[L'ambasciatore USA a Belgrado William Montgomery e' stato destituito
improvvisamente. Dietro alla sua caduta in disgrazia, a quanto pare, ci
sarebbe lo stile di vita della moglie...]
The former ambassador... and his wife
(english / german / srpskohrvatski / italiano)
1. Diplomat with a Blonde Dominatrix / Diplomat mit blonder Domina (Der
Spiegel)
2. U.S. ambassador in Serbia departs under the cloud (by Srdja
Trifkovic)
3. ODLAZAK AMBASADORA (Dusan Vasic)
=== 1 ===
http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/english/0,1518,284416,00.html
"Diplomat with a Blonde Dominatrix"
Serbia: Washington's ambassador to Belgrade has unexpectedly been
dismissed.
His wife's lifestyle was too wild. Lynn Montgomery (45), who is of
British descent and for whom her husband William broke off a wedding
that had already been arranged, is thought to be the real reason behind
the disgruntlement in the US State Department. Scarcely a party went by
at which the fun-loving, hyperactive English woman did not make the
headlines with her excesses and her risqué wardrobe.
Original text:
---
http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/0,1518,285295,00.html
Diplomat mit blonder Domina
02. Februar 2004
C DER SPIEGEL 6/2004
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
Vervielfältigung nur mit
Genehmigung der SPIEGELnet GmbH
Washingtons Botschafter in Belgrad wird überraschend abserviert. Trieb
es seine Frau zu bunt?
Er sei der tatsächliche Präsident Serbiens, stöhnte die Belgrader
Zeitung "kurir". Das Wochenblatt "vreme" beschrieb ihn lakonisch als
das unumgängliche Gewürz in jeder Suppe. Und das montenegrinische
Magazin "monitor" konstatierte, "der Mann bemüht sich nicht einmal,
Sympathien zu erlangen". William D. Montgomery, seit 1993
US-Botschafter auf dem Balkan, gilt als Drahtzieher hinter den Kulissen
offizieller Politik - gefürchtet von den Landespolitikern, die er nicht
selten zu Lakaien degradierte, ungeliebt von der Bevölkerung, die sich
von ihm entmündigt sah, und unter Dauerfeuer jener Medien, denen er die
finanzielle Unterstützung der USA entzog.
Zu den Verdiensten des 58-Jährigen mit drei Jahrzehnten diplomatischer
Erfahrung zählen der Sturz des Milosevic-Regimes in Serbien sowie sein
maßgeblicher Einfluss bei der Aufstellung neuer, demokratischer
Regierungen in Bulgarien und Kroatien. Doch nun scheint der
selbstbewusste Diplomat mit dem Bulldoggen-Image selbst nicht mehr ins
Profil offizieller US-Politik zu passen. Statt, wie erhofft, nach
Moskau versetzt das State Departement "Balkan-Bill" zum 29. Februar in
den vorzeitigen Ruhestand.
Was die Regierung Bush zu diesem unüblichen Schritt veranlasst haben
könnte, bleibt vorerst Spekulation. War es seine zunehmende
Eigenmächtigkeit bei der Beurteilung Amerikas strategischer Interessen?
War es sein Engagement für US-Firmen auf dem Balkan, das weit über die
Befugnisse eines Botschafters hinausgegangen sein soll? Oder dass er
unlängst dem in Den Haag als Kriegsverbrecher angeklagten serbischen
Ex-General Sreten Lukic bei einer Gedenkfeier der Polizei in Belgrad
die Hand geschüttelt hat?
Washington, glauben Beobachter, könnte auch der Wahlerfolg radikaler
und nationalistischer Parteien 2003 in Kroatien und Serbien irritiert
haben. Mit Zuckerbrot und Peitsche könne man auf Dauer keine
erfolgreiche Diplomatie betreiben, räsoniert der einflussreiche
kroatische Kommentator Ivan Zvonimir Cicak - "insbesondere, wenn man
eine Ehefrau hat, die an der Spitze öffentlicher Skandale rangiert".
Die gebürtige Britin Lynne Montgomery, 45, für die William eine bereits
anberaumte Hochzeit platzen ließ, wird als hauptsächlicher Grund für
die Verstimmung im US-Außenministerium vermutet.
Kaum eine Party, auf welcher die fidele, hyperaktive Gattin nicht durch
Exzesse und freizügige Garderobe für Schlagzeilen sorgt. Als
Diplomaten-Domina sang sie auf einem Belgrader Happening in schwarzer,
hautenger und trägerfreier Lederrobe, vor kroatischen Kriegsruinen
posierte die dralle Blondine in rotem Abendkleid mit Hund für die
Boulevardpresse. Nach einer Wohltätigkeitsgala zu Gunsten der Opfer des
Massakers von Vukovar lud sie zum fröhlichen Tanzvergnügen ein.
Auch die sensationshungrige Bevölkerung ließ Lynne gern durchs
Schlüsselloch blicken - als Kolumnistin in serbischen und kroatischen
Medien. So erfuhren die Leser beispielsweise, dass William seinem auf
dem Tisch eines Belgrader Lokals tanzenden Weib mit einem Löffel den
Takt auf den Hintern klopfte.
Nicht alle Auftritte verliefen so harmonisch. Vergangenen Sommer soll
die langjährige Botschaftssekretärin Biljana Jovic, eine Amerikanerin
serbischer Abstammung, in Washington vorgesprochen und gefordert haben,
der Skandalnudel künftig das Betreten des Belgrader Geländes zu
verbieten.
Was sich dort Anfang Juli ereignet haben soll, schilderte die serbische
Wochenzeitung "nedeljni telegraf" genüsslich so: Lynne sei von einem
Urlaub in Cavtat bei Dubrovnik, wo das Ehepaar einen Palast aus dem
Jahr 1913 gekauft hatte, vorzeitig zurückgekehrt. Als sie vom Flughafen
ihren Gatten anrief, habe sich dessen hübsche, gleichfalls blonde
Sekretärin gemeldet - und sofort den Hörer aufgelegt.
Wie eine Furie habe die eifersüchtige Engländerin daraufhin die
Botschaft gestürmt, die vermeintliche Konkurrentin gebissen, an den
Haaren gezogen, mit Wasser übergossen und deren Bluse zerrissen.
Anschließend seien Ordner und Dokumente durchs Büro gesegelt. Nur dank
des herbeieilenden Sicherheitsdienstes habe William das Duell beenden
können.
Mittlerweile gibt sich das Temperamentsbündel geläutert. Lynne fand
einen wohlwollenden und großzügigen Professor als Doktorvater und
promovierte an der Universität von Zagreb über die "Philosophie der
Ehe". Jetzt lehrt sie am amerikanischen Management-College in Dubrovnik
und an der privaten Karic-Universität in Belgrad Philosophie.
