DECONSTRUCTION OF A VIRTUAL GENOCIDE. An intelligent person's guide to Srebrenica
Belgrade : Srebrenica Historical Project, 2011
Edited by Edward S. Herman - Foreword by Phillip Corwin
Creative Commons License, 2011
CONTENTS:
Maps • 4-6
Foreword • 7 Phillip Corwin
Preface • 13 Edward S. Herman
Chapter 1. Introduction • 19 Edward S. Herman
Chapter 2. Prelude to the Capture of Srebrenica • 37 George Bogdanich
Chapter 3. The Military Context of the Fall of Srebrenica • 66 Tim Fenton
Chapter 4. The Numbers Game • 101 Jonathan Rooper
Chapter 5. Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Witness Evidence at the Hague • 153 George Szamuely
Chapter 6. The ICTY and Srebrenica • 211 Michael Mandel
Chapter 7. UN Report on Srebrenica—A Distorted Picture of Events • 224 George Bogdanich
Chapter 8. U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica • 248 Edward S. Herman
Chapter 9. U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica • 259 Philip Hammond
Chapter 10. Summary and Conclusions • 278 Edward S. Herman
Note on Contributors • 299
SREBRENICA NA RTS
Pravo Skandinavaca da znaju sve...
Vrlo tužno. U Srbiji, u zemlji gde je posle rodne Norveške reditelja Ole Fluuma, ovaj dokumentarac, koji iz osnova menja viđenje Srebrenice i događaja vezanih za nju, prvo trebalo da bude prikazan, čami u nečijoj fioci. Dobro ste pročitali. Dokumentarac o kojem svi pričaju, „Srebrenica: izdani grad“, nalazi se u fioci gospodina Aleksandra Tijanića, direktora „Radio-televizije Srbije“, umesto da bude na ekranima pretplatnika ove medijske kuće.
Da li je problem u tome što reditelji Fluum i Hebdič žele da svoje ostvarenje sakriju od srpske publike, pa su odbili uporne molbe g. Tijanića da njegovoj kući dozvole prikazivanje u Srbiji? Ne, zato što je g. Tijanić autorska prava za teritoriju Srbije od njih već otkupio. „RTS“ može srpskoj javnosti da prikaže film „Srebrenica: izdani grad“ u bilo koje vreme, bilo koji dan. Ako to ne čini, ne sprečavaju ga razlozi pravne prirode.
Kakvi bi to razlozi mogli biti? Odgovor na to pitanje nalazi se u sadržaju filma. Za gospodina Tijanića, gospodina Mićunovića i njihove naredbodavce i istomišljenike, taj sadržaj je dinamit. Da pomenemo samo nekoliko njegovih glavnih i najnezgodnijih tema.
Film se, pre svega, bavi onim što Ola Fluum naziva „predistorijom Srebrenice“, a to znači intrigama i marifetlucima Alije Izetbegovića i njegove klike da se Srebrenica i njeno stanovništvo puste niz vodu i zamene za jednu drugu teritoriju. Posle izjava niza aktera u ovim događajima – a oni su svi muslimani koji su se dok su se ti događaji odvijali nalazili na raznim ključnim položajima odakle su mogli da opserviraju posledice primene Alijine politike – gledaocu se nameće neodoljiv utisak: bošnjačkom rukovodstvu u Sarajevu narod Srebrenice nije predstavljao ništa više od piona na šahovskoj tabli. Kada je Alija Izetbegović procenio, sredinom 1995. godine, da je nastupio najbolji trenutak da budu žrtvovani, njegova jedina briga bila je da njihovu patnju i živote pretvori u najveći mogući politički profit.
To ne poništava činjenicu da je nad jednim delom zarobljenih Bošnjaka posle pada Srebrenice, 11. jula 1995. godine, bio izvršen ratni zločin i da su se neposredni počinioci tog zločina formalno nalazili na srpskoj strani, ako bi se tako nešto za pripadnike multietničkog i misterioznog 10. Diverzantskog odreda moglo reći. Ali to otkrovenje, za koje dugujemo zahvalnost istraživačkoj upornosti i profesionalnom poštenju Ole Fluuma, radikalno komplikuje pojednostavljenu propagandnu šemu srebreničkih događaja.
Malo koji promućuran gledalac propustiće da postavi očigledno pitanje. Da li je Srebrenica, onda kada je doživela svoj konačni rasplet u julu 1995. godine, bila spontani događaj, odraz genocidne mržnje jedne strane u ratu prema drugoj ili – nameštaljka?
Druga velika tabu tema koju ovaj dokumentarac otvara odnosi se na prećutane žrtve Srebrenice koje su tokom tri godine pre jula 1995. godine u anonimnosti i tišini bile klane i proganjane, bez komentara korumpiranih svetskih medija i bez prolivanja licemernih suza svetskih dušebrižnika. Reč je, naravno, o srpskom življu srebreničkog kraja, o nesrećnom narodu koji se u još jednom kritičnom istorijskom trenutku zadesio u pogrešno vreme i na pogrešnom mestu. Njegov svirepi pokolj i kolektivna agonija, što traje do današnjih dana, morali su biti gurnuti pod tepih da bi se svetskim huljama omogućilo da svoje bljutave i licemerne godišnje „počasti“ odaju zvanično određenim žrtvama koje su oni, u saradnji sa svojim sarajevskim eksponentima, pre toga gurnuli u ponor.
