Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
July 12, 2001
Kostunica’s Choice
"We cannot all be masters, Nor all masters cannot truly be follow’d."
~ Shakespeare, Othello, 1.1
It has been two weeks since Zoran Djindjic officially overthrew the
federal government
in Belgrade, and plunged the fragile union of Serbia and Montenegro into
near-anarchy. Separatist authorities in Montenegro have not recognized
the federal
government for months. Djukanovic's separatist regime in Montenegro has
been
boycotting the federal government, and only their poor showing in the
April elections
gave the federation a reprieve. Now, Montenegro's government has
restarted
its effort to organize a referendum on secession.
President Kostunica reacted to the June 28 abduction of Slobodan
Milosevic with harsh
words, but little action. The ensuing political vacuum has been rapidly
filled
by pro-Djindjic politicians, academics and media. To hear the Belgrade
press tell it,
Kostunica’s inaction is proof that Djindjic’s action was fully
justified; that
principles and law ought to take the back seat to money and the good
graces of the
International Community. In the Western media, this is a foregone
conclusion.
No one even mentions Kostunica any more, as Djindjic and his allies fill
the press with
chest-thumping defiance to the man on whose coattails they rode to
power.
With Djukanovic’s Montenegro on American life-support for years, and
Djindjic kept in
power by Kostunica’s inaction and American blood money, it is but a
matter of time before the now empty shell of Yugoslavia will pass away.
Djindjic and
Djukanovic will then become rulers of the ruins – always beholden to
powers
that made them, of course.
A malaise of servitude thus takes hold over the last portion of the
Balkans yet
unconquered. Only tiny Macedonia still holds out, though given the
amount of Imperial
pressure on its indecisive leadership, that resistance may soon become a
memory as well.
The people, driven to the brink of insanity by wars, sanctions and mass
migrations, are too busy scraping up the bare necessities to raise their
voices. They
cry out for leaders who will deliver them from their misery. As always,
they
should be careful what they wish for.
"RICHARD III" REIGNS
There is little doubt that the once widely despised Zoran Djindjic is
now firmly in
charge of Serbia. The entire ruling coalition in Serbia sided with his
decision to
suspend the federal Constitution and turn Milosevic over to the Hague
Inquisition. Only
two parties have refused to play along – Kostunica’s DSS and Velimir
Ilic’s
Nova Srbija. Ilic, the mayor of central Serbian city of Cacak, is
staunchly
pro-Kostunica and played a major part in last October’s revolt. Yet
neither party has
officially left the coalition. They have merely formed separate voting
blocs in the
Parliament.
Collapse of the federal government also gave impetus to Djindjic’s
associates in G17, a
group of neo-liberal economists determined to drag Serbia into the orbit
of
statist capitalism (not to be confused with free-market capitalism). One
of their
leaders, former federal Treasury head Miroljub Labus, is now busily
mocking federal
institutions in the media.
Djindjic’s appetite for power is growing. Last weekend, he met with
Prince Aleksandar
Karadjordjevic, vowing to restore the royal family’s property
expropriated
by the Communists in 1945. The meeting, of course, was much less about
property rights
and much more of an opportunity for the Prince to endorse Djindjic,
saying he did "good things for the people of Serbia." Though he is an
unprincipled
Marxist, Djindjic understands well the propaganda value of royalty.
Another proposal by Djindjic, which sounds very reasonable on the
surface, is that the
question of Serb-Montenegrin relations should be resolved by the end of
2001, and "not a day later." Yet Montenegro president Djukanovic – a
friend of
Djindjics, coincidentally – is planning a referendum in early 2002. If
Djindjic is true
to his word, by then a referendum will not be necessary.
Yet the six-month deadline could mean more than meets the eye.
Interviewed by Serbia’s
top news magazine, Djindjic said last Thursday that he "needed"
Kostunica, for without him, Serbia would be divided into two opposing,
irreconcilable
factions – "like it is in Montenegro." This amounts to surprising
candor, since
the general agreement is that Montenegro has not seceded only because
its government is
deadlocked, lacking a clear mandate. Djindjic can do whatever he desires
and use Kostunica’s popularity as a shield, counting on the fact that
Kostunica either
does not wish to, or is not capable of, stopping him.
SILENT RUNNING
President Kostunica, meanwhile, seems perfectly aware that Djindjic’s
actions in
L’Affair Milosevic have shaken the very foundation of the country. Apart
from
several strongly worded statements, however, he has done nothing to
prevent the
country’s slide into anarchy. Even his own party is worried about
Djindjic’s
apparent triumph.
