Subject: Novo na ARTEL GEOPOLLITIKA-Nova knjiga dr
Vojislava Micovica: Globalizacija i Novi svetski poredak
Date: Tue, 21 May 2002 12:05:21 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>

by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:21 maj 2002


Nova knjiga dr Vojislava Micovica
"Globalizacija i Novi svetski poredak"

Nova knjiga dr Vojislava Mi?ovi?a "Globalizacija i
Novi
svetski poredak" promovisana je u Medjunarodnom pres
centru Tanjuga 22 aprila 2002. godine. O knjizi su
govorili
dr Mihailo Markovi?, ?lan Srpske Akademije nauka i
umetnosti (SANU), dr Blagoje Babi?, ekspert za
ekonomska pitanja Instituta za medjunarodnu politiku
i
privredu iz Beograda i general u penziji, Radovan
Radinovi?.

Knjiga se mo?e maru?iti preko ARTEL-a po
ceni od 300.00 Dinara (ili 5 EURA) plus
transportni troskovi. Zainteresovani nam
se mogu obratiti na tel./faks.: (+381
11) 699495 ili preko elektronske adrese:
office@....( Knjiga je na
srpskom jeziku).

BELESKA O AUTORU
Dr Vojislav Mi?ovi? po zanimanju je publicista i
politi?ki analiti?ar. Studirao je Visoku
novinarsko-diplomatsku skolu u Beogradu, diplomirao je
na Pravnom fakultetu Beogradskog univerziteta,
magistrirao je i doktorirao na Fakultetu politi?kih
nauka u Beogradu.
Dr Mi?ovi? je jedan od najistaknutijih poznavalaca
fenomena masovnih medija i analiti?ar globalnih
me|unarodnih odnosa i specijalnog rata, posebno
njegovih psiholosko-propagandnih i duhovno-kulturnih
vidova kao i svestrani poznavalac strategija novog
svetskog poretka. Dr Mi?ovi? se nalazio na istaknutim
funkcijama u stampi, na radiju i na dr?avnim i
politi?kim funkcijama u Srbiji i Jugoslaviji
(podsekretar za kulturu, ministar informacija,
direktor Radio Beograda, predsednik odbora u
jugoslovenskoj komisiji za UNESKO, sekretar i
predsednik Savezne konferencije SSRN Jugoslavije i
dr.).
Za vreme NATO agresije na Jugoslaviju dr Mi?ovi? je
bio na slu?bi u stabu Vrhovne komande u ?inu pukovnika
Vojske Jugoslavije. Objavio je ve?i broj na?~nih i
stru?nih radova iz oblasti komunikologije, propagande
i medjunarodnih odnosa medju kojima: Na?elo javnosti i
informisanje, Masovni mediji u Jugoslaviji, Strana
propaganda u Jugoslaviji, Otvorenost Jugoslavije prema
svetu, Specijalni rat i Jugoslavija, Specijalni rat i
novi svetski poredak, Agresija na Jugoslaviju -
Milosrdni andjeo novog svetskog poretka. Knjige:
Mediji u Jugoslaviji i Otvorenost Jugoslavije prema
svetu prevedene su na engleski i francuski, a knjiga
Agresija na Jugoslaviju imala je izdanje na engleskom
jeziku. Najnovija knjiga dr Mi?ovi?a je Globalizacija
i novi svetski poredak u izdanju "?igoja stampe" u
Beogradu.

SADR?AJ

Napomena autora 7
I SVET NA PO?ETKU TRE?EG MILENIJUMA 13
1. IDEJA I KORENI MONDIJALIZMA 15
Istorijske prete?e 15
Izvoriste ideologije mondijalizma u masoneriji 16
Mondijalizam - ideologija globalizacije i novog svetskog poretka 18
2. MONDIJALIZAM (GLOBALIZAM) I NACIONALNI SUVERENITET 23
3. TRI ISTORIJSKA MODELA GLOBALIZACIJE 31
Kolonizacija od XV-XX veka - osvajanje i podela sveta 32
Hitlerov "novi poredak" 33
Podela sveta na blokove posle Drugog svetskog rata 37
II 4. PLANETARNI KOLONIJALIZAM - STARA IDEJA U NOVOM RUHU 43
Zavrsetak "hladnog (tre?eg svetskog) rata" - zametak novog modela
globalizacije sveta 43
Ameri?ki san o vladanju svetom 46
5. "ARHITEKTURA" I OBLICI NOVOG SVETSKOG PORETKA 56
"Kalupljenje" politi?kog sistema 56
"Slobodno tr?iste"- model ekonomske eksploatacije i porobljavanja 60
Kulturni imperijalizam - nametanje sistema vrednosti 67
Globalizacija informativnog prostora - jednosmerni protok informacija 78
Mega vojne strukture - globalizacija vojne sile 85
6. INSTITUCIONALNI STUBOVI NOVOG SVETSKOG PORETKA 88
Ujedinjene nacije - transformacija ili sumrak 88
Evropska unija 95
NATO i Partnerstvo za mir 99
Svetska banka i MMF - ekonomski stubovi novog svetskog poretka 107
7. KO VLADA SVETOM "IZA KULISA"? 109
Savet za inostrane odnose i Kraljevski institut 111
Trilateralna komisija 115
Rimski klub 116
Grupa Bilderberg 117
Uloga "kralja finansijske imperije" - Rokfelera 121
Ko je Soros? 122
8. METODI OSTVARIVANJA PLANOVA O NOVOM PORETKU 125
1. Psiholosko-propagandni metodi specijalnog rata 125
O pojmu i sustini specijalnog rata 129
Institucije za informativnu i propagandnu aktivnost 131
Kadrovi za vodjenje psiholosko-propagandnog rata 137
Na?ini i metodi "omeksavanja" i manipulacije 139
Ko je "meta - publika"? 144
Sredstva uticaja na ljudske emocije 148
2. Sankcije - na?in kolektivnog ka?njavanja naroda i dr?ava 150
Sve siri krug ka?njenih dr?ava 152
Motivi i sadr?ina sankcija 156
3. Upotreba oru?ane sile i novi oblici okupacije 158
9. FENOMEN GLOBALNOG TERORIZMA (UZROCI I POSLEDICE) 160
10. PLANIRANJE NOVIH OBLIKA I NA?INA GLOBALIZACIJE 170
Osvajanje novih prostora - Arktika i Kosmosa 170
Regionalne politi?ke integracije 174
11. OTPORI NASILNOJ GLOBALIZACIJI I AMERI?KOJ HEGEMONIJI 180
12. UZROCI I POUKE NATO AGRESIJE NA JUGOSLAVIJU 189
NATO agresija na Jugoslaviju - deo strategije Zapada na Balkanu 189
Zasto Kosovo i Metohija? Stvarni uzroci i izmisljeni razlozi 195
Specifi?nosti NATO agresije na Jugoslaviju 198
Reagovanje sveta i univerzalni zna?aj otpora agresiji 202
13. STA JE ALTERNATIVA GLOBALIZACIJI I NOVOM PORETKU 210
Summary 215
Beleska o autoru 221

http://www.archivioimmaginicinema.com/viaggioimpiroga.htm

ROMA
Da lunedi 20 Maggio al 7 Giugno
dal lunedi al sabato ore 21,30

spettacolo per un film sulla guerra

di Peter Handke

Viaggio in piroga

regia di Francesca Garcea

barcone sul Tevere di Lungotevere degli Artigiani
(Ponte di Ferro) Roma

<<"Viaggio in Canoa" di Peter Handke, è un testo scritto circa sei anni
fa
ed ha come tematica la guerra in Jugoslavia. Rappresentato per la prima
volta
(ed unica) dallo stabile di Vienna, proprio durante in periodo in cui
infuriava
la guerra dei Balcani, fu un evento che scatenò grandi polemiche e di
cui si occupò tutta la stampa internazionale. L'esigenza artistica che
ci
ha stimolato nell'allestire questo testo è stata motivata dall'aspetto
brutale della guerra e del voler far emergere il valore della pace.
Questa
messa in scena verte ad una sensibilizzazione dell'opinione pubblica
contro la stupidità dei conflitti sociali e religiosi, di cui la guerra
nei
Balcani ne rappresenta solo un esempio. Sarà una pieces teatrale
particolarmente suggestiva e spettacolarizzata, sotto certi aspetti
molto
ironica nonostante la tematica fortemente sociale.>> (F. Garcea)

3 euro tessera per un anno Amici del Tevere

entrata
7 euro ridotto
12 euro intero

uno spettacolo contro tutte le guerre
prevendite : Teatro dei Contrari via Ostilia 22
-Archivio Immagini Cinema
Via Giolitti 319 3385465301

http://www.archivioimmaginicinema.com/viaggioimpiroga.htm


============================================================


DA NON DIMENTICARE

E' finalmente pronta la versione sottotitolata in italiano di tre
cortometraggi, inediti in Italia, sui crimini di NATO ed UCK in
Kosovo-Metohija e Serbia meridionale.

I filmati sono in parte basati su immagini della TV americana ARTN e
della britannica REUTERS TV. Si noti che in Italia non era finora
circolata nessuna documentazione video sulle stragi compiute da
NATO/UCK in Kosmet dopo la occupazione (giugno 1999).

Titoli dei tre cortometraggi:

"PAPA', DOVE DORMIREMO DI SERA?"
sugli effetti del bombardamento della cittadina rurale di Aleksinac

KOSOVO - IL LUOGO DEL DELITTO
immagini della provincia dopo l'arrivo della KFOR

C'ERA UNA VOLTA LA FATTORIA GARIC
"...tra Djakovica e Decani, la casa dei Garic era l'unico focolare
serbo rimasto..."
primo premio al Festival del cortometraggio di Belgrado, giugno 2000

produzione RF di Jugoslavia, 1999-2000

Per il lavoro di sottotitolazione il CNJ deve sostenere un costo non
indifferente, pertanto chiediamo alle realta' locali che vogliono
avere le prime copie del video una sottoscrizione adeguata, mentre PER
I SINGOLI IL PREZZO CHE ABBIAMO FISSATO E' DI 15 EURO.

PER ORDINARE IL VIDEO INVIARE UN FAX AL NUMERO: 06-4828957
indicando l'indirizzo al quale spedire la cassetta e le modalita' con
cui viene effettuato il versamento.
Ricordiamo che per i versamenti a favore del CNJ e' stato aperto il
seguente conto postale:

Conto Bancoposta n.73542037 (ABI 07601 CAB 03200 CIN N)
intestato a Gallucci E. e Pavicevac I., Roma

JUGOSLAVIA
per non dimenticare che
LA GUERRA CONTINUA

nell'ambito dell'iniziativa "C'e' un bambino che" patrocinata
dall'Universita' di Tor Vergata

SEI INVITATA/O

Il 28 maggio 2002
dalle ore 10,00

nell'aula delle Lauree della facolta' di Giurisprudenza (Rettorato)

a partecipare alla Giornata di Studi su:

i Perche' di un decennio di guerre
le Conseguenze economiche, politiche, sociali ed ecologiche
la Situazione attuale del popolo jugoslavo
la Solidarieta' come realizzarla ?