Ab März will sich das Ehepaar nach Cavtat zurückziehen, an einen der
teuersten adriatischen Touristenorte - jedoch keineswegs als
Frührentner. Montgomery, heißt es, spekuliere bei einem
Präsidentenwechsel in den USA auf den Job eines
Südosteuropa-Beauftragten. Angeblich will er auch ein
Beratungsunternehmen für in der Region aktive US-Firmen gründen sowie
mit der Familie Karic zusammenarbeiten, die ein Fernsehprogramm und
eine Wirtschaftsorganisation für den gesamten Balkan plant.
Der Karic-Clan, eine der einflussreichsten und vermögendsten Familien
Serbiens, war engster Verbündeter von Slobodan Milosevic während dessen
Diktatur. [SIC]
RENATE FLOTTAU
=== 2 ===
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic04/NewsST021104.html
CHRONICLES, Wednesday, January 11, 2004
An Old-Fashioned Scandal
U.S. ambassador in Serbia departs under the cloud
by Srdja Trifkovic
The announcement from the American Embassy in Belgrade on January 22
was bland: “U.S. Ambassador to Serbia and Montenegro, William D.
Montgomery, will retire from the U.S. Foreign Service at the end of
February after a 30 years career.” The story behind Mr. Montgomery’s
premature departure from the key Balkan post is interesting in a rather
scandalous way, and—so far—unfit to print in the U.S. (the cat is out
of the bag in Europe). It combines power, greed, sex, jealousy,
corruption and violence.
William Montgomery (58) was a very powerful man in Serbia, to which he
came after several tours of duty elsewhere in the region (Zagreb,
Sofia, Budapest). His views of the Balkans were formed during this
period in the late 1990s, when he served in the region during Mrs.
Albright’s tenure at the Department of State. As a prominent Serbian
political commentator noted recently, those views “bear a permanent
imprint of the enitre Clinton team’s prejudices and mistakes in
ex-Yugoslavia to this day.” He supported the interventions in Bosnia
and Croatia (1995) and the war against the Serbs over Kosovo (1999).
Afetr Milosevic’s fall (October 2000) Montgomery was able to ensure
the continuity of the previous Administration’s policies by relying on
the compliance of Milosevic’s successors. This compliance was
forthcoming because the late prime minister Zoran Djindjic and the rest
of the “pro-Western, reformist” DOS coalition—who used Vojislav
Kostunica to come to power but then marginalized him—went out of their
way to earn brownie-points with the Ambassador by being “cooperative”
and “moderate.” “They vied for Montgomery’s approval as a means of
improving their rating in Washington,” our source says, and to that end
they accepted his “line” on The Hague war crimes tribunal, on Kosovo,
Bosnia, and a host of other issues. The U.S. Ambassador also became a
key arbiter in domestic politics, most recently by threatening
Kostunica (in his current role of prime minister-designate) with a host
of unspecified sanctions if he were to include the nationalist Radical
Party in a future government coalition.
In the words of a Western diplomat who was posted to Belgrade until
recently and who spoke on the condition of anonymity, Montgomery
managed to “impose himself on Serbia as in imperial proconsul” because
the local politicians were willing to treat him as one. “He was a very
big fish in a rather small tank.” The power, status, and attention, so
disproportionate to a middle-level bureaucrat’s experience and personal
mindset, proved to be too much for Montgomery, more than he—and, far
more damagingly, his wife—could handle.
Lynne Montgomery is a vivacious woman fond of partying and media
attention. She was born in Norfolk (England) 45 years ago to a family
of modest means and social standing. Her lifestyle in Belgrade
reflected her refusal to come to terms with either her middle age or
her status as a diplomatic wife. As the Sunday Times of London put it
fairly tactfully on February 8,
“She has been a popular figure on the Belgrade cocktail circuit, but
her penchant for low-cut dresses and late-night carousing has caused as
much comment as her charity balls for children’s cancer units… [T]he
platinum blonde raised eyebrows by writing a controversial column in a
local newspaper in which she described dancing on tables in
restaurants.”
In one of those columns the diplomat’s wife regaled her Serbian
readers with the story of her husband beating time on her bottom with a
spoon as she danced to a Gypsy band on a barge on the Danube.
Mrs. Montgomery may have been born in Norfolk but she is a
quintessential Essex Girl. She was a married junior staffer at the
British embassy in Dar-es-Salaam (Tanzania) when she met the
up-and-coming American diplomat, Bill Montgomery. It was in the summer
of 1986, just as he was expecting the arrival of his fiancee from the
United States. A steamy affair apparently ensued, with Montgomery
calling off the wedding and Lynne leaving her husband.
She could have continued with her lording over Belgrade’s social scene
for another year at least, had it not been for an ugly incident in the
first week of July last year when she was involved in a violent fracas
with her husband’s personal secretary, Biljana Jovic (38). The ensuing
scene is believed to be the main reason for Montgomery’s premature
retirement. As the embassy made arrangements for its Independence Day
celebrations—a key date in Belgrade’s social calendar—Mrs. Montgomery
unexpectedly came back from the Croatian coast where she was enjoying a
break at the family summer home. She called her husband’s cell phone
number from the Belgrade airport; to her surprise and chagrin the call
was answered by Miss Jovic, who cut her off. Mrs. Montgomery ordered
the driver to take her to the embassy instead of the family residence
in the leafy suburb of Dedinje, marched through the front office, and
allegedly attacked Jovic, whereupon Marine guards had to be called to
separate the women. The Sunday Times says that Montgomery bit Jovic and
continued her tantrum in her husband’s office, scattering papers. When
it was all over, Ms. Jovic—an American citizen—flew to Washington to
lodge a formal complaint. State Department investigators went to
Belgrade to and their findings are said to have been extremely
detrimental to Mrs. Montgomery. She was told to stay away from her
husband’s assistant, which effectively barred her from the Embassy. As
the gossip spread through Belgrade Montgomery’s position grew untenable.
Lynne Montgomery is said to be shattered at the thought of her
high-profile life ending. She enjoyed herself tremendously in the
Balkans: when her husband was posted to Croatia, she gained a doctorate
in philosophy from Zagreb University. Her thesis, “The Philosophy of
Marriage,” remains described as a “work in progress,” but it
nevertheless enabled her to obtain the position of a part-time lecturer
at the private Brothers Karic University in Belgrade at a salary of $
2,500 (roughly five times the salary of a full-time tenured professor
at the University of Belgrade). The proprietor of the university is
Bogoljub Karic, Serbia’s wealthiest oligarch, who made his
fortune—measured in hundreds of millions, if not billions—during the
reign of Slobodan Milosevic.