Fluumov podroban prikaz podmuklog napada na srpsko selo Kravica na Božić 1993. godine paradigmatičan je za nesreću desetkovanog srpskog naroda Srebrenice. Da li preterujemo kada kažemo „desetkovanog“? Ne, uopšte. U Izveštaju Holandskog ratnog instituta o Srebrenici 2002. godine piše da je „...na kraju, od 9.390 stanovnika srpske nacionalnosti koji su živeli na području Srebrenice ostalo samo njih 860“.
Najzad, treća velika tema ovog filma odnosi se na sirove statističke podatke vezane za (kako se Ola Fluum izrazio) „monumentalni istorijski događaj koji se zove Srebrenica“. Gde su posmrtni ostaci 8.000 streljanih ratnih zarobljenika? Kako je moguće da posle šesnaest godina prilježnog i ničim ograničenog traganja ekshumirani forenzički dokazi ne ukazuju na više od desetine od te cifre, o kojoj se sve to vreme gromoglasno trubilo i koja služi kao materijalna i kvazipravna podloga za kvalifikaciju o genocidu?
Iz ovog fascinantnog filma saznajemo, bar u naznakama, odgovor i na to pitanje kroz ekskluzivni intervjuu, pred kamerama Ole Fluuma, Džona Šindlera, vrhunskog američkog obaveštajca na Balkanu devedesetih godina tokom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini. U danima posle pada Srebrenice, 11. jula 1995, on kaže da je „u proboju poginulo oko 5.000 Bošnjaka, dok ih je oko 2.000 bilo streljano“ .
Većina ljudi, zaglušena agresivnom propagandom srebreničkog lobija, nema pojma o kakvom je „proboju“ reč. Radi se o sledećem. Jedanaestog jula bošnjačke snage (njih oko 5.500 pod oružjem) i vojno sposobni muškarci raznih uzrasta (8.000 do 10.000) dobili su direktivu da svoje žene, decu i starce – na zgražavanje pripadnika holandskog bataljona – deponuju u bazu UN u Potočarima, i da se okupe u selu Šušnjari, odakle su krenuli u proboj prema Tuzli kroz zasede Vojske Republike Srpske i kroz mnogobrojna minska polja. Ta mešana kolona po međunarodnom ratnom pravu bila je legitiman vojni cilj i za njene gubitke niko ne snosi krivičnu odgovornost. Dokaz za to je činjenica da ni posle toliko godina niko nije bio optužen ni u Hagu, ni u Sarajevu, što je pucao u kolonu i nanosio ljudske gubitke.
Mnogobrojne izjave preživelih učesnika u proboju kolone, koje smo mi prvi objavili, ubedljivo svedoče o njenim jezivim, ali sasvim legitimnim gubicima. To su tih „oko 5.000“, o kojima Amerikanac Šindler govori Norvežaninu Oli Fluumu, ali što je javnosti evropske Srbije još uvek zabranjeno da vidi i čuje. Sada je jasna panika u Sarajevu i žučne osude reditelja i njihovog filma od strane njegovih zvaničnika, krtica u švedskom državnom aparatu poput Jasmina Selimovića i propagandnih operativaca od Bosne do Skandinavije. Film Ole Fluuma, pre svega, fatalno ugrožava lažnu priču pomoću koje sarajevska politička elita u konformističkom toru drži vlastiti narod. Ali on je podjednako neprihvatljiv u Srbiji protagonistima prošlogodišnje Deklaracije o Srebrenici, jer ruši svaku od najkrupnijih laži na kojima taj na prevaru usvojeni dokumenat počiva.
Čitaoci su već povezali kockice i sastavili sliku. Film Ole Fluuma toliko je eksplozivan da on ne sme biti prikazan, ne samo u neprosvećenoj Federaciji BiH nego čak ni u „evropskoj Srbiji“. Zato su autorska prava za Srbiju i bila otkupljena. Da bi film bezbedno ležao u fioci (ili u sefu) kod gospodina Tijanića, da ga, ako se on bude pitao, na ekranima Javnog servisa evropske Srbije niko nikada ne bi mogao da gleda.
Srebrenica Historical Project
Postbus 90471
2509LL
Den Haag, The Netherlands
+31 64 878 09078 (The Netherlands)
+381 64 403 3612 (Serbia)
Internet site: www.srebrenica-project.com
E-mail: srebrenica.historical.project@...
