim zatvorima?!
- "Svjedocenje" "duplog WC-a" "War criminal - Wesley Clark".
- Apel za Fond "Sloboda".
1. Ieri, oggi, domani ... date da non dimenticare
2. "Dal monte Triglav al fiume Vardar...":
- "La legge (non) è uguale per tutti" - cosa succede al pilota
Emir Sisic ed a Goran Jelisic, detenuti nelle prigioni italiane?!
- La "testimonianza" del "doppio W.C." "War criminal - Wesley Clark".
- Appello per il fondo "Sloboda".
Da: andrea
Data: Mar 3 Feb 2004 12:06:36 Europe/Rome
A: balcani@...
Oggetto: Re: fascist legacy
Martedì, 3 Feb 2004, alle 11:05 Europe/Rome, DISAGIO SOCIALE - radio
cooperativa ha scritto:
> salve,
> curiamo una trasmissione su Radio Cooperativa di Padova, stiamo
> cercando il video Fascist Legacy per una proiezione pubblica,
> qualcuno è in grado di darci informazioni su dove trovare il video?
> grazie
>
> --
> Mailing list Balcani dell'associazione PeaceLink.
> Per ISCRIZIONI/CANCELLAZIONI:
> http://www.peacelink.it/mailing_admin.html
> Archivio messaggi:
> http://www.peacelink.it/webgate/balcani/maillist.html
> Si sottintende l'accettazione della Policy Generale:
> http://www.peacelink.it/associazione/html/policy_generale.html
Il documentario Fascist Legacy e' stato proposto in Italia in una
iniziativa pubblica per la prima volta a Torino il 4/5/2002 dal
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia e dalle RSU dell'Universita'
(vedi: https://www.cnj.it/iniziative.htm ;
http://associazioni.polito.it/rsu/4maggio.htm ; Resoconto della
proiezione di Torino e Scheda filmografica:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1796). In
seguito a quella iniziativa l'interesse per questo documento, censurato
per anni dalla RAI, e' cresciuto, tanto che sono state organizzate gia'
una serie di proiezioni in diverse parti d'Italia.
Il video puo' essere reperito in varie maniere, ad esempio tramite
Centro di cultura e documentazione popolare, Via S. Anselmo 13 -10155
Torino, tel. 3381755563, posta@... (vedi:
http://www.resistenze.org/sito/ma/co/macovide.htm)
Colgo l'occasione per segnalare che il documentario verra' proiettato
tra l'altro anche il prossimo 7 FEBBRAIO A MILANO, alle ore 17, al
circolo ARCI BLOB (via casati 31, arcore), da arci e dalla locale
sezione anpi. Sarà presente Giacomo Scotti (vedi:
http://www.exju.org/comments/631_0_1_0_C/).
Data: Mar 3 Feb 2004 12:06:36 Europe/Rome
A: balcani@...
Oggetto: Re: fascist legacy
Martedì, 3 Feb 2004, alle 11:05 Europe/Rome, DISAGIO SOCIALE - radio
cooperativa ha scritto:
> salve,
> curiamo una trasmissione su Radio Cooperativa di Padova, stiamo
> cercando il video Fascist Legacy per una proiezione pubblica,
> qualcuno è in grado di darci informazioni su dove trovare il video?
> grazie
>
> --
> Mailing list Balcani dell'associazione PeaceLink.
> Per ISCRIZIONI/CANCELLAZIONI:
> http://www.peacelink.it/mailing_admin.html
> Archivio messaggi:
> http://www.peacelink.it/webgate/balcani/maillist.html
> Si sottintende l'accettazione della Policy Generale:
> http://www.peacelink.it/associazione/html/policy_generale.html
Il documentario Fascist Legacy e' stato proposto in Italia in una
iniziativa pubblica per la prima volta a Torino il 4/5/2002 dal
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia e dalle RSU dell'Universita'
(vedi: https://www.cnj.it/iniziative.htm ;
http://associazioni.polito.it/rsu/4maggio.htm ; Resoconto della
proiezione di Torino e Scheda filmografica:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1796). In
seguito a quella iniziativa l'interesse per questo documento, censurato
per anni dalla RAI, e' cresciuto, tanto che sono state organizzate gia'
una serie di proiezioni in diverse parti d'Italia.
Il video puo' essere reperito in varie maniere, ad esempio tramite
Centro di cultura e documentazione popolare, Via S. Anselmo 13 -10155
Torino, tel. 3381755563, posta@... (vedi:
http://www.resistenze.org/sito/ma/co/macovide.htm)
Colgo l'occasione per segnalare che il documentario verra' proiettato
tra l'altro anche il prossimo 7 FEBBRAIO A MILANO, alle ore 17, al
circolo ARCI BLOB (via casati 31, arcore), da arci e dalla locale
sezione anpi. Sarà presente Giacomo Scotti (vedi:
http://www.exju.org/comments/631_0_1_0_C/).
Macedonia: Year 2003 in review / Rassegna 2003
(italiano / english)
1. Macedonia 2003
2. Links to articles by Christopher Deliso
3. More links
4. TFF PeaceTips: Macedonia report + Balkan classics
Vedi anche:
Osservatorio Balcani - 22.01.2004:
Futuro difficile per la Macedonia
La Macedonia termina il 2003 con un record: il più alto numero di
disoccupati nella storia dello stato. Gli analisti ritengono che sia
stato un anno difficile, ma anche che il 2004 sarà tale. In aumento:
povertà, corruzione e sfiducia nelle istituzioni.
http://auth.unimondo.org/cfdocs/obportal/
index.cfm?fuseaction=news.view1&NewsID=2750
=== 1 ===
Macedonia year in review part 1: the political situation
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=223
Macedonia year in review part 2: the economy
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=224
Macedonia year in review part 3: security and defense
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=225
---
Macedonia in 2003: Neither Here Nor There
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=221
Macedonia in 2003: Here, there and everywhere
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=222
Macedonia 2004: Our Predictions
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=226
=== 2 ===
Links to articles by Christopher Deliso
Note: "Balkanalysis.com is run by Antiwar.com contributor Christopher
Deliso, and features hard-hitting articles organized in blog style,
ranging from political analysis to travel reports." (N. Malic)
Even though Deliso's (and Malic's) conservative views are often matter
of criticism from our side, we advice the reader to have a look at the
reports listed here because of their highly informative contents. CNJ
Analysis: Murky Balkan oil movements (2/12/2002)
"... Balkan projects were deliberately slowed. The U.S. government has
pressured its own oil companies not to publicly discuss projects west
of the Black Sea. Until now, this had marginalized Balkan pipeline
ideas..."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/011.shtml
Oil and the future shape of Macedonia (21/12/2002)
"...Although it has been proposed since 1994, the
Albania-Macedonia-Bulgaria (AMBO) oil pipeline still does not exist.
... The main reason, however, is that the American priority had been
building the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline linking the Caspian and
Mediterranean Seas...."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/012.shtml
The Instability Myth, Free Markets and Macedonia's Future (21/12/2002)
"...Even Turkey will negotiate for EU membership before Macedonia –
though 96 percent of its territory lies in Asia..."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso63.html
Poisonings or Power Plays? (1/1/2003)
"...December's scandal of the month in Macedonia was a curious,
unresolved and somewhat suspicious affair: the alleged poisoning of
over 200 Albanian high school students in Kumanovo..."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso65.html
Disaster Par Extraordinaire? (24/2/2003)
"...Brown & Root, the world's most famous military logistics
support company, has been active for several months in Djibouti,
where US Special Forces set up shop in June. Now that war is likely
within a few weeks, this subsidiary of Halliburton is preparing by
increasing its local workforce...."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso68.html
Macedonia, Bulgaria and the Myth of American Prosperity (4/3/2003)
"...America’s covert support for the Albanians in the 2001 Macedonian
war led to a brief spell of anti-Americanism, rabid protests at the
embassy, and the ensuing fortification of the grounds. Bulgaria, on the
other hand, has enjoyed uninterrupted and unabashed pro-American
sentiment..."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/013.shtml
Wolfowitz in Skopje - What Next for Macedonia? (20/5/2003)
"...Wolfowitz stood opposite the neatly-arrayed Macedonian
troops and thanked them for playing their part in the "liberation"
of the Iraqi people..."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso77.html
Interview: Macedonian telecom competes (27/6/2003)
"...In September 2001, Greek telecommunications giant OTE paid almost
28.5 million euro for Macedonia's second mobile operator license..."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/017.shtml
Macedonia's Communications Disaster (9/8/2003)
"...Deutsche Telekom through Hungary’s MATAV, Telekom will have a
land-line monopoly until 2005...."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/019.shtml
The autumn security situation: What can we expect? (20/8/2003)
"...The formula of accepting yesterday’s extremists as today’s
democratic leaders, and today’s extremists as tomorrow’s democratic
solution, has worked increasingly well in Macedonia and Kosovo..."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=125
Rogue traders of the Balkans (3/9/2003)
"...Extremist desires to carve out a "Greater Albania" from parts of
Macedonia and Yugoslavia merely attest to a reality, if not
politically, at least in terms of a black-market economy...."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=136
Risky business: Brown & Root scoops up Macedonia's youth (6/9/2003)
"...Over the past few months, hundreds of young people from Kumanovo
(among other places) have been recruited for Brown & Root’s imperial
support missions in the Middle East. The military logistics giant,
formerly run by Vice President Cheney, is in reality the civilian wing
of the Pentagon, thriving off of never-ending government grants for
military missions the world over..."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=138
Diary of an Uncivil War: the Violent Aftermath of the Kosovo Conflict
(3/11/2003)
"...Diary of an Uncivil War is thus not only a good read- brisk,
straight-up and comic in places- but also a real contribution to the
primary source material on the Macedonian War..."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=178
=== 3 ===
MORE LINKS
---> Useful resources:
http://www.makfax.com.mk/index-a.asp
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/
http://www.makedonija.com/
http://www.mia.com.mk/
---> The workers mobilize:
Macedonian workers back on the move (by Fred Weston)
http://www.marxist.com/Europe/macedonia_workers_move_again.html
Anti-government strikes in Macedonia (by Paul Stuart)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/dec2002/mace-d19_prn.shtml
MACEDONIA: STRIKES HIT NEW GOVERNMENT (by Spasiljka Jovanova)
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200211_391_3_eng.txt
---> More:
EU takes over NATO's mission in Macedonia (by Paul Stuart)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/mace-a10_prn.shtml
Corruption Rife Among Macedonia's NGOs
http://www.tol.cz/look/wire/
article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=10&NrIssue=740&NrSection=1&NrArti
cle=10337
Average Salary in Macedonia Barely Covers Cost of Food (by Valentin
Nesovski)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=20798
MACEDONIA: PRESS TAKEOVER CONCERNS
There's concern the WAZ media acquisitions will create a monopoly in
weak media market... (by Ana Petruseva)
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200308_452_1_eng.txt
Macedonian Houses Burn, Police Remains Clueless About Arsonists (by
Emil Zafirovski)
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2758
Macedonia to Legalise Tetovo University (by Marija Lazarova)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=21308
Nine Charged With Terrorism In Macedonia
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/bk/Qmacedonia-crime.R0-e_DOL.html
Macedonian Court Indicts Infamous 'Cakala,' 'Jamie
Shea,' Seven Others For Bomb Blasts On Skopje-Belgrade
Railroad
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/
Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20Osnoven%20sud%20Kumanovo.htm
Del Ponte: "It Is Possible Criminal Charges to Be
Brought In Macedonia This Year"
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=44973&LangID=1
Macedonia: National Association For Weapons Says
Number Of Illegal Weapons In Region Exceeds 2.3 Million
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=53344
Over 100,000 Illegal Arms In Macedonia; NATO's 'Arms
Harvest' Only Collected 3,380
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20Oruzje.htm
Macedonian Foreign Minister In Brussels, Submits To
Protocols For Future NATO Accession
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20MNR%20Mitreva.htm
Chief Of Macedonian Military To Attend Conference Of
European Armies, US European Army Command
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/
Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20Generalstab%20nacalnik.htm
First Reshuffle in Macedonian Prime Minister's Government (by Marija
Lazarova)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=21927
Albanian-Kosovo Union, a strategic objective of all Albanians
Koha Jone (Tirana) - November 13, 2003
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/kj111503.htm
Reactions to Panel Discussion in Gostivar: Historians From Albania
Revive the Balists
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2889
2003: Kosovo Albanian Terrorism continued (by Carl Savich)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/050.shtml
=== 4 ===
-----Ursprüngliche Nachricht-----
Von: - T F F - PeaceTips
Gesendet: Montag, 2. Februar 2004 13:32
An: TFF PeaceTips
Betreff: Macedonia report + Balkan classics
Lund, Sweden, February 2, 2004
Here is another chance to buy our Macedonia report.
The contents:
1. Introduction
2. Bird's eye view of the conflicts in Macedonia
3. A guide to theories and concepts used in this report
4. Diagnosis of Macedonia 2002-2003
5. Prognosis
6. Conclusion: Will there be war in Macedonia?
By Jan Oberg
67 pages, US$ 40 or 300 Swedish kronor
Order here
Online
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=MWPOSE&Category_Code
=YB
Or go to "Publications:"
http://www.transnational.org/publica/index2.html
- and scroll to the bottom # 65.
MANY WHO BOUGHT THE MACEDONIA REPORT ALSO BOUGHT:
Preventing Peace. Sixty Examples of Conflict Mismanagement in Former
Yugoslavia since 1991
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=PSEOCMIFYS12&Categor
y_Code=YB
Preventing War in Kosovo
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=PWIK&Category_Code=Y
B
UNTANS - Conflict-Mitigation for Kosovo. A UN Temporary Authority for a
Negotiated Settlement
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=UCFKAUNTAFANSIK1&Cat
egory_Code=YB
- two reports that show how the Kosovo conflict could have been solved
without war.
Violence Prevention, Postwar Reconstruction and Civil Society Theory
and Yugoslavia
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=VP&Category_Code=YB
It relates civil society to the economic globalisation, to
international conflict-management and to the case of Yugoslavia and the
Dayton agreement,"
All can be ordered here too:
http://www.transnational.org/publica/index.html
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
TFF
Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research
Transnationella Stiftelsen för Freds- och Framtidsforskning
http://www.transnational.org
Vegagatan 25
S - 224 57 Lund
Sweden
Phone +46 46 14 59 09
Fax + 46 46 14 45 12
Email TFF@...
Public not-for-profit charity
Organisationsnummer 845001-4637
TFF Guide, News & Themes
http://www.transnational.org/sitemap.html
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
(italiano / english)
1. Macedonia 2003
2. Links to articles by Christopher Deliso
3. More links
4. TFF PeaceTips: Macedonia report + Balkan classics
Vedi anche:
Osservatorio Balcani - 22.01.2004:
Futuro difficile per la Macedonia
La Macedonia termina il 2003 con un record: il più alto numero di
disoccupati nella storia dello stato. Gli analisti ritengono che sia
stato un anno difficile, ma anche che il 2004 sarà tale. In aumento:
povertà, corruzione e sfiducia nelle istituzioni.
http://auth.unimondo.org/cfdocs/obportal/
index.cfm?fuseaction=news.view1&NewsID=2750
=== 1 ===
Macedonia year in review part 1: the political situation
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=223
Macedonia year in review part 2: the economy
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=224
Macedonia year in review part 3: security and defense
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=225
---
Macedonia in 2003: Neither Here Nor There
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=221
Macedonia in 2003: Here, there and everywhere
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=222
Macedonia 2004: Our Predictions
http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=226
=== 2 ===
Links to articles by Christopher Deliso
Note: "Balkanalysis.com is run by Antiwar.com contributor Christopher
Deliso, and features hard-hitting articles organized in blog style,
ranging from political analysis to travel reports." (N. Malic)
Even though Deliso's (and Malic's) conservative views are often matter
of criticism from our side, we advice the reader to have a look at the
reports listed here because of their highly informative contents. CNJ
Analysis: Murky Balkan oil movements (2/12/2002)
"... Balkan projects were deliberately slowed. The U.S. government has
pressured its own oil companies not to publicly discuss projects west
of the Black Sea. Until now, this had marginalized Balkan pipeline
ideas..."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/011.shtml
Oil and the future shape of Macedonia (21/12/2002)
"...Although it has been proposed since 1994, the
Albania-Macedonia-Bulgaria (AMBO) oil pipeline still does not exist.
... The main reason, however, is that the American priority had been
building the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline linking the Caspian and
Mediterranean Seas...."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/012.shtml
The Instability Myth, Free Markets and Macedonia's Future (21/12/2002)
"...Even Turkey will negotiate for EU membership before Macedonia –
though 96 percent of its territory lies in Asia..."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso63.html
Poisonings or Power Plays? (1/1/2003)
"...December's scandal of the month in Macedonia was a curious,
unresolved and somewhat suspicious affair: the alleged poisoning of
over 200 Albanian high school students in Kumanovo..."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso65.html
Disaster Par Extraordinaire? (24/2/2003)
"...Brown & Root, the world's most famous military logistics
support company, has been active for several months in Djibouti,
where US Special Forces set up shop in June. Now that war is likely
within a few weeks, this subsidiary of Halliburton is preparing by
increasing its local workforce...."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso68.html
Macedonia, Bulgaria and the Myth of American Prosperity (4/3/2003)
"...America’s covert support for the Albanians in the 2001 Macedonian
war led to a brief spell of anti-Americanism, rabid protests at the
embassy, and the ensuing fortification of the grounds. Bulgaria, on the
other hand, has enjoyed uninterrupted and unabashed pro-American
sentiment..."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/013.shtml
Wolfowitz in Skopje - What Next for Macedonia? (20/5/2003)
"...Wolfowitz stood opposite the neatly-arrayed Macedonian
troops and thanked them for playing their part in the "liberation"
of the Iraqi people..."
> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso77.html
Interview: Macedonian telecom competes (27/6/2003)
"...In September 2001, Greek telecommunications giant OTE paid almost
28.5 million euro for Macedonia's second mobile operator license..."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/017.shtml
Macedonia's Communications Disaster (9/8/2003)
"...Deutsche Telekom through Hungary’s MATAV, Telekom will have a
land-line monopoly until 2005...."
> http://www.serbianna.com/columns/deliso/019.shtml
The autumn security situation: What can we expect? (20/8/2003)
"...The formula of accepting yesterday’s extremists as today’s
democratic leaders, and today’s extremists as tomorrow’s democratic
solution, has worked increasingly well in Macedonia and Kosovo..."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=125
Rogue traders of the Balkans (3/9/2003)
"...Extremist desires to carve out a "Greater Albania" from parts of
Macedonia and Yugoslavia merely attest to a reality, if not
politically, at least in terms of a black-market economy...."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=136
Risky business: Brown & Root scoops up Macedonia's youth (6/9/2003)
"...Over the past few months, hundreds of young people from Kumanovo
(among other places) have been recruited for Brown & Root’s imperial
support missions in the Middle East. The military logistics giant,
formerly run by Vice President Cheney, is in reality the civilian wing
of the Pentagon, thriving off of never-ending government grants for
military missions the world over..."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=138
Diary of an Uncivil War: the Violent Aftermath of the Kosovo Conflict
(3/11/2003)
"...Diary of an Uncivil War is thus not only a good read- brisk,
straight-up and comic in places- but also a real contribution to the
primary source material on the Macedonian War..."
> http://www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=178
=== 3 ===
MORE LINKS
---> Useful resources:
http://www.makfax.com.mk/index-a.asp
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/
http://www.makedonija.com/
http://www.mia.com.mk/
---> The workers mobilize:
Macedonian workers back on the move (by Fred Weston)
http://www.marxist.com/Europe/macedonia_workers_move_again.html
Anti-government strikes in Macedonia (by Paul Stuart)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/dec2002/mace-d19_prn.shtml
MACEDONIA: STRIKES HIT NEW GOVERNMENT (by Spasiljka Jovanova)
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200211_391_3_eng.txt
---> More:
EU takes over NATO's mission in Macedonia (by Paul Stuart)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/mace-a10_prn.shtml
Corruption Rife Among Macedonia's NGOs
http://www.tol.cz/look/wire/
article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=10&NrIssue=740&NrSection=1&NrArti
cle=10337
Average Salary in Macedonia Barely Covers Cost of Food (by Valentin
Nesovski)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=20798
MACEDONIA: PRESS TAKEOVER CONCERNS
There's concern the WAZ media acquisitions will create a monopoly in
weak media market... (by Ana Petruseva)
http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200308_452_1_eng.txt
Macedonian Houses Burn, Police Remains Clueless About Arsonists (by
Emil Zafirovski)
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2758
Macedonia to Legalise Tetovo University (by Marija Lazarova)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=21308
Nine Charged With Terrorism In Macedonia
http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/bk/Qmacedonia-crime.R0-e_DOL.html
Macedonian Court Indicts Infamous 'Cakala,' 'Jamie
Shea,' Seven Others For Bomb Blasts On Skopje-Belgrade
Railroad
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/
Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20Osnoven%20sud%20Kumanovo.htm
Del Ponte: "It Is Possible Criminal Charges to Be
Brought In Macedonia This Year"
http://www.seeurope.net/en/Story.php?StoryID=44973&LangID=1
Macedonia: National Association For Weapons Says
Number Of Illegal Weapons In Region Exceeds 2.3 Million
http://www.makfax.com.mk/news1-a.asp?br=53344
Over 100,000 Illegal Arms In Macedonia; NATO's 'Arms
Harvest' Only Collected 3,380
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20Oruzje.htm
Macedonian Foreign Minister In Brussels, Submits To
Protocols For Future NATO Accession
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20MNR%20Mitreva.htm
Chief Of Macedonian Military To Attend Conference Of
European Armies, US European Army Command
http://www.mia.com.mk/ang/
Vest.asp?vest=\1\Copy%20of%20Generalstab%20nacalnik.htm
First Reshuffle in Macedonian Prime Minister's Government (by Marija
Lazarova)
http://www.balkantimes.com/
default3.asp?lang=english&page=process_print&article_id=21927
Albanian-Kosovo Union, a strategic objective of all Albanians
Koha Jone (Tirana) - November 13, 2003
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/kj111503.htm
Reactions to Panel Discussion in Gostivar: Historians From Albania
Revive the Balists
http://www.realitymacedonia.org.mk/web/news_page.asp?nid=2889
2003: Kosovo Albanian Terrorism continued (by Carl Savich)
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/050.shtml
=== 4 ===
-----Ursprüngliche Nachricht-----
Von: - T F F - PeaceTips
Gesendet: Montag, 2. Februar 2004 13:32
An: TFF PeaceTips
Betreff: Macedonia report + Balkan classics
Lund, Sweden, February 2, 2004
Here is another chance to buy our Macedonia report.