This lack of action on Kostunica’s part is alternately deplorable and
frustrating. Even
his enemies know that Kostunica stands for things they vehemently oppose
–
freedom, patriotism, integrity and principle. (For example, Serbia’s
premier quisling,
Sonja Biserko, called Kostunica a "fascist" in September of last year,
only a
few short months after her organization praised Djindjic as Serbia’s
only possible
savior.) But how can Kostunica build a state based on his ideas, when he
allows
Djindjic to run rampant doing the exact opposite of what Kostunica
advocates?
Kostunica’s track record in handling Djindjic is about as successful as
Othello’s
handling of Iago. As early as last November, before Djindjic became
Prime
Minister by using Kostunica’s name to get elected, Kostunica’s advisor
Aleksandar
Tijanic claimed Djindjic was nothing but trouble. Since then, Djindjic
has
traveled around the world making "business deals," encroaching on the
power of the
federal government through tax codes and strangling the prospects of a
free
market through government monopolies. In March, he flouted the law by
"arresting"
Milosevic, again without suffering any consequences. And all that was
just the
prelude to June 28, 2001.
What is an observer forced to conclude, based on these facts? Either
that Kostunica is a
lousy judge of character when it comes to Djindjic, or that he is afraid
that
actions against Djindjic would precipitate civil war and foreign
intervention, or that
he knows something the rest of us do not.
SHADOWS OF THE EMPIRE
Indeed, the power struggle in Belgrade is taking place in an extremely
charged
atmosphere. NATO still occupies Kosovo. Macedonia is under tremendous
pressure
to surrender to Albanian demands and allow partial NATO occupation
itself. The newest
imperial weapon against Macedonia is a campaign of vicious attacks on
the country's leaders – a weapon once used exclusively against Slobodan
Milosevic.
Kostunica knows how much the Empire’s verbal support – whether of
Macedonia’s integrity
or his presidency – is really worth. He could not have missed the fact
that Sonja Biserko is now a Senior Fellow for the government-sponsored
"U.S. Institute
of Peace" in Washington DC.
If all that were not enough, the Hague Inquisition’s process against
Milosevic, who has
been assigned the role of avatar for the entire Serbian nation, is the
darkest
shadow over Belgrade yet.
THE PRISONER OF SCHEVENINGEN
A well-organized campaign for Slobodamnation of Serbs is already taking
place.
Spearheaded by blatantly false reports, the Western media are eager to
exploit the
"Milosevic myth." Such fictitious renditions of recent Balkans history,
casting
Milosevic "as a supposedly brutal Serbian nationalist-conqueror," says a
commentary
in Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti this Wednesday, "is the ideal
justification for the new
militant interventionism, motivated by the need of Western capital to
move
freely across national borders. The Milosevic Myth, thus embellished and
richly
illustrated, is also important because it embodies all the racist
stereotypes of Balkans
denizens as retarded untermenschen, incapable of living in peace without
foreign
intervention and permanent outside tutelage." (Misha Djurkovic, Slobo
Myth A
Creation of Western Media, July 11, 2001.)
Milosevic is thus tasked with defending not only himself but his entire
people, in a
"court" whose reason for existence guarantees he will never get a fair
trial. The
only "rule" the court recognizes is "we win, you lose." Just this week,
they toppled a
loyal vassal government in Croatia, seizing two Croat generals simply to
undermine Milosevic’s criticism. No wonder he is refusing to play. And
he is right.
A TIME TO LEAD
It may seem absurd, ironic and almost surreal that Milosevic is now
exhibiting more
leadership than Kostunica. Faced with impossible odds, completely at the
mercy of his tormentors, Milosevic is standing tall and scoffing right
in their faces.
Kostunica hesitates, even though he has both the power and the
obligation to stop
Djindjic’s tyrannical rampage.
It all comes down to a simple equation. Serbia is too small to have two
masters, too
weak right now to be run by two opposing ideologies. Which one will
prevail
will be decided by a contest of deeds, not words. People will follow
those who are
willing and able to lead. They rally behind the most assertive, most
vocal idea,
not necessarily the best. If the current trend continues, the battle for
Serbs’ hearts
and minds will be won by Djindjic’s neo-liberal statism, not Kostunica’s
libertarian market nationalism.
Those who do not stand on principles, stand not at all. Rather, they
kneel like slaves
in the mud of self-abasement, cowering before arbitrary power.
Kostunica is running out of one thing he never had in abundance: time.
Every day,
Djindjic and his cohorts seize more power. If something is not done
immediately
to establish and maintain a constitutional order in Serbia and
Yugoslavia, a month from
now it might be too late to try. Kostunica’s choice will determine his
people’s future. By voting for him last year, and taking to the streets
afterwards, the
people of Serbia entrusted Kostunica with that heavy burden of
responsibility.
It is time he justified that trust.
---
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by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com
July 12, 2001
Kostunica’s Choice
"We cannot all be masters, Nor all masters cannot truly be follow’d."