Interverranno:
Tommaso Di Francesco (il Manifesto)
Aldo Oliveri (Un Ponte per)
Andrea Catone (Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia)
Massimo Zucchetti (Comitato scienziate e scienziati contro la guerra)

Nel pomeriggio, alle ore 15,00, i lavori proseguiranno con il
seminario
"Conseguenze della guerra su territorio e persone"
nell'aula T29 della facolta' di Lettere e Filosofia


Aprira' i Lavori, con un saluto, il Rettore
prof. Alessandro Finazzi Agro'

Comitato Contro la Guerra - Universita' di Tor Vergata

La locandina in formato Word si puo' scaricare al sito:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/torvergata.doc

Subject: [yugoslaviainfo] Medical Health Care Crisis in Yugoslavia
Date: Thu, 16 May 2002 23:07:40 -0500 (CDT)
From: Predrag Tosic
To: yugoslaviainfo <Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.>





THE HELLENIC MEDICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK

URGENT REQUEST FOR HELP

MEDICAL HEALTH CARE CRISIS IN YUGOSLAVIA

HMS DRIVE FOR MEDICAL SUPPLIES AND MEDICAL EQUIPMENT


The Hellenic Medical Society of New York, a
leader nationally among ethnic medical societies is
sponsoring a medical humanitarian drive in which medical
supplies and medical equipment are being sent to
hospitals in Yugoslavia where there is a serious and
escalating health care crisis.
Recently a 40 ft. medical container was sent to a
leading pediatric hospital in Belgrade the value of
which was more then US $ 150,000. We are now targeting a
hospital in Pancevo for help.
Pancevo is a highly industrialized, petrochemical
center not far from Belgrade, that was bombed repeatedly
in 1999, releasing toxic fumes and substances above and
below ground. The result is an ecological disaster for
the entire area in which there has been a 500% increase
in mortality rate since 1999 and where cancer cases have
soared from 2.000 to 10.000 new cases a year!
Pancevo hospital is a full service hospital
(Surgery, Internal medicine, Gynecology, Obstetrics,
Pediatrics, Neurology, Oncology, Dermatology,
Ophthalmology, and Dentistry). It has 750 beds and
serves an area encompassing 200.000 people of various
ethnic groups.
Since the dissolution of Yugoslavia and after 10
years of sanctions and the fall of the Milosevic's
regime - the new democratically elected government finds
itself bankrupt and unable to support the health care
system, which is in a state of collapse. And, though
humanitarian agencies and NGOs are trying to help, the
needs far outstep current demands.

BASIC NEEDS

Pancevo hospital needs everything, from blankets
and sheets to every kind of medical supplies and
equipment, including diagnostic equipment for detecting
cancer.
We are sending an URGENT REQUEST FOR MEDICAL
SUPPLIES AND MEDICAL EQUIPMENT of every kind and type.
We have a collection site and will transport any
equipment or medical supplies that are donated. (ALL
DONATIONS ARE TAX DEDUCTIBLE)
Recently, our representatives in Belgrade met
with the American ambassador, William Montgomery, who
said he fully supported the efforts of HMS and would
give us any help we needed. He agreed that the health
care system was a disaster and he was grateful for the
help HMS was offering.
If you can supply us with any kind of medical
equipment or supplies, you can be sure you are helping
to save precious human lives. You will also bring some
hope to a desperate population where individuals under
the strain of economic hardship are even selling their
kidneys in the black market in order to survive. The
average life span in Yugoslavia is now 48 years old.
As the Director of Pancevo Hospital said sadly
after a recent tour of the hospital: "We have simply
been forgotten."
Medical supplies, new or used (but in working
condition) medical equipment that is often discarded in
this rich land of America can be life saving treasures
for hospitals in crisis. For the nominal price of
transportation, HMS can send a container valued at from
US $ 100,000 to US $ 300,000 in medical help.
We would like to be able to say to the people of
Yugoslavia "You have not been forgotten"

Will you join us in our effort?

Please contact:

Anthony Vasilas, M.D.
Advisor Emeritus, Tel. (516) 627-1894; Fax: (516) 869-
1178

Representatives:

Mila Lazarevich - Nolan, Tel. (212) 570-5782; Fax: (212)
717-6088

Dusan & Djina Dragic, Tel. (914) 946-2606; Fax: 946-
4649;
E-mail: DDragic@...

Mark Milich, Tel. (516) 944-2733

Please note:

HMS is also accepting financial donations, which are
also tax deductible. This money will go toward shipping
expenses and to purchase medical supplies and equipment
to supplement our shipments.

Checks may be made payable to:

Hellenic Medical Society of New York
Attention: Dr. Anthony Vasilas
For Yugoslav medical relief
80 Gristmill Lane
Manhasset, NY 11030

Ha avuto luogo nei giorni scorsi la visita in Serbia del
cardinale romano-cattolico Walter Casper, presidente del
"Consiglio per la promozione dell'unita' dei cristiani".
Casper ha incontrato il vice-premier serbo Zarko
Korac (alla prasenza, tra l'altro, del "Ministro per gli Affari
Religiosi", figura governativa introdotta dal nuovo regime di
destra dopo il golpe dell'ottobre 2000) ed il Ministro degli
Affari Esteri della RF di Jugoslavia, Goran Svilanovic.

Il cardinale ha espresso la soddisfazione del Vaticano per le
"riforme", i cambiamenti "democratici" e l'attenzione
alle "liberta' religiose" mostrata dalla classe dirigente attuale,
ad esempio con la introduzione dell'insegnamento della religione
nelle scuole pubbliche dell'obbligo e con la progettata riconsegna
al Vaticano delle proprieta' immobiliari nazionalizzate dallo
Stato Jugoslavo dopo la Seconda Guerra Mondiale, quando il clero
cattolico si era reso complice dei crimini commessi dai nazisti.

Come chiarito esplicitamente nelle dichiarazioni degli esponenti
governativi, il governo serbo e quello jugoslavo si aspettano il
sostegno da parte del Vaticano per l'accoglimento della RF di
Jugoslavia nelle istituzioni della UE e della NATO. Dal canto suo,
il Vaticano, oltre alla riconsegna dei patrimoni nazionalizzati,
conta di lanciare una offensiva evangelizzatrice analoga a
quella in corso in alcune delle repubbliche ex-sovietiche, contando
sullo stato di grave prostrazione economica e devastazione sociale
in cui versa la popolazione proprio a causa delle politiche del
governo ultraliberista di Djindjic oltreche' dei bombardamenti e
dell'embargo.

Nel frattempo, il quotidiano croato Jutarnji List, citando "fonti
interne al Vaticano", ha rivelato la intenzione del Papa di recarsi
in visita in Serbia subito dopo la sua ennesima visita in Croazia,
dunque a settembre prossimo. Nelle precedenti visite in Croazia, il
papa era stato ospite del leader ultranazionalista Franjo Tudjman,
"regista" della cacciata dalle Krajne di tutta la popolazione di
religione serbo-ortodossa; nel corso della visita dell'ottobre 1997,
il papa aveva beatificato l'"arcivescovo del genocidio" Stepinac,
icona del nazionalismo e del fascismo ustascia.

(a cura di I. Slavo)

===*===

Roman Catholic Cardinal Walter Casper visits Serbian government

BELGRADE, May 13 (Tanjug) - Serbian Deputy Premier Zarko Korac said
after a meeting with Roman Catholic Cardinal Walter Casper on Monday
that their one-hour meeting had focused on democratic changes in
Serbia and the issue of religious freedoms.
Stressing that legal changes had allowed for the return of religious
teaching in public schools, Korac said that Cardinal Casper had voiced
readiness to invest personal efforts to enable the country to join
European institutions.
Conveying Pope John Paul II's best wishes to the Serbian government,
Cardinal Casper welcomed the democratic changes and added that
South-East Europe and the rest of Europe would be poor without Serbia.
After the talks at the Serbian government, Cardinal Casper offered his
blessings and best wishes for the country's development and economic
progress.
The talks were attended by Roman Catholic Bishop of Belgrade Stanislav
Hocevar, Vatican's envoy to Belgrade Eugenio Sbarbaro and Serbian
Minister of Religious Affairs Vojislav Milovanovic.

Svilanovic, Cardinal Casper on situation in Yugoslavia, region

BELGRADE, May 13 (Tanjug) - Yugoslav Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic
and Cardinal Walter Casper, envoy of Pope John Paul II and president
of the papal council for the promotion of the unity of Christians,
exchanged in Belgrade Monday opinions about the situation in FR
Yugoslavia and in the region.
Cardinal Casper is on a visit to Yugoslavia at the invitation of the
Serbian Orthodox Church.
The Yugoslav Foreign Ministry said that Cardinal Casper conveyed the
satisfaction of the Holy See with the progress of reforms in
Yugoslavia, and its full support for the integration of Yugoslavia,
as well as of the region as a whole, into European and Euro-Atlantic
structures.
The Pope's envoy informed Svilanovic about the stand of the Holy See
regarding the process of globalization and the need for developing
ecunemical dialogue and the stregthening of unity between Christians.

CARDINAL: POPE SUPPORTS SERBIA'S EFFORTS TO JOIN EUROPE

BELGRADE, May 13 (Beta) Pope John Paul II and the Holy See support
the full integration of Europe and all of Eastern Europe in European
institutions, Cardinal Walter Casper, chairman of a papal council on
improving unity among Christians, in Belgrade on May. 13.
He previously met Serbian Vice Premier Zarko Korac and Minister of
Religions Vojislav Milovanovic. Papal nuncio in Belgrade Eugenio
Sbarbaro and Stanislav Hocevar, chairman of the Bishops' Conference
of Yugoslavia, were also present at the meeting.
Cardinal Casper said afterward that he was grateful to the Serbian
authorities for enacting legislation that brought religious
instruction back to schools and would restore its ownership of
nationalized property.
The cardinal also met Yugoslav Foreign Minister Goran Svilanovic, whom
he told, according to a news release, "of the Holy See's satisfaction
with the progress of reforms in Yugoslavia and the full support of
Pope John Paul II to the integration of Yugoslavia and the region as
a whole in European and Euro-atlantic structures."