The contents:
1. Introduction
2. Bird's eye view of the conflicts in Macedonia
3. A guide to theories and concepts used in this report
4. Diagnosis of Macedonia 2002-2003
5. Prognosis
6. Conclusion: Will there be war in Macedonia?
By Jan Oberg
67 pages, US$ 40 or 300 Swedish kronor
Order here
Online
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=MWPOSE&Category_Code
=YB
Or go to "Publications:"
http://www.transnational.org/publica/index2.html
- and scroll to the bottom # 65.
MANY WHO BOUGHT THE MACEDONIA REPORT ALSO BOUGHT:
Preventing Peace. Sixty Examples of Conflict Mismanagement in Former
Yugoslavia since 1991
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=PSEOCMIFYS12&Categor
y_Code=YB
Preventing War in Kosovo
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=PWIK&Category_Code=Y
B
UNTANS - Conflict-Mitigation for Kosovo. A UN Temporary Authority for a
Negotiated Settlement
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=UCFKAUNTAFANSIK1&Cat
egory_Code=YB
- two reports that show how the Kosovo conflict could have been solved
without war.
Violence Prevention, Postwar Reconstruction and Civil Society Theory
and Yugoslavia
http://www.tff-store-and-donations.org/Merchant2/
merchant.mv?Screen=PROD&Store_Code=TSD&Product_Code=VP&Category_Code=YB
It relates civil society to the economic globalisation, to
international conflict-management and to the case of Yugoslavia and the
Dayton agreement,"
All can be ordered here too:
http://www.transnational.org/publica/index.html
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
TFF
Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research
Transnationella Stiftelsen för Freds- och Framtidsforskning
http://www.transnational.org
Vegagatan 25
S - 224 57 Lund
Sweden
Phone +46 46 14 59 09
Fax + 46 46 14 45 12
Email TFF@...
Public not-for-profit charity
Organisationsnummer 845001-4637
TFF Guide, News & Themes
http://www.transnational.org/sitemap.html
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Chi è il Dalai Lama?
Proseguiamo con gli approfondimenti sul tema "Imperialismo ed
autodeterminazione". Sullo stesso tema vedi anche le seguenti analisi,
dedicate particolarmente ai micronazionalismi in Europa:
EUROPA "BALCANIZZATA" ?
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/hillard_liberazione_070903.pdf
DIVIDIAMO L'IRAQ COME ABBIAMO FATTO CON LA JUGOSLAVIA!
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3055
EUROPA: UNIONE E DISGREGAZIONE
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2134
FROM TERRITORY TO PEOPLE: NATIONS ADRIFT
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1165
Sul caso specifico cinese vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3013
e la nostra precedente rassegna:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2972
1. Cosa ha a che fare la CIA con il Dalai Lama?
2. Il mito del Tibet
3. Menzogne americane sul Tibet e sul Dalai Lama
4. Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe Who Succumbed to Hitler'
5. Dalai Lama: "Violence needed to fight terror"
Si vedano anche gli articoli di Enrica Collotti Pischel:
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=869
CINA - NATO - USA
(Giano del 15/05/2000)
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=867
LA CINA, ''L'ULTIMO PAESE SOVRANO''
(Giano del 15/9/2001)
---
From: "FRANCHI"
...di seguito trovate un'interessante articolo sul Dailai Lama apparso
sulla rivista L'Ernesto a firma di Domenico Losurdo.
Recentemente il Dailai Lama ha fatto visita in Italia, appuntamento che
ha visto tutti i principali leaders politici (da destra a sinistra)
"inchinarsi" al suo cospetto, in nome del Tibet, dei Tibetani e
dell'armonia tra i popoli.
Il Dailai Lama è una figura che in tanta parte del mondo è conosciuta
come figura di pace, giustizia sociale e rispetto per i più deboli
(arrivando a tutelare anche i più minuscoli insetti indifesi).
Per tali ragioni credo sia utile la letura di questo articolo poichè
aiuta a sollevare il velo su un lato non molto conosciuto di questa
importante figura internazionale e, più in generale, su un lato poco
conociuto del sistema economico, politico e sociale che la sua figura
incarna.
Tale articolo è tratto dal libro di Heinrich Harrer "Sette anni nel
Tibet" (Mondadori, Oscar bestsellers, 1999), libro che ha contribuito
non poco a costruire l'immagine che tutti conosciamo del Dailai Lama.
Buona lettura a tutte e a tutti.
Franchi
---
Domenico Losurdo
CHI E' IL DALAI LAMA?
(dalla rivista L'Ernesto - http://www.lernesto.it )
Celebrato e trasfigurato dalla cinematografia di Hollywood, il Dalai
Lama continua indubbiamente a godere di una vasta popolarità: il suo
ultimo viaggio in Italia si è concluso solennemente con una foto di
gruppo coi dirigenti dei partiti di centro-sinistra, che hanno voluto
così testimoniare la loro stima o la loro riverenza nei confronti del
campione della lotta di «liberazione del popolo tibetano».
Ma chi è realmente costui? Tanto per cominciare, egli non è nato nel
Tibet storico, ma in territorio incontestabilmente cinese, per
l’esattezza nella provincia di Amdo che nel 1935, l’anno della nascita,
era amministrata dal Kuomintang. In famiglia si parlava un dialetto
regionale cinese, sicché il nostro eroe impara il tibetano come una
lingua straniera, ed è costretto a impararla a partire dall’età di tre
anni, e cioè dal momento in cui, riconosciuto come l’incarnazione del
13° Dalai Lama, viene sottratto alla sua famiglia e segregato in un
convento, per essere sottoposto all’influenza esclusiva dei monaci che
gli insegnano a sentirsi, a pensare, a scrivere, a parlare e a
comportarsi come il Dio-Re dei tibetani ovvero come Sua Santità.
1 Un «paradiso» raccapricciante
Desumo queste notizie da un libro (Heinrich Harrer, Sette anni nel
Tibet, Mondadori, Oscar bestsellers, 1999), che pure ha un carattere di
semi-ufficialità (si conclude con il «Messaggio» in cui il Dalai Lama
esprime la sua gratitudine all’autore) e che ha contribuito moltissimo
alla costruzione del mito hollywoodiano. Si tratta di un testo a suo
modo straordinario, che riesce a trasformare in capitoli di storia
sacra anche i particolari più inquietanti. Nel 1946, Harrer incontra a
Lhasa i genitori del Dalai Lama, dove si sono trasferiti ormai da molti
anni, abbandonando la natia Amdo. E, tuttavia, essi non sono ancora
divenuti tibetani: bevono il tè alla cinese, continuano a parlare un
dialetto cinese e, per intendersi con Harrer, che si esprime in
tibetano, hanno bisogno dell’aiuto di un «interprete». Certo, la loro
vita è cambiata radicalmente: «Era un grosso salto quello dalla loro
piccola casa di contadini in una lontana provincia al palazzo che ora
abitavano e ai vasti poderi che erano adesso di loro proprietà».
Avevano ceduto ai monaci un bambino di tenerissima età, che poi
riconosce nella sua autobiografia di aver molto sofferto per questa
separazione. In cambio, i genitori avevano potuto godere di una
prodigiosa ascesa sociale. Siamo in presenza di un comportamento
discutibile? Non sia mai detto. Harrer si affretta subito a
sottolineare la «nobiltà innata» di questa coppia (p. 133): come
potrebbe essere diversamente, dato che si tratta del padre e della
madre del Dio-Re?
Ma che società è quella su cui il Dalai Lama è chiamato a governare?
Sia pure a malincuore, l’autore del libro finisce col riconoscerlo: «La
supremazia dell’ordine monastico nel Tibet è assoluta, e si può
confrontare solo con una severa dittatura. I monaci diffidano di ogni
influsso che possa mettere in pericolo la loro dominazione». Ad essere
punito non è soltanto chi agisce contro il «potere» ma anche «chiunque
lo metta in dubbio» (p. 76). Diamo ora uno sguardo ai rapporti sociali.
Si direbbe che la merce più a buon mercato sia costituita dai servi (si
tratta, in ultima analisi, di schiavi). Harrer descrive giulivo
l’incontro con un alto funzionario: anche se non è un personaggio
particolarmente importante, egli può comunque disporre di un «seguito
di trenta servi e serve» (p. 56). Essi vengono sottoposti a fatiche non
solo bestiali ma persino inutili: «Circa venti uomini erano legati alla
cintura da una corda e trascinavano un immenso tronco, cantando in coro
le loro lente nenie e avanzando di pari passo. Ansanti e in un bagno di
sudore non potevano soffermarsi per pigliare fiato, perché il capofila
non lo permetteva. Questo lavoro massacrante rappresenta una parte
delle loro tasse, un tributo da sistema feudale». Sarebbe stato facile
far ricorso alla ruota, ma «il governo non voleva la ruota»; e, come
sappiamo, contrastare o anche solo mettere in discussione il potere
della casta dominante poteva essere assai pericoloso. Ma, secondo
Harrer, non ha senso versare lacrime sul popolo tibetano di quegli
anni: «forse così era più felice» (pp. 159-160).
Incolmabile era l’abisso che separava i servi dai padroni. Per la gente
comune, al Dio-Re non era lecito rivolgere né la parola né lo sguardo.
Ecco cosa avviene nel corso di una processione:
«Le porte della cattedrale si aprirono e lentamente uscì il Dalai Lama
[…] Devota la folla si inchinò immediatamente. Il cerimoniale religioso
esigerebbe che la gente si gettasse per terra, ma era impossibile farlo
a causa della mancanza di spazio. Migliaia di persone curvarono invece
la schiena, come un campo di grano sciabolato dal vento. Nessuno osava
alzare gli occhi. Lento e compassato il Dalai Lama iniziò il suo giro
intorno al Barkhor […] Le donne non osavano respirare».
Finita la processione, il quadro cambia in modo radicale:
«Come ridestata da un sonno ipnotico la folla in quel momento passò
dall’ordine al caos […] I monaci-soldato entrarono subito in azione […]
All’impazzata facevano mulinare i loro bastoni sulla folla […] Ma
nonostante la gragnuola di colpi, i battuti ritornavano come fossero
posseduti da demoni […] Adesso accettavano colpi e frustate come una
benedizione. Fiaccole di pece fumosa cadevano sulle loro teste, urla di
dolore, qui un volto bruciato, là i gemiti di un calpestato!» (pp.
157-8).
Vale la pena di notare che questo spettacolo viene seguito dal nostro
autore in modo ammirato e devoto. Non a caso, il tutto è contenuto in
un paragrafo dal titolo eloquente: «Un dio alza, benedicendo, la mano».
L’unico momento in cui Harrer assume un atteggiamento critico si
verifica allorché egli descrive la condizione igienica e sanitaria del
Tibet del tempo. Infuria la mortalità infantile, la durata media della
vita è incredibilmente bassa, le medicine sono sconosciute, in compenso
circolano farmaci assai singolari: «spesso i lama ungono i loro
pazienti con la propria saliva santa; oppure tsampa e burro vengono
mescolati con l’urina degli uomini santi per ottenere una specie di
emulsione che viene somministrata ai malati» (p. 194). Qui si ritrae
perplesso anche il nostro autore devoto e bacchettone: se pure dal
«Dio-Ragazzo» è stato «persuaso a credere nella reincarnazione» (p.
248), egli tuttavia non riesce a «giustificare il fatto che si bevesse
l’urina del Buddha Vivente», e cioè del Dalai Lama. Solleva il problema
con quest’ultimo, ma con scarsi risultati: il Dio-Re «da solo non
poteva combattere tali usi e costumi, e in fondo non se ne preoccupava
troppo». Ciò nonostante, il nostro autore, che si accontenta di poco,
messe da parte le sue riserve, conclude imperturbabile: «In India, del
resto, era uno spettacolo giornaliero vedere la gente bere l’urina
delle vacche sacre» (p. 294).
A questo punto, Harrer può procedere senza più impacci nella sua opera
di trasfigurazione del Tibet pre-rivoluzionario. In realtà, esso è
carico di violenza e non conosce neppure il principio della
responsabilità individuale: le punizioni possono essere anche
trasversali e colpire i parenti del responsabile di una mancanza anche
assai lieve o persino immaginaria (p. 79). Ma cosa avviene per i
crimini considerati più gravi? «Mi raccontarono di un uomo che aveva
rubato una lampada dorata al burro da uno dei templi di Kyirong. Fu
dichiarato colpevole del reato, e quella che noi avremmo considerato
una sentenza disumana fu portata a compimento. Gli furono pubblicamente
mozzate le mani, e il suo corpo mutilato ma ancora vivo fu avvolto in
una pelle di yak bagnata. Quando smise di sanguinare, venne gettato in
un precipizio» (p. 75). Ma anche reati minori, ad esempio «il gioco
d’azzardo», possono essere puniti in modo spietato se commessi nei
giorni di festività solenni: «i monaci sono a tale riguardo inesorabili
e molto temuti, perché più di una volta è avvenuto che qualcuno sia
morto sotto la rigorosa flagellazione, la pena usuale» (pp. 153-3). La
violenza più selvaggia caratterizza i rapporti non solo tra «semidei» e
«esseri inferiori» ma anche tra le diverse frazioni della casta
dominante: ai responsabili delle frequenti «rivoluzioni militari» e
«guerre civili» che caratterizzano la storia del Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario (l’ultima si verifica nel 1947), vengono fatti
«cavare gli occhi con una spada» (pp. 224-5). E, tuttavia, il nostro
zelante convertito al lamaismo non si limita a dichiarare che «le
punizioni sono piuttosto drastiche, ma sembrano essere commisurate alla
mentalità della popolazione» (p. 75). No, il Tibet pre-rivoluzionario è
ai suoi occhi un’oasi incantata di non violenza: «Dopo un po’ che si è
nel paese, a nessuno è più possibile uccidere una mosca senza pensarci.
Io stesso, in presenza di un tibetano, non avrei mai osato schiacciare
un insetto soltanto perché mi infastidiva» (p. 183). In conclusione,
siamo in presenza di un «paradiso» (p. 77). Oltre che di Harrer, questa
è l’opinione anche del Dalai Lama che nel suo «Messaggio» finale si
abbandona ad una struggente nostalgia degli anni vissuti da Dio-Re:
«ricordiamo quei giorni felici che trascorremmo assieme in un paese
felice» (happy) ovvero, secondo la traduzione italiana, in «un paese
libero».
2. «Invasione» del Tibet e tentativo di smembramento della Cina
Questo paese «felice» e «libero», questo «paradiso» viene trasformato
in un inferno dall’«invasione» cinese. Le mistificazioni non hanno mai
fine. Ha realmente senso parlare di «invasione»? Quale paese aveva
riconosciuto l’«indipendenza» del Tibet e intratteneva con esso
relazioni diplomatiche? In realtà, ancora nel 1949, nel pubblicare un
libro sulle relazioni Usa-Cina, il dipartimento di Stato americano
accludeva una mappa di per sé eloquente: con tutta chiarezza sia il
Tibet che Taiwan vi figuravano quali parti integranti del grande paese
asiatico, impegnato a porre fine una volta per sempre alle amputazioni
territoriali imposte da un secolo di aggressioni colonialiste e
imperialiste. Naturalmente, con l’avvento dei comunisti al potere,
cambia tutto, comprese le carte geografiche: ogni falsificazione
storica e geografica è lecita se essa consente di ridare slancio alla
politica a suo tempo iniziata con la guerra dell’oppio e di avanzare
cioè in direzione dello smembramento della Cina comunista.
E’ un obiettivo che sembra sul punto di realizzarsi nel 1959. Con un
cambiamento radicale rispetto alla politica seguita sino a quel
momento, che l’aveva visto collaborare col nuovo potere insediatosi a
Pechino, il Dalai Lama sceglie la via dell’esilio e comincia ad agitare
la bandiera dell’indipendenza del Tibet. Si tratta realmente di una
rivendicazione nazionale? Abbiamo visto che il Dalai Lama stesso non è
di origine tibetana ed è costretto ad imparare una lingua che non è la
sua lingua materna. Ma concentriamo pure la nostra attenzione sulla
casta dominante autoctona. Per un verso questa, nonostante la generale
ed estrema miseria del popolo, può coltivare i suoi raffinati gusti
cosmopoliti: ai suoi banchetti si scialacquano «squisitezze di tutte le
parti del mondo» (pp. 174-5). A degustarle sono raffinati parassiti
che, nell’ostentare il loro sfarzo, non danno certo prova di
ristrettezza provinciale: «le volpi azzurre vengono da Amburgo, le
perle coltivate dal Giappone, le turchesi via Bombay dalla Persia, i
coralli dall’Italia e l’ambra da Berlino e Königsberg» (p. 166). Ma
mentre si sente affine all’aristocrazia parassitaria di ogni angolo del
mondo, la casta dominante tibetana guarda ai suoi servi come ad una
razza diversa e inferiore; sì, «la nobiltà ha le sue leggi severe: è
permesso sposare soltanto chi è dello stesso rango» (p. 191). Che senso
ha allora parlare di lotta di indipendenza nazionale? Come possono
esserci una nazione e una comunità nazionale se, per riconoscimento
dello stesso candido cantore del Tibet pre-rivoluzionario, i «semidei»
nobiliari, lungi dal considerare concittadini i loro servi, li bollano
e li trattano quali «esseri inferiori» (pp. 170 e 168)?
D’altro canto, a quale Tibet pensa il Dalai Lama, allorché comincia ad
agitare la bandiera dell’indipendenza? E’ il Grande Tibet, che avrebbe
dovuto abbracciare vaste aree al di fuori del Tibet propriamente detto,
annettendo anche le popolazioni di origine tibetana residenti in
regioni come lo Yunnan e il Sichuan, da secoli parte integrante del
territorio della Cina e talvolta culla storica di questa civiltà
multisecolare e multinazionale. Chiaramente, il Grande Tibet costituiva
e costituisce un elemento essenziale del progetto di smembramento di un
paese che, a partire dalla sua rinascita nel 1949, non cessa di turbare
i sogni di dominio mondiale accarezzati a Washington.
Ma cosa sarebbe successo nel Tibet propriamente detto se le ambizioni
del Dalai Lama si fossero realizzate? Lasciamo pure da parte i servi e
gli «esseri inferiori» a cui chiaramente non prestano molta attenzione
i seguaci e i devoti di Sua Santità. In ogni caso, il Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario è una «teocrazia» (p. 169): «un europeo
difficilmente è in grado di capire quale importanza si annetta al più
piccolo capriccio del Dio-Re» (p. 270). Sì, «il potere della gerarchia
era illimitato» (p. 148), ed esso si esercitava su qualunque aspetto
dell’esistenza: «la vita delle persone è regolata dalla volontà divina,
i cui unici interpreti sono i lama» (p. 182). Ovviamente, non c’è
distinzione tra sfera religiosa e sfera politica: i monaci permettevano
«alle tibetane le nozze con un mussulmano solo alla condizione di non
abiurare» (p. 169); non era consentito convertirsi dal lamaismo
all’Islam. Assieme ai rapporti matrimoniali anche la vita sessuale
conosce una regolamentazione occhiuta: «per gli adulteri vigono pene
molto drastiche, ad esempio il taglio del naso» (p. 191). E’ chiaro:
pur di smembrare la Cina, Washington non esitava a montare in sella al
cavallo fondamentalista del lamaismo integralista e del Dalai Lama.
Ora, anche Sua Santità è costretto a prenderne atto: il progetto
secessionista è sostanzialmente fallito. Ed ecco allora le
dichiarazioni per cui ci si accontenterebbe dell’«autonomia». In
realtà, il Tibet è da un pezzo una regione autonoma. E non si tratta di
parole. Già, nel 1998, pur formulando critiche, Foreign Affairs, la
rivista americana vicina al Dipartimento di Stato, con un articolo di
Melvyn C. Goldstein, si è lasciata sfuggire riconoscimenti importanti:
nella Regione Autonoma Tibetana il 60-70% dei funzionari sono di etnia
tibetana e vige la pratica del bilinguismo. Naturalmente, c’è sempre
spazio per miglioramenti; resta il fatto che, in seguito alla
diffusione dell’istruzione, la lingua tibetana è oggi parlata e scritta
da un numero di persone ben più elevato che nel Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario. E’ da aggiungere che solo la distruzione
dell’ordinamento castale e delle barriere che separavano i «semidei»
dagli «esseri inferiori» ha reso possibile l’emergere su larga base di
un’identità culturale e nazionale tibetana. La propaganda corrente è il
rovesciamento della verità.
Mentre gode di un’ampia autonomia, il Tibet, grazie anche agli sforzi
massicci del governo centrale, conosce un periodo di straordinario
sviluppo economico e sociale. Assieme al livello di istruzione, al
tenore di vita e alla durata media della vita cresce anche la coesione
tra i diversi gruppi etnici, come è confermato fra l’altro dall’aumento
dei matrimoni misti tra han (cinesi) e tibetani. Ma proprio ciò diventa
il nuovo cavallo di battaglia della campagna anticinese. Ne è un
esempio clamoroso l’articolo di Bernardo Valli su la Repubblica del 29
novembre. Mi limito qui a citare il sommario: «L’integrazione tra
questi due popoli è l’ultima arma per annullare la cultura millenaria
del paese sul tetto del mondo». Chiaramente, il giornalista si è
lasciato abbagliare dall’immagine di un Tibet all’insegna della purezza
etnica e religiosa che è il sogno dei gruppi fondamentalisti e
secessionisti. Per comprenderne il carattere regressivo, basta ridare
la parola al cronista che ha ispirato Hollywood. Nel Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario, oltre ai tibetani e ai cinesi «si possono
incontrare anche lhadaki, bhutanesi, mongoli, sikkimesi, kazaki e via
dicendo». Sono ben presenti anche i nepalesi: «Le loro famiglie
rimangono quasi sempre nel Nepal, dove anche loro ritornano di tanto in
tanto. In questo differiscono dai cinesi, che sposano volentieri donne
tibetane, conducendo una vita coniugale esemplare» (pp. 168-9). La
maggiore «autonomia» che si rivendica, non si sa bene se per il Tibet
propriamente detto ovvero per il Grande Tibet, dovrebbe comportare
anche la possibilità per il governo regionale di vietare i matrimoni
misti e di realizzare una purezza etnica e culturale che non esisteva
neppure prima del 1949?
