(italiano / english / deutsch)
Milutinovic-Prozess in Den Haag und "Fall Racak"
Di seguito (1) riproduciamo un report della rivista tedesca FreiTag
dal "processo" a Milan Milutinovic, ex presidente della Serbia, in
atto nel "Tribunale ad hoc" dell'Aia, dove i boia di Milosevic
insistono ossessivamente con il loro teorema della "impresa criminale
congiunta" della leadership serba contro il resto del mondo. Il
risultato "rilevante" che hanno recentemente ottenuto è stato quello
di dover... lasciar perdere il caso del "massacro di Racak" del
gennaio 1999, vera e propria montatura mediatica dello statunitense
Walker, che nessuno ha più oramai la faccia tosta di presentare come
un "massacro di civili inermi".
Inoltre riportiamo:
(2) una sintesi di un report di A. Wilcoxon, dell'aprile 2005, a
proposito di una vecchia udienza sullo stesso tema:
Le "vittime" di Racak non erano civili e non sono state giustiziate
(3) una analisi sulla figura di Walker:
William Walker - Profile and Missions
(4) documentazione sulla deposizione all'Aia (nel febbraio 2004) del
medico legale finlandese Helena Ranta, che analizzò la scena del
"delitto";
Ranta: ICTY indictment based on the Walker's statement with no legal
value
Markus Bickel, Berliner Zeitung, January 17, 2004
(5) una analisi di foto dei cadaveri e parte della deposizione di
Milosevic sull'argomento:
"MASSACRE" PHOTOS PROVE RACAK BODIES WERE TAMPERED WITH (2004)
Sul "caso Racak" si vedano anche i documenti:
# Complete Analysis of the Incident at Racak on Jan. 15, 1999 - by
Chris Soda
at: http://www.bernal.co.uk/Research/Racak.html
or: http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/politics/kosovo/papers/racak.html
or: http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/9362/uck/Racak.htm
# RACAK: THE BATTLE AND THE LIES. What really happened in the Kosovo
village of Racak
By a participant in Operation Racak - Srpska Politika, Belgrade
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/79991
=== 1 ===
http://www.freitag.de/2006/30/06300801.php
Aus FREITAG, 28.07.06
Germinal Civikov
Die Amselfelder Sechs
MILUTINOVIC-PROZESS IN DEN HAAG
Auf den ersten Blick eine Neuauflage des Verfahrens gegen Slobodan
Milosevic - auf den zweiten nicht mehr
Ob wir uns noch alle an die erschütternden Fernsehbilder aus dem
Kosovo vom Frühjahr 1999 erinnern könnten, fragt Hauptankläger Thomas
Hannis zur Prozesseröffnung. Eine rhetorische Frage - wer könnte
diese Bilder vergessen? Trotzdem lässt er einige Videoaufnahmen
vorführen. Auf dem Monitor im Gerichtssaal erscheinen zunächst lange
Flüchtlingstrecks, die durch den Kosovo ziehen, dann in Nahaufnahme
verzweifelte Frauen und Kinder, schließlich bekommen wir eine Minute
lang das Flüchtlingselend in den Camps an der mazedonischen Grenze zu
sehen. Das Bombardement der Bilder, bevor und während Bomben und
Raketen auf den letzten jugoslawischen Staat fielen. Im Verlauf des
gesamten Prozesses wolle er dem journalistischen Prinzip immer wieder
Tribut zollen, lässt der Ankläger wissen, ein hagerer und etwas
überspannt wirkender Mittfünfziger. Er gedenke nämlich, in seiner
Beweisführung Antwort auf die klassischen sechs Fragen zu geben -
was, wann, wo, wer, wie und warum.
Dieses Versprechen ist kein gutes Omen für den neuen Mega-Prozess vor
dem Haager Jugoslawien-Tribunal, dieser eigentümlichen Neu- oder
Nachauflage des unglückseligen Milosevic-Verfahrens, das durch den
Tod des Angeklagten am 10. März ohne einen Urteilsspruch zu einem
Ende kam. Auch in diesem Prozess wollte die Anklage mit Zeugen und
Dokumenten ein Medienbild beweisen: das der fundamentalen Schuld
eines Slobodan Milosevic und der Serben an den Kriegen und den damit
einhergehenden Verbrechen in Ex-Jugoslawien. Am Ende der
Beweisführung der Anklage starb der vorsitzende Richter Richard May,
am Ende seiner eigenen Beweisführung der Angeklagte Slobodan
Milosevic, der zweite vorsitzende Richter Patrick Robinson ist wie
verschollen, und Hauptankläger Geoffrey Nice leckt heute irgendwo auf
den britischen Inseln seine Wunden. Kurz, dieser Prozess war kein
Ruhmesblatt, für niemanden, weil man ein Medienbild nun einmal nicht
beweisen kann.
Es klingt nicht einmal mehr nach lebenslänglich
Im Juli 2006 sitzen im Gerichtssaal 1 am Churchillplein Nr. 1 von Den
Haag anstatt des einsamen, von zwei Polizisten bewachten Milosevic
gleich sechs Angeklagte hinter der Glaswand. Keine Häftlinge im
eigentlichen Sinne. Während Milosevic wirklich hinter Gittern saß und
durch vielerlei Tricks nicht einmal seine Familie zu sehen bekam,
sind diese Herrschaften zur Prozesseröffnung gerade aus Belgrad
angekommen und dürfen nach Hause zurück fliegen, wenn das Haager
Tribunal seine Sommerpause einlegt. Auf der Anklagebank sitzen der
ehemalige Präsident Serbiens, Milan Milutinovic, der ehemalige
Vizepremier Jugoslawiens, Nikola Sainovic, Milosevics einstiger
Generalstabschef, Dragoljub Ojdanic, der ehemalige Kommandant der 3.
Armee, Nebojsa Pavkovic, der Ex-Oberbefehlshaber des Pristina-Korps,
Vladimir Lazarevic, und der frühere Polizeikommandant des Kosovo,
Sreten Lukic. Die sechs verkörpern so etwas wie den Kern der
politischen und militärischen Führung der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien,
die es kurz vor ihrem endgültigen Untergang noch auf einen Krieg mit
der NATO ankommen ließ, anstatt sich gehorsam zu unterwerfen. Mancher
könnte glauben, man habe sie deswegen angeklagt. Keineswegs, in der
Anklageschrift werden sie beschuldigt, ein "Gemeinsames
Verbrecherisches Unternehmen" (Joint Criminal Enterprise oder JCE)
geplant und ausgeführt zu haben, das unter Führung von Slobodan
Milosevic zu den Kriegsverbrechen im Kosovo und zur Vertreibung der
Kosovo-Albaner geführt habe.
Zwei der Verschwörer sind nicht dabei: Der einstige Innenminister
Vlajko Stojiljkovic, der sich im April 2002 auf den Stufen des
Parlaments in Belgrad eine Kugel durch den Kopf jagte, und der
ehemalige Leiter des Departements für öffentliche Sicherheit,
Vlastimir Djordjevic, der untergetaucht und wie vom Erdboden
verschluckt ist.
Ankläger Hannis muss jetzt nur noch beweisen, dass "die Amselfelder
Sechs" - wie eine Belgrader Zeitung die Angeklagten sprachinnovativ
nennt - diese Verschwörung auch tatsächlich repräsentieren. Was von
denen vehement verneint wird: Ein solches Komplott habe weder
existiert noch habe man dazu beigetragen.
Der Ankläger ließ es sich daraufhin nicht nehmen, einige der so
genannten "Insider-Zeugen" anzukündigen, die schon im Milosevic-
Prozess mehrfach das spärliche Publikum erheitert hatten. Diese
Insider, so der Ankläger, würden "von innen heraus" - als Eingeweihte
sozusagen - die Existenz der Verschwörung beweisen. Thomas Hannis
wörtlich in seinem Eingangsplädoyer: "Die Insider werden unfreiwillig
erscheinen, um ihr Zeugnis abzulegen. Manche werden nicht mit reinen
Händen kommen. Das liegt daran, dass derjenige, der in einem
Gerichtsverfahren gegen angeklagte Serben als Zeuge über das
›Gemeinsame Verbrecherische Unternehmen‹ aussagt, in Serbien als
Verräter gilt. Daher erwarte ich, dass Sie diesem Umstand Rechnung
tragen." - Man darf gespannt sein, es scheinen sich ähnliche
Lichtgestalten anzukündigen wie im Milosevic-Prozess - etwa
Hochstapler wie Ratomir Tanic und Slobodan Lazarevic, die sich dort
mit Erfolg als Zeugen angeboten hatten, um in den Genuss der
Schutzmaßnahmen zu kommen, die ihnen die Anklagebehörde als
Gegenleistung anbot. In der Regel ein neues Leben für den "Insider"
und seine Familie - sprich: eine neue Identität in einer neuen Heimat.