+++ Papst-Besuch in Serbien möglich? +++

ZAGREB, 19. Mai 2002. Die kroatische Tageszeitung "Jutarnji list"
meldet unter Berufung auf "Quellen im Vatikan", dass der römische
Papst nach dem Besuch in Kroatien auch nach Serbien kommen
könnte. Dies hat die Orthodoxe Kirche bisher strengstens
abgelehnt, solange der römische Katholizismus seine aggressive
Expansion auf dem kanonischen Gebiet der Orthodoxen Kirche
fortsetzt - in der Ukraine, in Sibirien und auf dem Balkan.

STIMME KOSOVOS / AMSELFELD.COM

Gli Stati Uniti d'America hanno reso noti i nuovi diktat rivolti
alla Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia. Lo hanno fatto per bocca
del senatore Biden, noto lobbyista filocroato e filoalbanese,
presente ad un recente pranzo di gala organizzato dalla "Lega
Civica Albano-Americana", l'organizzazione che fa da tramite tra
le bande degli stragisti dell'UCK ed i settori politici
statunitensi, organizzati attorno a Bob Dole e Dioguardi, che
sostengono il progetto della "Grande Albania".

Queste le condizioni cui la Jugoslavia dovra' adeguarsi:

1. Interrompere l'influenza politica esercitata sulla Repubblica
Serba di Bosnia e sul Kosovo settentrionale.
2. Rispettare le richieste e decisioni del "Tribunale ad hoc"
dell'Aia, spec. riguardo alla cattura e consegna degli
"incriminati".
3. Abbandonare al suo destino la enclave-ghetto serba di
Mitrovica, tra le ultime aree del Kosovo ancora popolate da
popolazione non albanese, oggi ancora difesa da squadre di
vigilanza e ronde create dalla popolazione locale per evitare
di subire la sorte gia' riservata alle altre aree etnicamente
"diverse".
4. Scuse ufficiali alla Croazia, alla Bosnia ed al Kosovo per
la politica "di genocidio" attuata nel corso degli anni Novanta.

Sulla figura del senatore Biden e sulla sua partecipazione al
suddetto pranzo di gala si veda:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1759

U.S. SENATOR BYDEN PAID TO LOBBY AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA,
SAYS PRESIDENT KOSTUNICA

BELGRADE, May 16 (Beta) - Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica
has said that the Belgrade authorities should neither
underestimate nor overestimate senator Joseph Byden's statement
on his view on conditions Yugoslavia should meet in order to
keep receiving aid from the U.S. "Byden's statement on what
more the U.S. should demand from Serbia ought to be treated as
a hint or warning that it might happen in October that the
law on U.S. aid, thanks to lobby group pressures, includes
further demand on our country," Kostunica wrote in an article
in the latest issue of the weekly NIN.
He said that "we should not close our eyes" to this warning
but neither should we be scared and do things we have not
been asked to.
"Of course, it would be both meaningless and irresponsible to
accept to be branded as a genocidal state and nation, which is
how Byden describes us, in order to get the second installment
of U.S. economic aid. At the same time, this does not mean that
we do not appreciate U.S. aid and their attitude towards our
involvement in international financial organizations,"
the Yugoslav president said.
Kostunica added that Byden had voiced his opinion as "a paid
lobbyist" at a charity dinner organized by an association of
American-Albanian friendship.
At the occasion, the senator said that the U.S. aid to
Yugoslavia should also depend on Belgrade quitting "negative
influences" in Kosovo and Republika Srpska, as well as on
apologies by Kostunica and Zoran Djindjic to Albanians, Croats,
and Bosnian Muslims.

+++ USA diktieren neue Bedingungen +++

WASHINGTON, BELGRAD, 10.Mai 2002. Die USA haben
heute vier neue Bedingungen diktiert ohne deren
Erfüllung Serbien keine Hilfe von den USA zu
erwarten habe:

"1. Aufgabe des negativen politischen Einflußes auf
den Norden Kosovos und die Republika Srpska.
2. Absolute Erfüllung aller Forderungen der
internationalen Gemeinschaft, insbesondere die
Verhaftung aller (angeblicher, d.Red.)
Kriegsverbrecher, insbesondere General Mladics,
sofern er sich auf dem Territorium Serbiens aufhält.
3. Aufgabe der Teilung Kosovska Mitrovicas, Rückkehr
aller Albaner in die Stadt im Austausch für das
Rückkehrrecht von Serben und Romas in den von
Albanern kontrollierten Stadtteil.
4. Öffentliche Äüßerung Kostunicas und Djindjics zur
Politik Serbiens in den neunziger Jahren und eine
Entschuldigung für den Genozid in Bosnien, Kroatien
und im Kosovo."

Der Ministerpräsident Serbiens, Zoran Djindjic
lehnte die Forderungen der USA umgehend ab und
erklärte, die neuen Regierungen Jugoslawiens und
Serbiens hätten mit der Politik der neunziger Jahre
im Gegensatz zu denen in Bosnien und Kroatien nichts
zu tun.

TANJUG / AMSELFELD.COM

Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (4)
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 13:55:26 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.4 - May 14, 2002

Terrorist Commander, A Civilian As Well

What is the function of a witness for the
prosecution in The Hague, perhaps was best seen
today during the cross-examination of the
witness Isuf Ljoku from the village Kotlina near
Kacanik. Except for the fact that he was not
able to say more than what he was obviously
prepared to do, he kept denying himself from a
sentence to the next. At Milosevic's question
how many soldiers he had seen entering his
village, he first replied seeing 25 of them.
After being asked were they on foot or in
vehicles, he replied seeing 13 tanks, 2 armored
vehicles and 10 trucks. While in his written
statement, given to the tribunal representatives
a year ago, he had claimed having seen several
thousands of soldiers entering his village.

When witness Ljoku kept asserting
unbelievably illogic statements, such as that
his village was abandoned by all of his
inhabitants before the military got in, and that
the military had shelled the village for four
hours before getting in. Judge May tried to help
him by warning Milosevic to be fair towards the
witness. As Judge May intervened in this way at
Milosevic insisting the witness should explain
how come the military had not found him after
"escaping to the mountain" and hiding just 50
meters away from his house, Milosevic than
"warned" May that he does not have to interpret
for him what the witness is talking about.

Although there were serious clashes
going on with the KLA in his and in the
neighboring villages, the witness Ljoku claimed
no KLA member had been to his village. At
Milosevic's question does he know that his
cousin Miljaim Ljoku was in command of the
so-called Kacanik KLA brigade and died in an
armed clash of that unit with the YA, the
witness said his cousin had died as a civilian.

Today the testimonial of Ratomir
Tanic has begun, from whom the prosecution
obviously expects quite a lot, so that their
examination of the witness today was not
finished. His face was scrambled, although he
identified himself, and his voice was heard.
Tanic has been a high official of "New
Democracy" Party at the time it was in power in
coalition with SPS and JUL. Before that he has
been one of the founders of opposition parties
like UJDI and the Civic Alliance. As he himself
stated, he was conducting some negotiations with
Albanian representatives in Kosovo on behalf of
his party. More than that, according to him, he
collaborated with officials of the State
Security Service (whom he did not want to name),
but also with the Intelligence Services of
England, Italy and Russia (from which he got
paid). From the testimonial of this witness
today anyone could assert that his role in this
trial is to help the prosecution show that it
was allegedly possible to find a political
solution for Kosovo and Metohia and that the war
was not unavoidable, in other words to justify
NATO aggression against our country.

While announced as the first "insider" witness
at this trial, he could hardly be called as
such, since he has been a minor player and never
part of the ruling SPS gear. Having been member
of "New Democracy", his role in this trial may
easily be understood, if one knows the political
"beliefs" of this party, whose leader for the
last 15 years has been in power within all
Governments, regardless it were Communist,
Socialist or "Democratic" ones. The party itself
never participated alone in the elections,
but was the first to advocate admission of
Yugoslavia to NATO. Its leader, Dusan
Mihajlovic, whose "special adviser" Mr. Tanic
was, is currently Serbian Interior Minister and
one of main responsibles for abduction of
President Milosevic and fabrication of
"refrigerator trucks" stories.

To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

===*===

Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (5)
Date: Thu, 16 May 2002 14:14:57 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.5- May 15, 2002

"Protected Witness" Tanic -
Co-Author In the Writing Of The Indictment

Today's testimonial of the
(partially) protected "insider" Ratomir Tanic
speaks more about his personality and about the
role of intelligence services in the trial, than
about the very subject of the testimonial. It
appeared that these services directly, but badly
prepared Tanic's testimony. Indicative is the
today's statement of his former Party leader and
current Interior Minister in the Serbian
Government, Dusan Mihajlovic, published in
today's edition of the Belgrade daily
"Nacional", which goes: "I knew Ratomir was
crazy enough to apply for witness and testify,
but I had no vague presentiment that those ones
were stupid enough to take him as witness".

Tanic has testified about all kinds of
things, as if he has been the closest Milosevic's
associate, or high state official, for the lightness
with which he talked about things that could have been
within reach exclusively to the highest state and
military leadership. For the rest, at the very beginning
of his examination by the prosecutor, he has identified
himself as paid collaborator of British, Italian and
Russian intelligence services.

Tanic's testimonial looked more like
some kind of political analysis, by which it was
intended to show that a political solution to
the Kosovo and Metohia problem was possible,
which Milosevic never accepted, since his goal
was ethnic cleansing, i.e. the expulsion of
Albanians from the province. Tanic kept
developing this theory through an alleged
parallel civilian chain of command, introduced
by Milosevic, that by-passed the Army and Police
command structures. As sources for these
allegations he mentioned some "leading figures"
within the Army and Police, whose names he did
not want to reveal. After Milosevic and the
Court insisted on the matter, he referred to
Dusan Mihajlovic (leader of "New Democracy"
party), General Momcilo Perisic
(ex-Chief-of-staff of the YA), Jovica Stanisic
(State Security Service - SDB - chief), as well
as SDB officer Bogdan Tomas (for the events
around Djakovica).

Tanic appeared with senseless
allegations that the leadership of Yugoslavia
wished for a "little bombing" in order to
continue harassing end forcing the Albanians
into exile, as well as to reduce the strength of
the Serbian opposition. For this he recalled an
alleged conversation with the British and German
Ambassadors, in which he took part as well,
never though mentioning in what capacity. He
used the same pattern to affirm that he knows
who ordered the Racak operation, but "may not
reveal the foreign source".

Tanic insisted on proving the
existence of a military training plan called
"Horse shoe", that envisaged military operations
in Kosovo and Metohia in the case of foreign
aggression supported by the Albanian
population. He further speculated that this
"training" plan had been subsequently abused and
applied in real conditions, no matter that
'there was neither a foreign aggression nor a
rebellion of the Albanian population'.

Tanic's testimonial looks more like
a script for an action movie in which the "bad
guys" were Serbia and its leadership, and the
"good guys" were the Kosovo and Metohia
Albanians and NATO. The first ones are "guilty"
because they have not solved the problem by
political means and with selective use of force,
which by Tanic's estimates was quite possible,
while the latter are good because by bombardment
they forced a solution for the province, that
seemingly only Tanic is actually satisfied with.