3. La cooptazione del Dalai Lama nell’Occidente e nella razza bianca e
la denuncia del pericolo giallo
L’articolo di Repubblica è prezioso perché ci permette di cogliere la
sottile vena razzista che attraversa la campagna anticinese in corso.
Com’è noto, nel ricercare le origini della razza «ariana» o «nordica» o
«bianca», la mitologia razzista e il Terzo Reich hanno spesso guardato
con interesse all’India e al Tibet: è di qui che avrebbe preso le mosse
la marcia trionfale della razza superiore. Nel 1939, al seguito di una
spedizione delle SS l’austriaco Harrer giunge nell’India del nord (oggi
Pakistan) e di qui poi penetra nel Tibet. Allorché incontra il Dalai
Lama, subito lo riconosce e lo celebra come membro della superiore
razza bianca: «La sua carnagione era molto più chiara di quella del
tibetano medio, e in qualche sfumatura anche più bianca di quella
dell’aristocrazia tibetana» (p. 280). Del tutto estranei alla razza
bianca sono invece i cinesi. Ecco perché è un evento straordinario la
prima conversazione che Sua Santità ha con Harrer: egli si trovava «per
la prima volta solo con un uomo bianco» (p. 277). In quanto
sostanzialmente bianco il Dalai Lama non era certo inferiore agli
«europei» ed era comunque «aperto a tutte le idee occidentali» (pp. 292
e 294). Ben diversamente si atteggiano i cinesi, nemici mortali
dell’Occidente. Lo conferma ad Harrer un «ministro-monaco» del Tibet
sacro: «nelle antiche scritture, ci disse, si leggeva una profezia: una
grande potenza del Nord muoverà guerra al Tibet, distruggerà la
religione e imporrà la sua egemonia al mondo» (p. 141). Non c’è dubbio:
la denuncia del pericolo giallo è il filo conduttore del libro che ha
ispirato la leggenda hollywoodiana del Dalai Lama.
Torniamo alla foto di gruppo che ha concluso il suo recente viaggio in
Italia. Fisicamente assenti ma idealmente ben presenti si possono
considerare Richard Gere e gli altri divi di Hollywood, inondati di
dollari per celebrare la leggenda del Dio-Re venuto dall’Oriente
misterioso. E’ doloroso ammetterlo ma bisogna prenderne atto: è ormai
da qualche tempo che, volte le spalle alla storia e alla geografia, una
certa sinistra si rivela in grado di alimentarsi solo di miti teosofici
e cinematografici, senza prendere le distanze neppure dai miti
cinematografici più torbidi.
Proseguiamo con gli approfondimenti sul tema "Imperialismo ed
autodeterminazione". Sullo stesso tema vedi anche le seguenti analisi,
dedicate particolarmente ai micronazionalismi in Europa:
EUROPA "BALCANIZZATA" ?
https://www.cnj.it/documentazione/hillard_liberazione_070903.pdf
DIVIDIAMO L'IRAQ COME ABBIAMO FATTO CON LA JUGOSLAVIA!
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3055
EUROPA: UNIONE E DISGREGAZIONE
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2134
FROM TERRITORY TO PEOPLE: NATIONS ADRIFT
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1165
Sul caso specifico cinese vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3013
e la nostra precedente rassegna:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2972
1. Cosa ha a che fare la CIA con il Dalai Lama?
2. Il mito del Tibet
3. Menzogne americane sul Tibet e sul Dalai Lama
4. Dalai Lama a 'Nazi Dupe Who Succumbed to Hitler'
5. Dalai Lama: "Violence needed to fight terror"
Si vedano anche gli articoli di Enrica Collotti Pischel:
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=869
CINA - NATO - USA
(Giano del 15/05/2000)
http://www.lernesto.it/strutture/articolo.asp?codart=867
LA CINA, ''L'ULTIMO PAESE SOVRANO''
(Giano del 15/9/2001)
---
From: "FRANCHI"
...di seguito trovate un'interessante articolo sul Dailai Lama apparso
sulla rivista L'Ernesto a firma di Domenico Losurdo.
Recentemente il Dailai Lama ha fatto visita in Italia, appuntamento che
ha visto tutti i principali leaders politici (da destra a sinistra)
"inchinarsi" al suo cospetto, in nome del Tibet, dei Tibetani e
dell'armonia tra i popoli.
Il Dailai Lama è una figura che in tanta parte del mondo è conosciuta
come figura di pace, giustizia sociale e rispetto per i più deboli
(arrivando a tutelare anche i più minuscoli insetti indifesi).
Per tali ragioni credo sia utile la letura di questo articolo poichè
aiuta a sollevare il velo su un lato non molto conosciuto di questa
importante figura internazionale e, più in generale, su un lato poco
conociuto del sistema economico, politico e sociale che la sua figura
incarna.
Tale articolo è tratto dal libro di Heinrich Harrer "Sette anni nel
Tibet" (Mondadori, Oscar bestsellers, 1999), libro che ha contribuito
non poco a costruire l'immagine che tutti conosciamo del Dailai Lama.
Buona lettura a tutte e a tutti.
Franchi
---
Domenico Losurdo
CHI E' IL DALAI LAMA?
(dalla rivista L'Ernesto - http://www.lernesto.it )
Celebrato e trasfigurato dalla cinematografia di Hollywood, il Dalai
Lama continua indubbiamente a godere di una vasta popolarità: il suo
ultimo viaggio in Italia si è concluso solennemente con una foto di
gruppo coi dirigenti dei partiti di centro-sinistra, che hanno voluto
così testimoniare la loro stima o la loro riverenza nei confronti del
campione della lotta di «liberazione del popolo tibetano».
Ma chi è realmente costui? Tanto per cominciare, egli non è nato nel
Tibet storico, ma in territorio incontestabilmente cinese, per
l’esattezza nella provincia di Amdo che nel 1935, l’anno della nascita,
era amministrata dal Kuomintang. In famiglia si parlava un dialetto
regionale cinese, sicché il nostro eroe impara il tibetano come una
lingua straniera, ed è costretto a impararla a partire dall’età di tre
anni, e cioè dal momento in cui, riconosciuto come l’incarnazione del
13° Dalai Lama, viene sottratto alla sua famiglia e segregato in un
convento, per essere sottoposto all’influenza esclusiva dei monaci che
gli insegnano a sentirsi, a pensare, a scrivere, a parlare e a
comportarsi come il Dio-Re dei tibetani ovvero come Sua Santità.
1 Un «paradiso» raccapricciante
Desumo queste notizie da un libro (Heinrich Harrer, Sette anni nel
Tibet, Mondadori, Oscar bestsellers, 1999), che pure ha un carattere di
semi-ufficialità (si conclude con il «Messaggio» in cui il Dalai Lama
esprime la sua gratitudine all’autore) e che ha contribuito moltissimo
alla costruzione del mito hollywoodiano. Si tratta di un testo a suo
modo straordinario, che riesce a trasformare in capitoli di storia
sacra anche i particolari più inquietanti. Nel 1946, Harrer incontra a
Lhasa i genitori del Dalai Lama, dove si sono trasferiti ormai da molti
anni, abbandonando la natia Amdo. E, tuttavia, essi non sono ancora
divenuti tibetani: bevono il tè alla cinese, continuano a parlare un
dialetto cinese e, per intendersi con Harrer, che si esprime in
tibetano, hanno bisogno dell’aiuto di un «interprete». Certo, la loro
vita è cambiata radicalmente: «Era un grosso salto quello dalla loro
piccola casa di contadini in una lontana provincia al palazzo che ora
abitavano e ai vasti poderi che erano adesso di loro proprietà».
Avevano ceduto ai monaci un bambino di tenerissima età, che poi
riconosce nella sua autobiografia di aver molto sofferto per questa
separazione. In cambio, i genitori avevano potuto godere di una
prodigiosa ascesa sociale. Siamo in presenza di un comportamento
discutibile? Non sia mai detto. Harrer si affretta subito a
sottolineare la «nobiltà innata» di questa coppia (p. 133): come
potrebbe essere diversamente, dato che si tratta del padre e della
madre del Dio-Re?
Ma che società è quella su cui il Dalai Lama è chiamato a governare?
Sia pure a malincuore, l’autore del libro finisce col riconoscerlo: «La
supremazia dell’ordine monastico nel Tibet è assoluta, e si può
confrontare solo con una severa dittatura. I monaci diffidano di ogni
influsso che possa mettere in pericolo la loro dominazione». Ad essere
punito non è soltanto chi agisce contro il «potere» ma anche «chiunque
lo metta in dubbio» (p. 76). Diamo ora uno sguardo ai rapporti sociali.
Si direbbe che la merce più a buon mercato sia costituita dai servi (si
tratta, in ultima analisi, di schiavi). Harrer descrive giulivo
l’incontro con un alto funzionario: anche se non è un personaggio
particolarmente importante, egli può comunque disporre di un «seguito
di trenta servi e serve» (p. 56). Essi vengono sottoposti a fatiche non
solo bestiali ma persino inutili: «Circa venti uomini erano legati alla
cintura da una corda e trascinavano un immenso tronco, cantando in coro
le loro lente nenie e avanzando di pari passo. Ansanti e in un bagno di
sudore non potevano soffermarsi per pigliare fiato, perché il capofila
non lo permetteva. Questo lavoro massacrante rappresenta una parte
delle loro tasse, un tributo da sistema feudale». Sarebbe stato facile
far ricorso alla ruota, ma «il governo non voleva la ruota»; e, come
sappiamo, contrastare o anche solo mettere in discussione il potere
della casta dominante poteva essere assai pericoloso. Ma, secondo
Harrer, non ha senso versare lacrime sul popolo tibetano di quegli
anni: «forse così era più felice» (pp. 159-160).
Incolmabile era l’abisso che separava i servi dai padroni. Per la gente
comune, al Dio-Re non era lecito rivolgere né la parola né lo sguardo.
Ecco cosa avviene nel corso di una processione:
«Le porte della cattedrale si aprirono e lentamente uscì il Dalai Lama
[…] Devota la folla si inchinò immediatamente. Il cerimoniale religioso
esigerebbe che la gente si gettasse per terra, ma era impossibile farlo
a causa della mancanza di spazio. Migliaia di persone curvarono invece
la schiena, come un campo di grano sciabolato dal vento. Nessuno osava
alzare gli occhi. Lento e compassato il Dalai Lama iniziò il suo giro
intorno al Barkhor […] Le donne non osavano respirare».
Finita la processione, il quadro cambia in modo radicale:
«Come ridestata da un sonno ipnotico la folla in quel momento passò
dall’ordine al caos […] I monaci-soldato entrarono subito in azione […]
All’impazzata facevano mulinare i loro bastoni sulla folla […] Ma
nonostante la gragnuola di colpi, i battuti ritornavano come fossero
posseduti da demoni […] Adesso accettavano colpi e frustate come una
benedizione. Fiaccole di pece fumosa cadevano sulle loro teste, urla di
dolore, qui un volto bruciato, là i gemiti di un calpestato!» (pp.
157-8).
Vale la pena di notare che questo spettacolo viene seguito dal nostro
autore in modo ammirato e devoto. Non a caso, il tutto è contenuto in
un paragrafo dal titolo eloquente: «Un dio alza, benedicendo, la mano».
L’unico momento in cui Harrer assume un atteggiamento critico si
verifica allorché egli descrive la condizione igienica e sanitaria del
Tibet del tempo. Infuria la mortalità infantile, la durata media della
vita è incredibilmente bassa, le medicine sono sconosciute, in compenso
circolano farmaci assai singolari: «spesso i lama ungono i loro
pazienti con la propria saliva santa; oppure tsampa e burro vengono
mescolati con l’urina degli uomini santi per ottenere una specie di
emulsione che viene somministrata ai malati» (p. 194). Qui si ritrae
perplesso anche il nostro autore devoto e bacchettone: se pure dal
«Dio-Ragazzo» è stato «persuaso a credere nella reincarnazione» (p.
248), egli tuttavia non riesce a «giustificare il fatto che si bevesse
l’urina del Buddha Vivente», e cioè del Dalai Lama. Solleva il problema
con quest’ultimo, ma con scarsi risultati: il Dio-Re «da solo non
poteva combattere tali usi e costumi, e in fondo non se ne preoccupava
troppo». Ciò nonostante, il nostro autore, che si accontenta di poco,
messe da parte le sue riserve, conclude imperturbabile: «In India, del
resto, era uno spettacolo giornaliero vedere la gente bere l’urina
delle vacche sacre» (p. 294).
A questo punto, Harrer può procedere senza più impacci nella sua opera
di trasfigurazione del Tibet pre-rivoluzionario. In realtà, esso è
carico di violenza e non conosce neppure il principio della
responsabilità individuale: le punizioni possono essere anche
trasversali e colpire i parenti del responsabile di una mancanza anche
assai lieve o persino immaginaria (p. 79). Ma cosa avviene per i
crimini considerati più gravi? «Mi raccontarono di un uomo che aveva
rubato una lampada dorata al burro da uno dei templi di Kyirong. Fu
dichiarato colpevole del reato, e quella che noi avremmo considerato
una sentenza disumana fu portata a compimento. Gli furono pubblicamente
mozzate le mani, e il suo corpo mutilato ma ancora vivo fu avvolto in
una pelle di yak bagnata. Quando smise di sanguinare, venne gettato in
un precipizio» (p. 75). Ma anche reati minori, ad esempio «il gioco
d’azzardo», possono essere puniti in modo spietato se commessi nei
giorni di festività solenni: «i monaci sono a tale riguardo inesorabili
e molto temuti, perché più di una volta è avvenuto che qualcuno sia
morto sotto la rigorosa flagellazione, la pena usuale» (pp. 153-3). La
violenza più selvaggia caratterizza i rapporti non solo tra «semidei» e
«esseri inferiori» ma anche tra le diverse frazioni della casta
dominante: ai responsabili delle frequenti «rivoluzioni militari» e
«guerre civili» che caratterizzano la storia del Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario (l’ultima si verifica nel 1947), vengono fatti
«cavare gli occhi con una spada» (pp. 224-5). E, tuttavia, il nostro
zelante convertito al lamaismo non si limita a dichiarare che «le
punizioni sono piuttosto drastiche, ma sembrano essere commisurate alla
mentalità della popolazione» (p. 75). No, il Tibet pre-rivoluzionario è
ai suoi occhi un’oasi incantata di non violenza: «Dopo un po’ che si è
nel paese, a nessuno è più possibile uccidere una mosca senza pensarci.
Io stesso, in presenza di un tibetano, non avrei mai osato schiacciare
un insetto soltanto perché mi infastidiva» (p. 183). In conclusione,
siamo in presenza di un «paradiso» (p. 77). Oltre che di Harrer, questa
è l’opinione anche del Dalai Lama che nel suo «Messaggio» finale si
abbandona ad una struggente nostalgia degli anni vissuti da Dio-Re:
«ricordiamo quei giorni felici che trascorremmo assieme in un paese
felice» (happy) ovvero, secondo la traduzione italiana, in «un paese
libero».
2. «Invasione» del Tibet e tentativo di smembramento della Cina
Questo paese «felice» e «libero», questo «paradiso» viene trasformato
in un inferno dall’«invasione» cinese. Le mistificazioni non hanno mai
fine. Ha realmente senso parlare di «invasione»? Quale paese aveva
riconosciuto l’«indipendenza» del Tibet e intratteneva con esso
relazioni diplomatiche? In realtà, ancora nel 1949, nel pubblicare un
libro sulle relazioni Usa-Cina, il dipartimento di Stato americano
accludeva una mappa di per sé eloquente: con tutta chiarezza sia il
Tibet che Taiwan vi figuravano quali parti integranti del grande paese
asiatico, impegnato a porre fine una volta per sempre alle amputazioni
territoriali imposte da un secolo di aggressioni colonialiste e
imperialiste. Naturalmente, con l’avvento dei comunisti al potere,
cambia tutto, comprese le carte geografiche: ogni falsificazione
storica e geografica è lecita se essa consente di ridare slancio alla
politica a suo tempo iniziata con la guerra dell’oppio e di avanzare
cioè in direzione dello smembramento della Cina comunista.
E’ un obiettivo che sembra sul punto di realizzarsi nel 1959. Con un
cambiamento radicale rispetto alla politica seguita sino a quel
momento, che l’aveva visto collaborare col nuovo potere insediatosi a
Pechino, il Dalai Lama sceglie la via dell’esilio e comincia ad agitare
la bandiera dell’indipendenza del Tibet. Si tratta realmente di una
rivendicazione nazionale? Abbiamo visto che il Dalai Lama stesso non è
di origine tibetana ed è costretto ad imparare una lingua che non è la
sua lingua materna. Ma concentriamo pure la nostra attenzione sulla
casta dominante autoctona. Per un verso questa, nonostante la generale
ed estrema miseria del popolo, può coltivare i suoi raffinati gusti
cosmopoliti: ai suoi banchetti si scialacquano «squisitezze di tutte le
parti del mondo» (pp. 174-5). A degustarle sono raffinati parassiti
che, nell’ostentare il loro sfarzo, non danno certo prova di
ristrettezza provinciale: «le volpi azzurre vengono da Amburgo, le
perle coltivate dal Giappone, le turchesi via Bombay dalla Persia, i
coralli dall’Italia e l’ambra da Berlino e Königsberg» (p. 166). Ma
mentre si sente affine all’aristocrazia parassitaria di ogni angolo del
mondo, la casta dominante tibetana guarda ai suoi servi come ad una
razza diversa e inferiore; sì, «la nobiltà ha le sue leggi severe: è
permesso sposare soltanto chi è dello stesso rango» (p. 191). Che senso
ha allora parlare di lotta di indipendenza nazionale? Come possono
esserci una nazione e una comunità nazionale se, per riconoscimento
dello stesso candido cantore del Tibet pre-rivoluzionario, i «semidei»
nobiliari, lungi dal considerare concittadini i loro servi, li bollano
e li trattano quali «esseri inferiori» (pp. 170 e 168)?
D’altro canto, a quale Tibet pensa il Dalai Lama, allorché comincia ad
agitare la bandiera dell’indipendenza? E’ il Grande Tibet, che avrebbe
dovuto abbracciare vaste aree al di fuori del Tibet propriamente detto,
annettendo anche le popolazioni di origine tibetana residenti in
regioni come lo Yunnan e il Sichuan, da secoli parte integrante del
territorio della Cina e talvolta culla storica di questa civiltà
multisecolare e multinazionale. Chiaramente, il Grande Tibet costituiva
e costituisce un elemento essenziale del progetto di smembramento di un
paese che, a partire dalla sua rinascita nel 1949, non cessa di turbare
i sogni di dominio mondiale accarezzati a Washington.
Ma cosa sarebbe successo nel Tibet propriamente detto se le ambizioni
del Dalai Lama si fossero realizzate? Lasciamo pure da parte i servi e
gli «esseri inferiori» a cui chiaramente non prestano molta attenzione
i seguaci e i devoti di Sua Santità. In ogni caso, il Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario è una «teocrazia» (p. 169): «un europeo
difficilmente è in grado di capire quale importanza si annetta al più
piccolo capriccio del Dio-Re» (p. 270). Sì, «il potere della gerarchia
era illimitato» (p. 148), ed esso si esercitava su qualunque aspetto
dell’esistenza: «la vita delle persone è regolata dalla volontà divina,
i cui unici interpreti sono i lama» (p. 182). Ovviamente, non c’è
distinzione tra sfera religiosa e sfera politica: i monaci permettevano
«alle tibetane le nozze con un mussulmano solo alla condizione di non
abiurare» (p. 169); non era consentito convertirsi dal lamaismo
all’Islam. Assieme ai rapporti matrimoniali anche la vita sessuale
conosce una regolamentazione occhiuta: «per gli adulteri vigono pene
molto drastiche, ad esempio il taglio del naso» (p. 191). E’ chiaro:
pur di smembrare la Cina, Washington non esitava a montare in sella al
cavallo fondamentalista del lamaismo integralista e del Dalai Lama.
Ora, anche Sua Santità è costretto a prenderne atto: il progetto
secessionista è sostanzialmente fallito. Ed ecco allora le
dichiarazioni per cui ci si accontenterebbe dell’«autonomia». In
realtà, il Tibet è da un pezzo una regione autonoma. E non si tratta di
parole. Già, nel 1998, pur formulando critiche, Foreign Affairs, la
rivista americana vicina al Dipartimento di Stato, con un articolo di
Melvyn C. Goldstein, si è lasciata sfuggire riconoscimenti importanti:
nella Regione Autonoma Tibetana il 60-70% dei funzionari sono di etnia
tibetana e vige la pratica del bilinguismo. Naturalmente, c’è sempre
spazio per miglioramenti; resta il fatto che, in seguito alla
diffusione dell’istruzione, la lingua tibetana è oggi parlata e scritta
da un numero di persone ben più elevato che nel Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario. E’ da aggiungere che solo la distruzione
dell’ordinamento castale e delle barriere che separavano i «semidei»
dagli «esseri inferiori» ha reso possibile l’emergere su larga base di
un’identità culturale e nazionale tibetana. La propaganda corrente è il
rovesciamento della verità.