Während das verbrecherische Ziel der JCE-Verschwörung im Milosevic-
Prozess laut Anklage darin bestand, Angriffskriege geführt und
ethnische Vertreibungen organisiert zu haben, um ein Groß-Serbien zu
erschaffen, sollen sich die "Amselfelder Sechs" dazu verschworen
haben, "das ethnische Gleichgewicht im Kosovo zu ändern, um die
Kontrolle Serbiens über die Provinz wieder herzustellen". Das ist nur
noch ein Abglanz der Milosevic vorgeworfenen Vergehen und klingt
nicht einmal mehr nach lebenslänglich.
Neu ist auch, dass im Unterschied zu Milosevic, der sich selber
verteidigte, die "Amselfelder Sechs" den Mund halten und ihre
Verteidigung zwölf Rechtsanwälten anvertraut haben, die in schwarzer
Amtstracht die ganze rechte Hälfte des Gerichtsaals einnehmen und im
Zeugenverhör mühelos von englisch auf serbokroatisch umschalten.
Ihnen gegenüber nimmt sich das Team der Ankläger eher bescheiden aus,
und das nicht nur zahlenmäßig. Es macht den Eindruck, als sei es sich
seiner Sache nicht sonderlich sicher. Im Unterschied zu seinem
Vorgänger Geoffrey Nice hat Thomas Hannis auch größte Mühe, Personen-
und Ortsnamen nur halbwegs korrekt auszusprechen, und ist schon bei
den ersten Zeugen dabei, nach Punkten zu verlieren.
Etwa bei Sandra Mitchell, die innerhalb der Kosovo-
Verifikationsmission der OSZE 1998/99 eine Beobachtergruppe leitete
und beauftragt war, Menschenrechtsverletzungen aufzudecken und zu
dokumentieren. Ergebnis ihrer Arbeit war ein 750-Seiten-Report mit
dem Titel As seen, as told ("Wie gesehen, so erzählt"), der für sich
in Anspruch nahm, die Lage der Menschenrechte im Kosovo Ende der
neunziger Jahre erschöpfend zu analysieren. Als Zeugin gegen
Milosevic konnte Mitchell im Juli 2002 das Haager Tribunal in dem
Bewusstsein verlassen, die Richter würden ihren Bericht als
offizielles Beweisstück zu den Akten nehmen. Später hatte
Hauptankläger Geoffrey Nice ihrem Report gelegentlich durch
Handauflegen wie einer Bibel gehuldigt. Und in Augenblicken größter
Aufregung hob er ihn mit zwei Händen hoch wie Moses die Gesetzestafeln.
Die Anklagepunkte Racak, Padaliste und Dubrava-Gefängnis
So ruft Thomas Hannis Sandra Mitchell denn auch gleich als erste
Zeugin auf. Doch werden nach ihrem Auftritt mehrere Anwälte der
Verteidigung zwei Sitzungstage lang das wiederum als Beweisstück
eingereichte As seen, as told dermaßen zerpflücken, dass es für die
Anklage enorm an Wert verliert. Dieses Dokument - wird moniert -
enthalte lauter Aussagen aus zweiter und dritter Hand, die dazu noch
unprofessionell und selektiv abgenommen worden seien. Deren
Wahrheitsgehalt sei außerdem nicht überprüfbar. Im Übrigen sei der
ganze Bericht nachweislich unter der Aufsicht der Anklagebehörde des
Tribunals entstanden, was seine Objektivität stark in Zweifel ziehe.
Die damalige Chefanklägerin Louise Arbour habe sogar das Vorwort
geschrieben, reklamiert einer der Verteidiger.
Eine empfindliche Schlappe hat die Anklagebehörde schon vor
Prozessbeginn einstecken müssen. Am 8. Juli nämlich entschieden die
drei Richter unter dem Vorsitz von Ian Bonomy, dass die
Anklagepunkte, die sich auf die angeblichen Massenmorde in Racak,
Padaliste und im Dubrava-Gefängnis bezogen, zu streichen seien. Sie
erschienen "nicht repräsentativ" für dieses Verfahren. Auch das ist
ein Novum, hieß es doch bisher, die Ankläger des Tribunals könnten
völlig autonom vorgehen.
Weshalb eigentlich sollten ausgerechnet diese drei Anklagepunkte aus
dem Milosevic-Prozess übernommen werden? Die Beweise für den
angeblichen Massenmord in Padaliste (März 1999) hatten sich schon da
als äußerst dünn erwiesen. Und der Tod von 90 Häftlingen im Dubrava-
Gefängnis am 19. und 21. Mai 1999 schien kaum dazu angetan, die
Anklage in ein vorteilhaftes Licht zu stellen. Schließlich war die
Strafanstalt an beiden Tagen von der NATO bombardiert worden - auch
ihr Direktor kam dabei ums Leben. Ein Gefängnis angreifen, in dem
Leute eingesperrt sind und nicht fliehen können, und dann die
Verantwortung für die Toten Milosevic oder jetzt den "Amselfelder
Sechs" in die Schuhe schieben, dieses moralische Husarenstück sollte
offenkundig nicht noch einmal über die Bühne gehen. Und dann Racak.
Dem angeblichen Massenmord an 45 unbewaffneten Zivilisten hatte im
Milosevic-Prozess schon der UÇK-Kommandant Shukri Buja als Zeuge der
Anklage 2002 jede Glaubwürdigkeit entzogen.
Möglicherweise meinte es der vorsitzende Richter Bonomy gut mit den
Anklägern, als er Racak, Padaliste und Dubrava-Gefängnis als nicht
repräsentativ für die Anklage eliminiert sehen wollte. Im Frühjahr
1999 allerdings waren die Ereignisse von Racak repräsentativ genug,
um die NATO-Bomber starten zu lassen.
=== 2 ===
Le "vittime" di Racak non erano civili e non sono state giustiziate
sintesi dell'articolo di Andy Wilcoxson reperibile su http://
www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg040805.htm
a cura di P. Catapano
E' ormai da più di due anni che è in corso all'Aia in Olanda il
processo-farsa contro l'ex Presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic,
all'interno del tribunale fantoccio creato e finanziato dalla NATO,
tribunale che oltretutto è illegale, non essendo stato ratificato
dall'Assemblea Generale dell'ONU ma dal solo Consiglio di Sicurezza
che non ha l'autorità per istituire tribunali.
Da qualche mese è terminata la fase dell'accusa ed è il turno della
difesa. Ricordiamo che il Presidente Milosevic non riconosce la
legittimità del tribunale dell'Aia ed ha chiesto di difendersi da
solo, rifiutando persino i legali d'ufficio che il tribunale gli
aveva forzatamente appioppato contro i suoi diritti per tentare di
mettergli il bavaglio.
Eh sì, proprio così, il tribunale le sta tentando tutte per sfiancare
l'orgoglioso Milosevic che, pur se in precarie condizioni di salute,
ribatte colpo su colpo alle cosiddette accuse del tribunale. E'
chiaro che le fandonie che ci hanno raccontato per un decennio sono
buone per i TG e per i giornali del pensiero unico, ma quando si
tratta di formulare delle accuse giudiziarie, anche se all'interno di
un tribunale fantoccio in un processo-farsa, le cose diventano più
complicate. Volevo portare a conoscenza un episodio del dibattimento
successo nei giorni scorsi che ben fa capire quali difficoltà sta
incontrando l'accusa e l'abilità di Milosevic e dei suoi testimoni
nello smontare il processo pezzo a pezzo.
Una delle bugie più colossali che ci hanno raccontato è costituita
dal cosiddetto "massacro di Racak". Annunciato alla stampa il 15
gennaio 1999 dal navigato diplomatico americano William Walker
(all'epoca capo della missione OSCE), tale episodio costituì il "la"
per giustificare l'aggressione alla Jugoslavia di due mesi più tardi.
In pratica, nel piccolo villaggio kosovaro di Racak furono rinvenuti
40 cadaveri di etnia albanese, in fila in un unico luogo: si parlò di
massacro, di persone civili giustiziate solo perché albanesi, di
pulizia etnica, di barbarie, eccetera. La solita musichetta a cui
siamo stati tristemente abituati nel decennio scorso.
Ora, già analisti indipendenti, tra cui Juergen Elsaesser nel suo
"Menzogne di guerra", hanno sollevato molti dubbi sull'episodio,
asserendo che in realtà si è trattato di una montatura. Ci sono molte
prove infatti che porterebbero a pensare che i 40 morti potessero
essere in realtà guerriglieri dell'UCK morti in combattimenti contro
l'esercito jugoslavo nei dintorni e radunati dai loro stessi
commilitoni nel villaggio disabitato di Racak per simulare un
massacro di civili, con la regia dell'abile William Walker. Ma
venerdì scorso (e anche oggi) al processo queste prove sono state
portate al vaglio della corte da un testimone della difesa, un
esperto forense, il Prof. Slavisa Dobricanin, ex Direttore
dell'Istituto di Medicina legale di Pristina e uno degli esperti
incaricati all'epoca di svolgere le autopsie sui 40 cadaveri, insieme
ad altri esperti di altre nazionalità, tra cui la famigerata patologa
finlandese Helena Ranta, non a caso testimone dell'accusa.