These shinenigans end the career of a diplomat whose activities proved
to be deeply detrimental to the stability and lasting peace in
Southeastern Europe. That region is not an inherently important part of
the world, but it is significant because American policies there
throughout the 1990s have come to embody all that is wrong with the
fundamental assumptions, values, and modus operandi of the
decision-making community in Washington. With the fall of Slobodan
Milosevic a thorough revision of those policies became possible.
William Montgomery, more than any other individual, has contributed to
the maintenance of a negative continuity of the
Clintonian-Albrightesque Balkan mindset on the Bush Administration. In
particular it was his fervent insistence on Serbia’s compliance with
the demands of The Hague war crimes tribunal that proved to be
counterproductive. It undercut the legitimacy of the “reformist”
government in Belgrade, which played right into the hands of the
nationalist opposition: the Radical Party is now the most powerful
political force in the country.
Montgomery’s successor should try to make a fresh start. With the
focus of the Administration’s attention on the Middle East, the Caspian
basin, the Korean peninsula, and the war against terror, the United
States should pursue pragmatic policies in the Balkans that will make
further disengagement possible, at no cost and with least risk of fresh
instability. The only obstacle to such policy is the maintenance of a
regional pax Americana—until now doggedly pursued by Montgomery—that
entailed Serbia’s submission to The Hague, support for Montenegro’s
secessionist cleptocracy embodied in Milo Djukanovic, Bosnia’s
ever-tighter centralization favored by its Muslim plurality, and the
treatment of Kosovo’s eventual independence as an inevitability.
By the time the new ambassador arrives there will be a new government
in Belgrade, less likely to follow “suggestions” from the U.S. Embassy
at No. 50, Kneza Milosa Street. By standing firm on the key issues that
affect its own national interest, that government will also help
promote a new Balkan policy in Washington. If it refuses to be drawn
into another round of Montgomery’s combinazioni, Belgrade will best
defend its own interests while at the same time contributing to the
long-overdue review of the U.S. policy in the Balkans.
=== 3 ===
ODLAZAK AMBASADORA
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2004-02-23_2.html
Beograd, 15. februar 2004. godine
Pise: Dusan Vasic
Prevremeni odlazak ambasadora nije pravilo, vec izuzetak u
medjunarodnim poslovima. Jos veci presedan je njegovo definitivno
napustanje diplomatske sluzbe, posebno ako se radi o diplomati od
karijere. U ono malo zabelezenih slucajeva, razlozi za odlazak
ambasadora pre su bili licni ekcesi i nesnalazenje, nego zaokret u
politici zemlje odasiljanja.
Od ambasadorskog zvanja malo ko se svojom voljom oprostio. Ono donosi
izuzetnu cast. Nema te materijalne privilegije koja bi se mogla meriti
sa prestizom, ugledom i postovanje koje u sebi nosi duznost licnog
izaslanika sefa drzave.
Ako se to ima u vidu, onda se trajno i neocekivano povlacenje Vilijema
D. Montgomerija iz diplomatske sluzbe mora sagledati u znatno
drugacijem svetlu od onoga sto se iz sturih saoptenja nazire. Tesko je
poverovati da iz diplomatije odlazi samo zato sto je svojevremeno
magistrirao poslovno upravljanje, pa konacno zeli da se posveti svojoj
neostvarenoj ambiciji - biznisu?
Sudeci po godinama (usao u 59.), za njegovo penzionisanje je prerano.
Osim ako se ovom diplomiranom psihologu tri godine radnog staza
provedenih u vojsci, od cega jedna na ratistu u Vijetnamu, ne racunaju
kao dvostruki staz. Energicnost koja iz njega kipti i vitalnost koja
pada u oci, potvrdjuju da on sve moze biti samo ne penzioner. Osim
strucnog znanja za ulazak u svet biznisa kvalifikuje ga i sklonost ka
lukrativinim poslovima. Tvrdi se da mu je hrvatski lobi kupio kucu u
Cavtatu, a supruga je, iako sa diplomatskim statusom, odlucila da
naplacuje predavanja. U njegovoj biografiji pise da govori pet stranih
jezika. Od toga jedan je srpski a drugi hrvatski. Bosnjacki jezik se ne
pominje iako je godinu dana bio Klintonov specijalni izaslanik za
sprovodjenje Dejtonskog sporazuma o miru u BiH.
Upoznavanje sa pravim razlozima Montgomerijevog odlaska iz diplomatije
bitno je pre svega za procenu da li se i sta menja u politici
Vasingtona prema nasoj zemlji i uopste prema Zapadnom Balkanu. Sudbina
ambasadora tu nije najvaznija, iako su pasionirani hronicari odnosa SCG
- SAD mogli primetiti da su se za njegov definitivni odlazak stekla oba
na pocetku teksta pomenuta razloga.
Sto se tice ekcesa vezanih za licnost Montgomerija oni nisu izostali.
Od bezazlenog ocijukanja sa pojedinim saradnicama, preko dar-mara koji
je njegova supruga nacinila u Ambasadi tako da joj je Stejt Department
zabranio da vise tamo ulazi, do preterano bliskosti sa nekim od
najvecih tajkuna na prostorima bivse SFRJ.
Na profesionalnom planu svakako je najveci ekces bilo hapsenje
politickog savetnika ambasade Dzona Nejbora u spijunskoj misiji. Nije
sporno da je Nejbor uhvacen u nedopustenim poslovima. Zvanicno, to
Montgomeri nije morao da zna, ali je tesko poverovati da nije bio
upucen. No, mozda je Nejbor imao i drugu -manje poznatu misiju - da
kontrolise i samog sefa misije. Razumljivo je sto se srpski saucesnik u
spijunazi uporno brani tvrdnjom da mu je cela afera podmetnuta. Ali
nije poznato kako su nase sluzbe za zastitu poretka dosle do pocetnih
saznanja o tome - da li samostalno, indirektno ili posredno. Sumnju
budi i to sto je izostala nota SCG o proterivanju Nejbora -kako to
diplomatska pravila nalazu- vec se sve zavrsilo izvinjenjem naseg
ministra i hitnim odlaskom ovog obavestajca iz Beograda.
Ukupno dosadasnje angazovanje ambasadora Montgomerija, medjutim, mora
se posmatrati i mnogo sire, u kontestu politike koju je Klintonova
administracija vodila prema nasoj zemlji. On je bio deo tima koji je
kreirao spoljno-politicke poteze Vasingtona prema Beogadu. Na celu tog
tima bila je bivsi drzavni sekretar Medlin Olbrajt. Ova ceska
emigrantkinja je svoje prvo utociste u bebekstvu prema Americi
svojevremeno nasla u Srbiji. Zato se ocekivalo da ce mnogo bolje od
drugih u Stejt Departmentu razumeti slovenski duh ovog naroda i da ce
vrlo lako izaci sa njim na kraj. Kako u tome nije bila uspesna,
preovladala je njena ogorcenost. (Jasno je otud zasto su mnogi u
Vasingtonu napad na nasu zemlju nazvali -licni rat Medlin Olbrajt).