Mentre gode di un’ampia autonomia, il Tibet, grazie anche agli sforzi
massicci del governo centrale, conosce un periodo di straordinario
sviluppo economico e sociale. Assieme al livello di istruzione, al
tenore di vita e alla durata media della vita cresce anche la coesione
tra i diversi gruppi etnici, come è confermato fra l’altro dall’aumento
dei matrimoni misti tra han (cinesi) e tibetani. Ma proprio ciò diventa
il nuovo cavallo di battaglia della campagna anticinese. Ne è un
esempio clamoroso l’articolo di Bernardo Valli su la Repubblica del 29
novembre. Mi limito qui a citare il sommario: «L’integrazione tra
questi due popoli è l’ultima arma per annullare la cultura millenaria
del paese sul tetto del mondo». Chiaramente, il giornalista si è
lasciato abbagliare dall’immagine di un Tibet all’insegna della purezza
etnica e religiosa che è il sogno dei gruppi fondamentalisti e
secessionisti. Per comprenderne il carattere regressivo, basta ridare
la parola al cronista che ha ispirato Hollywood. Nel Tibet
pre-rivoluzionario, oltre ai tibetani e ai cinesi «si possono
incontrare anche lhadaki, bhutanesi, mongoli, sikkimesi, kazaki e via
dicendo». Sono ben presenti anche i nepalesi: «Le loro famiglie
rimangono quasi sempre nel Nepal, dove anche loro ritornano di tanto in
tanto. In questo differiscono dai cinesi, che sposano volentieri donne
tibetane, conducendo una vita coniugale esemplare» (pp. 168-9). La
maggiore «autonomia» che si rivendica, non si sa bene se per il Tibet
propriamente detto ovvero per il Grande Tibet, dovrebbe comportare
anche la possibilità per il governo regionale di vietare i matrimoni
misti e di realizzare una purezza etnica e culturale che non esisteva
neppure prima del 1949?
3. La cooptazione del Dalai Lama nell’Occidente e nella razza bianca e
la denuncia del pericolo giallo
L’articolo di Repubblica è prezioso perché ci permette di cogliere la
sottile vena razzista che attraversa la campagna anticinese in corso.
Com’è noto, nel ricercare le origini della razza «ariana» o «nordica» o
«bianca», la mitologia razzista e il Terzo Reich hanno spesso guardato
con interesse all’India e al Tibet: è di qui che avrebbe preso le mosse
la marcia trionfale della razza superiore. Nel 1939, al seguito di una
spedizione delle SS l’austriaco Harrer giunge nell’India del nord (oggi
Pakistan) e di qui poi penetra nel Tibet. Allorché incontra il Dalai
Lama, subito lo riconosce e lo celebra come membro della superiore
razza bianca: «La sua carnagione era molto più chiara di quella del
tibetano medio, e in qualche sfumatura anche più bianca di quella
dell’aristocrazia tibetana» (p. 280). Del tutto estranei alla razza
bianca sono invece i cinesi. Ecco perché è un evento straordinario la
prima conversazione che Sua Santità ha con Harrer: egli si trovava «per
la prima volta solo con un uomo bianco» (p. 277). In quanto
sostanzialmente bianco il Dalai Lama non era certo inferiore agli
«europei» ed era comunque «aperto a tutte le idee occidentali» (pp. 292
e 294). Ben diversamente si atteggiano i cinesi, nemici mortali
dell’Occidente. Lo conferma ad Harrer un «ministro-monaco» del Tibet
sacro: «nelle antiche scritture, ci disse, si leggeva una profezia: una
grande potenza del Nord muoverà guerra al Tibet, distruggerà la
religione e imporrà la sua egemonia al mondo» (p. 141). Non c’è dubbio:
la denuncia del pericolo giallo è il filo conduttore del libro che ha
ispirato la leggenda hollywoodiana del Dalai Lama.
Torniamo alla foto di gruppo che ha concluso il suo recente viaggio in
Italia. Fisicamente assenti ma idealmente ben presenti si possono
considerare Richard Gere e gli altri divi di Hollywood, inondati di
dollari per celebrare la leggenda del Dio-Re venuto dall’Oriente
misterioso. E’ doloroso ammetterlo ma bisogna prenderne atto: è ormai
da qualche tempo che, volte le spalle alla storia e alla geografia, una
certa sinistra si rivela in grado di alimentarsi solo di miti teosofici
e cinematografici, senza prendere le distanze neppure dai miti
cinematografici più torbidi.
Dobro dosli na J U G O I N F O !
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COORDINAMENTO NAZIONALE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA - https://www.cnj.it
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Per contattarci: <jugocoord@...>
La nostra attivita' di informazione via internet, che continua
ininterrottamente (seppur con diverse denominazioni) dal 1997
grazie allo sforzo individuale di pochissimi volontari, puo'
continuare solo con il vostro sostegno. Vi chiediamo pertanto di
SOTTOSCRIVERE SUBITO per JUGOINFO e per le
altre attivita' del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
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Causale: sostegno per Jugoinfo
JUGOINFO
is a bulletin on Yugoslavia and the Balkans edited by
ITALIJANSKA KOORDINACIJA ZA JUGOSLAVIJU - https://www.cnj.it
(see archive: http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/)
For contacts: <jugocoord@...>
Our effort to keep you informed through the net is continuing
without interruption (even if under different denominations)
since 1997 thanks to the voluntary engagement of very few people.
This has a chance to go on only if you support us, by
IMMEDIATELY SUBSCRIBING in favor of JUGOINFO and the other
activities of the Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
by giving your contribution through the Italian account:
Conto Bancoposta n. 47595665
intestato ad Anita Krstic, Milano.
Causale: sostegno per Jugoinfo
GRAZIE / HVALA / THANKS
JUGOINFO
e' il bollettino sulla Jugoslavia ed i Balcani curato dal
COORDINAMENTO NAZIONALE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA - https://www.cnj.it
(vedi archivio: http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/)
Per contattarci: <jugocoord@...>
La nostra attivita' di informazione via internet, che continua
ininterrottamente (seppur con diverse denominazioni) dal 1997
grazie allo sforzo individuale di pochissimi volontari, puo'
continuare solo con il vostro sostegno. Vi chiediamo pertanto di
SOTTOSCRIVERE SUBITO per JUGOINFO e per le
altre attivita' del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
usando il:
Conto Bancoposta n. 47595665
intestato ad Anita Krstic, Milano.
Causale: sostegno per Jugoinfo
JUGOINFO
is a bulletin on Yugoslavia and the Balkans edited by
ITALIJANSKA KOORDINACIJA ZA JUGOSLAVIJU - https://www.cnj.it
(see archive: http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/)
For contacts: <jugocoord@...>
Our effort to keep you informed through the net is continuing
without interruption (even if under different denominations)
since 1997 thanks to the voluntary engagement of very few people.
This has a chance to go on only if you support us, by
IMMEDIATELY SUBSCRIBING in favor of JUGOINFO and the other
activities of the Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
by giving your contribution through the Italian account:
Conto Bancoposta n. 47595665
intestato ad Anita Krstic, Milano.
Causale: sostegno per Jugoinfo
GRAZIE / HVALA / THANKS
PRESERVATIVI
Dopo l'introduzione della religione negli asili e dopo tante pressioni,
da parte vaticana, per imporre i valori cattolici nelle scuole, e'
finalmente esplosa in Croazia la polemica sulla educazione sessuale e
sui contraccettivi.
(Si noti che la notizia che segue - segnalata su exju.org - non e'
stata finora ripresa da alcuna agenzia o organo di informazione
italiano, perche' del clericonazismo croato e delle sue implicazioni e'
bene non parlare.)
---
http://www.balkanpeace.org/hed/archive/jan04/hed6214.shtml
Reuters, January 31, 2004
Croatia Catholic bishops oppose "condom education"
ZAGREB, (Reuters) - Croatia's powerful Roman Catholic Church has
opposed efforts to promote the use of condoms among teenagers to help
prevent AIDS and launched its own sex education programme counselling
chastity and abstinence.
The church's programme, publicised in Croatian media this week, aims to
sideline MEMOAIDS, a course introduced as an optional subject in local
secondary schools to raise awareness about AIDS.
The Catholic Church opposes the use of condoms, which church officials
say "encourages promiscuity and raises the chances of HIV infection
while not being fully successful in preventing pregnancy".
AIDS activists reject this, saying condoms help prevent the spread of
HIV/AIDS.
"Our programme has a different approach than MEMOAIDS, which suggests
the use of condoms as protection. The goal is to change the behaviour,
not to promote wider use of condoms," the widely circulated daily
Jutarnji list quoted bishop Valter Zupan as saying on Friday.
Zupan, who heads the Family Council of the Croatian Bishops' Conference
(HBK), added that "experts from Washington have recently proved that
the use of condoms enhances promiscuity and the possibility of HIV
infection".
The Catholic Church counsels chastity and marital fidelity and its
opposition to condoms has sparked growing criticism worldwide as the
number of AIDS victims soars.
The HBK said earlier this week that MEMOAIDS was also unacceptable
because it did not require approval from parents.
Dragan Primorac, Education and Science Minister in the new conservative
government, said his ministry would thoroughly review both programmes
before making any decisions.
Almost 90 percent of people in this former Yugoslav republic declare
themselves Catholics, although surveys suggest more than half approve
of abortion, which the Catholic Church rejects.
Dopo l'introduzione della religione negli asili e dopo tante pressioni,
da parte vaticana, per imporre i valori cattolici nelle scuole, e'
finalmente esplosa in Croazia la polemica sulla educazione sessuale e
sui contraccettivi.
(Si noti che la notizia che segue - segnalata su exju.org - non e'
stata finora ripresa da alcuna agenzia o organo di informazione
italiano, perche' del clericonazismo croato e delle sue implicazioni e'
bene non parlare.)
---
http://www.balkanpeace.org/hed/archive/jan04/hed6214.shtml
Reuters, January 31, 2004
Croatia Catholic bishops oppose "condom education"
ZAGREB, (Reuters) - Croatia's powerful Roman Catholic Church has
opposed efforts to promote the use of condoms among teenagers to help
prevent AIDS and launched its own sex education programme counselling
chastity and abstinence.
The church's programme, publicised in Croatian media this week, aims to
sideline MEMOAIDS, a course introduced as an optional subject in local
secondary schools to raise awareness about AIDS.
The Catholic Church opposes the use of condoms, which church officials
say "encourages promiscuity and raises the chances of HIV infection
while not being fully successful in preventing pregnancy".
AIDS activists reject this, saying condoms help prevent the spread of
HIV/AIDS.
"Our programme has a different approach than MEMOAIDS, which suggests
the use of condoms as protection. The goal is to change the behaviour,
not to promote wider use of condoms," the widely circulated daily
Jutarnji list quoted bishop Valter Zupan as saying on Friday.
Zupan, who heads the Family Council of the Croatian Bishops' Conference
(HBK), added that "experts from Washington have recently proved that
the use of condoms enhances promiscuity and the possibility of HIV
infection".
The Catholic Church counsels chastity and marital fidelity and its
opposition to condoms has sparked growing criticism worldwide as the
number of AIDS victims soars.
The HBK said earlier this week that MEMOAIDS was also unacceptable
because it did not require approval from parents.
Dragan Primorac, Education and Science Minister in the new conservative
government, said his ministry would thoroughly review both programmes
before making any decisions.
Almost 90 percent of people in this former Yugoslav republic declare
themselves Catholics, although surveys suggest more than half approve
of abortion, which the Catholic Church rejects.
Milosevic "trial" synopsis
1. JANUARY 20, 2004: A PRIJEDOR WITNESS TESTIFIES
2. JANUARY 21, 2004: "EXPERT WITNESS" TESTIFIES ABOUT WHAT "GENOCIDE"
MEANS TO HIM
3. JANUARY 22, 2004: TUDJMAN'S CABINET CHIEF ADMITS CROATIA MASSACRED
ITS OWN CITIZENS TO PROVIDE A PRETEXT FOR OPERATION FLASH
4. JANUARY 26, 2004: PROSECUTION CLAIMS 2,541 BODIES FOUND AND 70
IDENTIFIED FROM SREBRENICA
5. JANUARY 27, 2004: A NATO SPY EMPLOYED BY THE PROSECUTION TESTIFIES
AGAINST MILOSEVIC
=== 1 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012003.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 20, 2004: A PRIJEDOR WITNESS
TESTIFIES
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 23, 2004
JANUARY 20, 2004 - Karem Misanovic, a Muslim from the National Defense
Secretariat of the Prijedor T.O. testified at the so-called "trial" of
Slobodan Milosevic on Tuesday.
He testified about the takeover of Prijedor, by the Bosnian Serb
Territorial Defense forces, on April 30, 1992. The takeover happened
without firing a single shot being fired. The Serbs were endeavoring
to prevent war from breaking out.
President Milosevic produced a telegram from Alija Mustafic of the B-H
Defense Ministry ordering the Prijedor T.O. to attack the JNA. The
telegram was sent on April 29, 1992 and it was the reason why the
Serbs took over the town the next day.
There were seven Muslims in the Prijedor T.O., including the witness,
and six of them kept their jobs after the take over. From this example
we can see that even after the Serbs took over there was no
discrimination against the Muslims.
The witness eventually left Bosnia and went to Serbia. He stayed in
Serbia until he could go to Germany. He didn't have any problems in
Serbia and he couldn't identify a single Muslim who did.
All in all he was a pretty insignificant witness. You would think that
with just a few days left to go to present their case that the
prosecution would try to come-up with something more than they
presented here.
After Misanovic withdrew Tom Zwann, a social scientist from the
Netherlands took the stand. Mr. Zwann wrote a report about genocide.
The point of his coming to testify was to try and broaden the
definition of genocide for the prosecution.
The prosecution seems to realize that Milosevic isn't guilty of what
most people understand genocide to be, so they are going to use this
witness in order to try and broaden the definition of the word.
Dr. Zwann bemoaned the fact that people measure genocide against the
Jewish experience during the Second World War. He thinks people set
the bar to high when it comes to genocide. He believes that genocide
doesn't have to be a large scale affair. More over he complains that
the legal definition of genocide is too restrictive.
Unfortunately, for the prosecution, Zwann put a caveat on his own
definition of genocide. If the supposed victim is armed and is
fighting a war with the other side then they aren't victims of
genocide.
The Bosnian Muslims were armed, and they were fighting a war that they
started themselves against the Bosnian Serbs. So even under Zwann's
excessively broad definition of genocide the Muslims still aren't
victims.
Zwann's examination in chief was completed on January 20th and
Slobodan Milosevic will cross-examine on January 21st.
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012104.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 21, 2004: "EXPERT WITNESS"
TESTIFIES ABOUT WHAT "GENOCIDE" MEANS TO HIM
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 24, 2004
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 21, 2004 - Dr. Ton Zwann, a so-called “expert
witness” from a newly established center for Holocaust studies in
Amsterdam was cross-examined by President Slobodan Milosevic on
Wednesday.
Zwann wrote a report about “genocide” of course he didn’t use any
legal definition of the word. Instead Zwann’s report concentrated on
his own ideas and personal feelings about what he considers genocide
to be.
President Milosevic observed that this witness’s evidence was totally
irrelevant because it constituted nothing more than an opinion that
wasn’t based on any legal definition. Mr. May repeatedly reminded
Milosevic that he wasn’t supposed to make legal arguments, apparently
Mr. May feels that his so-called “courtroom” is no place for making
legal arguments. We wouldn't want something so trivial as the law
getting in the way of this show trial would we Mr. May?
Zwann complained in his report that the legal definition of genocide
was too restrictive. Therefore, he made up his own personal definition
that he used for his report. I’m not sure what exactly Zwann’s
definition of genocide is, but in Dr. Zwann’s world the Partisan Army
of Josip Broz Tito committed genocide against the Ustasha, so that
should tell you something.
In Mr. Nice’s re-examination he asked Dr. Zwann if he could think of
any examples where Serbs engaged in genocidal activity and the witness
replied that the Partisan Army, which contained many Serbs, committed
genocide against the Ustasha.
In addition to claiming that the Ustasha was the victim of genocide at
the hands of the Serbs. Zwann sought to minimize the number of people
killed at the Jasenovac concentration camp by the Ustasha.
President Milosevic quoted data he obtained from the Simon Wiesenthal
Center stating that 600,000 to 700,000 Serbs, and 30,000 Jews and
Gypsies were massacred by Ustasha fascists at the Jasenovac camp, and
Zwann dismissed that data as being exaggerated. Zwann suggested that
the numbers were being inflated for propaganda purposes and that the
“real number” was between 100,000 and 120,000 victims in total,
including the Jewish victims.
Seeing as how the Simon Wiesenthal Center is the one of the most
respected institutions in the field of Holocaust studies in the world,
and has been studying the Holocaust ever since the Second World War.
In view of this fact President Milosevic asked the witness if, he
(whose institution has only existed for 4 months) considered himself
to be more competent than the Wiesenthall Center to assess the
holocaust, and the witness said that he considered their research to
be wrong.
Zwann never explained how come the Wiesenthal Center, a Jewish human
rights organization, would be making propaganda for the Serbs. Nor did
Zwann explain where he got his numbers from.
At any rate, Dr. Zwann’s feelings don’t matter. As far as I am
concerned he can take his report and sit under a tree with a bunch of
dumb hippies; they can take some bong hits, they can sing “Kumbaya,”
and they can all discuss what “genocide” means to them. For all I know
that’s how he came up with his ideas in the first place.
Never mind that genocide already has a clear definition set out in
Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide as adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the U.N.
General Assembly on 9 December 1948, and the definition is this:
In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts
committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated
to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
What happened here is obvious, seeing that they have not a single
shred of proof to accuse Milosevic of genocide, the prosecution has
decided to try and change the definition of genocide. They got some
jackass with a PhD. (Dr. Zwann) to come and put forward a bunch of
touchy feely psychobabble about what he thinks “genocide” is. This has
got to be one of the dumbest thing’s I’ve ever seen, and I’ve seen
some pretty stupid things over the course of this fiasco they call a
“trial.”
After Zwann withdrew some administrative matters were discussed. Even
though they are nearly done presenting their pathetic excuse of a
case, the prosecution is still “unable” to provide Milosevic with the
documents for the upcoming witnesses. This is inexcusable, with only 11
days to go, that they can’t have the documents together.
Over two weeks ago Mr. Nice said that they had acquired a number of
documents from the Yugoslav Supreme Defense Council. Milosevic asked
for copies of those documents and still two weeks later he doesn’t have
them. All he wants are some lousy Xerox copies and the prosecution,
ignoring their own Rule 68, won’t give them to him.
After the break, Hrvoje Sarinic, Franjo Tudjman’s former Chief de
Cabinet, was examined by the prosecution. As one would expect, this
witness attributed God-like power to Slobodan Milosevic. This witness’s
basic claim was that every Serb everywhere was a mindless automaton
under the control of the all seeing and all knowing Slobodan Milosevic.
Slobodan Milosevic’s cross-examination of Sarinic was conducted on
Thursday and will be covered by this website in Thursday’s synopsis.
=== 3 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012204.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 22, 2004: TUDJMAN'S CABINET CHIEF
ADMITS CROATIA MASSACRED ITS OWN CITIZENS TO PROVIDE A PRETEXT FOR
OPERATION FLASH
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 27, 2004
THURSDAY, JANUARY 22, 2004 - Hrvoje Sarinic, Franjo Tudjman’s, former
Cabinet Chief was cross-examined by President Milosevic on Thursday.
Mr. Sarinic believed that the Krajina Serbs were a “Trojan horse” that
had been sent to Croatia to enact the politics of Slobodan Milosevic.
Milosevic joked that his control must have been so great that he was
able to send this “Trojan horse” into the Krajina centuries before he
was even born. The term “Trojan horse” was used more than once by Mr.
Sarinic to describe the Krajina Serbs, so it wasn’t merely a one time
slip of the tongue.
Mr. Sarinic also attempted to say that Milosevic controlled Arkan. He
didn’t have a single piece of proof to back this up. To explain his
lack of proof he said that “Milosevic covers his tracks too well.”
Slobodan Milosevic gave Mr. Sarinic more than he bargained for in his
cross-examination. President Milosevic had procured the transcripts of
top secret meetings held in the office of Franjo Tudjman.
From these transcripts Milosevic observed that Tudjman was speaking
quite openly about his desire to ethnically cleanse the Serbs from the
Krajina. In 1991 Tudjman was talking about "the need to cleanse Western
Slavonia.”
It also emerged that Tudjman, together with this witness and other top
Croatian officials, on April 30, 1995 planned to stage a “Serb” attack
on Croatian vehicles traveling on the Zagreb-Lipovac highway. The idea
behind staging this attack was to provide a pretext for the launch of
Operation Flash. Sure enough, late on that same day this attack was
carried out, and Operation Flash was launched the very next morning on
May 1, 1995.
At first Mr. Sarinic tried to deny these facts, but then he gave in
and admitted that it was true. He said that it was only “military
tactics,” and that “Operation Flash was justified.”
The result of Operation Flash was that thousands of Serbs were killed
or wounded and hundreds of thousands more were made into refugees.
But, oh well, it’s only “military tactics,” right Mr. Sarinic?
To top this off, Zagreb carried out this “Serb” attack on its own
citizens, at the same time as it was negotiating a peace agreement with
the RSK authorities in Knin.
These same people who massacred their own citizens on the highway in
order to provide a justification for their ethnic cleansing operations
have provided the prosecution with some of the intercepts that it is
using as “evidence” against Milosevic.
I’m sure we can trust the authenticity of their tapes, Sarinic himself
even "authenticated" some of the tapes. So what if the Croats murdered
their own people on the highway so that they could have an excuse to
ethnically cleanse the Serbs? They’re much too honest to doctor some
tapes. I’m sure we can trust them.
Mr. Sarinic, told Mr. Nice during the examination in chief that the
RSK Prime Minister, Bora Mikelic and Slobodan Milosevic had a “master
and slave relationship” with Milosevic as the master. It turns out that
Mr. Mikelic watches the “trial” and he saw Sarinic saying this.
Mr. Mikelic wrote a letter which was exhibited by President Milosevic.
In the letter Mikelic explains that he and Milosevic had a
relationship of equality and mutual respect, and that Sarinic knew this
and was spreading lies.
Sarinic was more candid than one might expect. He admitted that the
former Croatian Defense Minister, Martain Spegelj planned the blockade
and attack on JNA barracks in Croatia before the outbreak of
hostilities.
Sarinic also admitted that the United States, and in particular the
Clinton Administration, gave Croatia the green light to carry out
Operation Storm, and that it was the Americans who called off the
operation when it began heading towards Banja Luka.
With a wink and a nod from the United States, Croatia launched the
operation, and because the Americans were the ones running the show it
was the USA who called the operation off when their objectives had been
achieved.
What was their objective? If the result is any indication, it was to
carryout the largest ethnic cleansing in the Balkans since the Second
World War, since that is exactly what happened.
Mr. Sarinic was of the opinion that Croatia was the victim. In his
opinion the Serbs, who had been living in the Krajina for many
centuries, were “occupying” Croatia. He insisted that operations
“Storm” and “Flash” were justified.