~ Shakespeare, Othello, 1.1
It has been two weeks since Zoran Djindjic officially overthrew the
federal government
in Belgrade, and plunged the fragile union of Serbia and Montenegro into
near-anarchy. Separatist authorities in Montenegro have not recognized
the federal
government for months. Djukanovic's separatist regime in Montenegro has
been
boycotting the federal government, and only their poor showing in the
April elections
gave the federation a reprieve. Now, Montenegro's government has
restarted
its effort to organize a referendum on secession.
President Kostunica reacted to the June 28 abduction of Slobodan
Milosevic with harsh
words, but little action. The ensuing political vacuum has been rapidly
filled
by pro-Djindjic politicians, academics and media. To hear the Belgrade
press tell it,
Kostunica’s inaction is proof that Djindjic’s action was fully
justified; that
principles and law ought to take the back seat to money and the good
graces of the
International Community. In the Western media, this is a foregone
conclusion.
No one even mentions Kostunica any more, as Djindjic and his allies fill
the press with
chest-thumping defiance to the man on whose coattails they rode to
power.
With Djukanovic’s Montenegro on American life-support for years, and
Djindjic kept in
power by Kostunica’s inaction and American blood money, it is but a
matter of time before the now empty shell of Yugoslavia will pass away.
Djindjic and
Djukanovic will then become rulers of the ruins – always beholden to
powers
that made them, of course.
A malaise of servitude thus takes hold over the last portion of the
Balkans yet
unconquered. Only tiny Macedonia still holds out, though given the
amount of Imperial
pressure on its indecisive leadership, that resistance may soon become a
memory as well.
The people, driven to the brink of insanity by wars, sanctions and mass
migrations, are too busy scraping up the bare necessities to raise their
voices. They
cry out for leaders who will deliver them from their misery. As always,
they
should be careful what they wish for.
"RICHARD III" REIGNS
There is little doubt that the once widely despised Zoran Djindjic is
now firmly in
charge of Serbia. The entire ruling coalition in Serbia sided with his
decision to
suspend the federal Constitution and turn Milosevic over to the Hague
Inquisition. Only
two parties have refused to play along – Kostunica’s DSS and Velimir
Ilic’s
Nova Srbija. Ilic, the mayor of central Serbian city of Cacak, is
staunchly
pro-Kostunica and played a major part in last October’s revolt. Yet
neither party has
officially left the coalition. They have merely formed separate voting
blocs in the
Parliament.
Collapse of the federal government also gave impetus to Djindjic’s
associates in G17, a
group of neo-liberal economists determined to drag Serbia into the orbit
of
statist capitalism (not to be confused with free-market capitalism). One
of their
leaders, former federal Treasury head Miroljub Labus, is now busily
mocking federal
institutions in the media.
Djindjic’s appetite for power is growing. Last weekend, he met with
Prince Aleksandar
Karadjordjevic, vowing to restore the royal family’s property
expropriated
by the Communists in 1945. The meeting, of course, was much less about
property rights
and much more of an opportunity for the Prince to endorse Djindjic,
saying he did "good things for the people of Serbia." Though he is an
unprincipled
Marxist, Djindjic understands well the propaganda value of royalty.
Another proposal by Djindjic, which sounds very reasonable on the
surface, is that the
question of Serb-Montenegrin relations should be resolved by the end of
2001, and "not a day later." Yet Montenegro president Djukanovic – a
friend of
Djindjics, coincidentally – is planning a referendum in early 2002. If
Djindjic is true
to his word, by then a referendum will not be necessary.
Yet the six-month deadline could mean more than meets the eye.
Interviewed by Serbia’s
top news magazine, Djindjic said last Thursday that he "needed"
Kostunica, for without him, Serbia would be divided into two opposing,
irreconcilable
factions – "like it is in Montenegro." This amounts to surprising
candor, since
the general agreement is that Montenegro has not seceded only because
its government is
deadlocked, lacking a clear mandate. Djindjic can do whatever he desires
and use Kostunica’s popularity as a shield, counting on the fact that
Kostunica either
does not wish to, or is not capable of, stopping him.
SILENT RUNNING
President Kostunica, meanwhile, seems perfectly aware that Djindjic’s
actions in
L’Affair Milosevic have shaken the very foundation of the country. Apart
from
several strongly worded statements, however, he has done nothing to
prevent the
country’s slide into anarchy. Even his own party is worried about
Djindjic’s
apparent triumph.
This lack of action on Kostunica’s part is alternately deplorable and
frustrating. Even
his enemies know that Kostunica stands for things they vehemently oppose
–
freedom, patriotism, integrity and principle. (For example, Serbia’s
premier quisling,
Sonja Biserko, called Kostunica a "fascist" in September of last year,
only a
few short months after her organization praised Djindjic as Serbia’s
only possible
savior.) But how can Kostunica build a state based on his ideas, when he
allows
Djindjic to run rampant doing the exact opposite of what Kostunica
advocates?