Njen najvazniji oslonac u vasingtonskom spoljno-politickom aparatu bio
je Veren Cimerman, raniji ambasador SAD u SFRJ. Milosevic ga je
svojevremeno duboko uvredio. Onako pun sebe i iskljuciv, odbio je da
primi ambasadora najmocnije drzave na svetu. Prirodno je otud da je
Cimerman deo sopstvenog nezadovoljstva zbog potcenjivanja od strane
vlasti u Beogradu, u odredjenoj meri, takodje ugradio u smernice
prakticnog delovanja SAD prema nasoj zemlji.
Za aktiviranje ofanzivnih instrumenata ove politike bio je zaduzen
ambasador Vilijam Voker, u svojstvu sefa posmatacke misije OEBS na
Kosmetu. On je operativno-obavestajni zanat prethodno dobro ispekao u
Nikaragvi. "Slucaj Racak" je bio njegovo maestralno djavolovo delo,
koje ce se ubuduce sigurno izucavati na akademijama necovestva i
prevara.
Na sirem diplomatsko-politickom planu, za nosioca ove politike "na
terenu" je odredjen Vilijam Montgomeri, a u medjunarodnoj ravni
ambasador Ricard Holbruk, naslednik Medlin Olrbajt u Ujedinjenim
Nacijama.
Sprovodeci ovaj, tek ovlas skicirani projekt delovanja prema nasoj
zemlji, Montgomeri je precesto izlazio iz uobicajenih diplomatskih
okvira, koji nalazu prefinjenost, poverljivost i odmerenost u
ponasanja. On se, iako formalno ustolicen u Zagrebu, u periodu pre
petooktobarskih promena, naposredno i javno, u trecoj zemlji, angazovao
na okupljanju i organizovanju odredjenih politickih protivnika
tadasnjeg rezima u SRJ. Na stranu sto se to kosilo Beckom konvencijom o
dilomatskim odnosima.
Kada je Klintonov tim otisao iz Stejt Departmenta, a vlast u Srbiji
promenjena, ostalo je da se odluci sta sa Montgomerijem. On je ubrzo iz
Zagreba prebacen u Beograd ali samo za sefa misije SAD. Medjutim,
trebalo je da prodje jos citavih godinu dana dok nije zvanicno imenovan
za ambasadora u Beogradu. Rezerve, ocigledno, nisu bile male.
Navikavsi se na ceste susrete sa onima koji su od opozicije u Srbiji
postali vlast, Montgomeri je nastavio ovu svoju predimenzionuranu
aktivnost. Tako je broj njegovih susreta sa domacin uzvanicama gotovo
bio veci od ukupnog broja susreta svih ostalih ambasadora zajedno
Javnosti je posebno upala u oci ucestalost susreta pred srpske izbore i
neposredno posle njih. Iz toga se moze zakljuciti da je i u promenjenim
okolnostima, on nastavio da deluje na isti nacin kao ranije, u uverenju
da ce tako najbolje doprineti ostvarivanju americkih interesa u SCG.
Uprkos najboljim namerama, time sto je stavio "sva jaja u jednu korpu"
on je prakticno vezao ruke suptilnijem i raznovrsnijem delovanju
Vasigtona. Istovremeno je smanjio manevarski prostor za sprovodjenje
tzv. "double track" ili "three track" diplomatije.
Analiticari medjunarodnih odnosa odavno su identifikovali interes
sadasnje vasingtonske administracije za postepenog dezangazovanja sa
ovog podrucja, a u korist zemalja Evropske Unije. No, frekventnoscu
susreta i medijskom sveprisutnoscu, Montgomeri je stvorio utisak o
preteranom uplitanju Vasingtona u formiranje nove srpske vlade. Nije
sporno da SAD ovde na sceni zele da vide demokratski orijentisanu
vladu, koja ce u punoj meri saradjivati sa svetom. To je i interes
najveceg broja nasih gradjana. No, presusio je interes da se ona spolja
oblikuje na nacin kako je to ranije cinjeno, jer to obuhvata i
odgovornost za kasnije rezultate rada te vlade, ukljucujuci i njene
eventualne neuspehe i promasaje.
Za takvu klintonovsku zaostavstinu izgleda sadasnja administracija vise
nije imala sluha. Tim pre jer su se americki prioriteti odavno pomerili
prema Srednjem Istoku i naftom bogatim teritorijama. Uostalom, metode
principijelnog uslovljavanja finansijske pomoci, kao i sve ono sto ih
na medjunarodnoj sceni prati, su mnogo suptilnije i dalekoseznije kada
je SCG u pitanju. Upravo zbog njene ekonomske iscrpljenosti i ukupne
zavisnosti od strane pomoci, kredita i donacija, zatvaranje
finansijskih ventila iz inostranstva je daleko efikasniji metod
uticaja. Konacno, SAD su se i onako vec duboko, mozda i trajno,
instalirale u svim susednim zemljama, tako da se SCG nalazi u tako
cvrstom severno-atlanskom okruzenju da neposrednije angazovanje vise
nije ni potrebno. Komplikacije u BiH ali i na Kosmetu, isto tako
upozoravaju da se preterana neposrednost u politici moze ponekad
vratiti i kao bumerang. Zato je bolje taj prostor prepustiti UN i
Evropskoj Uniji.
Na to se nadovezalo i otkrivanje finansijskih afera u Srbiji, u kojima
se pominju i neke osobe sa kojima se Montgomeri cesto vidjao.
Najverovatnije da priticanje novca sa racuna "of shore" kompanija ili
nevladinih oranizacija za pomaganje odredjenih aktivnosti ili grupacija
u nasoj zemlji nema veze sa ambasadorom SAD. Ali suptilni otklon prema
ambasadoru bio je nepohodan, kako bi se eliminisla i poslednja
mogucnost da se bilo sta od toga i bilo kada dovede u vezu sa sadasnjom
administracijom u Vasingtonu.
Najelegantnija zavrsnica za sve bila je odlazak Montgomerija iz
diplomatije i eventualni ulazak u svet biznisa. Nadajmo se na dobrobit
svih aktera. Posebno ako novi ambasador bude nastupao diplomatski
odmerenije, bez medijskog preterivanja i sa sirom lepezom delovanja
prema svim ucesnicima i akterima politickog zivota u Srbiji.
improvvisamente. Dietro alla sua caduta in disgrazia, a quanto pare, ci
sarebbe lo stile di vita della moglie...]