Another admission that Mr. Sarinic made was that a French General,
named DeBoul (phonetic) who investigated the shelling of the Markale
Market in Sarajevo told him that the fatal shell could only have come
from Muslim-held positions.
Slobodan Milosevic read out transcripts of Mesic’s remarks at his
meetings with Tudjman. On November 21, 1991 Mesic said that Croatia
should “paint the JNA” as an aggressor army. He said that Croatia
should go to the UN and argue that Yugoslavia no longer existed, and
ask the UN not to recognize Yugoslavia anymore. Mr. Sarinic looked at
the transcript and basically confirmed that it was all in the
transcript, and that it was in line with their position at the time.
It seems like Croatia had a pretty self-important view of itself.
Croatia leaves Yugoslavia; and so on the basis of that it concludes
that Yugoslavia no longer exists. If Delaware left would the United
States cease to exist?
After Sarinic withdrew some administrative matters were discussed.
Even at this late date, Mr. Nice still can’t make-up his mind about
which witnesses he will call. On Monday the prosecution will call, Dean
Manning, an investigator who has been employed by the Office of the
Prosecutor to investigate Serbreica.
=== 4 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012604.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 26, 2004: PROSECUTION CLAIMS
2,541 BODIES FOUND AND 70 IDENTIFIED FROM SREBRENICA
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 29, 2004
Monday, January 26, 2004 - Dean Manning an investigator employed by
the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY testified against Slobodan
Milosevic on Monday.
Prior to his employment in the Office of the Prosecutor Mr. Manning
was a detective for the Australian Police.
As an investigator for the prosecution, Mr. Manning prepared a report
about what he has found over the course of the exhumations of mass
graves connected to Srebrenica between 1996 until the present day.
Contrary to media reports the graves have not unearthed 8,000 bodies.
According to Mr. Manning 2,541 different bodies are confirmed to have
been found, and only 70 bodies have been identified by the ICTY.
Manning claimed that the B-H government may have identified more
bodies, but he didn't know how many.
According to Mr. Manning's report 1,175 bodies were killed by gunshot
wounds. 67 were killed by shrapnel or blast injuries. 11 were killed
by a combination of gunshot wounds and shrapnel or blast injuries, and
the cause of death for the rest is undetermined, meaning that the
cause of death for over half of the bodies is unknown.
All of the corpses are men, except for one woman. The youngest body
found is thought to be approximately 12 years old. The vast majority
of the cadavers are of military aged men.
President Milosevic asked Manning if there was any indication that
anybody from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was involved. Manning
said that there was no evidence that anybody from Yugoslavia was
involved with any of the killings.
Manning said that there are only two known perpetrators. One is a VRS
soldier who was later killed in the war, and the other is Drazen
Erdemovic, who is a Croat.
Erdemovic was sentenced to 10 years in prison for taking part in
executions, and was let out of prison after serving only 6 years.
Mr. Manning claimed that it was 30,000 men who had set out to
breakthrough the Serbian lines together with the B-H Army towards
Tuzla in July of 1995, and not the 15,000 that had been claimed by
earlier witnesses.
Mr. Manning knew that people were killed in the fighting around
Srebrenica, but he didn't know where they were buried. Manning held
the opinion that nobody in the graves had been killed in battle, even
though he didn't know how half of them had been killed.
Mr. Manning was only briefly examined by Mr. Nice. Rule 89(F) was used
and the examination-in-chief was over in just a few minutes. President
Milosevic was only given an hour and a half for his cross-examination,
and Mr. Tapuskovic was only given 15 minutes. It seems more than a
little odd that a witness of this nature would be examined so quickly.
The next witness was Reynaud Theunens. He holds the rank of commandant
in the Belgian army, and he works for the Office of the Prosecutor
too. He wrote a report for the Prosecution about the command structure
of the armed forces operating on the territory of the former SFRY. His
cross-examination will be covered in the summary of Tuesday's
proceedings.
=== 5 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012704.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 27, 2004: A NATO SPY EMPLOYED BY
THE PROSECUTION TESTIFIES AGAINST MILOSEVIC
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 30, 2004
TUESDAY, JANUARY 27, 2004 – Reynaud Theunens completed his
examination-in-chief and was cross-examined by Slobodan Milosevic on
Tuesday.
The first thing you should know about this witness is who he is. Mr.
Theunens holds the rank of commandant in the Belgian army, where he
serves as an active duty intelligence officer. In other words he’s a
NATO spy whose area of operation is the Balkans, and he is currently
employed by the Office of the Prosecutor at the Hague Tribunal.
Mr. Theunens “expert report” was entitled “Armed Forces in the SFRY
and the war in Croatia.” Even the title of his report was misleading
because he didn’t talk about all of the armed forces on the territory
of the SFRY who took part in the war in Croatia. He didn’t mention the
Croatian forces at all. Practically no mention was made of the HVO,
HOS, or ZNG forces, and when President Milosevic would ask the witness
about these forces he would say that it was outside the scope of his
report.
Mr. Theunens only dealt with armed forces that the Serbs were part of.
He didn’t look at all of the warring factions. He tried to say that
volunteer units were the same thing as paramilitary formations. He
didn’t seem to, or want to, understand that a volunteer unit is
subordinated to the command of either the army, or the territorial
defense forces, whereas a paramilitary unit is an armed group that
isn’t subordinated to any legal command structure.
Mr. Theunens had the opportunity to look over many documents from the
JNA, VJ, VRS, and SVK forces. With this in mind President Milosevic
asked the witness if he had seen any document where either he or the
VJ main staff issued orders to the VRS or the SVK forces. Mr. Theunens
reply was “just because we don’t have these documents it doesn’t mean
that they don’t exist.”
The closest thing to an order that Mr. Theunens could come up with was
a request that Milosevic sent to Martic asking him to let UNPROFOR
pass through SVK territory, and the reason why Milosevic sent the
request in the first place was because Akashi had asked him to.
The Yugoslav Army’s 30th and 40th personnel centers came up again and
President Milosevic again had to explain that these centers existed to
pay salaries, pension, and health benefits to the former officers
Yugoslav People’s Army and their families. Nobody who didn’t first
serve in the JNA got a dime from these personnel centers, and this is
material that has already been confirmed and explained by the former
Yugoslav President Zoran Lilic when he came to testify.
There is no proof that these personnel centers issued any orders. They
were just personnel centers, and no army anywhere in the world is
commanded by the personnel department.
This was a wasted day for the prosecution. Not even this NATO spy who
works for the Office of the Prosecutor at the Hague Tribunal could say
that Milosevic or the VJ main staff issued any orders to the SVK or
the VRS or to any other soldier serving outside of the borders of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
1. JANUARY 20, 2004: A PRIJEDOR WITNESS TESTIFIES
2. JANUARY 21, 2004: "EXPERT WITNESS" TESTIFIES ABOUT WHAT "GENOCIDE"
MEANS TO HIM
3. JANUARY 22, 2004: TUDJMAN'S CABINET CHIEF ADMITS CROATIA MASSACRED
ITS OWN CITIZENS TO PROVIDE A PRETEXT FOR OPERATION FLASH
4. JANUARY 26, 2004: PROSECUTION CLAIMS 2,541 BODIES FOUND AND 70
IDENTIFIED FROM SREBRENICA
5. JANUARY 27, 2004: A NATO SPY EMPLOYED BY THE PROSECUTION TESTIFIES
AGAINST MILOSEVIC
=== 1 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012003.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 20, 2004: A PRIJEDOR WITNESS
TESTIFIES
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 23, 2004
JANUARY 20, 2004 - Karem Misanovic, a Muslim from the National Defense
Secretariat of the Prijedor T.O. testified at the so-called "trial" of
Slobodan Milosevic on Tuesday.
He testified about the takeover of Prijedor, by the Bosnian Serb
Territorial Defense forces, on April 30, 1992. The takeover happened
without firing a single shot being fired. The Serbs were endeavoring
to prevent war from breaking out.
President Milosevic produced a telegram from Alija Mustafic of the B-H
Defense Ministry ordering the Prijedor T.O. to attack the JNA. The
telegram was sent on April 29, 1992 and it was the reason why the
Serbs took over the town the next day.
There were seven Muslims in the Prijedor T.O., including the witness,
and six of them kept their jobs after the take over. From this example
we can see that even after the Serbs took over there was no
discrimination against the Muslims.
The witness eventually left Bosnia and went to Serbia. He stayed in
Serbia until he could go to Germany. He didn't have any problems in
Serbia and he couldn't identify a single Muslim who did.
All in all he was a pretty insignificant witness. You would think that
with just a few days left to go to present their case that the
prosecution would try to come-up with something more than they
presented here.
After Misanovic withdrew Tom Zwann, a social scientist from the
Netherlands took the stand. Mr. Zwann wrote a report about genocide.
The point of his coming to testify was to try and broaden the
definition of genocide for the prosecution.
The prosecution seems to realize that Milosevic isn't guilty of what
most people understand genocide to be, so they are going to use this
witness in order to try and broaden the definition of the word.
Dr. Zwann bemoaned the fact that people measure genocide against the
Jewish experience during the Second World War. He thinks people set
the bar to high when it comes to genocide. He believes that genocide
doesn't have to be a large scale affair. More over he complains that
the legal definition of genocide is too restrictive.
Unfortunately, for the prosecution, Zwann put a caveat on his own
definition of genocide. If the supposed victim is armed and is
fighting a war with the other side then they aren't victims of
genocide.
The Bosnian Muslims were armed, and they were fighting a war that they
started themselves against the Bosnian Serbs. So even under Zwann's
excessively broad definition of genocide the Muslims still aren't
victims.
Zwann's examination in chief was completed on January 20th and
Slobodan Milosevic will cross-examine on January 21st.
=== 2 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012104.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 21, 2004: "EXPERT WITNESS"
TESTIFIES ABOUT WHAT "GENOCIDE" MEANS TO HIM
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 24, 2004
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 21, 2004 - Dr. Ton Zwann, a so-called “expert
witness” from a newly established center for Holocaust studies in
Amsterdam was cross-examined by President Slobodan Milosevic on
Wednesday.
Zwann wrote a report about “genocide” of course he didn’t use any
legal definition of the word. Instead Zwann’s report concentrated on
his own ideas and personal feelings about what he considers genocide
to be.
President Milosevic observed that this witness’s evidence was totally
irrelevant because it constituted nothing more than an opinion that
wasn’t based on any legal definition. Mr. May repeatedly reminded
Milosevic that he wasn’t supposed to make legal arguments, apparently
Mr. May feels that his so-called “courtroom” is no place for making
legal arguments. We wouldn't want something so trivial as the law
getting in the way of this show trial would we Mr. May?
Zwann complained in his report that the legal definition of genocide
was too restrictive. Therefore, he made up his own personal definition
that he used for his report. I’m not sure what exactly Zwann’s
definition of genocide is, but in Dr. Zwann’s world the Partisan Army
of Josip Broz Tito committed genocide against the Ustasha, so that
should tell you something.
In Mr. Nice’s re-examination he asked Dr. Zwann if he could think of
any examples where Serbs engaged in genocidal activity and the witness
replied that the Partisan Army, which contained many Serbs, committed
genocide against the Ustasha.
In addition to claiming that the Ustasha was the victim of genocide at
the hands of the Serbs. Zwann sought to minimize the number of people
killed at the Jasenovac concentration camp by the Ustasha.
President Milosevic quoted data he obtained from the Simon Wiesenthal
Center stating that 600,000 to 700,000 Serbs, and 30,000 Jews and
Gypsies were massacred by Ustasha fascists at the Jasenovac camp, and
Zwann dismissed that data as being exaggerated. Zwann suggested that
the numbers were being inflated for propaganda purposes and that the
“real number” was between 100,000 and 120,000 victims in total,
including the Jewish victims.
Seeing as how the Simon Wiesenthal Center is the one of the most
respected institutions in the field of Holocaust studies in the world,
and has been studying the Holocaust ever since the Second World War.
In view of this fact President Milosevic asked the witness if, he
(whose institution has only existed for 4 months) considered himself
to be more competent than the Wiesenthall Center to assess the
holocaust, and the witness said that he considered their research to
be wrong.
Zwann never explained how come the Wiesenthal Center, a Jewish human
rights organization, would be making propaganda for the Serbs. Nor did
Zwann explain where he got his numbers from.
At any rate, Dr. Zwann’s feelings don’t matter. As far as I am
concerned he can take his report and sit under a tree with a bunch of
dumb hippies; they can take some bong hits, they can sing “Kumbaya,”
and they can all discuss what “genocide” means to them. For all I know
that’s how he came up with his ideas in the first place.
Never mind that genocide already has a clear definition set out in
Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide as adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the U.N.
General Assembly on 9 December 1948, and the definition is this:
In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts
committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated
to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
What happened here is obvious, seeing that they have not a single
shred of proof to accuse Milosevic of genocide, the prosecution has
decided to try and change the definition of genocide. They got some
jackass with a PhD. (Dr. Zwann) to come and put forward a bunch of
touchy feely psychobabble about what he thinks “genocide” is. This has
got to be one of the dumbest thing’s I’ve ever seen, and I’ve seen
some pretty stupid things over the course of this fiasco they call a
“trial.”
After Zwann withdrew some administrative matters were discussed. Even
though they are nearly done presenting their pathetic excuse of a
case, the prosecution is still “unable” to provide Milosevic with the
documents for the upcoming witnesses. This is inexcusable, with only 11
days to go, that they can’t have the documents together.
Over two weeks ago Mr. Nice said that they had acquired a number of
documents from the Yugoslav Supreme Defense Council. Milosevic asked
for copies of those documents and still two weeks later he doesn’t have
them. All he wants are some lousy Xerox copies and the prosecution,
ignoring their own Rule 68, won’t give them to him.
After the break, Hrvoje Sarinic, Franjo Tudjman’s former Chief de
Cabinet, was examined by the prosecution. As one would expect, this
witness attributed God-like power to Slobodan Milosevic. This witness’s
basic claim was that every Serb everywhere was a mindless automaton
under the control of the all seeing and all knowing Slobodan Milosevic.
Slobodan Milosevic’s cross-examination of Sarinic was conducted on
Thursday and will be covered by this website in Thursday’s synopsis.
=== 3 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012204.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 22, 2004: TUDJMAN'S CABINET CHIEF
ADMITS CROATIA MASSACRED ITS OWN CITIZENS TO PROVIDE A PRETEXT FOR
OPERATION FLASH
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 27, 2004
THURSDAY, JANUARY 22, 2004 - Hrvoje Sarinic, Franjo Tudjman’s, former
Cabinet Chief was cross-examined by President Milosevic on Thursday.
Mr. Sarinic believed that the Krajina Serbs were a “Trojan horse” that
had been sent to Croatia to enact the politics of Slobodan Milosevic.
Milosevic joked that his control must have been so great that he was
able to send this “Trojan horse” into the Krajina centuries before he
was even born. The term “Trojan horse” was used more than once by Mr.
Sarinic to describe the Krajina Serbs, so it wasn’t merely a one time
slip of the tongue.
Mr. Sarinic also attempted to say that Milosevic controlled Arkan. He
didn’t have a single piece of proof to back this up. To explain his
lack of proof he said that “Milosevic covers his tracks too well.”
Slobodan Milosevic gave Mr. Sarinic more than he bargained for in his
cross-examination. President Milosevic had procured the transcripts of
top secret meetings held in the office of Franjo Tudjman.
From these transcripts Milosevic observed that Tudjman was speaking
quite openly about his desire to ethnically cleanse the Serbs from the
Krajina. In 1991 Tudjman was talking about "the need to cleanse Western
Slavonia.”
It also emerged that Tudjman, together with this witness and other top
Croatian officials, on April 30, 1995 planned to stage a “Serb” attack
on Croatian vehicles traveling on the Zagreb-Lipovac highway. The idea
behind staging this attack was to provide a pretext for the launch of
Operation Flash. Sure enough, late on that same day this attack was
carried out, and Operation Flash was launched the very next morning on
May 1, 1995.
At first Mr. Sarinic tried to deny these facts, but then he gave in
and admitted that it was true. He said that it was only “military
tactics,” and that “Operation Flash was justified.”
The result of Operation Flash was that thousands of Serbs were killed
or wounded and hundreds of thousands more were made into refugees.
But, oh well, it’s only “military tactics,” right Mr. Sarinic?
To top this off, Zagreb carried out this “Serb” attack on its own
citizens, at the same time as it was negotiating a peace agreement with
the RSK authorities in Knin.
These same people who massacred their own citizens on the highway in
order to provide a justification for their ethnic cleansing operations
have provided the prosecution with some of the intercepts that it is
using as “evidence” against Milosevic.
I’m sure we can trust the authenticity of their tapes, Sarinic himself
even "authenticated" some of the tapes. So what if the Croats murdered
their own people on the highway so that they could have an excuse to
ethnically cleanse the Serbs? They’re much too honest to doctor some
tapes. I’m sure we can trust them.
Mr. Sarinic, told Mr. Nice during the examination in chief that the
RSK Prime Minister, Bora Mikelic and Slobodan Milosevic had a “master
and slave relationship” with Milosevic as the master. It turns out that
Mr. Mikelic watches the “trial” and he saw Sarinic saying this.
Mr. Mikelic wrote a letter which was exhibited by President Milosevic.
In the letter Mikelic explains that he and Milosevic had a
relationship of equality and mutual respect, and that Sarinic knew this
and was spreading lies.
Sarinic was more candid than one might expect. He admitted that the
former Croatian Defense Minister, Martain Spegelj planned the blockade
and attack on JNA barracks in Croatia before the outbreak of
hostilities.
Sarinic also admitted that the United States, and in particular the
Clinton Administration, gave Croatia the green light to carry out
Operation Storm, and that it was the Americans who called off the
operation when it began heading towards Banja Luka.
With a wink and a nod from the United States, Croatia launched the
operation, and because the Americans were the ones running the show it
was the USA who called the operation off when their objectives had been
achieved.
What was their objective? If the result is any indication, it was to
carryout the largest ethnic cleansing in the Balkans since the Second
World War, since that is exactly what happened.
Mr. Sarinic was of the opinion that Croatia was the victim. In his
opinion the Serbs, who had been living in the Krajina for many
centuries, were “occupying” Croatia. He insisted that operations
“Storm” and “Flash” were justified.
Another admission that Mr. Sarinic made was that a French General,
named DeBoul (phonetic) who investigated the shelling of the Markale
Market in Sarajevo told him that the fatal shell could only have come
from Muslim-held positions.
Slobodan Milosevic read out transcripts of Mesic’s remarks at his
meetings with Tudjman. On November 21, 1991 Mesic said that Croatia
should “paint the JNA” as an aggressor army. He said that Croatia
should go to the UN and argue that Yugoslavia no longer existed, and
ask the UN not to recognize Yugoslavia anymore. Mr. Sarinic looked at
the transcript and basically confirmed that it was all in the
transcript, and that it was in line with their position at the time.
It seems like Croatia had a pretty self-important view of itself.
Croatia leaves Yugoslavia; and so on the basis of that it concludes
that Yugoslavia no longer exists. If Delaware left would the United
States cease to exist?
After Sarinic withdrew some administrative matters were discussed.
Even at this late date, Mr. Nice still can’t make-up his mind about
which witnesses he will call. On Monday the prosecution will call, Dean
Manning, an investigator who has been employed by the Office of the
Prosecutor to investigate Serbreica.
=== 4 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012604.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 26, 2004: PROSECUTION CLAIMS
2,541 BODIES FOUND AND 70 IDENTIFIED FROM SREBRENICA
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 29, 2004
Monday, January 26, 2004 - Dean Manning an investigator employed by
the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY testified against Slobodan
Milosevic on Monday.
Prior to his employment in the Office of the Prosecutor Mr. Manning
was a detective for the Australian Police.
As an investigator for the prosecution, Mr. Manning prepared a report
about what he has found over the course of the exhumations of mass
graves connected to Srebrenica between 1996 until the present day.
Contrary to media reports the graves have not unearthed 8,000 bodies.
According to Mr. Manning 2,541 different bodies are confirmed to have
been found, and only 70 bodies have been identified by the ICTY.
Manning claimed that the B-H government may have identified more
bodies, but he didn't know how many.
According to Mr. Manning's report 1,175 bodies were killed by gunshot
wounds. 67 were killed by shrapnel or blast injuries. 11 were killed
by a combination of gunshot wounds and shrapnel or blast injuries, and
the cause of death for the rest is undetermined, meaning that the
cause of death for over half of the bodies is unknown.
All of the corpses are men, except for one woman. The youngest body
found is thought to be approximately 12 years old. The vast majority
of the cadavers are of military aged men.
President Milosevic asked Manning if there was any indication that
anybody from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was involved. Manning
said that there was no evidence that anybody from Yugoslavia was
involved with any of the killings.
Manning said that there are only two known perpetrators. One is a VRS
soldier who was later killed in the war, and the other is Drazen
Erdemovic, who is a Croat.
Erdemovic was sentenced to 10 years in prison for taking part in
executions, and was let out of prison after serving only 6 years.
Mr. Manning claimed that it was 30,000 men who had set out to
breakthrough the Serbian lines together with the B-H Army towards
Tuzla in July of 1995, and not the 15,000 that had been claimed by
earlier witnesses.
Mr. Manning knew that people were killed in the fighting around
Srebrenica, but he didn't know where they were buried. Manning held
the opinion that nobody in the graves had been killed in battle, even
though he didn't know how half of them had been killed.
Mr. Manning was only briefly examined by Mr. Nice. Rule 89(F) was used
and the examination-in-chief was over in just a few minutes. President
Milosevic was only given an hour and a half for his cross-examination,
and Mr. Tapuskovic was only given 15 minutes. It seems more than a
little odd that a witness of this nature would be examined so quickly.
The next witness was Reynaud Theunens. He holds the rank of commandant
in the Belgian army, and he works for the Office of the Prosecutor
too. He wrote a report for the Prosecution about the command structure
of the armed forces operating on the territory of the former SFRY. His
cross-examination will be covered in the summary of Tuesday's
proceedings.
=== 5 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg012704.htm
MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" SYNOPSIS - JANUARY 27, 2004: A NATO SPY EMPLOYED BY
THE PROSECUTION TESTIFIES AGAINST MILOSEVIC
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - January 30, 2004
TUESDAY, JANUARY 27, 2004 – Reynaud Theunens completed his
examination-in-chief and was cross-examined by Slobodan Milosevic on
Tuesday.