In his senseless statements Tanic
even said the purpose of sending the Army to the
area of Djakovica (near the border with Albania)
during NATO bombing was to prove that NATO
committed crimes by killing Yugoslav soldiers,
as well as to clean-up the Albanian population
there.

Although Milosevic's
cross-examination of this witness has only just
started, it has been immediately clarified that
Tanic was collaborating with the British
Intelligence Service in writing The Hague
indictment against Slobodan Milosevic. Such an
obvious conclusion appears from simple
comparison of the indictment and Tanic's written
statement, as well as from his answers to the
prosecutor's questions. Besides that, on
Milosevic's question, he confessed that at
least two members of the British Intelligence
Service were present during the writing of his
statement. On the other hand, the fact his face
was scrambled on TV transmition from the
courtroom is rather indicative, meaning that
"somebody" insured his secret for-life sojourn
somewhere in the World with a false identity and
changed looks.

The cross-examination of this
'protected witness' will go on, but it is
already certain that it is going to be Tanic who
will carry, for as long as he lives, the burden
of having been the first Serb to testify against
Milosevic and against the truth, but also
against the right of his own nation to defend
its citizens and territory from terrorism,
regardless was it of Albanian or U.S./NATO kind.
This 'testimony' also exposes unbelievable low
level of the NATO political trial and of its
Hague machinery, in which as one of crucial
witnesses appears a person which never had any
official position in Yugoslavia and which admits
paid liaisons with foreign secret services.

To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

===*===

Subject: Freedom fight in the Hague (6)
Date: Fri, 17 May 2002 11:44:53 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION SPECIAL BULLETIN
No.6 - May 16, 2002

Prosecution In Trouble

All of the examinations of the witnesses to the
Prosecution so far have shown that the authors of
the Indictment against Slobodan Milosevic are in a
big trouble. This was definitely proven after
today's cross-examination of Ratomir Tanic. His
written 40-pages long statement, two days of
answering to prosecutor's questions, as well as the
issues he is covering, show that he is one of the
indictment's crown witnesses. However, his answers
on Milosevic's questions today have not only cut the
reliability of his testimonial, but have also
seriously compromited his credibility as a witness.
All participants in the trial have become aware of
that, so even Judge May himself had often to
seriously warn Tanic, something he was not
accustomed to do with the witnesses so far.

Yesterday, at the very beginning of
examination, Milosevic had proven that Tanic gave
his statement under "control" of the British
Intelligence Service with whom he co-wrote the
indictment itself. Today Tanic at one point
confessed that he made his voluminous statement in
English, finding that as an excuse why he was not
quite precise during his testimonial today.

There was practically no question where
Tanic had not denied himself. So he said that in
1997 Milosevic and his associates, having plans of
ethnic cleansing on their mind, claimed less than a
million Albanians lived in Kosovo and Metohia. When
Milosevic made him admit that at that time
preparations went on for the presidential elections
in Serbia and that a positive environment for
negotiations with the Kosovo Albanians was set
(their participation in the election was expected),
Tanic could not deny the fact that their number was
discussed within the framework of estimating the
election results, as well as keeping in mind they
had always exaggerated their number.

In his statement Tanic had also claimed
that on June 25, 1997 Milosevic in his Pristina
speech had provoked the Albanians and annulled all
preparations for a political settlement achieved
till then. However, when Milosevic quoted that
speech whose accent was on the equality of all
ethnic minorities and mutual tolerance, a confused
Tanic replied: "As long as I remember, Milosevic had
insisted on Kosovo being an integral part of
Serbia". In some totally private and intelligence
activities Tanic had supported the independence of
Kosovo, a fact visible from a document of a round
table on Kosovo held abroad, in which he took part
and practically joined the Albanian participants who
advocated independent Kosovo (that had been the very
purpose of the gathering). Tanic tried in vain to
prove that he was there on behalf of the
authorities, whose partner then was his party New
Democracy, especially after Milosevic quoted a
document of that party in which Kosovo was
considered as integral part of Serbia.

The unreliability of the witness Tanic
was visible on every question. When Milosevic asked
him to clarify the whereabouts of his presidential
office where Tanic claimed having meetings with him,
Tanic explained it was left from the entrance to the
building of the Presidency of Serbia. After
Milosevic explained his office was on the next
floor, Tanic confusedly replied that he had seen him
walking out from the ground floor hall and believed
that was his office.

Another Tanic's affirmation, that he had
been member of some New Democracy delegation (Dusan
Mihajlovic and him only, according to his written
statement) negotiating with Milosevic, was unmasked
after he now had testified it had been a quite
numerous one. After Milosevic reminded him that his
former boss stated last night (in a live broadcast
on Belgrade TV) that Tanic had been involved in
those events no more than any other citizen of
Serbia, Tanic tried to give explanations not even
clear to himself. A similar thing happened with his
claims that he had meetings with Milosevic during
receptions held in JUL headquarters. Tanic insisted
these meetings were taking place in a room of the
JUL building, while Milosevic explained that all JUL
receptions were held in that building's garden. This
was confirmed in a statement of a former JUL
official earlier today in Belgrade.

Tanic got caught in quite a lot of discrepancies,
related to differences between his written statement
and current testimonial, such as his written
allegations of being the "main negotiator" (reduced
today to "talks engine" by his own words), of
starting his collaboration with the British
Intelligence Service in l993 "during preparations
for Dayton" (Milosevic reminded him that the Dayton
negotiations were agreed only two years later), as
well as of Milosevic attempting to provoke a civil
war in Serbia in late 1996 and after that being put
under a "mild control of the Army and Police forces"
in order to stop him realizing such intentions
(which looked like a Sci-Fi plot to all who lived in
Serbia at that time).

When asked who did let him start collaborating with
the British Intelligence Service, Tanic replied -
"Both sides - Serbian and British Services".
Questioned what has been his post within New
Democracy, Tanic claimed being empowered by Dusan
Mihajlovic to negotiate with the Albanians as
"advisor to the party leader", "Member of its
Executive Board" and "Member of the Presidential
Cabinet of New Democracy". Things have become really
rough for Tanic when Milosevic proposed examining
Tanic's party application form, from which
unequivocally results that he has been just a
sympathizer, and not even an outright member of New
Democracy.

About the nature of Tanic's testimonial the quote
"Albanians should be the Piedmont of Southern
Europe" from his written statement speaks for
itself, since it can only mean the creation of a
Greater Albania by cutting parts of Montenegro,
Serbia, Macedonia and Greece. Tanic at first denied
having testified that, and after seeing the
original, simply explained it as being a print
error!

After all we have heard from Tanic these last few
days, it is more than obvious that we are dealing
with a collaborator of foreign secret services who
took part in preparing the indictment against
President Milosevic, but even more so it is obvious
that he is completely disable to play a role of
crown witness to the prosecution, as those services
had planned.

Tanic's cross-examination by Milosevic and the
"Amici Curiae" will be resumed, and most probably
over, on next Tuesday.

To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only Serbian
newspaper advocating liberation)

AGINFORM
Numero 24 - marzo 2002
http://www.pasti.org/indice24.htm

Processo Milosevic

Il silenzio assordante della sinistra

Sono stato presente all'Aja il 12 febbraio per l'inizio del
formale `'processo" contro Slobodan Milosevic insieme
a rappresentanti di vari Paesi del Comitato
internazionale per la difesa di Milosevic e del Tribunale
Clark La sera precedente si era tenuto ad Amsterdam
un incontro pubblico sul tema e, nel pomeriggio del 12,
una conferenza-stampa. Televisione e stampa italiani
(compresi i giornali cosiddetti antagonisti) hanno
sostanzialmente taciuto su queste iniziative,
manifestando in tal modo l'usuale faziosità pregiudiziale
nei confronti del Presidente Milosevic, la cui vera colpa
storica, anche agli occhi dei movimentisti e buonisti
pure di sinistra e "comunisti", è quella di non aver
imitato il rinnegato Gorbaciov.

Milosevic ha fatto pure compromessi per la pace, per i
quali taluni lo rimproverano, ma ha opposto nella
sostanza una resistenza sino agli estremi limiti del
possibile. Tutti i buonisti, pacifisti, antagonisti dai buoni
sentimenti e dalle mobilitazioni parolaie, oltre che i
fautori liberisti e "progressisti" delle aggressioni
occidentali, sono rimasti spiazzati di fronte alle solide
argomentazioni sulla illegittimità dello
pseudo-Tribunale dell'Aja, fondato da un Consiglio di
sicurezza che non ha tale potere, e sulla totale
mancanza di imparzialità nonché sulla scorrettezza nel
suo procedere. Ma soprattutto dalla dignitosa, strenua,
elevata, competente e abilissima condotta di autodifesa
di Milosevic, che ne ha rivelato le doti di grande e
coraggioso dirigente contro l'imperialismo e la
cosiddetta globalizzazione: di ciò avevo avuto un saggio
preciso nella visita che gli avevo reso il 16 agosto 2001
nel suo ingiusto carcere.

La resistenza di Milosevic galvanizza quella jugoslava
e di tutti i popoli contro l'imperialismo e pone a nudo la
farsa di un processo e di "magistrati" che stanno
disonorando la giustizia ponendosi al servizio dei
potenti. Come ha dimostrato l'archiviazione delle
denunce contro i crimini NATO in Jugoslavia e la
"dimenticanza"' delle responsabilità primarie e dei
crimini occidentali nella crisi jugoslava da parte del
procuratore Carla Dal Ponte e del suo vice Nice in una
"requisitoria" che ha mostrato chiaramente il carattere
precostituito e di teorema di tutto l'impianto
dell'accusa: Milosevic sarebbe colpevole di tutto
perchè, anche prima di assumere le cariche, avrebbe
controllato tutto e non avrebbe potuto non sapere tutto.

Siamo in presenza di una farsa giudiziaria che rivela la
natura e il modo di agire dell'imperialismo e al tempo
stesso, la fragilità - quando non almeno oggettiva
complicità, di una sinistra e di "comunisti" che rifiutano
pilatescamente la solidarietà dovuta ad un eroico
combattente antimperialista e al popolo jugoslavo. Non
dimentichiamo certo l'incosciente e obbrobriosa
esultanza di costoro dopo il colpo di stato contro
Milosevic (da qualche parte abbiamo letto `'Belgrado
ride"). Sono i frutti velenosi del distacco dalla storia
reale, l'opportunismo, e forse peggio, di teorizzazioni di
"rifondazione" che, lungi dal costruire, distruggono un
grande patrimonio storico del movimento comunista
internazionale e si staccano da partiti e popoli che
lottano - da quello jugoslavo a quello russo, ad es. -
invece di cercare più ampie unità anche con questi
elementi fondamentali della battaglia antimperialista.