The former ambassador... and his wife
(english / german / srpskohrvatski / italiano)
1. Diplomat with a Blonde Dominatrix / Diplomat mit blonder Domina (Der
Spiegel)
2. U.S. ambassador in Serbia departs under the cloud (by Srdja
Trifkovic)
3. ODLAZAK AMBASADORA (Dusan Vasic)
=== 1 ===
http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/english/0,1518,284416,00.html
"Diplomat with a Blonde Dominatrix"
Serbia: Washington's ambassador to Belgrade has unexpectedly been
dismissed.
His wife's lifestyle was too wild. Lynn Montgomery (45), who is of
British descent and for whom her husband William broke off a wedding
that had already been arranged, is thought to be the real reason behind
the disgruntlement in the US State Department. Scarcely a party went by
at which the fun-loving, hyperactive English woman did not make the
headlines with her excesses and her risqué wardrobe.
Original text:
---
http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/0,1518,285295,00.html
Diplomat mit blonder Domina
02. Februar 2004
C DER SPIEGEL 6/2004
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
Vervielfältigung nur mit
Genehmigung der SPIEGELnet GmbH
Washingtons Botschafter in Belgrad wird überraschend abserviert. Trieb
es seine Frau zu bunt?
Er sei der tatsächliche Präsident Serbiens, stöhnte die Belgrader
Zeitung "kurir". Das Wochenblatt "vreme" beschrieb ihn lakonisch als
das unumgängliche Gewürz in jeder Suppe. Und das montenegrinische
Magazin "monitor" konstatierte, "der Mann bemüht sich nicht einmal,
Sympathien zu erlangen". William D. Montgomery, seit 1993
US-Botschafter auf dem Balkan, gilt als Drahtzieher hinter den Kulissen
offizieller Politik - gefürchtet von den Landespolitikern, die er nicht
selten zu Lakaien degradierte, ungeliebt von der Bevölkerung, die sich
von ihm entmündigt sah, und unter Dauerfeuer jener Medien, denen er die
finanzielle Unterstützung der USA entzog.
Zu den Verdiensten des 58-Jährigen mit drei Jahrzehnten diplomatischer
Erfahrung zählen der Sturz des Milosevic-Regimes in Serbien sowie sein
maßgeblicher Einfluss bei der Aufstellung neuer, demokratischer
Regierungen in Bulgarien und Kroatien. Doch nun scheint der
selbstbewusste Diplomat mit dem Bulldoggen-Image selbst nicht mehr ins
Profil offizieller US-Politik zu passen. Statt, wie erhofft, nach
Moskau versetzt das State Departement "Balkan-Bill" zum 29. Februar in
den vorzeitigen Ruhestand.
Was die Regierung Bush zu diesem unüblichen Schritt veranlasst haben
könnte, bleibt vorerst Spekulation. War es seine zunehmende
Eigenmächtigkeit bei der Beurteilung Amerikas strategischer Interessen?
War es sein Engagement für US-Firmen auf dem Balkan, das weit über die
Befugnisse eines Botschafters hinausgegangen sein soll? Oder dass er
unlängst dem in Den Haag als Kriegsverbrecher angeklagten serbischen
Ex-General Sreten Lukic bei einer Gedenkfeier der Polizei in Belgrad
die Hand geschüttelt hat?
Washington, glauben Beobachter, könnte auch der Wahlerfolg radikaler
und nationalistischer Parteien 2003 in Kroatien und Serbien irritiert
haben. Mit Zuckerbrot und Peitsche könne man auf Dauer keine
erfolgreiche Diplomatie betreiben, räsoniert der einflussreiche
kroatische Kommentator Ivan Zvonimir Cicak - "insbesondere, wenn man
eine Ehefrau hat, die an der Spitze öffentlicher Skandale rangiert".
Die gebürtige Britin Lynne Montgomery, 45, für die William eine bereits
anberaumte Hochzeit platzen ließ, wird als hauptsächlicher Grund für
die Verstimmung im US-Außenministerium vermutet.
Kaum eine Party, auf welcher die fidele, hyperaktive Gattin nicht durch
Exzesse und freizügige Garderobe für Schlagzeilen sorgt. Als
Diplomaten-Domina sang sie auf einem Belgrader Happening in schwarzer,
hautenger und trägerfreier Lederrobe, vor kroatischen Kriegsruinen
posierte die dralle Blondine in rotem Abendkleid mit Hund für die
Boulevardpresse. Nach einer Wohltätigkeitsgala zu Gunsten der Opfer des
Massakers von Vukovar lud sie zum fröhlichen Tanzvergnügen ein.
Auch die sensationshungrige Bevölkerung ließ Lynne gern durchs
Schlüsselloch blicken - als Kolumnistin in serbischen und kroatischen
Medien. So erfuhren die Leser beispielsweise, dass William seinem auf
dem Tisch eines Belgrader Lokals tanzenden Weib mit einem Löffel den
Takt auf den Hintern klopfte.
Nicht alle Auftritte verliefen so harmonisch. Vergangenen Sommer soll
die langjährige Botschaftssekretärin Biljana Jovic, eine Amerikanerin
serbischer Abstammung, in Washington vorgesprochen und gefordert haben,
der Skandalnudel künftig das Betreten des Belgrader Geländes zu
verbieten.
Was sich dort Anfang Juli ereignet haben soll, schilderte die serbische
Wochenzeitung "nedeljni telegraf" genüsslich so: Lynne sei von einem
Urlaub in Cavtat bei Dubrovnik, wo das Ehepaar einen Palast aus dem
Jahr 1913 gekauft hatte, vorzeitig zurückgekehrt. Als sie vom Flughafen
ihren Gatten anrief, habe sich dessen hübsche, gleichfalls blonde
Sekretärin gemeldet - und sofort den Hörer aufgelegt.
Wie eine Furie habe die eifersüchtige Engländerin daraufhin die
Botschaft gestürmt, die vermeintliche Konkurrentin gebissen, an den
Haaren gezogen, mit Wasser übergossen und deren Bluse zerrissen.
Anschließend seien Ordner und Dokumente durchs Büro gesegelt. Nur dank
des herbeieilenden Sicherheitsdienstes habe William das Duell beenden
können.
Mittlerweile gibt sich das Temperamentsbündel geläutert. Lynne fand
einen wohlwollenden und großzügigen Professor als Doktorvater und
promovierte an der Universität von Zagreb über die "Philosophie der
Ehe". Jetzt lehrt sie am amerikanischen Management-College in Dubrovnik
und an der privaten Karic-Universität in Belgrad Philosophie.