Secondo il Prof. Dobricanin tutti i 40 cadaveri trovati a Racak sono
stati uccisi da colpi di arma da fuoco e nessuno è stato accoltellato
o sgozzato, come qualche albanese ha testimoniato successivamente.
Contrariamente all'asserzione dell'accusa sul fatto che gli albanesi
furono picchiati prima di essere "giustiziati", l'esperto ha
affermato che le uniche ferite oltre i colpi di arma da fuoco sono
quelle causate dagli animali che si sono accaniti sui corpi senza
vita. Inoltre i proiettili provenivano da diverse direzioni ed
angolazioni e solo in un caso un uomo è stato colpito da breve distanza.
I test del "guanto di paraffina" hanno evidenziato che 37 dei 40
morti avevano sparato prima di essere uccisi, ma l'accusa ha
insistito sul fatto che il test non è attendibile. L'esperto ha
ribadito che il test è ancor oggi utilizzato in molti paesi dalle
polizie criminali, USA compresi.
In più il professore ha detto che i cadaveri vestivano con molti
strati di abiti ed erano equipaggiati in modo da soggiornare a lungo
all'esterno ed è strano che civili strappati dalle loro case
vestissero in quel modo.
Altre indicazioni smentiscono il fatto che le vittime fossero civili
innocenti e accreditano invece l'ipotesi che si trattasse di
combattenti armati morti in battaglia. Per esempio dei documenti
video mostrati in precedenza hanno dimostrato la presenza di trincee
e bunker dell'UCK nelle immediate vicinanze del villaggio di Racak e
i fori d'ingresso delle pallottole trovate nei morti fanno pensare a
persone che si proteggevano all'interno di una trincea. Infatti solo
le parti superiori dei corpi sono state colpite.
Nel febbraio del '99 Bill Clinton in televisione disse al mondo: "Noi
dovremmo ricordare quello che è accaduto di nuovo nel villaggio di
Racak a gennaio - uomini innocenti, donne, e bambini presi dalle loro
case, costretti ad inginocchiarsi nell'immondizia, crivellati di
colpi - non a causa di qualsiasi cosa loro avessero fatto, ma a causa
di ciò che erano (cioè albanesi n.d.r.)".
Le menzogne di Clinton e della NATO, la più importante delle quali fu
Racak, servirono a scatenare 78 giorni di selvaggi bombardamenti
contro un paese sovrano, sotto la copertura dell'intervento umanitario.
=== 3 ===
From: cdsmireland
Subject: OSCE Chief William Walker - Profile and Missions
Date: April 14, 2004
WHO'S WHO IN THE BALKANS
Doc 1 - William Walker - Profile and Missions
Head of the OSCE Verification Mission in Serbia's southern province
of Kosovo-Metohija William Walker cannot be described as an
independent observer or advocate of human rights. When the US news
media began to report that a massacre had taken place on January 14th
(1999) in Yugoslavia's Kosovo Province, most replied for their
information on statements by US Ambassador William Walker. On
Walker's so-so, US-NATO warplanes could begin bombing this small
country, which has already had large pieces torn out of it in recent
years.
It is important that the world know who Walker is: a US State
Department military veteran who directed the dirty war against EL
Salvador and Nicaragua in the 1980's and lied about every aspect of it.
Walker, now the head of a NATO-imposed inspection team in Kosovo,
said he had visited the site of the Alleged massacre and declared
that he knew all the facts. He was the judge, jury and executioner
all in one. Not even a district attorney in any United States city
could so boldly make such a declaration. Guilty first.
Evidence later. The Yugoslav Government ordered Walker's expulsion.
The US media all said this was in order to cover up what had really
happened. But that's turning reality on its head. It was Walker who
spoke out before the facts could be known. He thus guaranteed that
Washington's version of what happened became the official version.
That's real cover-up.
WHO IS WALKER?
Who is Ambassador Walker? Is he the Richard Butler of Kosovo, as many
in the Balkans now believe?
Butler, an Australian acting as the head of the United Nations
inspection force in Iraq, has secretly worked for US military and
intelligence services. Members of the UN Security Council have even
charged him with fabricating his last report to fit the needs of
Washington in order to justify the Pentagon's December bombing
campaign against Iraq.
Walker heads up a NATO inspection team in Kosovo. Who makes up the
team? "Sizeable numbers have military backgrounds; a lesser number,
but also a sizeable number, have police backgrounds," Walker said at
a State Department news conference January 8th (1999 (official
transcript, US Information Service).
When asked if the Kosovo team was a spy team like the UNSCOM group in
Iraq, Walker replied, "I hope everyone on my mission is trying to
gather as much intelligence as they possibly can." Questioned again,
"Are you reporting it back to Washington?" Walker replied, "A lot of
it comes back to Washington, but it goes to all the capitals (of the
NATO powers)".
Sounds a lot like what's been happening in Iraq.
Is Walker someone who can be trusted to tell the truth about what is
happening in Kosovo? Or does his past history show that he is the
master of the political lie and cover-up? Walker is commonly
portrayed in the US media as a career diplomat now caught in the
Balkan quagmire. But that's not quite the reality. Walker does have a
long career in the US State Department. It is how he spent that
career that sheds some light on what he is doing today.
AN AIDE TO ELIOT AABRAMS AND OLIVER NORTH
Walker began his diplomatic career in 1961 in Peru. In 1985 he was
made Deputy Assistant Secretary of state for Central America. He was
a key operator in the Reagan White House's operation to overthrow the
Nicaraguan government, run by Lt. Col. Oliver North and Assistant
Secretary of State Eliot Abrams. Walker was a special assistant to
Abrams, according to charges filed in US District Court by
Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh.
According to the court record, Walker was responsible for setting up
a phoney humanitarian operation at an airbase in Ilponga, El
Salvador. It was secretly used to run guns, ammunition and supplies
to the contra mercenaries attacking Nicaragua. Independent Counsel
Walsh believed that Walker was one of the key players in Oliver
North's operations, according to court records. Later, from 1988 to
1992, Walker was the US Ambassador to El Salvador. That was the
period when military death squads reigned. Many in these death squads
were trained at the US military' School of the Americas at Ft.
Benning near Columbus, Ga.
"SILENT PARTICIPANT" IN KILLING OF JESUITS
A document presented last November 16 by anti-war activists at a
protest outside the School of Americas gave details of one of the
massacres:
"On November 16, 1989, an armed group of men from El Salvador's US
Trained Atlacat1 military battalion, most of them SOA graduates,
entered a dormitory of the Jose Simeon Canas University of Central
America at 2.30 to 3 am. They dragged six priests from their beds and
then shot them in the head. Then they killed the priests' cook and
her 15 year old daughter."
The priests were believed to be sympathetic to the liberation army
fighting against the US-backed Government. The Jesuits have charged
that Walker was a "silent participant" in the massacre.
Years later, on May 6, 1996, Walker headed a ceremony in Washington
to honour 5,000 US soldiers who had secretly fought in El Salvador.
At the time Walker was Ambassador, the official story was that there
were only 50 US military "advisers" in El Salvador.
AN EXPERIENCED LIAR
So Walker is not someone used to telling the truth. He could not
honestly be characterised as an independent observer or a human
rights advocate. He is probably up to his old tricks in Kosovo. This
time, his actions give backing to a different contra army, the contra
"Kosovo Liberation Army". Some European newspapers have begun to
refer to NATO as the KLA Air Force.
Walker's actions are clearly meant to destabilise the Yugoslav
government. His statements could be used to justify a NATO military
attack, if the US government decides to do that. On January 12, three
top Yugoslav officials, including a prominent opponent of the
Government of Slobodan Milosevic, held a news conference to show a
top-secret CIA document on US plans to oust Milosevic. The document
said that $35 million was to be funnelled to opposition groups in
Yugoslavia. The US Senate has passed a bill calling for the overthrow
of Milosevic.
A war is being waged against the Government of Yugoslavia. The so-
called Kosovo liberation Army, which has adopted the uniform of the
fascist occupiers of the region during World War II, has backing from
the United States, Germany and Israel. On news of the alleged
massacre, right-wing Israeli Ariel Sharon wrote a statement that was
passed by parliament condemning the Yugoslav Government and calling
for its ouster.
No one should get caught up in the media hysteria of the moment. The
truth of what happened in the Kosovo village of Racak may never be
fully known. Yugoslav forensic teams were prevented by the KLA from
visiting the site or examining the bodies before Walker made his
statements..
The story given out to the world has come through Walker and his team
of military "experts". (Tanjug, Belgrade, January 22, 1999).
(Refer item below re Racak)
=== 4 ===
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug
January 29, 2004
Forensic expert says Racak incident was used to
justify NATO air strikes
19:22 NIS , Jan 28 (Tanjug) - Forensic expert Prof
Vujadin Otasevic, who was a member of the team which
performed the autopsy of bodies found in the Racak
village in Kosovo-Metohija in 1999, has reiterated
that this incident was used to cast the blame on
Serbia for the alleged massacre of ethnic Albanian
civilians and to justify the NATO military
intervention against the then Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
The Serbian authorities at the time failed to use the
findings of the forensic team, who had determined that
the ethnic Albanians killed in Racak had all been
members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, that they were
killed in combat and that no massacre was perpetrated
againt them, Otasevic said.