Aldo Bernardini

Intervista a Vladimir Krsljanin
segretario internazionale del
Partito Socialista della Serbia

Che impressione le ha fatto Milosevic?

Ha fatto un impressione enorme, non solo a me, ma a
tutti i presenti. C'erano un migliaio di giornalisti da tutto
il mondo e credo sia stato un fatto unanime.
L'impressione è stata rafforzata dal fatto che Milosevic
ha tenuto testa da solo a un `tribunale' che è un enorme
apparato al servizio della NATO e con ammirevole
fermezza ha portato avanti la sua difesa sbaragliando
tutte le menzogne che gli staff degli esperti NATO
avevano costruito per mesi e mesi impiegando immense
risorse tecniche.

Milosevic finora si era rivolto alla `corte' in inglese.
Che lingua ha usato per la sua difesa?

Ha parlato in serbo-croato. Aveva usato l'inglese per
trattare alcune questioni procedurali all'inizio del
processo, ma poi aveva smesso e negli ultimi mesi
aveva usato solo il serbo croato di fronte al `tribunale' e
continua a farlo. Non potrebbe essere altrimenti perchè
il più importante canale televisivo serbo trasmette
direttamente dall' `aula' e Milosevic utilizza questa
possibilità di rivolgersi a tutta la nazione.

Che effetto ha avuto il suo discorso a Belgrado? Mi
faccia dare qualche cifra, che dice più di molte parole.
Secondo i nostri sondaggi adesso il 77% dei cittadini
della Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia appoggia
Milosevic e ritiene che egli stia difendendo non solo se
stesso ma tutta la nazione che all'Aja viene denigrata e
umiliata. Il 67% ritiene che Milosevic vincerà e con lui
la verità e la giustizia e che la nazione serba farà valere
il proprio diritto di fronte al mondo intero. ...

Data la grande impressione suscitata dalla difesa di
Milosevic molti hanno incominciato a speculare su
chi lo abbia aiutato. Che cosa ne pensa?

E' una domanda che mi è stata posta spesso nelle
conferenze stampa. Credo che abbiano operato due
fattori. La forza e le capacità intellettuali di Milosevic,
da un lato, e dall'altro il fatto che non è solo, ma dietro
di lui ha tutto il partito, tutti i veri patrioti e praticamente
tutta la nazione e molti amici a livello internazionale.
Egli è cosciente di questo sostegno e sente la
responsabilità di distruggere con le sue parole ogni
menzogna. ...

Alcuni osservatori sono sorpresi del fatto che
Milosevic anche dopo una lunga prigionia sembri in
condizioni fisiche e psichiche eccellenti.

Sì è un fatto notevole. Quando lo incontrai circa un
mese fa rimasi impressionato dalla sua vtalità. Tanto
più che è tenuto in isolamento in condizioni che minano
le forze di una persona, in una cella minuscola, con
minime possibilità, esposto a continue pressioni fisiche
e anche psicologiche. La coscienza di lottare per la
giustizia per il suo popolo gli dà la forza morale per
resistere in condizioni così distruttive ...

Mi chiede come vedo il futuro del 'processo'. Sono
convinto che i suoi carcerieri e i loro padroni della
NATO sono preoccupati e sono giunti alla conclusione
che per batterlo bisogna fiaccarlo fisicamente.
Milosevic ha distrutto lo scenario che era stato
preparato per il 'processo', ha messo in luce la
debolezza delle loro argomentazioni prefabbricate e le
menzogne dei loro testimoni, ha conquistato il pubblico
e guadagnato il sostegno delle persone oneste in tutto il
mondo. Con la prospettiva di un 'processo' che, come
vien detto dal 'tribunale', potrebbe durare due anni o
anche più, penso che ci sarà il tentativo di sfinirlo
fisicamente... Dobbiamo esigere che venga liberato in
modo da potersi difendere in libertà. Il Comitato
Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan Milosevic ha
fatto propria questa rivendicazione pur non cessando di
chiedere che venga liberato senza condizioni e che il
tribunale sia abolito. I suoi carcerieri sanno che non lo
possono sconfiggere se non per lo sfinimento fisico.

da «Halo Noviny», Praga, 2 marzo

===*===

"Il Manifesto", 10 Marzo 2002

Milosevic, scontro tra i "giudici"

Cassese versus Del Ponte.
Documento dell'Fbi su Al Qaeda in Kosovo e Bosnia

TOMMASO DI FRANCESCO

Certo, come da copione. Ma quel che è accaduto alla fine della quarta
settimana del processo Milosevc al Tribunale dell'Aja merita di essere
sottolineato. Perché è accaduto di tutto. Fuoco e fiamme, letteralmente
con l'incendio di un fornello nelle cucine e piccola evacuazione. Ma
anche fuoco e fiamme sull'istruttoria del procuratore Carla Del Ponte da
parte dell'ex presidente jugoslavo, che dalle prime battute ha
rovesciato le accuse di crinimi di guerra sulla Nato e sull'Uck,
favorito dall'incauto procedimento dell'accusa che ha unificato
politicamente diversi capi d'imputazione per diversi periodi storici
trovando alla fine un solo colpevole, Milosevic, e per l'unica colpa del
nazionalismo della Grande Serbia.

Intanto è accaduto che i giudici hanno "litigato" fra loro.

Il giudice Antonio Cassese, docente di diritto internazionale a Firenze,
presidente- fondatore del Tribunale dell'Aja, ha apertamente criticato,
in un'intervista all'Ansa la presenza di "ombre e cose strane" nel
processo: "l'inopportuno battage fatto dal procuratore e la scelta di
alcuni testimoni", oltre al "modo scorretto con cui Milosevic è stato
consegnato all'Aja...in fondo si è trattato di un mercanteggiamento", e
infine il fatto che il capo d'accusa voluto dall'allora capo procuratore
Louise Arbour, riguardava "cinque imputati e l'esecuzione riguarda uno
solo". Carla Del Ponte ha, nervosamente, subito telefonato a Cassese il
quale avrebbe risposto "d'esser stato frainteso", ma l'Ansa (il
giornalista Franco E. Vaselli) conferma.

Comunque, nonostante queste perplessità "interne" allo stesso Tribunale
dell'Aja (alla sua prestigiosa storia, se non altro), la corte
presieduta dal giudice Richard May ha ritenuto opportuno martedì
rispondere no alla richiesta di libertà provvisoria avanzata da
Milosevic allo scopo dichiarato di avere più possibilità di difendersi:
"Ho un solo telefono e neanche funziona bene" aveva detto l'ex
presidente jugoslavo. La corte non è convinta che Milosevic libero
farebbe ritorno all'Aja "e non rappresenterebbe un pericolo per le
vittime, i testimoni". E il processo è andato avanti. Con il testimone
Sabit Kadriu, che ha denunciato incendi, saccheggi e stragi nella
regione di Cicavica nel settembre 1998, mentre era in corso un'offensiva
dell'esercito di Belgrado contro l'Uck. Anche stavolta Milosevc non si è
scomposto e ha ricordato tre cose: che nel settembre 1998 la Comunità
internazionale avviava la trattativa tra lui e Rugova e il piano della
missione Osce, accettato da Belgrado con la mediazione dell'inviato di
Clinton, Holbrooke, che c'erano stragi "false" - famosa quella di
Orahovac, prima di quella di Racak - e anche massacri di civili serbi ad
opera dell'Uck e che la Comunità internazionale e i governi europei
accusavano l'estremismo degli attacchi armati dell'Uck che impedivano
così l'avvio della trattativa.

Non contento venerdì scorso ha letto in aula un lungo documento che
tutti hanno creduto suo, sul fatto che dietro l'Uck e l'attività di
cellule islamiste in Bosnia c'è stato il gruppo terrorista Al Qaeda di
Osama bin Laden. Tanto che il testimone Sabit Kadriu ogni tanto lo
interrompeva: "Non è vero, questo lo dice lei...". Poi, colpo di teatro.
Milosevic ha consegnato il documento alla corte dicendo: è su carta
intestata dell'Fbi ed è stato redatto per l'Amministrazione Usa "nel
dicembre 2001, dopo l'11 settembre".

===*===

Subject: Fw: Processo a Milosevic
Date: Tue, 7 May 2002 12:56:33 +0200
From: "Sergio"
To: "Peacelink"


Mi sono imbattuto per la prima volta in alcuni siti
che trattano l'argomento in questione e devo dire che
sono rimasto sbalordito dalla assenza di commenti dalla
quasi "totalita' della nostra stampa sul "processo
del secolo" come e' stato battezzato dai
global-media alla sua apertura.

La CNN per esempio che e' partita con grande enfasi
si e' subito defilata quando si sono accorti come
"tira il vento".

Mi viene il dubbio che qualcosa non "funzioni" a
dovere all'Aja. I siti riportati me l'hanno
confermato. Si sarebbe dato molta piu' pubblicita'
all'avvenimento se il copione avesse recitato:

Il "macellaio dei Balcani" avra' finalmente cio' che
si merita: E giu' con le accuse, con Slobo che
digrigna i denti e i servizi stracolmi a mostrare la
"bestia in gabbia"..

Credo che anche una buona fetta della sinistra lo
pensava e lo pensi tuttora (anche per ignoranza), o
anche per sfuggire alle proprie responsabilita' nell'avere
appoggiato la criminale campagna di bombardamenti
sulla Jugoslavia, in nome di una guerra "umanitaria"
che ora tutti pudicamente evitano di menzionare.

Il risultato delle politiche occidentali nei Balcani
e' sotto gli occhi di tutti:

Dalla stato socialista federale di Jugoslavia
(posso affermare felice ed in pace fino al 90')
sono scaturiti stati indipendenti etnicamente puri:
Slovenia, Croazia, Bosnia (nelle sue entita'), Kosovo
(nuova creatura dell'occidente), Macedonia (anche lei sotto tutela).

Non parliamo poi dell'inquinamento dell'uranio
impoverito in Kosovo ed in in Serbia risultato anche
questo dei "pacifisti globali".

Ecco i siti siti che mi hanno fatto "pensare":

http://www.icdsm.org/files/about.htm (free Slobodan
Milosevic) Interessante la lista dei personaggi che
fanno parte del comitato.

http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/issue_milosevic.htm (sito JURIST - con
relativi interventi ed opinioni)

http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4136440,00.htm
(oleodotto dal Caspio)

http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm (illegal indictment)

http://www.osce.org/odihr/features/trafficking_kosovo_2/ traffico di
prostituzione in Kosovo)

http://www.estripes.com/article.asp?section=126&article=7844
(Mujaheddins in Bosnia)

http://www.washtimes.com/world/20020422-7801660.htm Crimini di guerra
di Clinton

http://www.peacelink.it/webgate/balcani/msg01209.html (gli USA ed il
campo Bondsteel in Kosovo)

MI fermo qui........