Ab März will sich das Ehepaar nach Cavtat zurückziehen, an einen der
teuersten adriatischen Touristenorte - jedoch keineswegs als
Frührentner. Montgomery, heißt es, spekuliere bei einem
Präsidentenwechsel in den USA auf den Job eines
Südosteuropa-Beauftragten. Angeblich will er auch ein
Beratungsunternehmen für in der Region aktive US-Firmen gründen sowie
mit der Familie Karic zusammenarbeiten, die ein Fernsehprogramm und
eine Wirtschaftsorganisation für den gesamten Balkan plant.
Der Karic-Clan, eine der einflussreichsten und vermögendsten Familien
Serbiens, war engster Verbündeter von Slobodan Milosevic während dessen
Diktatur. [SIC]
RENATE FLOTTAU
=== 2 ===
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic04/NewsST021104.html
CHRONICLES, Wednesday, January 11, 2004
An Old-Fashioned Scandal
U.S. ambassador in Serbia departs under the cloud
by Srdja Trifkovic
The announcement from the American Embassy in Belgrade on January 22
was bland: “U.S. Ambassador to Serbia and Montenegro, William D.
Montgomery, will retire from the U.S. Foreign Service at the end of
February after a 30 years career.” The story behind Mr. Montgomery’s
premature departure from the key Balkan post is interesting in a rather
scandalous way, and—so far—unfit to print in the U.S. (the cat is out
of the bag in Europe). It combines power, greed, sex, jealousy,
corruption and violence.
William Montgomery (58) was a very powerful man in Serbia, to which he
came after several tours of duty elsewhere in the region (Zagreb,
Sofia, Budapest). His views of the Balkans were formed during this
period in the late 1990s, when he served in the region during Mrs.
Albright’s tenure at the Department of State. As a prominent Serbian
political commentator noted recently, those views “bear a permanent
imprint of the enitre Clinton team’s prejudices and mistakes in
ex-Yugoslavia to this day.” He supported the interventions in Bosnia
and Croatia (1995) and the war against the Serbs over Kosovo (1999).
Afetr Milosevic’s fall (October 2000) Montgomery was able to ensure
the continuity of the previous Administration’s policies by relying on
the compliance of Milosevic’s successors. This compliance was
forthcoming because the late prime minister Zoran Djindjic and the rest
of the “pro-Western, reformist” DOS coalition—who used Vojislav
Kostunica to come to power but then marginalized him—went out of their
way to earn brownie-points with the Ambassador by being “cooperative”
and “moderate.” “They vied for Montgomery’s approval as a means of
improving their rating in Washington,” our source says, and to that end
they accepted his “line” on The Hague war crimes tribunal, on Kosovo,
Bosnia, and a host of other issues. The U.S. Ambassador also became a
key arbiter in domestic politics, most recently by threatening
Kostunica (in his current role of prime minister-designate) with a host
of unspecified sanctions if he were to include the nationalist Radical
Party in a future government coalition.
In the words of a Western diplomat who was posted to Belgrade until
recently and who spoke on the condition of anonymity, Montgomery
managed to “impose himself on Serbia as in imperial proconsul” because
the local politicians were willing to treat him as one. “He was a very
big fish in a rather small tank.” The power, status, and attention, so
disproportionate to a middle-level bureaucrat’s experience and personal
mindset, proved to be too much for Montgomery, more than he—and, far
more damagingly, his wife—could handle.
Lynne Montgomery is a vivacious woman fond of partying and media
attention. She was born in Norfolk (England) 45 years ago to a family
of modest means and social standing. Her lifestyle in Belgrade
reflected her refusal to come to terms with either her middle age or
her status as a diplomatic wife. As the Sunday Times of London put it
fairly tactfully on February 8,
“She has been a popular figure on the Belgrade cocktail circuit, but
her penchant for low-cut dresses and late-night carousing has caused as
much comment as her charity balls for children’s cancer units… [T]he
platinum blonde raised eyebrows by writing a controversial column in a
local newspaper in which she described dancing on tables in
restaurants.”
In one of those columns the diplomat’s wife regaled her Serbian
readers with the story of her husband beating time on her bottom with a
spoon as she danced to a Gypsy band on a barge on the Danube.
Mrs. Montgomery may have been born in Norfolk but she is a
quintessential Essex Girl. She was a married junior staffer at the
British embassy in Dar-es-Salaam (Tanzania) when she met the
up-and-coming American diplomat, Bill Montgomery. It was in the summer
of 1986, just as he was expecting the arrival of his fiancee from the
United States. A steamy affair apparently ensued, with Montgomery
calling off the wedding and Lynne leaving her husband.
She could have continued with her lording over Belgrade’s social scene
for another year at least, had it not been for an ugly incident in the
first week of July last year when she was involved in a violent fracas
with her husband’s personal secretary, Biljana Jovic (38). The ensuing
scene is believed to be the main reason for Montgomery’s premature
retirement. As the embassy made arrangements for its Independence Day
celebrations—a key date in Belgrade’s social calendar—Mrs. Montgomery
unexpectedly came back from the Croatian coast where she was enjoying a
break at the family summer home. She called her husband’s cell phone
number from the Belgrade airport; to her surprise and chagrin the call
was answered by Miss Jovic, who cut her off. Mrs. Montgomery ordered
the driver to take her to the embassy instead of the family residence
in the leafy suburb of Dedinje, marched through the front office, and
allegedly attacked Jovic, whereupon Marine guards had to be called to
separate the women. The Sunday Times says that Montgomery bit Jovic and
continued her tantrum in her husband’s office, scattering papers. When
it was all over, Ms. Jovic—an American citizen—flew to Washington to
lodge a formal complaint. State Department investigators went to
Belgrade to and their findings are said to have been extremely
detrimental to Mrs. Montgomery. She was told to stay away from her
husband’s assistant, which effectively barred her from the Embassy. As
the gossip spread through Belgrade Montgomery’s position grew untenable.
Lynne Montgomery is said to be shattered at the thought of her
high-profile life ending. She enjoyed herself tremendously in the
Balkans: when her husband was posted to Croatia, she gained a doctorate
in philosophy from Zagreb University. Her thesis, “The Philosophy of
Marriage,” remains described as a “work in progress,” but it
nevertheless enabled her to obtain the position of a part-time lecturer
at the private Brothers Karic University in Belgrade at a salary of $
2,500 (roughly five times the salary of a full-time tenured professor
at the University of Belgrade). The proprietor of the university is
Bogoljub Karic, Serbia’s wealthiest oligarch, who made his
fortune—measured in hundreds of millions, if not billions—during the
reign of Slobodan Milosevic.