---
Finnish Pathologist Criticises Milosevic Trial
This article from Germany focuses on the alleged Racak massacre in
Kosovo which NATO used as the excuse to bomb Yugoslavia. Helena Ranta
was head of the European Union's investigation team and she dissented
from the NATO view, stating that from first hand evidence she doubted
any massacre took place. She now criticises the way false evidence is
included in NATO's 'trial' of Slobodan Milosevic at The Hague.
Again we see how this show-trial is based on lies and illegalities.
This is an important time. The prosecution is completing its case
this week and the 'tribunal' has limited Milosevic' time to prepare
his defence to three months (the prosecution had ten years!!). Also
they demand he produces his list of witnesses within six weeks. He
has to work on this from his prison cell where he is held practically
incommunicado. The tribunal reserves its privilege to deny any
witness Milosevic may wish to call.
While the prosecution has unlimited finances the defence team is
sorely in need of donations. The main aim right now is to finance the
presence in The Hague of a key legal advisor for Mr. Milosevic. An
appeal will be put out soon but if you are willing to donate or fund-
raise please contact me at p.davidson@... and I will
endeavour to put you in touch with your nearest committee.
Thanks
Paul D
Ranta: ICTY indictment based on the Walker's statement with no legal
value
No interest on Serb victims
Markus Bickel, Berliner Zeitung, January 17, 2004
Finnish pathologist Helena Ranta said the work of the Hague tribunal
regarding the so-called Racak massacre was incomprehensible. The
former head
of the forensic team the European Union sent to the Kosovo-Albanian
village of Racak in January 1999 to investigate the events there, in a
conversation with Berliner Zeitung, criticized the UN tribunal for not
following up the evidence that there was heavy fighting between Serb
soldiers and the Kosovo-Albanian fighters during the night of January
15-16, 1999 in the Racak-region.
Western politicians used the tragedy in the village of Racak, where 40
Albanians died exactely 5 years ago, to prove to the public that the
upcoming NATO attack on Yugoslavia was necessary.
US diplomat William Walker played the leading role. The chief of the
OSCE mission in Kosovo immediately accused the Serbs of having killed 45
unarmed Albanian civilians at close range in Racak. The Serbian side
rejected this interpretation und spoke instead about KLA soldiers killed
in battle.
Pictures not published
She knew, that at that time "KLA-fighters were buried around Racak,"
said Ranta. "At that time I received information that proved that
several Serb soldiers had been killed as well. Unfortunately, we will
never know the exact number of Serb soldiers that died that night." It
would be appropriate "to ask the tribunal why they are not interested in
that number."
Ranta criticized the indictment against former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic in the case of Racak for mostly following the Walker
version. "When Ambassador Walker said that there was a massacre at
Racak, this statement had no legal value. I declared at that time that
the OSCE-observers forgot to take all steps necessary to secure a crime
scene: isolating the area, refusing admission to all
unauthorized persons and colletinig all material evidence.
Ranta demanded that in addition to the OSCE pictures the tribunal also
use the pictures taken by two additional photographers, shot several
hours prior to the arrival of OCSE-observers.
The pictures show "that at least one of the bodies was moved afterwards
â?" that body is not seen on OSCE-pictures."
Left in the lurch
In the days prior to the NATO-attack on Yugoslavia it was clear "that a
bunch of governments were interested in a version of Racak that blamed
only the Serb side," said Ranta. "But I could not provide this version."
Her instructions came from the German diplomat Pauls. The representative
of the then-German EU-presidency asked for a written statement.
"Afterwards, I had to show these personal statements to William Walker,
who was obviously not amused when he read it." Still, she agreed to take
part in the important press conference on March 17, 1999. "At that
(conference), I was sitting with the German ambassador to Belgrade,
Gruber, and a Finnish diplomat on the podium. I hoped that those
gentlemen would support me." But that was not the case. "I rather had
the feeling that I was left in the lurch," said Ranta.
As a result of the Walker dominated press-conference most of the media
accepted the version of a Serb massacre of Albanian civilians as proven.
A few days later the NATO-airattacks on Yugoslavia began.
(Translated from German by C.Schuetz & J.Catalinotto)
=== 5 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/pv020703.htm
"MASSACRE" PHOTOS PROVE RACAK BODIES WERE TAMPERED WITH
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - February 12, 2004
Written by: Andy Wilcoxson
Research by: Pieter Vervaeke
The photos that you see above (SEE: http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/
news/pv020703.htm ) were all taken on January 16, 1999 in a gully
near the Kosovo village of Racak, a KLA stronghold surrounded with
trenches and bunkers. According to NATO propaganda, and the Hague
Tribunal, Yugoslav security forces had massacred Albanian civilians
there the day before. NATO then used the Racack ‘Masacre’ to sell
it’s forthcoming war against Yugoslavia to the public opinion.
(PHOTO: Members of the KLA regularly wore civilian clothes.)
The Yugoslav government claimed that the only people killed in the
vicinity of Racak were members of the KLA, who had been engaged in
combat activities against the state security forces, which launched
an anti-terrorist operation on the 15th of January. The Yugoslav
Government claimed that the KLA took its war dead and placed them in
the ditch, in order to make it appear as though a massacre of
civilians had taken place. KLA forces were regularly fighting in
civilian clothes.
Now take a good look at the photos. According to the website of the
so-called "Kosova Crisis center," Photo 1 was taken by the Kosovo-
Albanian newspaper KOHA Ditore on January 16th (WARNING: explicit
images!). You can see that it is still quite early in the morning.
There is still frost on the ground and the sunlight is coming from a
low angle.
Now take a look at Photos 2 and 3. Both are part of prosecution
exhibit 156 in the Milosevic "trial" at the Hague Tribunal. Both
photos were taken later in the day on the 16th of January by members
of the OSCE's Kosovo Verification Mission. Photo 2 is a close-up of
the same man, and Photo 3 shows the same man again as Walker is
arriving on the scene with his delegation.
Can you spot the difference between the two pictures? In Photo 1 the
man is not wearing a cap, and in Photos 2 and 3 somebody has placed
the traditional white Albanian cap on his head.
Photo 3 was a topic of discussion at the Milosevic "trial" on April
15, 2002 when Slobodan Milosevic was cross-examining William Walker's
assistant, Karol Drewienkiewicz (Page 3118, line 14 of the transcript):
MILOSEVIC: You saw the photograph of Walker with the whole team of
people next -- and the Albanian next to the body with the Albanian
white cap on the man's head. How is it possible for somebody to be
hit in the head and have his cap remain on his head, which is like
the shell on an egg? When people jump out of their shoes when they
are hit in this way, whereas this man has his white cap intact on his
head. Did you have in mind that this could possibly be a rigged scene
for television purposes and the distribution of bodies there and how
they were piled up?
DREWIENKIEWICZ: That was -- that certainly was one of the thoughts
that went through my head as I was going up the hill. By the time I
had seen the bodies and the way they were piled together, I
concluded, to the best of my knowledge, that they had not been moved,
that they had been killed where they lay. That was my opinion at the
end of my time on the top of that hill in the gully, and it remains
my opinion. And if I was a terrorist, I wouldn't go around with a
white hat on.
MILOSEVIC: Well, that's precisely what I'm claiming, that he didn't
go around with a white hat on but that somebody placed it on his head
afterwards, because forensic experts say that from a shot of that
kind and a wound with that kind, your eyes would pop out let alone a
cap being displaced from your head. He wasn't born with a cap on his
head.
DREWIENKIEWICZ: It was my view at the end of my time in that gully on
that hill that those people had been killed where they lay. I did not
think the bodies had been interfered with.
///END TRANSCRIPT EXCERPT///
Unfortunately, Slobodan Milosevic did not have Photo 1 in his
possession at the time of that cross-examination. Photo 1 proves that
the bodies had been tampered with, and that somebody put the hat on
the man's head after the fact.
Another interesting excerpt from that same transcript (Page 3095
beginning with line 18) shows that the OSCE had to pass through the
KLA's trenches in order to even get to the so-called "massacre" scene:
MILOSEVIC: And do you know that the entire village was encircled by
trenches and bunkers, that they were all round the village, and even
behind the village, towards Jezerske Planine, the mountains, there
was another line or row of trenches?
DREWIENKIEWICZ: I am aware that there was one quite long trench,
probably about between 50 and 80 yards or metres long, that I walked
over on my way up the hill to the gully. That was the only trench
that I was aware of.
///END TRANSCRIPT EXCERPT///
The alleged "massacre" scene was on territory controlled by the KLA,
and the photos prove that the bodies were being tampered with. In
light of this information it seems highly likely that the Yugoslav
government was telling the truth and that the scene had been rigged.