Ma basterebbe questo a far capire che la sinistra non
avra' futuro finche' non fara' i conti con le azioni
del suo recente passato.
Che cosa ha fatto l'Europa di sinistra al potere per
evitare le tragedie europee?????

Il governo Olandese, per esempio si e' dimesso
quando e' venuto alla luce il rapporto su
Srebrenica, dove tra l'altro sta scritto che i
mussulmani (non sempre innocenti) incediarono
e massacrarono i civili serbi dei villaggi
circostanti per poi ritirarsi nell'enclave "protetta".

Ci si occupa di Palestina,di Cecenia,di Afganistan e
non si vede che IN CASA NOSTRA ALL'AJA si sta
celebrando un processo STORICO non SOLO per
l'imputato eccellente che ne prende parte, ma SOPRATTUTTO
per le conseguenze positive per la GIUSTIZIA nel
mondo se il RESPONSO non risultera' quello
"SCONTATO", e quindi nella condanna delle politiche
occidentali nei balcani. La conseguenza sarebbe un
POTENTE DETERRENTE ai futuri politici "FACILONI'
chiamati a decidere tra guerra e pace.

Quello che e' successo in Yugoslavia e' il risultato
del lato piu' OSCURO della GLOBALIZZAZIONE.
Il processo a Milosevic e' la classica FOGLIA DI
FICO per nascondere e depennare le responsabilita'
dei boombardamenti USA/NATO.

Rimango quindi perplesso a navigare sul vostro sito,
avendo l'impressione che vi occupiate solo di
controinformazione "autorizzata" e "omologata"
Certo che parlare di Milosevic oggi e' come
discuttere delle streghe nel medioevo in procinto di
essere mandate al rogo dalla Santa Inquisizione. -
Non so se rendo l'idea.

cordialmente
Sergio

1. TRUFFA ENERGETICA PER QUATTRO MILIONI DI DOLLARI NEL PROTETTORATO
2. LE NAZIONI UNITE GESTISCONO LA PRIVATIZZAZIONE DELLE RISORSE DEL
KOSMET


===1===

TRUFFA PER QUATTRO MILIONI DI DOLLARI NEL PROTETTORATO

( See also: Four million dollars lost in Kosovo energy fraud:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1764 )

> http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/20020430184432209258.html

UE: UFFICIO ANTIFRODE APRE INDAGINE SU USO FONDI IN KOSOVO

(ANSA) - BRUXELLES, 30 APR - L'Olaf, l'Ufficio
antifrode della Ue, ha avviato un'inchiesta
sull'utilizzo di fondi comunitari in Kosovo, per
4,2 milioni di dollari nel settore dell'elettricita',
sui quali esistono sospetti di un uso fraudolento.
''L'Olaf ha intenzione di condurre la propria indagine
in stretta collaborazione con le autorita' competenti,
l'Agenzia europea di ricostruzione e la Missione delle
Nazioni Unite in Kosovo, che hanno gia' indicato la loro
volonta' di procedere insieme'', sottolinea una nota
dell'Olaf, dando notizia dell'inchiesta. (ANSA).
OS 30/04/2002 18:44

> http://www.ansa.it/balcani/kosovo/20020430133632208691.html

KOSOVO: FRODE 4.5 MILIONI EURO PER COMPAGNIA ELETTRICA,UNMIK

(ANSA) - PRISTINA, 30 APR - La compagnia elettrica del Kosovo
(Kek) e' sotto accusa per una possibile frode da 4.5 milioni
di euro. A denunciare il fatto e' stato oggi a Pristina, il
vice amministratore dell'Unmik (amministrazione Onu in Kosovo)
Andy Bearpark, spiegando che si tratterebbe di ''sospetti per
abusi con i fondi internazionali offerti come aiuto per
l'acquisto di energia elettrica tra il 2000 e 2001''. Bearpark
non ha fatto nomi di presunti responsabili, ma non ha escluso
dai sospetti nemmeno il personale internazionale della Kek.
''In ogni societa', la corruzione deve essere sradicata a tutti
i livelli'', ha dichiarato Bearpark. Il vice amministratore ha
detto di aver gia' informato le autorita' dell'ufficio antifrode
dell'Unione europea chiedendo una loro investigazione sul caso.
(ANSA). COR 30/04/2002 13:36

===2===

LE NAZIONI UNITE VOGLIONO PRIVATIZZARE TUTTA L'ECONOMIA DEL KOSMET

Da: Glas Javnosti, 19/4/2002

Le Nazioni Unite hanno presentato il piano di privatizzazione
dei beni dello Stato serbo in Kosovo-Metohija.

ANNAN SVENDE LO STATO SERBO

Di chi sono le imprese e le risorse naturali che saranno offerte ad
acquirenti stranieri? La Serbia ancora sta pagando i crediti per
l'economia del Kosovo, destinata a passare nella mani del capitale
straniero. La regione ha risorse per nutrire cinque milioni di
persone, ed e' ricca di carbone, zinco e piombo. (Solevic)

Michael Steiner, capo dell'UNMIK in Kosovo-Metohija, ha presentato
l'altro ieri al governo locale il progetto di legge per la
privatizzazione di questa regione, con il quale si programma la
vendita delle imprese statali. Questo aiuterebbe la situazione
economica della regione ed attirerebbe investimenti stranieri,
ha detto Steiner.
Steiner ha presentato il programma al governo regionale e l'ha
consegnato al premier Bajram Rexhepi, che lo ha indicato come "una
buona mossa per la ricostruzione della regione e per ottenere posti
di lavoro per piu' del 65% della popolazione". La cosiddetta "Kosovo
Trust Agency" incaricata per la vendita della imprese che per la
maggiorparte sono di proprieta' della ex RFS di Jugoslavia; il
cammino della legge ora, in base a quanto scrive la Associated
Press / Reuters, passera' al vaglio della Assemblea. Non serve
ricordare che la legge per la privatizzazione e' gia' stata emanata
ed approvata alcuni mesi fa in Serbia. Bisogna dunque concludere
che questo e' un passo ulteriore verso la indipendenza del Kosovo
dalla Serbia, come viene spesso ripetuto dalle stesse Nazioni Unite?
Perche' la questione sia ancora piu' grave, gli autori del disegno
sono esperti delle Nazioni Unite. (...)

===

GLAS JAVNOSTI, 19.4.2002

Ujedinjene nacije predstavile svoj model privatizacije
srpske dr?avne imovine na Kosovu i Metohiji

Anan rasprodaje srpsku dr?avu

Èija su preduzeæa i prirodna bogatstva koja æe biti
ponuðena strancima? Srbija jos otplaæuje kredite
za kosovsku privredu koja treba da preðe u ruke tuðeg
kapitala. Pokrajina mo?e da hrani pet miliona ljudi, a
bogata je ugljem, cinkom i olovom (Soleviæ)

> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1739

===

UNMIK's Kosovo PRIVATIZATION concept unacceptable - Covic

BELGRADE, May 8 (Tanjug) - Serbian Deputy Premier and head of the
Kosovo coordination centre Nebojsa Covic said on Wednesday that
UNMIK's proposal for privatization in Kosovo was unacceptable
since it concerned an alienation of property, without making
any mention or paying any respect to creditors, of which Serbia
and Yugoslavia are the greatest.
"We have nothing against privatization, but the Privatization
Agency and its Managing Board do not include the greatest creditors,
including the Republic of Serbia and Yugoslavia, which invested
considerable funds in enterprises in Kosovo-Metohija," Covic told
a news conference at the Serbian government.
He said that Serbian Ministers of Privatization Aleksandar
Vlahovic and Finance and Economy Bozidar Djelic had voiced a
series of objections at the presentation of UNMIK's concept and
that a 30-day period lay ahead for a joint coordination of the
privatization concept.
Covic said that regional ministers would meet in Pristina on
May 10 at a conference dedicated to fight against smuggling and
crime, in which Serbian authorities' cooperation is necessary.

UNMIK NOT TO ABANDON PRIVATIZATION PLAN

PRISTINA, May 12 (Beta) - UNMIK chief Michael Steiner has said
that the UNMIK would not give up on its program of privatizing
so-called sociallyowned companies, despite the fact that Belgrade
had rejected the plan, adding that the international mission in
Kosovo would "try to explain" to the Serbian authorities that the
plan "does not violate anyone's rights."
"No, no. According to UN Security Council Resolution 1244, this
is under our jurisdiction, and we will do what is economically
necessary and legally possible, as long as it (privatization) does
not violate anyone's rights," Steiner told BETA.
He also said that the mission would aim at freezing the issue
of ownership while at the same time preserving social property
from ruin. At the moment, no one wants to invest in Su companies
precisely because of the unclear ownership status.
"We will aim at freezing the issue and leaving it alone, but at
the same time we will try to revitalize those companies that
are worth salvaging, while closing the others. In the process,
the owners will not be denied a single right," Steiner said,
adding that "ownership has yet to be determined, which is not
easy." "In a number of cases the owners are not known. Is it the
federation, or the republic, or the province, or maybe none of
the above. No one knows this, it is quite controversial," the
UNMIK chief said. He also said that foreign donors would this
year cut down aid to Kosovo and that the UN mission would in
the meantime aim at consolidating "the rule of law" next year,
increasing the collection of taxes, and get the economy running.
"These are the three most important issues," Steiner told BETA.

Privatization in Kosovo - violation of rights of our state

BELGRADE, May 13 (Tanjug) - UNMIK's announcement it will start
privatization of state-owned enterprises in Kosovo and Metohija
without the insight and approval of the Serbian government
constitutes an "unprecedented violation of the right of a state,
unregistered in recent history," the Union of Employees of Yugoslavia
warned on Monday. In a statement sent to the media, the Union of
Employees requires from "the Serbian government emergency protection
of the state and national interest or to resign."
The Union of Employees has sent a protest also to the International
Labour Organization and the International Organization of Employees,
of which it is member.

Subject: Deep Concern about the conduct of the trial
of Mr Slobodan Milosevic
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 23:20:50 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
To: "ICTY Hag" <e@...>

ICTY- Den Haag

To: Claude Jorda

Belgrade,15 May 2002

Dear Mr. CLaude Jorda

I express my deep concern about the conduct of the
trial of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague and growing evidence of
partiality of the Tribunal.

I am especially concerned about the Tribunal's
acceptance of Mr. Riddle-Mayer as an independent
expert in the field of historical monuments of
culture. This acceptance came in spite of the fact
that Mr. Riddle-Mayer had obtained funding for his
one-sided Kosovo research project from his own sources
and then offered his services to the Office of the
Prosecutor of the ICTY. On the other hand, I am aware
that it is a well-estabilished practice of impartial
criminal courts anywhere in the world that experts for
a particular expertise are appointed by courts
themselves, while the financing of these expertises is
strictly determined by the rules governing the
procedure.