These shinenigans end the career of a diplomat whose activities proved
to be deeply detrimental to the stability and lasting peace in
Southeastern Europe. That region is not an inherently important part of
the world, but it is significant because American policies there
throughout the 1990s have come to embody all that is wrong with the
fundamental assumptions, values, and modus operandi of the
decision-making community in Washington. With the fall of Slobodan
Milosevic a thorough revision of those policies became possible.
William Montgomery, more than any other individual, has contributed to
the maintenance of a negative continuity of the
Clintonian-Albrightesque Balkan mindset on the Bush Administration. In
particular it was his fervent insistence on Serbia’s compliance with
the demands of The Hague war crimes tribunal that proved to be
counterproductive. It undercut the legitimacy of the “reformist”
government in Belgrade, which played right into the hands of the
nationalist opposition: the Radical Party is now the most powerful
political force in the country.
Montgomery’s successor should try to make a fresh start. With the
focus of the Administration’s attention on the Middle East, the Caspian
basin, the Korean peninsula, and the war against terror, the United
States should pursue pragmatic policies in the Balkans that will make
further disengagement possible, at no cost and with least risk of fresh
instability. The only obstacle to such policy is the maintenance of a
regional pax Americana—until now doggedly pursued by Montgomery—that
entailed Serbia’s submission to The Hague, support for Montenegro’s
secessionist cleptocracy embodied in Milo Djukanovic, Bosnia’s
ever-tighter centralization favored by its Muslim plurality, and the
treatment of Kosovo’s eventual independence as an inevitability.
By the time the new ambassador arrives there will be a new government
in Belgrade, less likely to follow “suggestions” from the U.S. Embassy
at No. 50, Kneza Milosa Street. By standing firm on the key issues that
affect its own national interest, that government will also help
promote a new Balkan policy in Washington. If it refuses to be drawn
into another round of Montgomery’s combinazioni, Belgrade will best
defend its own interests while at the same time contributing to the
long-overdue review of the U.S. policy in the Balkans.
=== 3 ===
ODLAZAK AMBASADORA
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2004-02-23_2.html
Beograd, 15. februar 2004. godine
Pise: Dusan Vasic
Prevremeni odlazak ambasadora nije pravilo, vec izuzetak u
medjunarodnim poslovima. Jos veci presedan je njegovo definitivno
napustanje diplomatske sluzbe, posebno ako se radi o diplomati od
karijere. U ono malo zabelezenih slucajeva, razlozi za odlazak
ambasadora pre su bili licni ekcesi i nesnalazenje, nego zaokret u
politici zemlje odasiljanja.
Od ambasadorskog zvanja malo ko se svojom voljom oprostio. Ono donosi
izuzetnu cast. Nema te materijalne privilegije koja bi se mogla meriti
sa prestizom, ugledom i postovanje koje u sebi nosi duznost licnog
izaslanika sefa drzave.
Ako se to ima u vidu, onda se trajno i neocekivano povlacenje Vilijema
D. Montgomerija iz diplomatske sluzbe mora sagledati u znatno
drugacijem svetlu od onoga sto se iz sturih saoptenja nazire. Tesko je
poverovati da iz diplomatije odlazi samo zato sto je svojevremeno
magistrirao poslovno upravljanje, pa konacno zeli da se posveti svojoj
neostvarenoj ambiciji - biznisu?
Sudeci po godinama (usao u 59.), za njegovo penzionisanje je prerano.
Osim ako se ovom diplomiranom psihologu tri godine radnog staza
provedenih u vojsci, od cega jedna na ratistu u Vijetnamu, ne racunaju
kao dvostruki staz. Energicnost koja iz njega kipti i vitalnost koja
pada u oci, potvrdjuju da on sve moze biti samo ne penzioner. Osim
strucnog znanja za ulazak u svet biznisa kvalifikuje ga i sklonost ka
lukrativinim poslovima. Tvrdi se da mu je hrvatski lobi kupio kucu u
Cavtatu, a supruga je, iako sa diplomatskim statusom, odlucila da
naplacuje predavanja. U njegovoj biografiji pise da govori pet stranih
jezika. Od toga jedan je srpski a drugi hrvatski. Bosnjacki jezik se ne
pominje iako je godinu dana bio Klintonov specijalni izaslanik za
sprovodjenje Dejtonskog sporazuma o miru u BiH.
Upoznavanje sa pravim razlozima Montgomerijevog odlaska iz diplomatije
bitno je pre svega za procenu da li se i sta menja u politici
Vasingtona prema nasoj zemlji i uopste prema Zapadnom Balkanu. Sudbina
ambasadora tu nije najvaznija, iako su pasionirani hronicari odnosa SCG
- SAD mogli primetiti da su se za njegov definitivni odlazak stekla oba
na pocetku teksta pomenuta razloga.
Sto se tice ekcesa vezanih za licnost Montgomerija oni nisu izostali.
Od bezazlenog ocijukanja sa pojedinim saradnicama, preko dar-mara koji
je njegova supruga nacinila u Ambasadi tako da joj je Stejt Department
zabranio da vise tamo ulazi, do preterano bliskosti sa nekim od
najvecih tajkuna na prostorima bivse SFRJ.
Na profesionalnom planu svakako je najveci ekces bilo hapsenje
politickog savetnika ambasade Dzona Nejbora u spijunskoj misiji. Nije
sporno da je Nejbor uhvacen u nedopustenim poslovima. Zvanicno, to
Montgomeri nije morao da zna, ali je tesko poverovati da nije bio
upucen. No, mozda je Nejbor imao i drugu -manje poznatu misiju - da
kontrolise i samog sefa misije. Razumljivo je sto se srpski saucesnik u
spijunazi uporno brani tvrdnjom da mu je cela afera podmetnuta. Ali
nije poznato kako su nase sluzbe za zastitu poretka dosle do pocetnih
saznanja o tome - da li samostalno, indirektno ili posredno. Sumnju
budi i to sto je izostala nota SCG o proterivanju Nejbora -kako to
diplomatska pravila nalazu- vec se sve zavrsilo izvinjenjem naseg
ministra i hitnim odlaskom ovog obavestajca iz Beograda.
Ukupno dosadasnje angazovanje ambasadora Montgomerija, medjutim, mora
se posmatrati i mnogo sire, u kontestu politike koju je Klintonova
administracija vodila prema nasoj zemlji. On je bio deo tima koji je
kreirao spoljno-politicke poteze Vasingtona prema Beogadu. Na celu tog
tima bila je bivsi drzavni sekretar Medlin Olbrajt. Ova ceska
emigrantkinja je svoje prvo utociste u bebekstvu prema Americi
svojevremeno nasla u Srbiji. Zato se ocekivalo da ce mnogo bolje od
drugih u Stejt Departmentu razumeti slovenski duh ovog naroda i da ce
vrlo lako izaci sa njim na kraj. Kako u tome nije bila uspesna,
preovladala je njena ogorcenost. (Jasno je otud zasto su mnogi u
Vasingtonu napad na nasu zemlju nazvali -licni rat Medlin Olbrajt).