Kostunica’s track record in handling Djindjic is about as successful as
Othello’s
handling of Iago. As early as last November, before Djindjic became
Prime
Minister by using Kostunica’s name to get elected, Kostunica’s advisor
Aleksandar
Tijanic claimed Djindjic was nothing but trouble. Since then, Djindjic
has
traveled around the world making "business deals," encroaching on the
power of the
federal government through tax codes and strangling the prospects of a
free
market through government monopolies. In March, he flouted the law by
"arresting"
Milosevic, again without suffering any consequences. And all that was
just the
prelude to June 28, 2001.
What is an observer forced to conclude, based on these facts? Either
that Kostunica is a
lousy judge of character when it comes to Djindjic, or that he is afraid
that
actions against Djindjic would precipitate civil war and foreign
intervention, or that
he knows something the rest of us do not.
SHADOWS OF THE EMPIRE
Indeed, the power struggle in Belgrade is taking place in an extremely
charged
atmosphere. NATO still occupies Kosovo. Macedonia is under tremendous
pressure
to surrender to Albanian demands and allow partial NATO occupation
itself. The newest
imperial weapon against Macedonia is a campaign of vicious attacks on
the country's leaders – a weapon once used exclusively against Slobodan
Milosevic.
Kostunica knows how much the Empire’s verbal support – whether of
Macedonia’s integrity
or his presidency – is really worth. He could not have missed the fact
that Sonja Biserko is now a Senior Fellow for the government-sponsored
"U.S. Institute
of Peace" in Washington DC.
If all that were not enough, the Hague Inquisition’s process against
Milosevic, who has
been assigned the role of avatar for the entire Serbian nation, is the
darkest
shadow over Belgrade yet.
THE PRISONER OF SCHEVENINGEN
A well-organized campaign for Slobodamnation of Serbs is already taking
place.
Spearheaded by blatantly false reports, the Western media are eager to
exploit the
"Milosevic myth." Such fictitious renditions of recent Balkans history,
casting
Milosevic "as a supposedly brutal Serbian nationalist-conqueror," says a
commentary
in Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti this Wednesday, "is the ideal
justification for the new
militant interventionism, motivated by the need of Western capital to
move
freely across national borders. The Milosevic Myth, thus embellished and
richly
illustrated, is also important because it embodies all the racist
stereotypes of Balkans
denizens as retarded untermenschen, incapable of living in peace without
foreign
intervention and permanent outside tutelage." (Misha Djurkovic, Slobo
Myth A
Creation of Western Media, July 11, 2001.)
Milosevic is thus tasked with defending not only himself but his entire
people, in a
"court" whose reason for existence guarantees he will never get a fair
trial. The
only "rule" the court recognizes is "we win, you lose." Just this week,
they toppled a
loyal vassal government in Croatia, seizing two Croat generals simply to
undermine Milosevic’s criticism. No wonder he is refusing to play. And
he is right.
A TIME TO LEAD
It may seem absurd, ironic and almost surreal that Milosevic is now
exhibiting more
leadership than Kostunica. Faced with impossible odds, completely at the
mercy of his tormentors, Milosevic is standing tall and scoffing right
in their faces.
Kostunica hesitates, even though he has both the power and the
obligation to stop
Djindjic’s tyrannical rampage.
It all comes down to a simple equation. Serbia is too small to have two
masters, too
weak right now to be run by two opposing ideologies. Which one will
prevail
will be decided by a contest of deeds, not words. People will follow
those who are
willing and able to lead. They rally behind the most assertive, most
vocal idea,
not necessarily the best. If the current trend continues, the battle for
Serbs’ hearts
and minds will be won by Djindjic’s neo-liberal statism, not Kostunica’s
libertarian market nationalism.
Those who do not stand on principles, stand not at all. Rather, they
kneel like slaves
in the mud of self-abasement, cowering before arbitrary power.
Kostunica is running out of one thing he never had in abundance: time.
Every day,
Djindjic and his cohorts seize more power. If something is not done
immediately
to establish and maintain a constitutional order in Serbia and
Yugoslavia, a month from
now it might be too late to try. Kostunica’s choice will determine his
people’s future. By voting for him last year, and taking to the streets
afterwards, the
people of Serbia entrusted Kostunica with that heavy burden of
responsibility.
It is time he justified that trust.
---
Questa lista e' provvisoriamente curata da componenti della
ASSEMBLEA ANTIMPERIALISTA (ex Coord. Naz. "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"):
> http://www.tuttinlotta.org
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono questa struttura, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
Sito WEB (non aggiornato):
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
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Accessori, abbigliamento, sport estremi...
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direttamente nella tua casella di posta!
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----------------------------------------------------------------------
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