---
SEE ALSO: http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg040805.htm
---
Milutinovic-Prozess in Den Haag und "Fall Racak"
Di seguito (1) riproduciamo un report della rivista tedesca FreiTag
dal "processo" a Milan Milutinovic, ex presidente della Serbia, in
atto nel "Tribunale ad hoc" dell'Aia, dove i boia di Milosevic
insistono ossessivamente con il loro teorema della "impresa criminale
congiunta" della leadership serba contro il resto del mondo. Il
risultato "rilevante" che hanno recentemente ottenuto è stato quello
di dover... lasciar perdere il caso del "massacro di Racak" del
gennaio 1999, vera e propria montatura mediatica dello statunitense
Walker, che nessuno ha più oramai la faccia tosta di presentare come
un "massacro di civili inermi".
Inoltre riportiamo:
(2) una sintesi di un report di A. Wilcoxon, dell'aprile 2005, a
proposito di una vecchia udienza sullo stesso tema:
Le "vittime" di Racak non erano civili e non sono state giustiziate
(3) una analisi sulla figura di Walker:
William Walker - Profile and Missions
(4) documentazione sulla deposizione all'Aia (nel febbraio 2004) del
medico legale finlandese Helena Ranta, che analizzò la scena del
"delitto";
Ranta: ICTY indictment based on the Walker's statement with no legal
value
Markus Bickel, Berliner Zeitung, January 17, 2004
(5) una analisi di foto dei cadaveri e parte della deposizione di
Milosevic sull'argomento:
"MASSACRE" PHOTOS PROVE RACAK BODIES WERE TAMPERED WITH (2004)
Sul "caso Racak" si vedano anche i documenti:
# Complete Analysis of the Incident at Racak on Jan. 15, 1999 - by
Chris Soda
at: http://www.bernal.co.uk/Research/Racak.html
or: http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/politics/kosovo/papers/racak.html
or: http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/9362/uck/Racak.htm
# RACAK: THE BATTLE AND THE LIES. What really happened in the Kosovo
village of Racak
By a participant in Operation Racak - Srpska Politika, Belgrade
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/decani/message/79991
=== 1 ===
http://www.freitag.de/2006/30/06300801.php
Aus FREITAG, 28.07.06
Germinal Civikov
Die Amselfelder Sechs
MILUTINOVIC-PROZESS IN DEN HAAG
Auf den ersten Blick eine Neuauflage des Verfahrens gegen Slobodan
Milosevic - auf den zweiten nicht mehr
Ob wir uns noch alle an die erschütternden Fernsehbilder aus dem
Kosovo vom Frühjahr 1999 erinnern könnten, fragt Hauptankläger Thomas
Hannis zur Prozesseröffnung. Eine rhetorische Frage - wer könnte
diese Bilder vergessen? Trotzdem lässt er einige Videoaufnahmen
vorführen. Auf dem Monitor im Gerichtssaal erscheinen zunächst lange
Flüchtlingstrecks, die durch den Kosovo ziehen, dann in Nahaufnahme
verzweifelte Frauen und Kinder, schließlich bekommen wir eine Minute
lang das Flüchtlingselend in den Camps an der mazedonischen Grenze zu
sehen. Das Bombardement der Bilder, bevor und während Bomben und
Raketen auf den letzten jugoslawischen Staat fielen. Im Verlauf des
gesamten Prozesses wolle er dem journalistischen Prinzip immer wieder
Tribut zollen, lässt der Ankläger wissen, ein hagerer und etwas
überspannt wirkender Mittfünfziger. Er gedenke nämlich, in seiner
Beweisführung Antwort auf die klassischen sechs Fragen zu geben -
was, wann, wo, wer, wie und warum.
Dieses Versprechen ist kein gutes Omen für den neuen Mega-Prozess vor
dem Haager Jugoslawien-Tribunal, dieser eigentümlichen Neu- oder
Nachauflage des unglückseligen Milosevic-Verfahrens, das durch den
Tod des Angeklagten am 10. März ohne einen Urteilsspruch zu einem
Ende kam. Auch in diesem Prozess wollte die Anklage mit Zeugen und
Dokumenten ein Medienbild beweisen: das der fundamentalen Schuld
eines Slobodan Milosevic und der Serben an den Kriegen und den damit
einhergehenden Verbrechen in Ex-Jugoslawien. Am Ende der
Beweisführung der Anklage starb der vorsitzende Richter Richard May,
am Ende seiner eigenen Beweisführung der Angeklagte Slobodan
Milosevic, der zweite vorsitzende Richter Patrick Robinson ist wie
verschollen, und Hauptankläger Geoffrey Nice leckt heute irgendwo auf
den britischen Inseln seine Wunden. Kurz, dieser Prozess war kein
Ruhmesblatt, für niemanden, weil man ein Medienbild nun einmal nicht
beweisen kann.
Es klingt nicht einmal mehr nach lebenslänglich
Im Juli 2006 sitzen im Gerichtssaal 1 am Churchillplein Nr. 1 von Den
Haag anstatt des einsamen, von zwei Polizisten bewachten Milosevic
gleich sechs Angeklagte hinter der Glaswand. Keine Häftlinge im
eigentlichen Sinne. Während Milosevic wirklich hinter Gittern saß und
durch vielerlei Tricks nicht einmal seine Familie zu sehen bekam,
sind diese Herrschaften zur Prozesseröffnung gerade aus Belgrad
angekommen und dürfen nach Hause zurück fliegen, wenn das Haager
Tribunal seine Sommerpause einlegt. Auf der Anklagebank sitzen der
ehemalige Präsident Serbiens, Milan Milutinovic, der ehemalige
Vizepremier Jugoslawiens, Nikola Sainovic, Milosevics einstiger
Generalstabschef, Dragoljub Ojdanic, der ehemalige Kommandant der 3.
Armee, Nebojsa Pavkovic, der Ex-Oberbefehlshaber des Pristina-Korps,
Vladimir Lazarevic, und der frühere Polizeikommandant des Kosovo,
Sreten Lukic. Die sechs verkörpern so etwas wie den Kern der
politischen und militärischen Führung der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien,
die es kurz vor ihrem endgültigen Untergang noch auf einen Krieg mit
der NATO ankommen ließ, anstatt sich gehorsam zu unterwerfen. Mancher
könnte glauben, man habe sie deswegen angeklagt. Keineswegs, in der
Anklageschrift werden sie beschuldigt, ein "Gemeinsames
Verbrecherisches Unternehmen" (Joint Criminal Enterprise oder JCE)
geplant und ausgeführt zu haben, das unter Führung von Slobodan
Milosevic zu den Kriegsverbrechen im Kosovo und zur Vertreibung der
Kosovo-Albaner geführt habe.
Zwei der Verschwörer sind nicht dabei: Der einstige Innenminister
Vlajko Stojiljkovic, der sich im April 2002 auf den Stufen des
Parlaments in Belgrad eine Kugel durch den Kopf jagte, und der
ehemalige Leiter des Departements für öffentliche Sicherheit,
Vlastimir Djordjevic, der untergetaucht und wie vom Erdboden
verschluckt ist.
Ankläger Hannis muss jetzt nur noch beweisen, dass "die Amselfelder
Sechs" - wie eine Belgrader Zeitung die Angeklagten sprachinnovativ
nennt - diese Verschwörung auch tatsächlich repräsentieren. Was von
denen vehement verneint wird: Ein solches Komplott habe weder
existiert noch habe man dazu beigetragen.
Der Ankläger ließ es sich daraufhin nicht nehmen, einige der so
genannten "Insider-Zeugen" anzukündigen, die schon im Milosevic-
Prozess mehrfach das spärliche Publikum erheitert hatten. Diese
Insider, so der Ankläger, würden "von innen heraus" - als Eingeweihte
sozusagen - die Existenz der Verschwörung beweisen. Thomas Hannis
wörtlich in seinem Eingangsplädoyer: "Die Insider werden unfreiwillig
erscheinen, um ihr Zeugnis abzulegen. Manche werden nicht mit reinen
Händen kommen. Das liegt daran, dass derjenige, der in einem
Gerichtsverfahren gegen angeklagte Serben als Zeuge über das
›Gemeinsame Verbrecherische Unternehmen‹ aussagt, in Serbien als
Verräter gilt. Daher erwarte ich, dass Sie diesem Umstand Rechnung
tragen." - Man darf gespannt sein, es scheinen sich ähnliche
Lichtgestalten anzukündigen wie im Milosevic-Prozess - etwa
Hochstapler wie Ratomir Tanic und Slobodan Lazarevic, die sich dort
mit Erfolg als Zeugen angeboten hatten, um in den Genuss der
Schutzmaßnahmen zu kommen, die ihnen die Anklagebehörde als
Gegenleistung anbot. In der Regel ein neues Leben für den "Insider"
und seine Familie - sprich: eine neue Identität in einer neuen Heimat.