Njen najvazniji oslonac u vasingtonskom spoljno-politickom aparatu bio
je Veren Cimerman, raniji ambasador SAD u SFRJ. Milosevic ga je
svojevremeno duboko uvredio. Onako pun sebe i iskljuciv, odbio je da
primi ambasadora najmocnije drzave na svetu. Prirodno je otud da je
Cimerman deo sopstvenog nezadovoljstva zbog potcenjivanja od strane
vlasti u Beogradu, u odredjenoj meri, takodje ugradio u smernice
prakticnog delovanja SAD prema nasoj zemlji.
Za aktiviranje ofanzivnih instrumenata ove politike bio je zaduzen
ambasador Vilijam Voker, u svojstvu sefa posmatacke misije OEBS na
Kosmetu. On je operativno-obavestajni zanat prethodno dobro ispekao u
Nikaragvi. "Slucaj Racak" je bio njegovo maestralno djavolovo delo,
koje ce se ubuduce sigurno izucavati na akademijama necovestva i
prevara.
Na sirem diplomatsko-politickom planu, za nosioca ove politike "na
terenu" je odredjen Vilijam Montgomeri, a u medjunarodnoj ravni
ambasador Ricard Holbruk, naslednik Medlin Olrbajt u Ujedinjenim
Nacijama.
Sprovodeci ovaj, tek ovlas skicirani projekt delovanja prema nasoj
zemlji, Montgomeri je precesto izlazio iz uobicajenih diplomatskih
okvira, koji nalazu prefinjenost, poverljivost i odmerenost u
ponasanja. On se, iako formalno ustolicen u Zagrebu, u periodu pre
petooktobarskih promena, naposredno i javno, u trecoj zemlji, angazovao
na okupljanju i organizovanju odredjenih politickih protivnika
tadasnjeg rezima u SRJ. Na stranu sto se to kosilo Beckom konvencijom o
dilomatskim odnosima.
Kada je Klintonov tim otisao iz Stejt Departmenta, a vlast u Srbiji
promenjena, ostalo je da se odluci sta sa Montgomerijem. On je ubrzo iz
Zagreba prebacen u Beograd ali samo za sefa misije SAD. Medjutim,
trebalo je da prodje jos citavih godinu dana dok nije zvanicno imenovan
za ambasadora u Beogradu. Rezerve, ocigledno, nisu bile male.
Navikavsi se na ceste susrete sa onima koji su od opozicije u Srbiji
postali vlast, Montgomeri je nastavio ovu svoju predimenzionuranu
aktivnost. Tako je broj njegovih susreta sa domacin uzvanicama gotovo
bio veci od ukupnog broja susreta svih ostalih ambasadora zajedno
Javnosti je posebno upala u oci ucestalost susreta pred srpske izbore i
neposredno posle njih. Iz toga se moze zakljuciti da je i u promenjenim
okolnostima, on nastavio da deluje na isti nacin kao ranije, u uverenju
da ce tako najbolje doprineti ostvarivanju americkih interesa u SCG.
Uprkos najboljim namerama, time sto je stavio "sva jaja u jednu korpu"
on je prakticno vezao ruke suptilnijem i raznovrsnijem delovanju
Vasigtona. Istovremeno je smanjio manevarski prostor za sprovodjenje
tzv. "double track" ili "three track" diplomatije.
Analiticari medjunarodnih odnosa odavno su identifikovali interes
sadasnje vasingtonske administracije za postepenog dezangazovanja sa
ovog podrucja, a u korist zemalja Evropske Unije. No, frekventnoscu
susreta i medijskom sveprisutnoscu, Montgomeri je stvorio utisak o
preteranom uplitanju Vasingtona u formiranje nove srpske vlade. Nije
sporno da SAD ovde na sceni zele da vide demokratski orijentisanu
vladu, koja ce u punoj meri saradjivati sa svetom. To je i interes
najveceg broja nasih gradjana. No, presusio je interes da se ona spolja
oblikuje na nacin kako je to ranije cinjeno, jer to obuhvata i
odgovornost za kasnije rezultate rada te vlade, ukljucujuci i njene
eventualne neuspehe i promasaje.
Za takvu klintonovsku zaostavstinu izgleda sadasnja administracija vise
nije imala sluha. Tim pre jer su se americki prioriteti odavno pomerili
prema Srednjem Istoku i naftom bogatim teritorijama. Uostalom, metode
principijelnog uslovljavanja finansijske pomoci, kao i sve ono sto ih
na medjunarodnoj sceni prati, su mnogo suptilnije i dalekoseznije kada
je SCG u pitanju. Upravo zbog njene ekonomske iscrpljenosti i ukupne
zavisnosti od strane pomoci, kredita i donacija, zatvaranje
finansijskih ventila iz inostranstva je daleko efikasniji metod
uticaja. Konacno, SAD su se i onako vec duboko, mozda i trajno,
instalirale u svim susednim zemljama, tako da se SCG nalazi u tako
cvrstom severno-atlanskom okruzenju da neposrednije angazovanje vise
nije ni potrebno. Komplikacije u BiH ali i na Kosmetu, isto tako
upozoravaju da se preterana neposrednost u politici moze ponekad
vratiti i kao bumerang. Zato je bolje taj prostor prepustiti UN i
Evropskoj Uniji.
Na to se nadovezalo i otkrivanje finansijskih afera u Srbiji, u kojima
se pominju i neke osobe sa kojima se Montgomeri cesto vidjao.
Najverovatnije da priticanje novca sa racuna "of shore" kompanija ili
nevladinih oranizacija za pomaganje odredjenih aktivnosti ili grupacija
u nasoj zemlji nema veze sa ambasadorom SAD. Ali suptilni otklon prema
ambasadoru bio je nepohodan, kako bi se eliminisla i poslednja
mogucnost da se bilo sta od toga i bilo kada dovede u vezu sa sadasnjom
administracijom u Vasingtonu.
Najelegantnija zavrsnica za sve bila je odlazak Montgomerija iz
diplomatije i eventualni ulazak u svet biznisa. Nadajmo se na dobrobit
svih aktera. Posebno ako novi ambasador bude nastupao diplomatski
odmerenije, bez medijskog preterivanja i sa sirom lepezom delovanja
prema svim ucesnicima i akterima politickog zivota u Srbiji.