The first thing you should know about this witness is who he is. Mr.
Theunens holds the rank of commandant in the Belgian army, where he
serves as an active duty intelligence officer. In other words he’s a
NATO spy whose area of operation is the Balkans, and he is currently
employed by the Office of the Prosecutor at the Hague Tribunal.
Mr. Theunens “expert report” was entitled “Armed Forces in the SFRY
and the war in Croatia.” Even the title of his report was misleading
because he didn’t talk about all of the armed forces on the territory
of the SFRY who took part in the war in Croatia. He didn’t mention the
Croatian forces at all. Practically no mention was made of the HVO,
HOS, or ZNG forces, and when President Milosevic would ask the witness
about these forces he would say that it was outside the scope of his
report.
Mr. Theunens only dealt with armed forces that the Serbs were part of.
He didn’t look at all of the warring factions. He tried to say that
volunteer units were the same thing as paramilitary formations. He
didn’t seem to, or want to, understand that a volunteer unit is
subordinated to the command of either the army, or the territorial
defense forces, whereas a paramilitary unit is an armed group that
isn’t subordinated to any legal command structure.
Mr. Theunens had the opportunity to look over many documents from the
JNA, VJ, VRS, and SVK forces. With this in mind President Milosevic
asked the witness if he had seen any document where either he or the
VJ main staff issued orders to the VRS or the SVK forces. Mr. Theunens
reply was “just because we don’t have these documents it doesn’t mean
that they don’t exist.”
The closest thing to an order that Mr. Theunens could come up with was
a request that Milosevic sent to Martic asking him to let UNPROFOR
pass through SVK territory, and the reason why Milosevic sent the
request in the first place was because Akashi had asked him to.
The Yugoslav Army’s 30th and 40th personnel centers came up again and
President Milosevic again had to explain that these centers existed to
pay salaries, pension, and health benefits to the former officers
Yugoslav People’s Army and their families. Nobody who didn’t first
serve in the JNA got a dime from these personnel centers, and this is
material that has already been confirmed and explained by the former
Yugoslav President Zoran Lilic when he came to testify.
There is no proof that these personnel centers issued any orders. They
were just personnel centers, and no army anywhere in the world is
commanded by the personnel department.
This was a wasted day for the prosecution. Not even this NATO spy who
works for the Office of the Prosecutor at the Hague Tribunal could say
that Milosevic or the VJ main staff issued any orders to the SVK or
the VRS or to any other soldier serving outside of the borders of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
(italiano / english)
WC : War Criminal : Wesley Clark
1. "Democracy Now" ha intervistato Clark
2. Clark placed career ahead of nation in Kosovo (G. Jatras)
3. General Wesley Clark - From Waco to Yugoslavia
4. Balkan failure is Clark's (Robert Novak)
5. Wesley Clark goes to the Hague (by Andrej Grubacic)
See also / vedi anche:
Michael Moore enlists with General Clark: the pathetic-and
predictable-logic of protest politics (by David Walsh)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2004/jan2004/moor-j27_prn.shtml
The Democrats' idea of a general (by Ann Coulter)
http://www.canada.com/national/nationalpost/news/comment/
story.html?id=b08be3c5-26a4-4274-abcd-87c9a0ca988a
On war criminal Wesley Clark "testimony" at The Hague's ad-hoc
"tribunal", as well as on his biography and future aspirations, see in
our previous mailings:
Wesley Clark's Ties To Muslim Terrorists
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3078
Criminal Clark
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3074
On Criminal Clark's testimony at The Hague
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3043
Almost full transcripts of the "testimony" can be read at:
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031215ED.htm
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031216ED.htm
Pictures can be seen at:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/draftWC.htm
JAIL WESLEY CLARK! FREE MILOSEVIC!
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3031
STOP WAR CRIMINAL WESLEY CLARK FROM TESTIFYING IN SECRET
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3026
Un vero criminale di guerra all'Aia
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3017
War criminal Wesley Clark to testify against Milosevic
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3007
Wesley Clark, Osama bin Laden e le elezioni Presidenziali del 2004
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2961
M. Chossudovsky: Wesley Clark, Osama bin Laden and the 2004
Presidential Elections
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2889
History of misinformation tarnishes Clark's military record
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2871
Wesley Clark farà domani il contrario di ciò che ha fatto ieri ?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2825
Wesley Clark fera-t-il demain le contraire de ce qu'il faisait hier?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2811
Wesley Clark War Crimes amply documented
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2822
War Criminal Wesley Clark for President?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2795
=== 1 ===
----- Original Message -----
From: "Carlo Gubitosa"
To: <pace@...>
Sent: Sunday, February 01, 2004 8:51 PM
Subject: La sinistra usa e le morti in kossovo
Negli Usa tra un po' ci saranno le elezioni presidenziali, e molti
pacifisti Usa si crederanno costretti a votare l'ex comandante della
missione nato in Kossovo, il generale Wesley Clark, che si presenta
come unica alternativa a Bush, cosi' come molti pacifisti italiani
premieranno con il loro voto molti politici colpevoli di crimini contro
l'umanita', strage e attentato alla costituzione durante i
bombardamenti del 1999.
Negli Usa, la catena radiofonica indipendente "Pacifica Network" ha la
memoria lunga, e il programma radiofonico "Democracy Now" ha
intervistato Clark con delle domande sulla guerra del 1999. In Italia
si annuncia una "dura campagna elettorale", ma state sicuri che le
bombe del 1999 sono un argomento morto e sepolto, come migliaia di
civili jugoslavi.
Il video e la trascrizione dell'intervista si trovano a questo
indirizzo:
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=04/01/26/1632224
---
In the January 26th, 2004 issue of the american “DEMOCRACY NOW!”, Clark
Admits Targeting Civilians In Yugoslavia.
“DEMOCRACY NOW!” confronts Wesley Clark Over His Bombing Of Civilians,
Use Of Cluster Bombs And Depleted Uranium And The Bombing Of Serb
Television :
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=04/01/26/1632224
In a “DEMOCRACY NOW!” exclusive, General Wesley Clark responds for the
first time to in-depth questions about his targeting of civilian
infrastructure in Yugoslavia, his bombing of Radio Television Serbia,
the use of cluster bombs and depleted uranium, the speeding-up of the
cockpit video of a bombing of a passenger train to make it appear as
though it was an accident and other decisions he made and orders he
gave as NATO's Supreme Allied Commander.
Since the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia, General Wesley Clark has not
answered any in-depth questions about his targeting of civilian
infrastructure in Yugoslavia.
Today candidate to the presidence of the USA, Clark portrays himself as
the antiwar warrior and his rhetoric against the war has escalated
significantly over the past week of campaigning. At his campaign stops,
he has been saying regularly, "The war is wrong."
This is not always what he said.
In February, Clark told CNN, "The credibility of the United States is
on the line, and Saddam Hussein has these weapons and so, you know,
we're going to go ahead and do this and the rest of the world's got to
get with us...The U.N. has got to come in and belly up to the bar on
this. But the president of the United States has put his credibility on
the line, too. And so this is the time that these nations around the
world, and the United Nations, are going to have to look at this
evidence and decide who they line up with."
Immediately following the fall of Baghdad to US forces, Clark responded
to a question about finding the alleged weapons of mass destruction,
saying: "I think they will be found. There's so much intelligence on
this."
But as Clark speaks out about the war in Iraq, his own record in a
different war is almost never examined. That is his role as the Supreme
Allied Commander of NATO during the 78 day bombing of Yugoslavia in
1999.Sure, the Clark campaign promotes this in its TV ads - but they
say that he liberated a nation and ended a genocide. Clark mentions it
often in his stump speeches and the debates. But as a qualification to
be commander-in-chief.
What is not discussed is what Clark actually did when he was running a
war.
“DEMOCRACY NOW!” correspondent Jeremy Scahill covered the 78 day
bombing of Yugoslavia from the ground in 1999, the war Clark was
leading as the Supreme Allied Commander of NATO.
GEN. WESLEY CLARK, BEING QUESTIONED
BY “DEMOCRACY NOW!” CORRESPONDENT JEREMY SCAHILL.
TRANSCRIPT:
JEREMY SCAHILL: In Yugoslavia, you used cluster bombs and depleted
uranium...
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Sure did.
JEREMY SCAHILL: I want to know if you are president, will you vow not
to use them.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I will use whatever it takes that's legal to
protect the men and women against force.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Even against civilians in the Nis marketplace? Why bomb
Radio Television Serbia? Why did you bomb Radio Television Serbia? You
killed 16 media workers, sir.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: They were-[in audible - Interview interrupted by
another questioner.]
That was Clark making an exit off the stage. We followed him as he left
the theater and walked down the streets of Portsmouth, New Hampshire,
shaking hands, signing autographs, talking to potential voters. As he
was entering a business establishment, Jeremy Scahill again approached
the General.
Gen. Wesley Clark, being questioned by Democracy Now! correspondent
Jeremy Scahill.
TRANSCRIPT:
JEREMY SCAHILL: General Clark, on that issue of the bombing of Radio
Television Serbia, Amnesty International called it a war crime.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Excuse me -- I'm not --
JEREMY SCAHILL: Amnesty called it a war crime and it's condemned by all
journalist organizations in the world. It killed makeup artists.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I want to answer this fellow. Because the truth
was that that -- first of all, we gave warnings to Milosevic that that
was going to be struck. I personally called the CNN reporter and had it
set up so that it would be leaked, and Milosevic knew. He had the
warning because after he got the warning, he actually ordered the
western journalists to report there as a way of showing us his power,
and we had done it deliberately to sort of get him accustomed to the
fact that he better start evacuating it. There were actually six people
who were killed, as I recall.
JEREMY SCAHILL: There were 16.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I recall six.
JEREMY SCAHILL: I was there at the time and I knew the families. They
do hold Milosevic accountable and they also hold you accountable, sir.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: They were ordered to stay there.
JEREMY SCAHILL: And they were makeup artists, and they were engineers,
and they were technicians
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I remember reading the story, but I want to tell
you about it.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Amnesty International said you committed a war crime by
bombing that.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: It was all looked at by the International
Criminal Tribunal crime by Yugoslavia. All of my actions were examined
and they were all upheld by the highest law in the United States.
JEREMY SCAHILL: And you think a media outlet is a legitimate target?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: No, but when it is used as command and control,
it is. But then
JEREMY SCAHILL: Even if it kills…
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Now wait a minute, you have to let me finish and
then I will let you finish.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Go ahead.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: What I said is, we would give them the warnings.
It was part of the command and control systems. It was approved as a
legitimate target under the laws of land warfare and went through the
U.S. Government. That was the basis on which we struck. We actually
called the bombers back one time, because there was still -- it was
still unclear to us that we weren't absolutely certain. What we know is
that Milosevic ordered them to stay there, and it was wrong, but I was
doing my duty, and I have been looked at by the law, so -- I mean, I
respect Amnesty International. I think they're a good organization, but
--
JEREMY SCAHILL: But do you feel any remorse for the killing of
civilians that you essentially were overseeing?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Yes, I do.
JEREMY SCAHILL: And what about the bombing of the Nis marketplace with
cluster bombs, shredding human beings.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: It was terrible, but you know in that instance,
if we had got the same incident, there was a cluster bomb that opened
prematurely. It was an accident. And every one of these incidents was
fully investigated. All of the material from the Yugoslavian government
was given to the International Criminal Tribunal, plus as the NATO
commander, I made a full report to the International Criminal Tribunal.
It was all investigated. The pilots who did it, nobody could have felt
worse than the pilots who did it. And I got a letter from a man in
Serbia who said you killed my granddaughter on a schoolyard at Nis. I
know how he must have felt. And I felt so helpless about it. Every
night before I let those bombs go, I prayed we wouldn't kill innocent
people. But unfortunately, when you are at war, terrible things happen,
even when you don't want them to. You can't imagine what those pilots
felt like in those convoys when they struck the convoys. You remember
the convoys?
JEREMY SCAHILL: In Gurdulica were the 72 Albanians were killed.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: In that place, too. And they had flown over it a
couple of times.You know, we just -- we were trying to establish some
kind of communications on the ground with the Albanians. The Serbs were
on the nets, and they were jamming all of the communications, and they
were doing imitative communications deception. And nobody could get the
truth about it. We saw the Serb vehicles around the place. And I didn't
make the decision, but they were following orders on my command. And it
was looked at, and so forth. The decision was made as a legitimate
target. It turned out that they had been ordered to stay in there by
the Serbs. The Serbs were surrounding the place to keep them penned in.
It was horrible. You never forget stuff like that. That's why when this
government has used force as it has, it makes me so angry. Because
these people in the White House don't understand -- you don't use force
except as a last, last, last resort.
JEREMY SCAHILL: On April 12th you targeted a passenger train, and then
you showed a video that was sped up at three time the speed. Why?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I think -- first of all, the passenger train was
not targeted. The pilot's instructions were to go after a bridge, and
not the train. He felt, as he launched that missile, that all of a
sudden at the very last minute, the train suddenly came into his field
of view. I showed the tape. I did not know that the tape was
accelerated. I don't think it was three times. I think it was
one-and-a-half times. Whatever it was, it was going faster than the
actual speed. It made it look like it was --
JEREMY SCAHILL: But the Supreme Allied Commander, you are ultimately
responsible for all of the information that came out.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: That's true. I was.
JEREMY SCAHILL: What the actual in real-time speed showed is that the
pilot actually moved the target so that it would hit the train.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well, I don't have that information.
JEREMY SCAHILL: 12 people were killed, including an orthodox priest.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: That's terrible. But, I don't have the
information. When I looked at it, we didn't see that. All of the
material was sent to The Hague and they did not see that either.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Do you think you owe the people of Serbia who died in
that war an apology?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: No, I don't because I did my duty as the
commander for NATO and for the United States.I think Slobodan Milosevic
owes the people of Serbia an apology, because we acted to prevent
regional destabilization, and to be honest, when you take the kinds of
actions that he has done, he was the proximate cause. All we tried to
do was head off the ethnic cleansing through diplomacy, and basically,
he had a plan to go to war, no matter what.
JEREMY SCAHILL: But now the U.S. is supporting a regime of ethnic
cleansing in Kosovo where all minorities have been forced out,
including almost every single Serb.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well you know, we are trying very hard not to
allow that to happen.And we have worked very hard with the Kosovo
Albanians and the Serbs, but to be honest with you that regime that's
north of the Ibar River is a regime that wants to prevent Serbs from
living peacefully with Kosovo Albanians. So, both sides have to share
the blame. They have been under the control of Seselj and also some
under Milosevic and their tactic in 1999 was to provoke the retaliation
by the Albanians to be able to blame the Albanians for reverse ethnic
cleansing. There were -- there were crimes on both sides and they
needed to be investigated. To the best of my ability as NATO commander
at the time, we did.
JEREMY SCAHILL: But then why -- you have a man like Agim Ceku in power,
a man who was responsible for the ethnic cleansing of the Serbs at
Kraina, a man trained by MPRI in Virginia. Why put a man like that in
charge? What kind of message does that send to ethnic minorities in
Kosovo, when a man who is a basically a war criminal is in charge of
what is going to be the future army in Kosovo.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well, we looked at his record and it's not clear
that he's going to be in charge of the future army of Kosovo. He did
receive instruction from a contracted U.S. firm at MPRI. He received
basic information after he became there in charge of the Kosovo
protective corps. We thought that was the best way to maintain order
and security in the country.
JEREMY SCAHILL: He has been accused of hate speech by the United
Nations.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Lots of people in that part of the world have
been accused of hate speech, and they shouldn't do it. I met with Agim
Ceku a few times when I was over there, and I told him who I thought
about it. I don't accept that language.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Do you think that he should be in a position of power
in Kosovo?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well, you know, I'm so far removed from the
issues right now --
JEREMY SCAHILL: But you know him.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: But I can’t – yeah – I know him, but what I have
seen of him, he is the one of the more reasonable people in that region.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Because in your ads you say you liberated a nation. And
that’s why I am asking you this question.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: The thing is I have got to talk to some other
voters. Is that okay? Can you excuse me?
JEREMY SCAHILL: Absolutely. Thank you very much.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I am trying to answer all your questions.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Thank you I appreciate it. Thank you for being patient
with me.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Thank you.
---
See also / vedi anche:
Wesley Clark Admits Targeting Civilians In Yugoslavia
(by Jeremy Scahill)
http://www.pacifica.org/programs/dn/040126.html
=== 2 ===
http://www.tucsoncitizen.com/
index.php?page=opinion&story_id=012304b5_guestw
es
Tucson Citizen
Friday, January 23, 2004
Guest Opinion: Clark placed career ahead of nation in Kosovo
GEORGE JATRAS
letters@...
The Dan Christman and Chuck Larson guest column published on Jan. 8 -
"Gen. Clark's stand vs. Milosevic praiseworthy" - was remarkable as
much for what it didn't say as for the distortions in what it did say.
In praising Clark's testimony against former Yugoslav dictator
Slobodan Milosevic before the International Tribunal at The Hague, the
authors failed to mention that Milosevic was not permitted to question
Clark on what the general had written in his book, "Waging Modern War."
Also, the U.S. government demanded and received the right to edit
videotapes and transcripts of the sessions before they were made
public. Following his secret testimony at The Hague, Clark, in answer
to an inquiry about what should happen to Saddam Hussein,
hypocritically stated that it was important that Hussein's trial not be
behind closed doors, so that the whole world could see justice done.
While the article had high praise in general terms for Clark's
leadership of NATO forces in the Balkans, a critical look at his
performance tells a different story.
In "Waging Modern War" Clark writes about his fury upon learning that
Russian peacekeepers had entered the airport at Pristina, Kosovo,
before British or American forces.
In an Aug. 3, 1999, article, "The guy who almost started World War
III," The Guardian (UK) wrote: "No sooner are we told by Britain's top
generals that the Russians played a crucial role in ending the West's
war against Yugoslavia than we learn that if NATO's supreme commander,
the American Gen. Wesley Clark, had had his way, British paratroopers
would have stormed Pristina airport, threatening to unleash the most
frightening crisis with Moscow since the end of the Cold War. 'I'm not
going to start the third world war for you', Gen. Mike Jackson,
commander of the international K-For peacekeeping force, is reported to
have told Gen. Clark when he refused to accept an order to send assault
troops to prevent Russian troops from taking over the airfield of
Kosovo's provincial capital."
Gen. Clark's buddy in Kosovo was Hashim Thaci, the leader of the Kosovo
Liberation Army which, according to the July 30, 2002, Belfast News
Letter (N. Ireland), is engaged in sex slavery, prostitution, murder,
kidnapping and drugs.
The Daily Telegraph reported on Feb. 19, 2002, that "European drug
squad officers say Albanian and Kosovo Albanian dealers are ruthlessly
trying to seize control of the European heroin market ..." This is the
same Hashim "The Snake" Thaci with whom Clark was photographed in a
triumphal handshake after NATO forces occupied Kosovo.
As for his ability as a military leader, Gen. Clark failed on two
counts: the Kosovo air campaign and his plan for a ground campaign.
While the questionable effectiveness of the air campaign is not solely
his responsibility, his coverup of the results ("Kosovo Cover Up,"
Newsweek, May 15, 2000) are testimony to his dedication to power and
career.
As for a ground war, which Gen. Clark admits that he favored,
he insists that he could have conducted a successful ground war in
Kosovo by sending supporting Apache helicopters through the mountain
passes between Albania and Kosovo, a plan which was described to me by
an Apache pilot as "hare-brained" and "suicidal."
There is no doubt that a ground war with the might of 19 NATO nations
behind it eventually would have succeeded, but at what cost and why? To
feed Gen. Clark's ego and ambition.
Before accepting the judgment of Adm. Larson and Lt. Gen. Christman,
one should also consider the comments of two retired four-star
generals, Gen.Tommy Franks, who led the campaign to capture Baghdad,
and Gen. Hugh Shelton, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
An article in the Jan. 12 New Yorker quoted statements they made
shortly after Clark announced his candidacy. When asked if Clark would
make a good president, Franks' short reply was, "Absolutely not." When
asked the same question, Shelton replied that "... the reason he came
out of [his NATO
command in] Europe had to do with integrity and character issues ...
Wes won't get my vote."
Such comments by retired four-star generals about another four-star are
almost unprecedented. They should not be taken lightly.
If Gen. Clark had had his way in Kosovo, we might have gone to war with
Russia, or at least resurrected vestiges of the Cold War, and we
certainly would have had hundreds if not thousands of casualties in an
ill-conceived ground war.
Clark's obsession with career and power is what we saw too often in
senior leaders during the Vietnam War and hoped never to see again in
those with positions of responsibility for the lives of our GIs and the
security of our nation.
Col. George Jatras, USAF (Ret.), of Camp Hill, Pa., flew 230 F-4 combat
missions in Vietnam, served for seven years with various NATO
designated units, was the senior Air Force attaché to the Soviet Union
('79-'81) and the senior Air Force advisor to the Naval War College,
where he also served as an instructor in the Strategy Department
=== 3 ===
HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
General Wesley Clark
From Waco to Yugoslavia:
The US military was at Waco
General Wesley Clark was involved in the siege and final assault near
Waco, Texas that killed, by a combination of toxic gas and fire, at
least 82 people including some three dozen women, children and infants.
As outlandish as this claim may seem, it's a reasonable conclusion that
can be drawn by any fair minded person who takes the time to examine
the evidence. Further, there is substantial circumstantial evidence
that, Clark, in addition to acting as a tactical consultant, may, in
fact, have been the prime architect and commander of the entire
operation.
If this is true, why is it important? First, it represents a clear
violation of US law. The military is banned from involvement in the
enforcement of US civil law except under certain carefully defined
circumstances. The incident at Waco did not come even close to legally
qualifying. Second, it casts light on some of the more outrageous
tactics used in the war against Yugoslavia, in particular the bombing
attacks on Yugoslavian news media, essential life support services, and
on civilians, the latter which were sometimes, but not always,
described as "accidents." Third, President Clinton began the year with
the statement that he is considering a Pentagon proposal to create a
new US military command, commander-in-chief for the defense of the
continental U.S., a first in peace time and an alarming move for
reasons described in "Bombing 'suspended' - and now, the future"
http://www.brasscheck.com/yugoslavia/directory/61099a.html
=== 4 ===
Chicago-Sun Times | May 6, 1999 | Robert Novak
Balkan failure is Clark's
Who is responsible for an air offensive that is building anti-American
anger across Europe without breaking the Serbian regime's will? The
blame rests heavily on Gen. Wesley Clark, the NATO supreme commander.