Während das verbrecherische Ziel der JCE-Verschwörung im Milosevic-
Prozess laut Anklage darin bestand, Angriffskriege geführt und
ethnische Vertreibungen organisiert zu haben, um ein Groß-Serbien zu
erschaffen, sollen sich die "Amselfelder Sechs" dazu verschworen
haben, "das ethnische Gleichgewicht im Kosovo zu ändern, um die
Kontrolle Serbiens über die Provinz wieder herzustellen". Das ist nur
noch ein Abglanz der Milosevic vorgeworfenen Vergehen und klingt
nicht einmal mehr nach lebenslänglich.
Neu ist auch, dass im Unterschied zu Milosevic, der sich selber
verteidigte, die "Amselfelder Sechs" den Mund halten und ihre
Verteidigung zwölf Rechtsanwälten anvertraut haben, die in schwarzer
Amtstracht die ganze rechte Hälfte des Gerichtsaals einnehmen und im
Zeugenverhör mühelos von englisch auf serbokroatisch umschalten.
Ihnen gegenüber nimmt sich das Team der Ankläger eher bescheiden aus,
und das nicht nur zahlenmäßig. Es macht den Eindruck, als sei es sich
seiner Sache nicht sonderlich sicher. Im Unterschied zu seinem
Vorgänger Geoffrey Nice hat Thomas Hannis auch größte Mühe, Personen-
und Ortsnamen nur halbwegs korrekt auszusprechen, und ist schon bei
den ersten Zeugen dabei, nach Punkten zu verlieren.
Etwa bei Sandra Mitchell, die innerhalb der Kosovo-
Verifikationsmission der OSZE 1998/99 eine Beobachtergruppe leitete
und beauftragt war, Menschenrechtsverletzungen aufzudecken und zu
dokumentieren. Ergebnis ihrer Arbeit war ein 750-Seiten-Report mit
dem Titel As seen, as told ("Wie gesehen, so erzählt"), der für sich
in Anspruch nahm, die Lage der Menschenrechte im Kosovo Ende der
neunziger Jahre erschöpfend zu analysieren. Als Zeugin gegen
Milosevic konnte Mitchell im Juli 2002 das Haager Tribunal in dem
Bewusstsein verlassen, die Richter würden ihren Bericht als
offizielles Beweisstück zu den Akten nehmen. Später hatte
Hauptankläger Geoffrey Nice ihrem Report gelegentlich durch
Handauflegen wie einer Bibel gehuldigt. Und in Augenblicken größter
Aufregung hob er ihn mit zwei Händen hoch wie Moses die Gesetzestafeln.
Die Anklagepunkte Racak, Padaliste und Dubrava-Gefängnis
So ruft Thomas Hannis Sandra Mitchell denn auch gleich als erste
Zeugin auf. Doch werden nach ihrem Auftritt mehrere Anwälte der
Verteidigung zwei Sitzungstage lang das wiederum als Beweisstück
eingereichte As seen, as told dermaßen zerpflücken, dass es für die
Anklage enorm an Wert verliert. Dieses Dokument - wird moniert -
enthalte lauter Aussagen aus zweiter und dritter Hand, die dazu noch
unprofessionell und selektiv abgenommen worden seien. Deren
Wahrheitsgehalt sei außerdem nicht überprüfbar. Im Übrigen sei der
ganze Bericht nachweislich unter der Aufsicht der Anklagebehörde des
Tribunals entstanden, was seine Objektivität stark in Zweifel ziehe.
Die damalige Chefanklägerin Louise Arbour habe sogar das Vorwort
geschrieben, reklamiert einer der Verteidiger.
Eine empfindliche Schlappe hat die Anklagebehörde schon vor
Prozessbeginn einstecken müssen. Am 8. Juli nämlich entschieden die
drei Richter unter dem Vorsitz von Ian Bonomy, dass die
Anklagepunkte, die sich auf die angeblichen Massenmorde in Racak,
Padaliste und im Dubrava-Gefängnis bezogen, zu streichen seien. Sie
erschienen "nicht repräsentativ" für dieses Verfahren. Auch das ist
ein Novum, hieß es doch bisher, die Ankläger des Tribunals könnten
völlig autonom vorgehen.
Weshalb eigentlich sollten ausgerechnet diese drei Anklagepunkte aus
dem Milosevic-Prozess übernommen werden? Die Beweise für den
angeblichen Massenmord in Padaliste (März 1999) hatten sich schon da
als äußerst dünn erwiesen. Und der Tod von 90 Häftlingen im Dubrava-
Gefängnis am 19. und 21. Mai 1999 schien kaum dazu angetan, die
Anklage in ein vorteilhaftes Licht zu stellen. Schließlich war die
Strafanstalt an beiden Tagen von der NATO bombardiert worden - auch
ihr Direktor kam dabei ums Leben. Ein Gefängnis angreifen, in dem
Leute eingesperrt sind und nicht fliehen können, und dann die
Verantwortung für die Toten Milosevic oder jetzt den "Amselfelder
Sechs" in die Schuhe schieben, dieses moralische Husarenstück sollte
offenkundig nicht noch einmal über die Bühne gehen. Und dann Racak.
Dem angeblichen Massenmord an 45 unbewaffneten Zivilisten hatte im
Milosevic-Prozess schon der UÇK-Kommandant Shukri Buja als Zeuge der
Anklage 2002 jede Glaubwürdigkeit entzogen.
Möglicherweise meinte es der vorsitzende Richter Bonomy gut mit den
Anklägern, als er Racak, Padaliste und Dubrava-Gefängnis als nicht
repräsentativ für die Anklage eliminiert sehen wollte. Im Frühjahr
1999 allerdings waren die Ereignisse von Racak repräsentativ genug,
um die NATO-Bomber starten zu lassen.
=== 2 ===
Le "vittime" di Racak non erano civili e non sono state giustiziate
sintesi dell'articolo di Andy Wilcoxson reperibile su http://
www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg040805.htm
a cura di P. Catapano
E' ormai da più di due anni che è in corso all'Aia in Olanda il
processo-farsa contro l'ex Presidente jugoslavo Slobodan Milosevic,
all'interno del tribunale fantoccio creato e finanziato dalla NATO,
tribunale che oltretutto è illegale, non essendo stato ratificato
dall'Assemblea Generale dell'ONU ma dal solo Consiglio di Sicurezza
che non ha l'autorità per istituire tribunali.
Da qualche mese è terminata la fase dell'accusa ed è il turno della
difesa. Ricordiamo che il Presidente Milosevic non riconosce la
legittimità del tribunale dell'Aia ed ha chiesto di difendersi da
solo, rifiutando persino i legali d'ufficio che il tribunale gli
aveva forzatamente appioppato contro i suoi diritti per tentare di
mettergli il bavaglio.
Eh sì, proprio così, il tribunale le sta tentando tutte per sfiancare
l'orgoglioso Milosevic che, pur se in precarie condizioni di salute,
ribatte colpo su colpo alle cosiddette accuse del tribunale. E'
chiaro che le fandonie che ci hanno raccontato per un decennio sono
buone per i TG e per i giornali del pensiero unico, ma quando si
tratta di formulare delle accuse giudiziarie, anche se all'interno di
un tribunale fantoccio in un processo-farsa, le cose diventano più
complicate. Volevo portare a conoscenza un episodio del dibattimento
successo nei giorni scorsi che ben fa capire quali difficoltà sta
incontrando l'accusa e l'abilità di Milosevic e dei suoi testimoni
nello smontare il processo pezzo a pezzo.
Una delle bugie più colossali che ci hanno raccontato è costituita
dal cosiddetto "massacro di Racak". Annunciato alla stampa il 15
gennaio 1999 dal navigato diplomatico americano William Walker
(all'epoca capo della missione OSCE), tale episodio costituì il "la"
per giustificare l'aggressione alla Jugoslavia di due mesi più tardi.
In pratica, nel piccolo villaggio kosovaro di Racak furono rinvenuti
40 cadaveri di etnia albanese, in fila in un unico luogo: si parlò di
massacro, di persone civili giustiziate solo perché albanesi, di
pulizia etnica, di barbarie, eccetera. La solita musichetta a cui
siamo stati tristemente abituati nel decennio scorso.
Ora, già analisti indipendenti, tra cui Juergen Elsaesser nel suo
"Menzogne di guerra", hanno sollevato molti dubbi sull'episodio,
asserendo che in realtà si è trattato di una montatura. Ci sono molte
prove infatti che porterebbero a pensare che i 40 morti potessero
essere in realtà guerriglieri dell'UCK morti in combattimenti contro
l'esercito jugoslavo nei dintorni e radunati dai loro stessi
commilitoni nel villaggio disabitato di Racak per simulare un
massacro di civili, con la regia dell'abile William Walker. Ma
venerdì scorso (e anche oggi) al processo queste prove sono state
portate al vaglio della corte da un testimone della difesa, un
esperto forense, il Prof. Slavisa Dobricanin, ex Direttore
dell'Istituto di Medicina legale di Pristina e uno degli esperti
incaricati all'epoca di svolgere le autopsie sui 40 cadaveri, insieme
ad altri esperti di altre nazionalità, tra cui la famigerata patologa
finlandese Helena Ranta, non a caso testimone dell'accusa.