I am also concerned by a large and growing number of
issues which the presiding Judge Richard May declares
as irrelevant during the cross-examination of the
witnesses by Mr. Milosevic. To this end, strict time
restrictions are imposed on Mr. Milosevic, even when
he is cross-examining some of the most important
witnesses such as Mr. Ibrahim Rugova, President of
Kosovo, on 3 & 6 May 2002. I consider it unacceptable
that issues such as, for instance, the ascertainment
of the role, character and sources of financing of the
KLA are declared as irrelevant. At the same time, no
significant effort has been made by the presiding
Judge May to make Mr. Rugova give precise, concise and
concrete answers to the questions posed by Mr.
Milosevic and amicus curiae. Mr. Rugova's testimony
was characterised as a shame for international justice
by many lawyers and journalists present in The Hague,
reported Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti on 4 May 2002.

Noting that great many witnesses from Kosovo testify
not to have ever heard of the KLA, I am concerned that
not a single witness has been warned that a false
statement is subject to penal measures under Article
91 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence. These
measures must be applied in order to prevent
incredible testimonies, abuse of power by the
Prosecutor's Office and undue exhaustion of Mr.
Milosevic who is exposed to a rather long trial.

Finally, I am deeply concerned about the constant
changes in order of appearance of witnesses by the
Prosecution which the Chamber allows too lightly.

The Milosevic case is a complex one, raising complex
issues and too narrow, selective and impatient
approach by the Chamber to these issues can have
detrimental consequences for the rights of Mr.
Milosevic. Considering that such an approach has
already started affecting his right to a fair trial, I
call upon all human rights organisations to appoint
its observers at the trial, or to follow the
proceedings in other appropriate manner. I also calls
upon all human rights organisations to take any action
they deem appropriate in order to stop the violations
of the right to a fair trial of Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic.

Yours sincerely,



Vladislav Jovanovic,

Acting President of

The Belgrade Forum for

the world Of Equals

Belgrade, Misarska 6

Tel/Fax: (+381 11) 3245601

WWW.belgrade-forum.org

info@...

===*===

Subject: Baghdad Conference: RELEASE MILOSEVIC!
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 17:28:39 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

The Seventh Session of the Committee
of Follow-up and Co-ordination of
the Baghdad Conference has been
finished in Baghdad on May 9, with
participation of 160 representatives
of about 90 political parties and
organizations from more than 40
countries of all continents,
including the MPs from Belgium,
Belarus, Canada, France, Greece,
Great Britain, India, Italy,
Pakistan, Russian Federation, Spain,
Ukraine, ministers from South Africa
and Malaysia, as well as high
representatives from all Arab
countries and from several countries
of Africa and Latin America.

Representatives of several Yugoslav
parties also took part.

The Conference has adopted a joint
Declaration, reflecting the common
views on the contemporary
international processes, and
condemning the imperialist
"globalization".

A special joint Statement containing
the strong demand for release of
President Slobodan Milosevic, has
also been adopted, upon initiative
the SPS representative and Head of
Human Rights Commission of Yugoslav
Parliament, Mr. Zivorad Igic.

The full text of the joint statement:

"At the Seventh Session of the
Committee of Follow-up and
Co-ordination of the Baghdad
Conference held in Baghdad on 7-9
May 2002;

Having discussed the question of
putting President Slobodan Milosevic
before a so-called "Ad Hoc UN
Tribunal" at The Hague;

The Conference adopted the following

STATEMENT

1. The Conference does not
accept the legality of the said
Tribunal because it is politically
motivated and was not legally
constituted.

2. It is the people of
Yugoslavia who are the only
authority competent to deal with any
matter pertaining to their country,
Yugoslavia.

3. President Slobodan Milosevic
should be released immediately from
illegal detention, as this is the
only step, which conforms to
international law and the Charter of
the United Nations."



To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

From : "vojislava mitrovic"
Date : Thu, 16 May 2002 14:31:03 +0200
Subject : Re: [JUGOINFO] Digest Number 508

Ho letto attentamente l'articolo di Italo Slavo e concordo pienamente
con
Lui. Putroppo l'Italia è pienas di giornalisti qualunquisti, che credono
e
si sentono di essere esperti "balcanologi" io li ritengo invece
"balcanisti", (gli ismi hanno sempre un significato negativo in
italiano) in
quanto sanno poco o niente di quella terra slava, dell'anima slava, e
vanno
a disininformare la gente su quello che vuol dire essere Slavo del Sud,
come
era veramente Izet Sarajilic. Ho conosciuto personalmente Izet
Sarajilic,
alcuni anni or sono in una conferenza che ha tenuto presso la cattedra
di
serbo-croato del La Sapienza di Roma, dove studio lingua e letteratura
serbo-croata, e quello che ho visto in lui era quella "prosta dusa
slovenska" che solo chi è nato e cresciuto in Jugoslavija può avere. Ho
amato la semplicità di quell'uomo, la sua schiettezza, la sua modestia,
che
lo differenzia da quel giornalista "pivello" che lo ha intervistato,
quel
fricchettone, che il grande Sarajilic ha subito inquadrato con la sua
grande
sensibilità propria non solo del poeta ma anche dello slavo del Sud,
quel
fricchettone che neanche ha capito l'ironia sarcastica di
quell'osservazione
di Sarajilic. Non prendiamocela troppo con chi ha voluto dare spazio al
giornalista frichettone, perché si sa che in democrazia hanno tutti il
diritto ad esprimere la propria opinione e ricordiamo piuttosto, che chi
ha
saputo amare ed apprezzare l'arte del piccolo grande Izet ha saputo
anche
leggere e fare le dovute considerazioni sulla grande tragedia della
disgregazione della Jugoslavija. Nonostante questi fricchettoni che
credono
di sapere tutto, Sarajevo non è mai stata e mai sarà un luogo comune
perché
Sarajevo, con la sua multiculturalità, la sua gente, la sua atmosfera è
e
sarà sempre l'ombelico d'Europa, l'ombelico del mondo.
Ringraziando nuovamente Italo Slavo per il suo bellissimo articolo,
porgo i
più distinti saluti,
Vojislava Mitrovic

> Data: Wed, 15 May 2002 00:11:28 +0200
> Da: "jugocoord@..." <jugocoord@...>
> Oggetto: Sarajevo e' un luogo comune
>
>
> La guerra del quotidiano "Il Manifesto" contro i serbi della
> Bosnia non e' ancora finita.
>
> Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
> accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
> interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
> di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
> riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
> piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
> momenti del conflitto.
>
> E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
> informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
> (imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
> Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
> spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
> Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
> alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
> del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
> procediamo nella lettura.
>
> Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
> non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
> del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
> trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
> fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
> ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
> "divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
> sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
> altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
> sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
> Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
> preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
> formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
> letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
> accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
> motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
> di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
> fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
> fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
> abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
> avanti.
>
> Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
> due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
> che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
> che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
> biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
> collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
> di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
> bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
> Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
> che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
> 6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
> uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
> il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
> cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.
>
> La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
> <<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
> guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
> peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
> (si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
> <<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
> del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
> loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
> serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
> serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
> distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
> se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
> citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
> Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
> Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
> serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
> quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
> anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
> ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
> altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
> preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.
>
> <<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
> Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
> [il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
> pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
> capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
> dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
> dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
> sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
> bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
> magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?
>
> Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
> vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
> sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
> musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
> tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
> tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
> capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
> <<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
> "Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
> presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
> parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
> doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.
>
> La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
> <<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
> stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
> la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
> Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
> comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
> sicuramente di piu'.
>
> Italo Slavo
>

> http://www.timesonline.co.uk/printFriendly/0,,1-7-295526,00.html

THE TIMES (UK), Tuesday, May 14, 2002

A very dirty little war

by Anthony Loyd

The investigation of a bus bomb that killed 11 Serbs was blocked at
every
turn and the four suspects are now free. Our correspondant reports on
the
murky world of UN and Nato peacekeeping in Kosovo


February 16, 2001: It was a warm morning with clear skies and the mood
of
the passengers and accompanying soldiers was relaxed. There were seven
coaches in all, each filled with Serb civilians returning from Nis in
Serbia
to their homes in Kosovo to commemorate zadusnica, one of the Serb
Orthodox
Church's three annual days of the dead. Most were refugees who had fled
the
Yugoslav province to escape retributive killings by Albanians after
Nato's
arrival 19 months earlier.

Held at the provincial border between Kosovo and Serbia to have their
Ids
checked and pick up an escort of Swedish and British troops who were
part of
the Nato contingent in the province (Kfor), the convoy was en route for
Gracanica, a small Serb town in central Kosovo.

Stojan Kostic, 52, was sitting in the front coach as the convoy entered
Kosovo. Beside him sat his sister-in-law Planinka. Stojan was dozing,
and
woke briefly as the vehicle accelerated, before closing his eyes again.
At
12 minutes past 11, on a hillside above the road, an Albanian watching
the
lead vehicle approach the village of Merdare touched the exposed ends of
a
cable to a battery, just as the coach passed over a culvert.

The bomb blast blew Kostic into the back of the bus and though the
floor,
which had been opened up. He landed in the luggage compartment, covered
in
hot engine oil. His nose was cut in half. His ribs and a leg were
broken. He
put his hand up to his jaw, and two of his teeth fell out.

Planinka, meanwhile, remained stuck in her seat. The explosion had left
her
almost untouched, but killed all those in front of her, leaving her an
immobile witness to the bomb's immediate aftermath.

"Everyone before me was blown to pieces," she says. "Before me was
twisted
metal and light. There was a whole brain in front of me. On either side
of
the bus I could see bodies missing limbs. The roof was peeled up but
hanging
down and pieces of people were glued all over it. Just above me someone
had
been blown halfway through the roof vent. Their legs hung down from the
gap."

Eleven Serbs were dead, including Danilo Cokic, a two-year-old boy.
Twenty
others were injured, eight critically.

PLANTED in the culvert, the bomb was made from 200lbs of TNT and
detonated
by a command wire that ran for nearly a kilometre to the hillside firing
point. It was the most cold-blooded and calculated terrorist strike
since
Nato entered the province in June, 1999. But it provoked more than just
revulsion. To Nato's critics, the murder of 11 Serbs on a coach
sandwiched
between Nato armoured vehicles seemed to epitomise the organisation's
inability to control Albanian extremists, to protect the Serbs or to
hold
the moral high ground in their justification of the war.