After 40 days, U.S.-dominated NATO air strikes no longer even pretend
to aim solely at military targets. Pentagon sources admit that the
attacks on the city center of Belgrade are intended to so demoralize
ordinary citizens that they force President Slobodan Milosevic to
yield. That has not yet happened, but diplomats believe the grave
damage done to American prestige in Central and Eastern Europe will
outlive this vicious little war.
"The problem is Wes Clark making--at least approving--the bombing
decisions," said one such diplomat, who then asked rhetorically: "How
could they let a man with such a lack of judgment be [supreme allied
commander of Europe]?" Through dealings with Yugoslavia that date back
to 1994, Clark's
propensity for mistakes has kept him in trouble while he continued
moving up the chain of command thanks to a patron in the Oval Office.
In the last month's American newspaper clippings, Clark emerges as the
only heroic figure of a non-heroic war. Indeed, his resume is stirring:
first in his class at West Point, Rhodes scholar, frequently wounded
and highly decorated Vietnam combat veteran, White House fellow. He
became a full general about as fast as possible in peacetime.
But members of Congress who visited Clark at his Brussels headquarters
in the early days of the attack on Yugoslavia were startled by his
off-the-record comments. If the Russians are going to sail war ships
into the combat zone, we should bomb them. If Milosevic is getting oil
from the Hungarian pipeline, we should bomb it.
NATO's actual air strategy did not go that far, but increasingly, it
has reflected Clark's belligerence. Even the general's defenders in the
national security establishment cannot understand the targeting of
empty government buildings in Belgrade, including Milosevic's official
residence. Civilian damage and casualties in Kosovo and elsewhere in
Serbia are too widespread to be accidental.
Sources inside the U.S. high command say this week's disabling of
Belgrade electrical power facilities was intended to destroy civilian
morale. The Pentagon has announced NATO "area bombing" with "dumb"
bombs carried by B-52s--clearly an anti-population tactic. In a highly
limited war, Clark is using the methods of total war.
One American diplomat with experience in the Balkans, who asked that he
not be quoted by name, told me that ground forces are needed and he is
appalled by the bombing of civilian targets. "It has no military
significance, and it is pointless--utterly pointless," he added. "But
it has a terrible impact on us. This bombing in the heart of the
Balkans is costing us."
That cost is viewed by State Department professionals as the product of
Clark's deaf ear when it comes to diplomacy. His classic gaffe came in
1994 when he went off to meet Ratko Mladic, the brutal Bosnian Serb
commander now sought as a war criminal, at his redoubt in Banja Luka.
Mladic concluded
their meeting by saying how much he admired Clark's three-star general
cap. Impulsively, the American general exchanged hats with the
notorious commander, who has been accused of ethnic cleansing, and even
accepted Mladic's service revolver with an engraved message.
That escapade cost Victor Jackovich his job as U.S. ambassador to
Bosnia. He was sacked partly for not exercising sufficient restraint on
the mercurial Clark and for not preventing him from gallivanting off to
Banja Luka. The sequel came at Belgrade a year later during the
diplomacy leading to the
Dayton peace conference. Milosevic, smiling broadly, humiliated Clark
by returning his hat to him. That helps explain the general's intense
personal animosity for the Yugoslav president.
Clark is the perfect model of a 1990s political four-star general.
Clark's rapid promotions after Dayton--winning his fourth star to head
the Panama-based Southern Command and then the jewel of his European
post--were both opposed by the Pentagon brass. But Clark's fellow
Arkansan in the White House named him anyway. The president and the
general are collaborators in a failed strategy whose consequences cast
a long shadow even if soon terminated by negotiation.
=== 5 ===
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2003-12/27grubacic.cfm
December 27, 2003
Wesley Clark goes to the Hague
By Andrej Grubacic
There are two reasons for which Wesley Clark found himself, mid
December, at the witness stand at the Hague. The first reason is that
the Bush Administration has, for state reasons, refused to prohibit his
being a witness. But, the real reason why Wesley Clark has finally
agreed, after two years of procrastination, to go to the Hague is
because he believes that his testimony against Slobodan Milosevic will
help him in his race for the Presidential nomination of the Democratic
Party.
Milosevic could not have wished for a better Christmas present. It has
been said that of all witnesses, Milosevic likes best the ones that
increase the TV viewer rating of the Hague "trial of the century", and
that he cares little what proofs these witnesses have against him. The
accused is anyway not too interested in the process aspect of the
lawsuit itself, rather in the unlimited access to the national and
international public.
He is not very anxious about Clark's testimony, especially since the
General has already made public all that he knows about Milosevic, and
judging by what we have seen in the courtroom thus far, Milosevic seems
to be entertained rather than worried by the prosecution's attempts to
prove the existence of his supposed intent or plans for genocide in
1991 with the help of testimonies of American and German Generals,
which met him for the first time only in the mid 1990s. This could be
an important point in favour of Milosevic, seeing that although he
finds himself in jail, he is a candidate on the list of his Socialist
Party of the Serbian elections. Do not ask me how.
Milosevic, however, seems not to realize that Clark too, will benefit
to the maximum from their confrontation at the Hague. Their new meeting
will be presented to the American public in the following way: The
American General is going to the Hague to accuse the Dictator whose
demise he accelerated, and whose Albanian subjects he saved though an
air campaign, during which not a single American soldier was killed.
Clark, however, has prepared in advance, with the help of the State
Department's lawyers and the goodwill of the Court, such conditions of
testimony which preclude any nasty surprises for him during the
cross-examination: the filmed cross-examination of his testimony will
be aired with a 48-hour delay, once the Americans have checked the
contents and are able to protect their national interests. Milosevic,
on the other hand, will not be given the opportunity to share his point
of view on the duel in the courtroom with journalists.
In the Serbian public it is speculated that a disastrous moment for
Wesley Clark and his presidential campaign would be when Slobodan
Milosevic presents photographs from summer 1994, of a smiling Clark in
the company of Ratko Mladic, fugitive Bosnian General and accused of
war crimes, wearing his hat. That photograph has, however, already been
circulated in America on Tim Rasert's highly viewed TV show.
Clark explained his controversial meeting with Mladic as the result of
his wish upon arriving to Bosnia, to meet all of those involved in the
conflict, adding that at the time, Mladic was not yet accused of war
crimes. In the worst case scenario, from that angle Clark looks like a
naïve and unaware Westerner, who having encountered the sly and
unscrupulous natives, was armed will only the best intentions.
As a guest on Dan Rather's CBS show "60 Minutes", he seemed on the
verge of tears as he talked of the Muslim victims of the Bosnian war.
"This is the first time that I have seen you so shaken up with
emotions", concluded Rather. The General explained that for him,
civilian victims of war are an unbearable sight.
There is another, more important, reason for Clark's visit to the
Hague. By taking the witness stand, Clark will be able to further
portray the difference between him, the soldier that has "freed a
people" from its tyrannical leader, and the current American president
who is also claiming to have "freed a people". That people, the Iraqis,
however, are killing American soldiers whenever the opportunity
presents itself, and "tyrannical dictator" was, until very recently,
still at large and free.
Because of the Iraq war, foreign policy has returned to the front stage
in America: Bush's first televised ad accuses the Democrats of
"attacking the President for fighting terrorism". If patriotism and
defense are the key words in the presidential campaign, then the
Democrats need a candidate who, as a soldier, seems more convincing
than Bush.
Fifty years have passed since the Oval Office was occupied by a General
(Dwight Eisenhower). While Bush managed to avoid being drafter during
the Vietnam War, Clark returned from the war with serious injuries and
a medal for his "bravery". Clark's electoral standing has lost some of
its shine compared to the early weeks of his candidacy, but the Hague
could give it renewed and permanent brilliance.
His visit to the Hague will be news and will most certainly serve to
remind voters that Clark's Kosovo war, in contrast with Bush's war in
Iraq, was not only successful, but also painless (for the US of
course). Clark's electoral campaign has landed its first electoral TV
ad. At the moment when he is shown surrounded by delighted Albanian
Kosovars, the narrator says "and in the Balkans he led a multinational
force that stopped a campaign of terror, freed a people and brought
peace without a single American casualty."
Clark is aiming at several vulnerable spots in Bush's posture. Both
Bush's and Clark's wars have been based on the pretext of "freeing"
Muslim populations. Clark's advantage, however, is that "his" Muslims
are infinitely grateful to him: in Bosnia and Kosovo they are erecting
statues and naming streets and him and Bill Clinton.
Of late, the General has been insisting that his war was more moral
than Bush's, he was stopping genocide, whereas Bush just wanted to get
his hands on the Iraqi oil (CBS "60 Minutes"). Furthermore, in his war
against Yugoslavia, Clark commanded a NATO alliance of 19 member
states, while Bush acts unilaterally and as a bully, with only the
British for allies, and has managed to alienate the rest of the world.
Clark's opponents have admitted openly in the New York Times that they
wished they could find a way to make Iraq resemble Bosnia. It seems
that only to someone in Baghdad, an impoverished and ethnically
cleansed Sarajevo could appear as a success story.
And so overnight the Balkans are back on the political map of the world
once again, having become a convenient trump card in American foreign
and domestic policy. Therefore we should not be surprised at Richard
Holbrooke's and Bernard Kouchner's sudden visit here. Nor should we be
surprised at Morton Abramovitsch, whose article in the Wall Street
Journal a few weeks ago, advocates the independence of Kosovo even
before the Albanians meet any international standards.
Abramovitsch is also insisting on the "contrast" between Iraq and
Kosovo. From the point of view of this Albanian lobbyist, the biggest
problem in Kosovo is that the International Community has not as yet
handed over full control of the province to the Albanians. He does
admit the "Kosovars" (Albanian citizens of Kosovo) are "partly
responsible" for the situation in the province. This is what he holds
against them: "they are very slow in stopping" the violence against the
Serbs, "they are slow" in expressing serious interest in the return of
Serbian refugees, organised crime is "a problem" and the rule of law
still needs to be "firmly established".
This is the talk in Washington. In Belgrade, of course, very few people
believe that there is any significant moral difference between Clark
and Bush, and their wars. From the Belgrade perspective, the difference
between the foreign policies of the Republicans and Democrats is barely
visible. Here the "contrast" of which Morton Abramovitsch writes is not
so self evident.
Why is Clark against the war in Iraq? Because it's Bush's war, not his.
When compared to Saddam, Milosevic was, in the worst case, a small time
authoritarian thug. As the Guardian writes these days: America, like
all empires throughout history, has a consistent approach in
international politics. That approach is not morally consistent;
rather, it is strategically consistent.
The Belgrade perspective is that there is not too much of a difference
between Clinton's supposedly enlightened multilateralism and
"humanitarian intervention", and Bush's wars of terror. This conclusion
is pointed to by the statement of Leslie Gelb, President of the US
Council of Foreign Relations, who is these days arguing in the pages of
the New York Times for the division of Iraq into three separate states
(in 1991 he was supporting the division of Yugoslavia and the
independence of Croatia).
He remembered us in Yugoslavia when he made a demand that the US should
abandon the policy of an "artificially united Iraq" and should break it
up into "the Kurds in the North, the Suniis in the centre, and the
Shiites in the South". "There exists", says Gelb, "an encouraging
precedent" for the strategy of breaking up Iraq into a number of
states. That precedent is called Yugoslavia.
There where the Americans see sharp contrasts, the Serbs see only dark
shadows. This is the context in which Slobodan Milosevic confronted
once again Wesley Clark. One should not be surprised if both of them
leave the courtroom satisfied: they will be playing to an entirely
different public.
* Andrej Grubacic is a historian and social critic from Belgrade, New
Europe. He can be reached at zapata@...
WC : War Criminal : Wesley Clark
1. "Democracy Now" ha intervistato Clark
2. Clark placed career ahead of nation in Kosovo (G. Jatras)
3. General Wesley Clark - From Waco to Yugoslavia
4. Balkan failure is Clark's (Robert Novak)
5. Wesley Clark goes to the Hague (by Andrej Grubacic)
See also / vedi anche:
Michael Moore enlists with General Clark: the pathetic-and
predictable-logic of protest politics (by David Walsh)
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2004/jan2004/moor-j27_prn.shtml
The Democrats' idea of a general (by Ann Coulter)
http://www.canada.com/national/nationalpost/news/comment/
story.html?id=b08be3c5-26a4-4274-abcd-87c9a0ca988a
On war criminal Wesley Clark "testimony" at The Hague's ad-hoc
"tribunal", as well as on his biography and future aspirations, see in
our previous mailings:
Wesley Clark's Ties To Muslim Terrorists
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3078
Criminal Clark
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3074
On Criminal Clark's testimony at The Hague
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3043
Almost full transcripts of the "testimony" can be read at:
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031215ED.htm
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031216ED.htm
Pictures can be seen at:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/draftWC.htm
JAIL WESLEY CLARK! FREE MILOSEVIC!
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3031
STOP WAR CRIMINAL WESLEY CLARK FROM TESTIFYING IN SECRET
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3026
Un vero criminale di guerra all'Aia
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3017
War criminal Wesley Clark to testify against Milosevic
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3007
Wesley Clark, Osama bin Laden e le elezioni Presidenziali del 2004
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2961
M. Chossudovsky: Wesley Clark, Osama bin Laden and the 2004
Presidential Elections
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2889
History of misinformation tarnishes Clark's military record
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2871
Wesley Clark farà domani il contrario di ciò che ha fatto ieri ?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2825
Wesley Clark fera-t-il demain le contraire de ce qu'il faisait hier?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2811
Wesley Clark War Crimes amply documented
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2822
War Criminal Wesley Clark for President?
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2795
=== 1 ===
----- Original Message -----
From: "Carlo Gubitosa"
To: <pace@...>
Sent: Sunday, February 01, 2004 8:51 PM
Subject: La sinistra usa e le morti in kossovo
Negli Usa tra un po' ci saranno le elezioni presidenziali, e molti
pacifisti Usa si crederanno costretti a votare l'ex comandante della
missione nato in Kossovo, il generale Wesley Clark, che si presenta
come unica alternativa a Bush, cosi' come molti pacifisti italiani
premieranno con il loro voto molti politici colpevoli di crimini contro
l'umanita', strage e attentato alla costituzione durante i
bombardamenti del 1999.
Negli Usa, la catena radiofonica indipendente "Pacifica Network" ha la
memoria lunga, e il programma radiofonico "Democracy Now" ha
intervistato Clark con delle domande sulla guerra del 1999. In Italia
si annuncia una "dura campagna elettorale", ma state sicuri che le
bombe del 1999 sono un argomento morto e sepolto, come migliaia di
civili jugoslavi.
Il video e la trascrizione dell'intervista si trovano a questo
indirizzo:
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=04/01/26/1632224
---
In the January 26th, 2004 issue of the american “DEMOCRACY NOW!”, Clark
Admits Targeting Civilians In Yugoslavia.
“DEMOCRACY NOW!” confronts Wesley Clark Over His Bombing Of Civilians,
Use Of Cluster Bombs And Depleted Uranium And The Bombing Of Serb
Television :
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=04/01/26/1632224
In a “DEMOCRACY NOW!” exclusive, General Wesley Clark responds for the
first time to in-depth questions about his targeting of civilian
infrastructure in Yugoslavia, his bombing of Radio Television Serbia,
the use of cluster bombs and depleted uranium, the speeding-up of the
cockpit video of a bombing of a passenger train to make it appear as
though it was an accident and other decisions he made and orders he
gave as NATO's Supreme Allied Commander.
Since the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia, General Wesley Clark has not
answered any in-depth questions about his targeting of civilian
infrastructure in Yugoslavia.
Today candidate to the presidence of the USA, Clark portrays himself as
the antiwar warrior and his rhetoric against the war has escalated
significantly over the past week of campaigning. At his campaign stops,
he has been saying regularly, "The war is wrong."
This is not always what he said.
In February, Clark told CNN, "The credibility of the United States is
on the line, and Saddam Hussein has these weapons and so, you know,
we're going to go ahead and do this and the rest of the world's got to
get with us...The U.N. has got to come in and belly up to the bar on
this. But the president of the United States has put his credibility on
the line, too. And so this is the time that these nations around the
world, and the United Nations, are going to have to look at this
evidence and decide who they line up with."
Immediately following the fall of Baghdad to US forces, Clark responded
to a question about finding the alleged weapons of mass destruction,
saying: "I think they will be found. There's so much intelligence on
this."
But as Clark speaks out about the war in Iraq, his own record in a
different war is almost never examined. That is his role as the Supreme
Allied Commander of NATO during the 78 day bombing of Yugoslavia in
1999.Sure, the Clark campaign promotes this in its TV ads - but they
say that he liberated a nation and ended a genocide. Clark mentions it
often in his stump speeches and the debates. But as a qualification to
be commander-in-chief.
What is not discussed is what Clark actually did when he was running a
war.
“DEMOCRACY NOW!” correspondent Jeremy Scahill covered the 78 day
bombing of Yugoslavia from the ground in 1999, the war Clark was
leading as the Supreme Allied Commander of NATO.
GEN. WESLEY CLARK, BEING QUESTIONED
BY “DEMOCRACY NOW!” CORRESPONDENT JEREMY SCAHILL.
TRANSCRIPT:
JEREMY SCAHILL: In Yugoslavia, you used cluster bombs and depleted
uranium...
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Sure did.
JEREMY SCAHILL: I want to know if you are president, will you vow not
to use them.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I will use whatever it takes that's legal to
protect the men and women against force.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Even against civilians in the Nis marketplace? Why bomb
Radio Television Serbia? Why did you bomb Radio Television Serbia? You
killed 16 media workers, sir.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: They were-[in audible - Interview interrupted by
another questioner.]
That was Clark making an exit off the stage. We followed him as he left
the theater and walked down the streets of Portsmouth, New Hampshire,
shaking hands, signing autographs, talking to potential voters. As he
was entering a business establishment, Jeremy Scahill again approached
the General.
Gen. Wesley Clark, being questioned by Democracy Now! correspondent
Jeremy Scahill.
TRANSCRIPT:
JEREMY SCAHILL: General Clark, on that issue of the bombing of Radio
Television Serbia, Amnesty International called it a war crime.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Excuse me -- I'm not --
JEREMY SCAHILL: Amnesty called it a war crime and it's condemned by all
journalist organizations in the world. It killed makeup artists.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I want to answer this fellow. Because the truth
was that that -- first of all, we gave warnings to Milosevic that that
was going to be struck. I personally called the CNN reporter and had it
set up so that it would be leaked, and Milosevic knew. He had the
warning because after he got the warning, he actually ordered the
western journalists to report there as a way of showing us his power,
and we had done it deliberately to sort of get him accustomed to the
fact that he better start evacuating it. There were actually six people
who were killed, as I recall.
JEREMY SCAHILL: There were 16.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I recall six.
JEREMY SCAHILL: I was there at the time and I knew the families. They
do hold Milosevic accountable and they also hold you accountable, sir.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: They were ordered to stay there.
JEREMY SCAHILL: And they were makeup artists, and they were engineers,
and they were technicians
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I remember reading the story, but I want to tell
you about it.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Amnesty International said you committed a war crime by
bombing that.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: It was all looked at by the International
Criminal Tribunal crime by Yugoslavia. All of my actions were examined
and they were all upheld by the highest law in the United States.
JEREMY SCAHILL: And you think a media outlet is a legitimate target?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: No, but when it is used as command and control,
it is. But then
JEREMY SCAHILL: Even if it kills…
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Now wait a minute, you have to let me finish and
then I will let you finish.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Go ahead.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: What I said is, we would give them the warnings.
It was part of the command and control systems. It was approved as a
legitimate target under the laws of land warfare and went through the
U.S. Government. That was the basis on which we struck. We actually
called the bombers back one time, because there was still -- it was
still unclear to us that we weren't absolutely certain. What we know is
that Milosevic ordered them to stay there, and it was wrong, but I was
doing my duty, and I have been looked at by the law, so -- I mean, I
respect Amnesty International. I think they're a good organization, but
--
JEREMY SCAHILL: But do you feel any remorse for the killing of
civilians that you essentially were overseeing?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Yes, I do.
JEREMY SCAHILL: And what about the bombing of the Nis marketplace with
cluster bombs, shredding human beings.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: It was terrible, but you know in that instance,
if we had got the same incident, there was a cluster bomb that opened
prematurely. It was an accident. And every one of these incidents was
fully investigated. All of the material from the Yugoslavian government
was given to the International Criminal Tribunal, plus as the NATO
commander, I made a full report to the International Criminal Tribunal.
It was all investigated. The pilots who did it, nobody could have felt
worse than the pilots who did it. And I got a letter from a man in
Serbia who said you killed my granddaughter on a schoolyard at Nis. I
know how he must have felt. And I felt so helpless about it. Every
night before I let those bombs go, I prayed we wouldn't kill innocent
people. But unfortunately, when you are at war, terrible things happen,
even when you don't want them to. You can't imagine what those pilots
felt like in those convoys when they struck the convoys. You remember
the convoys?
JEREMY SCAHILL: In Gurdulica were the 72 Albanians were killed.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: In that place, too. And they had flown over it a
couple of times.You know, we just -- we were trying to establish some
kind of communications on the ground with the Albanians. The Serbs were
on the nets, and they were jamming all of the communications, and they
were doing imitative communications deception. And nobody could get the
truth about it. We saw the Serb vehicles around the place. And I didn't
make the decision, but they were following orders on my command. And it
was looked at, and so forth. The decision was made as a legitimate
target. It turned out that they had been ordered to stay in there by
the Serbs. The Serbs were surrounding the place to keep them penned in.
It was horrible. You never forget stuff like that. That's why when this
government has used force as it has, it makes me so angry. Because
these people in the White House don't understand -- you don't use force
except as a last, last, last resort.