A FOOLISH REACTION, BY ANY STANDARD
The Bosnian Moslem community in Sweden has collected over 1,000 signatures on a petition to Swedish State Television to desist from broadcasting Norwegian filmmakers Ola Flium’s and David Hebditch’s documentary “Sarajevo Ricochet.” The film follows the authors’ other controversial documentary, “Srebrenica: A City Betrayed,” which also challenges stereotype preconceptions about the Bosnian war and has been denounced vigorously by the Bosnian Moslems in Norway.
The Swedish Bosnian Moslem community also has demanded an apology from the Swedish State Television Network for broadcasting earlier the Srebrenica documentary. The reasoning offered by Mr. Džebrail Bajramović, president of the “Islamic Bosniak Community” in Göteborg, Sweden, is most curious and at the same time characteristic of the arguments that are usually employed by Bosnian Moslem spokespersons in analogous situations. He said that if Swedish public opinion, which according to him is not well versed in the history of the recent conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were to be exposed to the Norwegian documentary it “might gain the impression that in Kravica genocide was committed against the Serbs, that 1,300 Serbs were murdered there, and that what happened in Srebrenica was an act of revenge.”
Mr. Bajramović’s plaintive cry against the perpetuation of such subversive impressions was followed by an unequivocal threat: “We have addressed protest letters to all the relevant institutions. If they broadcast the other movie [i. e. “Sarajevo Ricochet”] we will file suit against SVT [Swedish State Television Network] for denying genocide.” [1]
In fact, “Sarajevo Ricochet” does not even attempt to deal with the charge of genocide from a juridical standpoint, but focuses instead on other issues which may fairly be characterised as also highly unpalatable from the Bosnian Moslem standpoint (e. g. Sarajevo regime’s unsavory links to Mujahedin outfits and the atrocities they committed against the non-Moslem population, as well as the abundant illegal arming of the Moslem army, with the connivance of some Western governments, which cannot leave the propaganda image of a helpless victim completely intact). But regardless of how the matter is viewed by some of the actors in the Bosnian conflict, the only fact of any significance is that these issues are being examined by responsible researchers in democratic Western societies, where freedom of inquiry is sacred.
What the diaspora Bosniak community and their spokespersons are demanding is the suppression of that freedom where it threatens to call into question some key aspects of their wartime narrative. It is remarkable, and it must be pointed out, that the other option – engaging Messrs. Flium and Hebditch in debate and demonstrating the unreliability of their sources and the falsity of their conclusions – apparently was never considered by the Bosniaks.
But that is precisely the response that we wish to recommend to them, and for their own good. Intimidation of the rapidly growing number of dissidents will soon become logistically impossible while from the public relations standpoint it is already turning into a disaster for the Bosnian Moslem community. The vindictive “genocide denial” lawsuit filed against the tiny Swiss periodical, “La Nation,” clearly designed to bankrupt it economically and thus lead to its extinction, is an example of out of control coercive reactions in situations where Bosnian Moslems would profit far more if they engaged in reasoned dialogue, regardless of its possible outcome.[2]
Our NGO, Srebrenica Historical Project, has always advocated civilised dialogue, without any outcome preconditions, as the only way to conduct the debate on what happened in Srebrenica and in other theatres during the Bosnian war. Of course, if one rejects the very concept of debate in principle, our proposal will not have been seen as having much merit. But the rejectionists should then be prepared for the slow and steady erosion of their dogmatic position, with the possibility of its eventual collapse in the court of public opinion.
Reactions such as the one from Göteborg are not just a huge tactical miscalculation on the part of the Sarajevo leadership, which remains frozen in its wartime mode of thinking; it is also an admission of intellectual inferiority which is quite degrading to the Moslem people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The message it sends is two-fold. First, that they are afraid to tackle the facts in an open encounter with those who hold a different point of view. In Western societies, where civilised discourse is the norm, that can only imply that the Bosniaks are unsure of their facts and fear discreditation of their views in the event they were tested in unfettered intellectual combat. Indeed, in the long run infantile demands for the suppression of contrary points of view are bound to do more to cast doubt in the mind of the Western public about the Bosniaks’ cherished version of events than any efforts that could be made by “genocide deniers” toward the accomplishment of that purpose.
Secondly, their timing, as they crudely seek to enforce compliance with their agenda, is disastrous as well. The great spiritual and cultural tradition of Islam, and its signal contributions to human civilisation, are under intense attack in the West and through the use of sophisticated propaganda are being reduced to a caricature. Churlish reactions such as Mr. Bajramović’s, which reinforce the image of Islam as an irrational faith which is incompatible with the liberal principles of the West, cannot but do great harm to Moslems in Europe generally, and to the reputation of Bosnian Moslems in particular.
There is no doubt that a great number of innocent Moslems have suffered enormously during the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the nineties, side by side with their innocent neighbours from the other communities. The evidence of that suffering is clear and cannot be diminished or denied by anyone. But a decade and a half after the war’s end it is now time to take a professional and dispassionate look at what happened. That is a task for scholars and responsible representatives of all the involved communities; it is not a job for propagandists or intimidators.
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