Secondo il Prof. Dobricanin tutti i 40 cadaveri trovati a Racak sono
stati uccisi da colpi di arma da fuoco e nessuno è stato accoltellato
o sgozzato, come qualche albanese ha testimoniato successivamente.
Contrariamente all'asserzione dell'accusa sul fatto che gli albanesi
furono picchiati prima di essere "giustiziati", l'esperto ha
affermato che le uniche ferite oltre i colpi di arma da fuoco sono
quelle causate dagli animali che si sono accaniti sui corpi senza
vita. Inoltre i proiettili provenivano da diverse direzioni ed
angolazioni e solo in un caso un uomo è stato colpito da breve distanza.
I test del "guanto di paraffina" hanno evidenziato che 37 dei 40
morti avevano sparato prima di essere uccisi, ma l'accusa ha
insistito sul fatto che il test non è attendibile. L'esperto ha
ribadito che il test è ancor oggi utilizzato in molti paesi dalle
polizie criminali, USA compresi.
In più il professore ha detto che i cadaveri vestivano con molti
strati di abiti ed erano equipaggiati in modo da soggiornare a lungo
all'esterno ed è strano che civili strappati dalle loro case
vestissero in quel modo.
Altre indicazioni smentiscono il fatto che le vittime fossero civili
innocenti e accreditano invece l'ipotesi che si trattasse di
combattenti armati morti in battaglia. Per esempio dei documenti
video mostrati in precedenza hanno dimostrato la presenza di trincee
e bunker dell'UCK nelle immediate vicinanze del villaggio di Racak e
i fori d'ingresso delle pallottole trovate nei morti fanno pensare a
persone che si proteggevano all'interno di una trincea. Infatti solo
le parti superiori dei corpi sono state colpite.
Nel febbraio del '99 Bill Clinton in televisione disse al mondo: "Noi
dovremmo ricordare quello che è accaduto di nuovo nel villaggio di
Racak a gennaio - uomini innocenti, donne, e bambini presi dalle loro
case, costretti ad inginocchiarsi nell'immondizia, crivellati di
colpi - non a causa di qualsiasi cosa loro avessero fatto, ma a causa
di ciò che erano (cioè albanesi n.d.r.)".
Le menzogne di Clinton e della NATO, la più importante delle quali fu
Racak, servirono a scatenare 78 giorni di selvaggi bombardamenti
contro un paese sovrano, sotto la copertura dell'intervento umanitario.
=== 3 ===
From: cdsmireland
Subject: OSCE Chief William Walker - Profile and Missions
Date: April 14, 2004
WHO'S WHO IN THE BALKANS
Doc 1 - William Walker - Profile and Missions
Head of the OSCE Verification Mission in Serbia's southern province
of Kosovo-Metohija William Walker cannot be described as an
independent observer or advocate of human rights. When the US news
media began to report that a massacre had taken place on January 14th
(1999) in Yugoslavia's Kosovo Province, most replied for their
information on statements by US Ambassador William Walker. On
Walker's so-so, US-NATO warplanes could begin bombing this small
country, which has already had large pieces torn out of it in recent
years.
It is important that the world know who Walker is: a US State
Department military veteran who directed the dirty war against EL
Salvador and Nicaragua in the 1980's and lied about every aspect of it.
Walker, now the head of a NATO-imposed inspection team in Kosovo,
said he had visited the site of the Alleged massacre and declared
that he knew all the facts. He was the judge, jury and executioner
all in one. Not even a district attorney in any United States city
could so boldly make such a declaration. Guilty first.
Evidence later. The Yugoslav Government ordered Walker's expulsion.
The US media all said this was in order to cover up what had really
happened. But that's turning reality on its head. It was Walker who
spoke out before the facts could be known. He thus guaranteed that
Washington's version of what happened became the official version.
That's real cover-up.
WHO IS WALKER?
Who is Ambassador Walker? Is he the Richard Butler of Kosovo, as many
in the Balkans now believe?
Butler, an Australian acting as the head of the United Nations
inspection force in Iraq, has secretly worked for US military and
intelligence services. Members of the UN Security Council have even
charged him with fabricating his last report to fit the needs of
Washington in order to justify the Pentagon's December bombing
campaign against Iraq.
Walker heads up a NATO inspection team in Kosovo. Who makes up the
team? "Sizeable numbers have military backgrounds; a lesser number,
but also a sizeable number, have police backgrounds," Walker said at
a State Department news conference January 8th (1999 (official
transcript, US Information Service).
When asked if the Kosovo team was a spy team like the UNSCOM group in
Iraq, Walker replied, "I hope everyone on my mission is trying to
gather as much intelligence as they possibly can." Questioned again,
"Are you reporting it back to Washington?" Walker replied, "A lot of
it comes back to Washington, but it goes to all the capitals (of the
NATO powers)".
Sounds a lot like what's been happening in Iraq.
Is Walker someone who can be trusted to tell the truth about what is
happening in Kosovo? Or does his past history show that he is the
master of the political lie and cover-up? Walker is commonly
portrayed in the US media as a career diplomat now caught in the
Balkan quagmire. But that's not quite the reality. Walker does have a
long career in the US State Department. It is how he spent that
career that sheds some light on what he is doing today.
AN AIDE TO ELIOT AABRAMS AND OLIVER NORTH
Walker began his diplomatic career in 1961 in Peru. In 1985 he was
made Deputy Assistant Secretary of state for Central America. He was
a key operator in the Reagan White House's operation to overthrow the
Nicaraguan government, run by Lt. Col. Oliver North and Assistant
Secretary of State Eliot Abrams. Walker was a special assistant to
Abrams, according to charges filed in US District Court by
Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh.
According to the court record, Walker was responsible for setting up
a phoney humanitarian operation at an airbase in Ilponga, El
Salvador. It was secretly used to run guns, ammunition and supplies
to the contra mercenaries attacking Nicaragua. Independent Counsel
Walsh believed that Walker was one of the key players in Oliver
North's operations, according to court records. Later, from 1988 to
1992, Walker was the US Ambassador to El Salvador. That was the
period when military death squads reigned. Many in these death squads
were trained at the US military' School of the Americas at Ft.
Benning near Columbus, Ga.
"SILENT PARTICIPANT" IN KILLING OF JESUITS
A document presented last November 16 by anti-war activists at a
protest outside the School of Americas gave details of one of the
massacres:
"On November 16, 1989, an armed group of men from El Salvador's US
Trained Atlacat1 military battalion, most of them SOA graduates,
entered a dormitory of the Jose Simeon Canas University of Central
America at 2.30 to 3 am. They dragged six priests from their beds and
then shot them in the head. Then they killed the priests' cook and
her 15 year old daughter."
The priests were believed to be sympathetic to the liberation army
fighting against the US-backed Government. The Jesuits have charged
that Walker was a "silent participant" in the massacre.
Years later, on May 6, 1996, Walker headed a ceremony in Washington
to honour 5,000 US soldiers who had secretly fought in El Salvador.
At the time Walker was Ambassador, the official story was that there
were only 50 US military "advisers" in El Salvador.
AN EXPERIENCED LIAR
So Walker is not someone used to telling the truth. He could not
honestly be characterised as an independent observer or a human
rights advocate. He is probably up to his old tricks in Kosovo. This
time, his actions give backing to a different contra army, the contra
"Kosovo Liberation Army". Some European newspapers have begun to
refer to NATO as the KLA Air Force.
Walker's actions are clearly meant to destabilise the Yugoslav
government. His statements could be used to justify a NATO military
attack, if the US government decides to do that. On January 12, three
top Yugoslav officials, including a prominent opponent of the
Government of Slobodan Milosevic, held a news conference to show a
top-secret CIA document on US plans to oust Milosevic. The document
said that $35 million was to be funnelled to opposition groups in
Yugoslavia. The US Senate has passed a bill calling for the overthrow
of Milosevic.
A war is being waged against the Government of Yugoslavia. The so-
called Kosovo liberation Army, which has adopted the uniform of the
fascist occupiers of the region during World War II, has backing from
the United States, Germany and Israel. On news of the alleged
massacre, right-wing Israeli Ariel Sharon wrote a statement that was
passed by parliament condemning the Yugoslav Government and calling
for its ouster.
No one should get caught up in the media hysteria of the moment. The
truth of what happened in the Kosovo village of Racak may never be
fully known. Yugoslav forensic teams were prevented by the KLA from
visiting the site or examining the bodies before Walker made his
statements..
The story given out to the world has come through Walker and his team
of military "experts". (Tanjug, Belgrade, January 22, 1999).
(Refer item below re Racak)
=== 4 ===
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug
January 29, 2004
Forensic expert says Racak incident was used to
justify NATO air strikes
19:22 NIS , Jan 28 (Tanjug) - Forensic expert Prof
Vujadin Otasevic, who was a member of the team which
performed the autopsy of bodies found in the Racak
village in Kosovo-Metohija in 1999, has reiterated
that this incident was used to cast the blame on
Serbia for the alleged massacre of ethnic Albanian
civilians and to justify the NATO military
intervention against the then Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
The Serbian authorities at the time failed to use the
findings of the forensic team, who had determined that
the ethnic Albanians killed in Racak had all been
members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, that they were
killed in combat and that no massacre was perpetrated
againt them, Otasevic said.