JEREMY SCAHILL: On April 12th you targeted a passenger train, and then
you showed a video that was sped up at three time the speed. Why?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I think -- first of all, the passenger train was
not targeted. The pilot's instructions were to go after a bridge, and
not the train. He felt, as he launched that missile, that all of a
sudden at the very last minute, the train suddenly came into his field
of view. I showed the tape. I did not know that the tape was
accelerated. I don't think it was three times. I think it was
one-and-a-half times. Whatever it was, it was going faster than the
actual speed. It made it look like it was --
JEREMY SCAHILL: But the Supreme Allied Commander, you are ultimately
responsible for all of the information that came out.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: That's true. I was.
JEREMY SCAHILL: What the actual in real-time speed showed is that the
pilot actually moved the target so that it would hit the train.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well, I don't have that information.
JEREMY SCAHILL: 12 people were killed, including an orthodox priest.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: That's terrible. But, I don't have the
information. When I looked at it, we didn't see that. All of the
material was sent to The Hague and they did not see that either.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Do you think you owe the people of Serbia who died in
that war an apology?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: No, I don't because I did my duty as the
commander for NATO and for the United States.I think Slobodan Milosevic
owes the people of Serbia an apology, because we acted to prevent
regional destabilization, and to be honest, when you take the kinds of
actions that he has done, he was the proximate cause. All we tried to
do was head off the ethnic cleansing through diplomacy, and basically,
he had a plan to go to war, no matter what.
JEREMY SCAHILL: But now the U.S. is supporting a regime of ethnic
cleansing in Kosovo where all minorities have been forced out,
including almost every single Serb.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well you know, we are trying very hard not to
allow that to happen.And we have worked very hard with the Kosovo
Albanians and the Serbs, but to be honest with you that regime that's
north of the Ibar River is a regime that wants to prevent Serbs from
living peacefully with Kosovo Albanians. So, both sides have to share
the blame. They have been under the control of Seselj and also some
under Milosevic and their tactic in 1999 was to provoke the retaliation
by the Albanians to be able to blame the Albanians for reverse ethnic
cleansing. There were -- there were crimes on both sides and they
needed to be investigated. To the best of my ability as NATO commander
at the time, we did.
JEREMY SCAHILL: But then why -- you have a man like Agim Ceku in power,
a man who was responsible for the ethnic cleansing of the Serbs at
Kraina, a man trained by MPRI in Virginia. Why put a man like that in
charge? What kind of message does that send to ethnic minorities in
Kosovo, when a man who is a basically a war criminal is in charge of
what is going to be the future army in Kosovo.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well, we looked at his record and it's not clear
that he's going to be in charge of the future army of Kosovo. He did
receive instruction from a contracted U.S. firm at MPRI. He received
basic information after he became there in charge of the Kosovo
protective corps. We thought that was the best way to maintain order
and security in the country.
JEREMY SCAHILL: He has been accused of hate speech by the United
Nations.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Lots of people in that part of the world have
been accused of hate speech, and they shouldn't do it. I met with Agim
Ceku a few times when I was over there, and I told him who I thought
about it. I don't accept that language.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Do you think that he should be in a position of power
in Kosovo?
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Well, you know, I'm so far removed from the
issues right now --
JEREMY SCAHILL: But you know him.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: But I can’t – yeah – I know him, but what I have
seen of him, he is the one of the more reasonable people in that region.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Because in your ads you say you liberated a nation. And
that’s why I am asking you this question.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: The thing is I have got to talk to some other
voters. Is that okay? Can you excuse me?
JEREMY SCAHILL: Absolutely. Thank you very much.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: I am trying to answer all your questions.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Thank you I appreciate it. Thank you for being patient
with me.
GENERAL WESLEY CLARK: Thank you.
---
See also / vedi anche:
Wesley Clark Admits Targeting Civilians In Yugoslavia
(by Jeremy Scahill)
http://www.pacifica.org/programs/dn/040126.html
=== 2 ===
http://www.tucsoncitizen.com/
index.php?page=opinion&story_id=012304b5_guestw
es
Tucson Citizen
Friday, January 23, 2004
Guest Opinion: Clark placed career ahead of nation in Kosovo
GEORGE JATRAS
letters@...
The Dan Christman and Chuck Larson guest column published on Jan. 8 -
"Gen. Clark's stand vs. Milosevic praiseworthy" - was remarkable as
much for what it didn't say as for the distortions in what it did say.
In praising Clark's testimony against former Yugoslav dictator
Slobodan Milosevic before the International Tribunal at The Hague, the
authors failed to mention that Milosevic was not permitted to question
Clark on what the general had written in his book, "Waging Modern War."
Also, the U.S. government demanded and received the right to edit
videotapes and transcripts of the sessions before they were made
public. Following his secret testimony at The Hague, Clark, in answer
to an inquiry about what should happen to Saddam Hussein,
hypocritically stated that it was important that Hussein's trial not be
behind closed doors, so that the whole world could see justice done.
While the article had high praise in general terms for Clark's
leadership of NATO forces in the Balkans, a critical look at his
performance tells a different story.
In "Waging Modern War" Clark writes about his fury upon learning that
Russian peacekeepers had entered the airport at Pristina, Kosovo,
before British or American forces.
In an Aug. 3, 1999, article, "The guy who almost started World War
III," The Guardian (UK) wrote: "No sooner are we told by Britain's top
generals that the Russians played a crucial role in ending the West's
war against Yugoslavia than we learn that if NATO's supreme commander,
the American Gen. Wesley Clark, had had his way, British paratroopers
would have stormed Pristina airport, threatening to unleash the most
frightening crisis with Moscow since the end of the Cold War. 'I'm not
going to start the third world war for you', Gen. Mike Jackson,
commander of the international K-For peacekeeping force, is reported to
have told Gen. Clark when he refused to accept an order to send assault
troops to prevent Russian troops from taking over the airfield of
Kosovo's provincial capital."
Gen. Clark's buddy in Kosovo was Hashim Thaci, the leader of the Kosovo
Liberation Army which, according to the July 30, 2002, Belfast News
Letter (N. Ireland), is engaged in sex slavery, prostitution, murder,
kidnapping and drugs.
The Daily Telegraph reported on Feb. 19, 2002, that "European drug
squad officers say Albanian and Kosovo Albanian dealers are ruthlessly
trying to seize control of the European heroin market ..." This is the
same Hashim "The Snake" Thaci with whom Clark was photographed in a
triumphal handshake after NATO forces occupied Kosovo.
As for his ability as a military leader, Gen. Clark failed on two
counts: the Kosovo air campaign and his plan for a ground campaign.
While the questionable effectiveness of the air campaign is not solely
his responsibility, his coverup of the results ("Kosovo Cover Up,"
Newsweek, May 15, 2000) are testimony to his dedication to power and
career.
As for a ground war, which Gen. Clark admits that he favored,
he insists that he could have conducted a successful ground war in
Kosovo by sending supporting Apache helicopters through the mountain
passes between Albania and Kosovo, a plan which was described to me by
an Apache pilot as "hare-brained" and "suicidal."
There is no doubt that a ground war with the might of 19 NATO nations
behind it eventually would have succeeded, but at what cost and why? To
feed Gen. Clark's ego and ambition.
Before accepting the judgment of Adm. Larson and Lt. Gen. Christman,
one should also consider the comments of two retired four-star
generals, Gen.Tommy Franks, who led the campaign to capture Baghdad,
and Gen. Hugh Shelton, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
An article in the Jan. 12 New Yorker quoted statements they made
shortly after Clark announced his candidacy. When asked if Clark would
make a good president, Franks' short reply was, "Absolutely not." When
asked the same question, Shelton replied that "... the reason he came
out of [his NATO
command in] Europe had to do with integrity and character issues ...
Wes won't get my vote."
Such comments by retired four-star generals about another four-star are
almost unprecedented. They should not be taken lightly.
If Gen. Clark had had his way in Kosovo, we might have gone to war with
Russia, or at least resurrected vestiges of the Cold War, and we
certainly would have had hundreds if not thousands of casualties in an
ill-conceived ground war.
Clark's obsession with career and power is what we saw too often in
senior leaders during the Vietnam War and hoped never to see again in
those with positions of responsibility for the lives of our GIs and the
security of our nation.
Col. George Jatras, USAF (Ret.), of Camp Hill, Pa., flew 230 F-4 combat
missions in Vietnam, served for seven years with various NATO
designated units, was the senior Air Force attaché to the Soviet Union
('79-'81) and the senior Air Force advisor to the Naval War College,
where he also served as an instructor in the Strategy Department
=== 3 ===
HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
General Wesley Clark
From Waco to Yugoslavia:
The US military was at Waco
General Wesley Clark was involved in the siege and final assault near
Waco, Texas that killed, by a combination of toxic gas and fire, at
least 82 people including some three dozen women, children and infants.
As outlandish as this claim may seem, it's a reasonable conclusion that
can be drawn by any fair minded person who takes the time to examine
the evidence. Further, there is substantial circumstantial evidence
that, Clark, in addition to acting as a tactical consultant, may, in
fact, have been the prime architect and commander of the entire
operation.
If this is true, why is it important? First, it represents a clear
violation of US law. The military is banned from involvement in the
enforcement of US civil law except under certain carefully defined
circumstances. The incident at Waco did not come even close to legally
qualifying. Second, it casts light on some of the more outrageous
tactics used in the war against Yugoslavia, in particular the bombing
attacks on Yugoslavian news media, essential life support services, and
on civilians, the latter which were sometimes, but not always,
described as "accidents." Third, President Clinton began the year with
the statement that he is considering a Pentagon proposal to create a
new US military command, commander-in-chief for the defense of the
continental U.S., a first in peace time and an alarming move for
reasons described in "Bombing 'suspended' - and now, the future"
http://www.brasscheck.com/yugoslavia/directory/61099a.html
=== 4 ===
Chicago-Sun Times | May 6, 1999 | Robert Novak
Balkan failure is Clark's
Who is responsible for an air offensive that is building anti-American
anger across Europe without breaking the Serbian regime's will? The
blame rests heavily on Gen. Wesley Clark, the NATO supreme commander.
After 40 days, U.S.-dominated NATO air strikes no longer even pretend
to aim solely at military targets. Pentagon sources admit that the
attacks on the city center of Belgrade are intended to so demoralize
ordinary citizens that they force President Slobodan Milosevic to
yield. That has not yet happened, but diplomats believe the grave
damage done to American prestige in Central and Eastern Europe will
outlive this vicious little war.
"The problem is Wes Clark making--at least approving--the bombing
decisions," said one such diplomat, who then asked rhetorically: "How
could they let a man with such a lack of judgment be [supreme allied
commander of Europe]?" Through dealings with Yugoslavia that date back
to 1994, Clark's
propensity for mistakes has kept him in trouble while he continued
moving up the chain of command thanks to a patron in the Oval Office.
In the last month's American newspaper clippings, Clark emerges as the
only heroic figure of a non-heroic war. Indeed, his resume is stirring:
first in his class at West Point, Rhodes scholar, frequently wounded
and highly decorated Vietnam combat veteran, White House fellow. He
became a full general about as fast as possible in peacetime.
But members of Congress who visited Clark at his Brussels headquarters
in the early days of the attack on Yugoslavia were startled by his
off-the-record comments. If the Russians are going to sail war ships
into the combat zone, we should bomb them. If Milosevic is getting oil
from the Hungarian pipeline, we should bomb it.
NATO's actual air strategy did not go that far, but increasingly, it
has reflected Clark's belligerence. Even the general's defenders in the
national security establishment cannot understand the targeting of
empty government buildings in Belgrade, including Milosevic's official
residence. Civilian damage and casualties in Kosovo and elsewhere in
Serbia are too widespread to be accidental.
Sources inside the U.S. high command say this week's disabling of
Belgrade electrical power facilities was intended to destroy civilian
morale. The Pentagon has announced NATO "area bombing" with "dumb"
bombs carried by B-52s--clearly an anti-population tactic. In a highly
limited war, Clark is using the methods of total war.
One American diplomat with experience in the Balkans, who asked that he
not be quoted by name, told me that ground forces are needed and he is
appalled by the bombing of civilian targets. "It has no military
significance, and it is pointless--utterly pointless," he added. "But
it has a terrible impact on us. This bombing in the heart of the
Balkans is costing us."
That cost is viewed by State Department professionals as the product of
Clark's deaf ear when it comes to diplomacy. His classic gaffe came in
1994 when he went off to meet Ratko Mladic, the brutal Bosnian Serb
commander now sought as a war criminal, at his redoubt in Banja Luka.
Mladic concluded
their meeting by saying how much he admired Clark's three-star general
cap. Impulsively, the American general exchanged hats with the
notorious commander, who has been accused of ethnic cleansing, and even
accepted Mladic's service revolver with an engraved message.
That escapade cost Victor Jackovich his job as U.S. ambassador to
Bosnia. He was sacked partly for not exercising sufficient restraint on
the mercurial Clark and for not preventing him from gallivanting off to
Banja Luka. The sequel came at Belgrade a year later during the
diplomacy leading to the
Dayton peace conference. Milosevic, smiling broadly, humiliated Clark
by returning his hat to him. That helps explain the general's intense
personal animosity for the Yugoslav president.
Clark is the perfect model of a 1990s political four-star general.
Clark's rapid promotions after Dayton--winning his fourth star to head
the Panama-based Southern Command and then the jewel of his European
post--were both opposed by the Pentagon brass. But Clark's fellow
Arkansan in the White House named him anyway. The president and the
general are collaborators in a failed strategy whose consequences cast
a long shadow even if soon terminated by negotiation.
=== 5 ===
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2003-12/27grubacic.cfm
December 27, 2003
Wesley Clark goes to the Hague
By Andrej Grubacic
There are two reasons for which Wesley Clark found himself, mid
December, at the witness stand at the Hague. The first reason is that
the Bush Administration has, for state reasons, refused to prohibit his
being a witness. But, the real reason why Wesley Clark has finally
agreed, after two years of procrastination, to go to the Hague is
because he believes that his testimony against Slobodan Milosevic will
help him in his race for the Presidential nomination of the Democratic
Party.
Milosevic could not have wished for a better Christmas present. It has
been said that of all witnesses, Milosevic likes best the ones that
increase the TV viewer rating of the Hague "trial of the century", and
that he cares little what proofs these witnesses have against him. The
accused is anyway not too interested in the process aspect of the
lawsuit itself, rather in the unlimited access to the national and
international public.
He is not very anxious about Clark's testimony, especially since the
General has already made public all that he knows about Milosevic, and
judging by what we have seen in the courtroom thus far, Milosevic seems
to be entertained rather than worried by the prosecution's attempts to
prove the existence of his supposed intent or plans for genocide in
1991 with the help of testimonies of American and German Generals,
which met him for the first time only in the mid 1990s. This could be
an important point in favour of Milosevic, seeing that although he
finds himself in jail, he is a candidate on the list of his Socialist
Party of the Serbian elections. Do not ask me how.
Milosevic, however, seems not to realize that Clark too, will benefit
to the maximum from their confrontation at the Hague. Their new meeting
will be presented to the American public in the following way: The
American General is going to the Hague to accuse the Dictator whose
demise he accelerated, and whose Albanian subjects he saved though an
air campaign, during which not a single American soldier was killed.
Clark, however, has prepared in advance, with the help of the State
Department's lawyers and the goodwill of the Court, such conditions of
testimony which preclude any nasty surprises for him during the
cross-examination: the filmed cross-examination of his testimony will
be aired with a 48-hour delay, once the Americans have checked the
contents and are able to protect their national interests. Milosevic,
on the other hand, will not be given the opportunity to share his point
of view on the duel in the courtroom with journalists.
In the Serbian public it is speculated that a disastrous moment for
Wesley Clark and his presidential campaign would be when Slobodan
Milosevic presents photographs from summer 1994, of a smiling Clark in
the company of Ratko Mladic, fugitive Bosnian General and accused of
war crimes, wearing his hat. That photograph has, however, already been
circulated in America on Tim Rasert's highly viewed TV show.
Clark explained his controversial meeting with Mladic as the result of
his wish upon arriving to Bosnia, to meet all of those involved in the
conflict, adding that at the time, Mladic was not yet accused of war
crimes. In the worst case scenario, from that angle Clark looks like a
naïve and unaware Westerner, who having encountered the sly and
unscrupulous natives, was armed will only the best intentions.
As a guest on Dan Rather's CBS show "60 Minutes", he seemed on the
verge of tears as he talked of the Muslim victims of the Bosnian war.
"This is the first time that I have seen you so shaken up with
emotions", concluded Rather. The General explained that for him,
civilian victims of war are an unbearable sight.
There is another, more important, reason for Clark's visit to the
Hague. By taking the witness stand, Clark will be able to further
portray the difference between him, the soldier that has "freed a
people" from its tyrannical leader, and the current American president
who is also claiming to have "freed a people". That people, the Iraqis,
however, are killing American soldiers whenever the opportunity
presents itself, and "tyrannical dictator" was, until very recently,
still at large and free.
Because of the Iraq war, foreign policy has returned to the front stage
in America: Bush's first televised ad accuses the Democrats of
"attacking the President for fighting terrorism". If patriotism and
defense are the key words in the presidential campaign, then the
Democrats need a candidate who, as a soldier, seems more convincing
than Bush.
Fifty years have passed since the Oval Office was occupied by a General
(Dwight Eisenhower). While Bush managed to avoid being drafter during
the Vietnam War, Clark returned from the war with serious injuries and
a medal for his "bravery". Clark's electoral standing has lost some of
its shine compared to the early weeks of his candidacy, but the Hague
could give it renewed and permanent brilliance.
His visit to the Hague will be news and will most certainly serve to
remind voters that Clark's Kosovo war, in contrast with Bush's war in
Iraq, was not only successful, but also painless (for the US of
course). Clark's electoral campaign has landed its first electoral TV
ad. At the moment when he is shown surrounded by delighted Albanian
Kosovars, the narrator says "and in the Balkans he led a multinational
force that stopped a campaign of terror, freed a people and brought
peace without a single American casualty."
Clark is aiming at several vulnerable spots in Bush's posture. Both
Bush's and Clark's wars have been based on the pretext of "freeing"
Muslim populations. Clark's advantage, however, is that "his" Muslims
are infinitely grateful to him: in Bosnia and Kosovo they are erecting
statues and naming streets and him and Bill Clinton.
Of late, the General has been insisting that his war was more moral
than Bush's, he was stopping genocide, whereas Bush just wanted to get
his hands on the Iraqi oil (CBS "60 Minutes"). Furthermore, in his war
against Yugoslavia, Clark commanded a NATO alliance of 19 member
states, while Bush acts unilaterally and as a bully, with only the
British for allies, and has managed to alienate the rest of the world.
Clark's opponents have admitted openly in the New York Times that they
wished they could find a way to make Iraq resemble Bosnia. It seems
that only to someone in Baghdad, an impoverished and ethnically
cleansed Sarajevo could appear as a success story.
And so overnight the Balkans are back on the political map of the world
once again, having become a convenient trump card in American foreign
and domestic policy. Therefore we should not be surprised at Richard
Holbrooke's and Bernard Kouchner's sudden visit here. Nor should we be
surprised at Morton Abramovitsch, whose article in the Wall Street
Journal a few weeks ago, advocates the independence of Kosovo even
before the Albanians meet any international standards.
Abramovitsch is also insisting on the "contrast" between Iraq and
Kosovo. From the point of view of this Albanian lobbyist, the biggest
problem in Kosovo is that the International Community has not as yet
handed over full control of the province to the Albanians. He does
admit the "Kosovars" (Albanian citizens of Kosovo) are "partly
responsible" for the situation in the province. This is what he holds
against them: "they are very slow in stopping" the violence against the
Serbs, "they are slow" in expressing serious interest in the return of
Serbian refugees, organised crime is "a problem" and the rule of law
still needs to be "firmly established".
This is the talk in Washington. In Belgrade, of course, very few people
believe that there is any significant moral difference between Clark
and Bush, and their wars. From the Belgrade perspective, the difference
between the foreign policies of the Republicans and Democrats is barely
visible. Here the "contrast" of which Morton Abramovitsch writes is not
so self evident.
Why is Clark against the war in Iraq? Because it's Bush's war, not his.
When compared to Saddam, Milosevic was, in the worst case, a small time
authoritarian thug. As the Guardian writes these days: America, like
all empires throughout history, has a consistent approach in
international politics. That approach is not morally consistent;
rather, it is strategically consistent.
The Belgrade perspective is that there is not too much of a difference
between Clinton's supposedly enlightened multilateralism and
"humanitarian intervention", and Bush's wars of terror. This conclusion
is pointed to by the statement of Leslie Gelb, President of the US
Council of Foreign Relations, who is these days arguing in the pages of
the New York Times for the division of Iraq into three separate states
(in 1991 he was supporting the division of Yugoslavia and the
independence of Croatia).
He remembered us in Yugoslavia when he made a demand that the US should
abandon the policy of an "artificially united Iraq" and should break it
up into "the Kurds in the North, the Suniis in the centre, and the
Shiites in the South". "There exists", says Gelb, "an encouraging
precedent" for the strategy of breaking up Iraq into a number of
states. That precedent is called Yugoslavia.
There where the Americans see sharp contrasts, the Serbs see only dark
shadows. This is the context in which Slobodan Milosevic confronted
once again Wesley Clark. One should not be surprised if both of them
leave the courtroom satisfied: they will be playing to an entirely
different public.
* Andrej Grubacic is a historian and social critic from Belgrade, New
Europe. He can be reached at zapata@...
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/049.shtml
The Black Legion: A History of the 1st Ustasha Regiment
by Carl Savich
Introduction: Kill a Third, Deport a Third, Convert a Third
The Black Legion
Operation Trio
Srebrenica during World War II
Conclusion
...The systematic genocide committed against the Serbian population of
the NDH by Croats and Bosnian Muslims resulted in a mass uprising and a
resistance movement that led to a civil war. The Black Legion played a
major role in the NDH policy of genocide against the Serbian population
to kill a third, deport a third, and convert a third of the Serbian
population...
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/049.shtml
The Black Legion: A History of the 1st Ustasha Regiment
by Carl Savich
Introduction: Kill a Third, Deport a Third, Convert a Third
The Black Legion
Operation Trio
Srebrenica during World War II
Conclusion
...The systematic genocide committed against the Serbian population of
the NDH by Croats and Bosnian Muslims resulted in a mass uprising and a
resistance movement that led to a civil war. The Black Legion played a
major role in the NDH policy of genocide against the Serbian population
to kill a third, deport a third, and convert a third of the Serbian
population...
http://www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/049.shtml
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