And for the British there was a sense of culpability in the bombing.
Since
November, 2000, Nato intelligence sources had warned of the possibility
of
an Albanian attack on the road, which lay in the British sector,
specifying
the threat of a culvert bomb. Yet, on the day of the attack, a flawed
route-check by British troops that left two culverts unchecked, faulty
communications and ill-fortune all conspired to produce catastophe.

The UN and Nato knew that, with so much of their credibilty in Kosovo at
stake, there was still a chance to save face and regain some lost
initiative, and it lay with the successful capture and prosecution of
those
responsible for the bombing.

THE pounding on the door of his Pristina apartment roused Cele Gashi
from
sleep. Bleary-eyed, he stumbled from the bed and clipped a pistol belt
to
his waist. It was 4.30pm on March 19. Gashi had just finished a 12-hour
duty
shift at his TMK barracks in Pristina, where he served with the rank of
colonel.

The TMK, an acronym that translates as Kosovo Protection Corps, was
created
in the summer of 1999 under the aegis of Nato and the UN after the Serb
withdrawal from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all former KLA fighters.
Funded by, among others, the EU and the US State Department, the TMK is
styled as a "civil emergency" unit. Its members are given a variety of
training to this end by organisations including the British and French
armies. Top commanders, their bodyguards and sentries are allowed to
carry
weapons, and on duty all wear berets and uniform; whatever their role,
they
look like a militia and they think they are Kosovo's future army.

Though Nato and the UN technically control its membership, since its
creation the TMK has been as contentious as its KLA parent. Some senior
UN
officials regard it as a monster. Frequently implicated in the murder
and
intimidation of Serb civilians, organised crime and cross-border
insurgencies into rump-Serbia and Macedonia, the TMK nevertheless
survives
as the recipient of foreign funding and training.

Opening the door, Gashi saw a group of men in British uniform standing
in
the corridor. "They didn't say anything," he remembers. "Without a word
they
leapt upon me, threw me on the ground and handcuffed my arms behind my
back."

Gashi was hooded, driven away, and eventually removed from the vehicle
and
frogmarched into a small room. "There they removed the hood from me. I
was
standing on a small wooden pallet. In front of me were three armed men
pointing their guns at me, and a woman. All were in uniform. The woman
spoke
bad Albanian. She said to me, 'If you try anything these men will kill
you'."

Gashi had just been arrested by British special forces in connection
with
the Nis bus bombing. He says he spent the next 12 hours standing on the
wooden pallet being questioned about the attack, and was allowed to sit
down
for only 20 minutes when he became faint, before being handed over to a
UN
detention facility the next day. Gashi admitted nothing. He was a tough
man.
As a former guerrilla, he had been an intelligence officer for KLA in
the
Llap zone, the most northern of seven KLA operational zones that divided
Kosovo.

Two other former Llap KLA fighters were arrested that day by specialist
British units: Avdi Behluli and Jusuf Veliu, the latter a TMK captain at
the
time of his detention. An intensive military intelligence operation,
using a
panoply of Nato resources, pointed a finger at these men for having been
part of a nine-strong active service unit that planned and carried out
the
bomb attack.

A fourth suspect was detained that night by British soldiers. Unlike the
others, Florim Ejupi had no military experience. He was a smalltime,
unsophisticated Kosovar Albanian criminal who had lived in Germany for
the
duration of the war. He had served four sentences in German prisons for
drug
dealing, attempted manslaughter, burglary and assault while the fighting
was
at its height. Yet from the start he appeared to be the key to the
investigation. It seemed that Ejupi's crude crime profile and
inexperience
had led him to make a mistake. Of the four prisoners, he was the only
one to
be connected to the scene of the crime by physical evidence as opposed
to
intelligence information. A cigarette butt found at the bomb's hilltop
firing point, along with scraps of cable wrapping paper, bore his DNA
trace,
which was cross-checked for confirmation against his DNA print on German
police files.

However, in spite of his arrest, the UNMIK regional serious crime squad
responsible for the investigation was already in difficulties, and
whispers
of a conspiracy were beginning to shadow the case.

At the site of the explosion on the day the bomb went off, Detective Stu
Kellock, the squad's Canadian chief, had asked that UNMIK put a
dedicated
task force together to work on the investigation, as would have been
done in
any western country. That request and subsequent ones were ignored.

"It was obvious right from the start that there were other agendas going
on
that the police didn't know about," Kellock says. "Technically we were
in
charge of the investigation but it never seemed that way. Intelligence
about
the suspects was denied to us. Information was withheld by Kfor. We were
always the last to be told what was going on. From the word go, I got a
very
sinister feeling about the whole thing."

The police claim that as soon as the four suspects were transferred to
UNMIK
detention centres in Kosovo, some 12 hours after their initial arrest by
the
British, a UN order restricted police interviews of the men. Indeed,
Kellock
never personally managed to get access to a single interview with the
prisoners.

Another Canadian serious crimes officer, Joe McAllister, recalls: "We
were
told, 'These are the suspects - question them'. Yet we had no
information
upon which to base our questioning, nor any direction, and anyway we
couldn't get proper access to the prisoners." By early May the suspects
were
no longer in UNMIK custody, and the conspiracy theories were about to
become
legend.

Apparently haunted by the possibility of the suspects' escaping, the UN
ordered their transfer to the most secure detention area in the
province:
the jail inside the American base at Camp Bondsteel. The camp was home
to
more than 5,000 US soldiers; in its detention facility, suspects
languished
in Guantanamo Bay-style fluorescent orange suits, surrounded by
concertina
rolls of razor wire, floodlights and watchtowers.

The suspects were transferred to Bondsteel on May 3. But a year ago, on
the
night of May 14, Florim Ejupi, the most unsophisticated suspect and the
one
man against whom physical evidence existed, "disappeared" from the camp.

ACCORDING to Cele Gashi, the four suspects had been kept together in a
central holding area in Bondsteel - a move that allowed the prisoners
free
association and itself stymied evidence procedures. Late in the evening
of
May 14, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu drifted off to sleep while Ejupi
remained
awake, listening to a radio. The next thing Gashi says he remembers is
American soldiers bursting into the compound shortly after 4am. Ejupi
was
gone, and his transistor radio lay on his empty bed.

The Americans later said that he had escaped using a pair of wire
cutters
hidden in a spinach pie sent to the prison by his family. They say
crucial
floodlights were faulty, and there are claims that an inexperienced
National
Guard unit had left a stretch of perimeter wire unobserved for 100
minutes.

Soon, though, outraged UNMIK police officers were offering a different
story. They claim that from the moment the four suspects were
transferred to
camp Bondsteel, interview access, already difficult, was further
obstructed
by the Americans.

Some officers go on to claim that Ejupi had been a source for US
intelligence. They believe that Ejupi was released from Bondsteel either
because US intelligence agencies did not wish to be implicated by
association in the bombing of the Nis Express, or because they wanted to
establish the identities of the men who authorised the bomb attack to
use
for their own ends. Both escape and conspiracy theories challenge
belief.
"It's not clear cut either way," one senior UNMIK official admits. "We
really don't know what happened with Ejupi. It is possible that he was
released, but if that was the case then it was the act of an agency
operating without State Department or Pentagon approval. In the big
picture
the Americans had far more to lose than to gain from the
'disappearance',
however it happened."

WHATEVER the real truth, news of Ejupi's flight further crushed morale
among
the police investigators. Kellock says: "I would use the word
'devastating'.
It called into question the whole reason why we were in Kosovo, and any
questions we had concerning Ejupi's escape remain to this day
unanswered.
>From that moment on, the writing was on the wall for our
investigation."

Though three suspects, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu, remained in custody,
this
was of scant consolation to the police. They say that they had no
wiretaps
or covert surveillance to monitor associates of the prisoners. Witnesses
were afraid to come forward from a society that has traditionally been
impenetrable for law enforcers. Nato continued to withold its
intelligence.
And human rights groups in the UN and OSCE (Organisation for Security
and
Co-operation in Europe) ensured that the suspects' rights were so
rigorously
upheld that the few police interviews conducted were heavily restricted.

The investigation was already being scaled down. In the absence of a
dedicated taskforce, the 18-strong serious crimes squad was having to
divert
its resources to other crimes. By midsummer there were only three
detectives
still involved with the case. And a high turnover of UN personnel meant
that
few of the original investigators remained.

McAllister took over the job of lead investigator in June, but was
removed
from the post by the UN in August for speaking to a journalist about his
frustrations. After his departure the file on the Nis Express became the
responsibility of a single detective, and the investigation all but
ceased.

Paradoxically, this was the one time when the UN should have poured
resources into spreading the scope of the investigation. The presence of
the
remaining three suspects in custody was becoming a legal embarrassment.
Their continued detention was the result of an Executive Hold order by
Hans
Haekkerup, the senior UN administrator in Kosovo; this was a special
circumstances option that allowed for an extra-judicial detention, but
was
increasingly coming under criticism by human rights groups.

In the autumn, UNMIK created a Detention Review Commission of three
international judges to examine the case, validate (if appropriate)
Haekkerup's Executive Hold order and return the suspects' detention to a
judicial framework.

The three judges were given access to the Nato intelligence that lay
behind
the arrests. In September, 2001, they decided that the intelligence was
compelling enough to allow for the suspects' continued detention of 90
days
before the case went to Kosovo's Supreme Court.

The onus, therefore, was on the police to produce more evidence to put
before the Supreme Court. Yet their investigation was already dead in
the
water and no attempt was made to revive it. The 90 days expired and, on
December 18 last year, the case went before the Supreme Court. This body
was
not given access to Nato's intelligence files, and in the absence of any
fresh evidence, it recommended the immediate release of the three
suspects.

ANY remaining trust held by Kosovo's Serbs in UNMIK, Kfor or justice in
the
province disintegrated after the men were set free. The trio, still
terrorist suspects in an unclosed case, were given local heroes'
welcomes
after they left jail. Cele Gashi and Jusuf Veliu were embraced publicly
by
senior TMK officers. In January, Gashi returned to his position as a TMK
colonel in Pristina; Veliu was reinstated as a TMK captain. Nato
officials
in Kosovo denied that this move had been officially sanctioned. Yet six
weeks later both men were in barracks and in uniform.

In UNMIK there is confusion as to whether Gashi and Veliu were ever even
suspended from the TMK in the first place, some officials even
suggesting
that the suspects were being paid out of a UN-regulated budget during
their
time in custody.

As for Florim Ejupi, he remains "missing"; after a year, the mystery
surrounding his escape remains undiminished.


What the acronyms mean

KLA: Kosovo Liberation Army. Albanian resistance organisation, now
undergoing demilitarisation.

TMK: Kosovo Protection Corps, created in 1999 under the aegis of Nato
and
the UN after Serb withdrawl from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all
former
KLA fighters.

Kfor: The Nato-led international peacekeeping force in Kosovo.

UNMIK: United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo: a civilian law
enforcement unit.