---
Finnish Pathologist Criticises Milosevic Trial
This article from Germany focuses on the alleged Racak massacre in
Kosovo which NATO used as the excuse to bomb Yugoslavia. Helena Ranta
was head of the European Union's investigation team and she dissented
from the NATO view, stating that from first hand evidence she doubted
any massacre took place. She now criticises the way false evidence is
included in NATO's 'trial' of Slobodan Milosevic at The Hague.
Again we see how this show-trial is based on lies and illegalities.
This is an important time. The prosecution is completing its case
this week and the 'tribunal' has limited Milosevic' time to prepare
his defence to three months (the prosecution had ten years!!). Also
they demand he produces his list of witnesses within six weeks. He
has to work on this from his prison cell where he is held practically
incommunicado. The tribunal reserves its privilege to deny any
witness Milosevic may wish to call.
While the prosecution has unlimited finances the defence team is
sorely in need of donations. The main aim right now is to finance the
presence in The Hague of a key legal advisor for Mr. Milosevic. An
appeal will be put out soon but if you are willing to donate or fund-
raise please contact me at p.davidson@... and I will
endeavour to put you in touch with your nearest committee.
Thanks
Paul D
Ranta: ICTY indictment based on the Walker's statement with no legal
value
No interest on Serb victims
Markus Bickel, Berliner Zeitung, January 17, 2004
Finnish pathologist Helena Ranta said the work of the Hague tribunal
regarding the so-called Racak massacre was incomprehensible. The
former head
of the forensic team the European Union sent to the Kosovo-Albanian
village of Racak in January 1999 to investigate the events there, in a
conversation with Berliner Zeitung, criticized the UN tribunal for not
following up the evidence that there was heavy fighting between Serb
soldiers and the Kosovo-Albanian fighters during the night of January
15-16, 1999 in the Racak-region.
Western politicians used the tragedy in the village of Racak, where 40
Albanians died exactely 5 years ago, to prove to the public that the
upcoming NATO attack on Yugoslavia was necessary.
US diplomat William Walker played the leading role. The chief of the
OSCE mission in Kosovo immediately accused the Serbs of having killed 45
unarmed Albanian civilians at close range in Racak. The Serbian side
rejected this interpretation und spoke instead about KLA soldiers killed
in battle.
Pictures not published
She knew, that at that time "KLA-fighters were buried around Racak,"
said Ranta. "At that time I received information that proved that
several Serb soldiers had been killed as well. Unfortunately, we will
never know the exact number of Serb soldiers that died that night." It
would be appropriate "to ask the tribunal why they are not interested in
that number."
Ranta criticized the indictment against former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic in the case of Racak for mostly following the Walker
version. "When Ambassador Walker said that there was a massacre at
Racak, this statement had no legal value. I declared at that time that
the OSCE-observers forgot to take all steps necessary to secure a crime
scene: isolating the area, refusing admission to all
unauthorized persons and colletinig all material evidence.
Ranta demanded that in addition to the OSCE pictures the tribunal also
use the pictures taken by two additional photographers, shot several
hours prior to the arrival of OCSE-observers.
The pictures show "that at least one of the bodies was moved afterwards
â?" that body is not seen on OSCE-pictures."
Left in the lurch
In the days prior to the NATO-attack on Yugoslavia it was clear "that a
bunch of governments were interested in a version of Racak that blamed
only the Serb side," said Ranta. "But I could not provide this version."
Her instructions came from the German diplomat Pauls. The representative
of the then-German EU-presidency asked for a written statement.
"Afterwards, I had to show these personal statements to William Walker,
who was obviously not amused when he read it." Still, she agreed to take
part in the important press conference on March 17, 1999. "At that
(conference), I was sitting with the German ambassador to Belgrade,
Gruber, and a Finnish diplomat on the podium. I hoped that those
gentlemen would support me." But that was not the case. "I rather had
the feeling that I was left in the lurch," said Ranta.
As a result of the Walker dominated press-conference most of the media
accepted the version of a Serb massacre of Albanian civilians as proven.
A few days later the NATO-airattacks on Yugoslavia began.
(Translated from German by C.Schuetz & J.Catalinotto)
=== 5 ===
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/pv020703.htm
"MASSACRE" PHOTOS PROVE RACAK BODIES WERE TAMPERED WITH
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - February 12, 2004
Written by: Andy Wilcoxson
Research by: Pieter Vervaeke
The photos that you see above (SEE: http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/
news/pv020703.htm ) were all taken on January 16, 1999 in a gully
near the Kosovo village of Racak, a KLA stronghold surrounded with
trenches and bunkers. According to NATO propaganda, and the Hague
Tribunal, Yugoslav security forces had massacred Albanian civilians
there the day before. NATO then used the Racack ‘Masacre’ to sell
it’s forthcoming war against Yugoslavia to the public opinion.
(PHOTO: Members of the KLA regularly wore civilian clothes.)
The Yugoslav government claimed that the only people killed in the
vicinity of Racak were members of the KLA, who had been engaged in
combat activities against the state security forces, which launched
an anti-terrorist operation on the 15th of January. The Yugoslav
Government claimed that the KLA took its war dead and placed them in
the ditch, in order to make it appear as though a massacre of
civilians had taken place. KLA forces were regularly fighting in
civilian clothes.
Now take a good look at the photos. According to the website of the
so-called "Kosova Crisis center," Photo 1 was taken by the Kosovo-
Albanian newspaper KOHA Ditore on January 16th (WARNING: explicit
images!). You can see that it is still quite early in the morning.
There is still frost on the ground and the sunlight is coming from a
low angle.
Now take a look at Photos 2 and 3. Both are part of prosecution
exhibit 156 in the Milosevic "trial" at the Hague Tribunal. Both
photos were taken later in the day on the 16th of January by members
of the OSCE's Kosovo Verification Mission. Photo 2 is a close-up of
the same man, and Photo 3 shows the same man again as Walker is
arriving on the scene with his delegation.
Can you spot the difference between the two pictures? In Photo 1 the
man is not wearing a cap, and in Photos 2 and 3 somebody has placed
the traditional white Albanian cap on his head.
Photo 3 was a topic of discussion at the Milosevic "trial" on April
15, 2002 when Slobodan Milosevic was cross-examining William Walker's
assistant, Karol Drewienkiewicz (Page 3118, line 14 of the transcript):
MILOSEVIC: You saw the photograph of Walker with the whole team of
people next -- and the Albanian next to the body with the Albanian
white cap on the man's head. How is it possible for somebody to be
hit in the head and have his cap remain on his head, which is like
the shell on an egg? When people jump out of their shoes when they
are hit in this way, whereas this man has his white cap intact on his
head. Did you have in mind that this could possibly be a rigged scene
for television purposes and the distribution of bodies there and how
they were piled up?
DREWIENKIEWICZ: That was -- that certainly was one of the thoughts
that went through my head as I was going up the hill. By the time I
had seen the bodies and the way they were piled together, I
concluded, to the best of my knowledge, that they had not been moved,
that they had been killed where they lay. That was my opinion at the
end of my time on the top of that hill in the gully, and it remains
my opinion. And if I was a terrorist, I wouldn't go around with a
white hat on.
MILOSEVIC: Well, that's precisely what I'm claiming, that he didn't
go around with a white hat on but that somebody placed it on his head
afterwards, because forensic experts say that from a shot of that
kind and a wound with that kind, your eyes would pop out let alone a
cap being displaced from your head. He wasn't born with a cap on his
head.
DREWIENKIEWICZ: It was my view at the end of my time in that gully on
that hill that those people had been killed where they lay. I did not
think the bodies had been interfered with.
///END TRANSCRIPT EXCERPT///
Unfortunately, Slobodan Milosevic did not have Photo 1 in his
possession at the time of that cross-examination. Photo 1 proves that
the bodies had been tampered with, and that somebody put the hat on
the man's head after the fact.
Another interesting excerpt from that same transcript (Page 3095
beginning with line 18) shows that the OSCE had to pass through the
KLA's trenches in order to even get to the so-called "massacre" scene:
MILOSEVIC: And do you know that the entire village was encircled by
trenches and bunkers, that they were all round the village, and even
behind the village, towards Jezerske Planine, the mountains, there
was another line or row of trenches?
DREWIENKIEWICZ: I am aware that there was one quite long trench,
probably about between 50 and 80 yards or metres long, that I walked
over on my way up the hill to the gully. That was the only trench
that I was aware of.
///END TRANSCRIPT EXCERPT///
The alleged "massacre" scene was on territory controlled by the KLA,
and the photos prove that the bodies were being tampered with. In
light of this information it seems highly likely that the Yugoslav
government was telling the truth and that the scene had been rigged.
---
SEE ALSO: http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg040805.htm
---