Jugoinfo
"Quando la Germania invase la Jugoslavia nel 1941,
il popolo kosovaro fu liberato dai tedeschi.
Tutti i territori albanesi di questo stato, come il Kosova, la
Macedonia occidentale e le regioni di confine del Montenegro
furono riunificate con l'Albania propriamente detta. Furono
ristabilite le scuole in lingua albanese, l'amministrazione del
governo, la stampa e la radio"
(Da: www.klpm.org, sito web affiliato all'UCK).
---
MISCELLANEA DI ATTI TERRORISTICI ED ALTRI CAPOLAVORI DELL'UCKFOR
* CONDEMNATION OF PERSECUTION OF SERB JOURNALISTS
PRISTINA, July 16 (Tanjug) The arrest of Ljubisa Jovanovic, the
correspondent of the Serbian Radio and Television (RTS) from Kosovo
Polje,
by members of the international missions KFOR and UNMIK is yet another
deliberate move aimed at driving away the Serbs and represents a form of
intimidation of the remaining Serbs who are resisting the daily violence
in
KosovoMetohija, the Information SubCommittee of the Yugoslav Committee
for
Cooperation with the U.N. Mission in KosovoMetohija said on Saturday.
The UNMIK police searched Jovanovic's house on Thursday after
receiving a report by his wife that she had seen two ethnic Albanians
fleeing from their back yard upon her return from work. During the
search
of the house, the UNMIK police uncovered an automatic gun clearly
previously planted there. They waited for Jovanovic and took him to the
police station.
SubCommittee VicePresident Milorad Vujovic issued a statement
protesting strongly over the conduct of KFOR and UNMIK and recalling
that
this incident is yet another in a series of persecutions of Serb
journalists in Serbia's southern province who are constantly being
threatened and prevented from doing their job.
Two weeks ago, in the busiest part of Pristina, as yet
unidentified ethnic Albanian terrorists shot and seriously wounded
Valentina Cukic, the reporter of the Serbianlanguage program Radio
Kontakt,
and a man accompanying her, also a Serb.
The tepid position of the members of the international mission
contributes to the continuing jeopardy of the lives of Serb journalists
while, on the other hand, the ethnic Albanian media are publishing
warrants
for the arrest of innocent Serb civilians whom they continue
persecuting.
The Pristina paper Dita and ethnic Albanian radio stations, for
example, persist in issuing calls for the lynching of prominent citizens
and spreading lies and forged "proof" about their alleged involvement in
the 1999 war developments, the statement recalled.
The SubCommittee described the conduct of KFOR and UNMIK as
inadmissible because, instead of protecting the threatened Serbs
victims
of the ethnic Albanian terrorism, they tolerate the daily crimes of the
ethnic Albanian terrorists, such as murders, kidnappings, shelling of
Serb
villages, ethnic cleansing and an overall genocide of the Serb people,
the
statement said.
* ETHNIC ALBANIANS BLOW UP KFOR WATCHTOWER UNDER CONSTRUCTION
LIPLJAN, DOBROTIN, July 16 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian terrorists
early on Saturday blew up a KFOR watchtower under construction on the
crossroads of the Pristina Urosevac and Lipljan Janjevo roads only two
kilometres away from the Serb village of Dobrotin, south of Pristina,
local
radio hams said.
The watchtower, which is being built by the Finnish
peacekeepers,
should secure control of all routes in the vicinity, a fact clearly not
to
the liking of the ethnic Albanian extremists.
Eyewitnesses claim that after the KFOR investigators arrived at
the scene of the explosion, the ethnic Albanian translator suggested
that
the Serbs from Dobrotin had fired a rocket launcher at the watchtower.
The
UNMIK police, however, rejected these allegations after uncovering the
remains of the planted explosives.
* Serbs Denounce U.N. Elections
Saturday July 15 6:22 AM ET
By ROBERT H. REID, Associated Press Writer
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Hard-line Serb leaders insist their refusal
to take part in Kosovo's first internationally supervised elections
remains firm - despite a U.N. decision to give them more time to change
their mind.
Saturday had been the deadline for Kosovars of all ethnicities -
Albanian, Serb, Turkish, Gypsies and others - to register for municipal
elections in October. However, U.N. administrator Bernard Kouchner
extended the deadline until the close of business Wednesday after
international officials said they had seen the first clear signs that
some Kosovo Serbs wanted to take part.
``It was decided to give them time to see whether those indications
produce something tangible,´´ said Roland Bless, spokesman for the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which will
supervise the balloting.
After that decision Friday, the official Yugoslav news agency Tanjug
quoted the hard-line Serb National Council as ruling out any possibility
of Serbs taking part in registration and elections until Serbs who fled
the province last year can return.
However, U.N. sources, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Serb
community in the small town of Leposavic was interested in registering.
Tensions flared Saturday in Kosovska Mitrovica after a grenade was fired
into the Serb sector of the city from the ethnic Albanian side, the
NATO-led peacekeeping command said.
No injuries were reported. But the blast prompted rumors that a Serb
cafe had been hit, and a crowd of angry Serbs flooded into the area.
They dispersed Friday night when peacekeepers convinced them the cafe
had not been hit.
But minutes later, another grenade was fired toward a complex of three
apartment buildings on the Serb side, exploding in an empty apartment,
NATO said. That brought crowds back out for an hour.
Kosovska Mitrovica is the site of the largest Serb enclave. And the Serb
leader there, Oliver Ivanovic, remained adamantly against any
participation in the elections.
He wants the United Nations to return 1,500 Serbs to Kosovo by July 25
and a timetable for the return of another 210,000 non-Albanians who fled
the province when Yugoslav forces evacuated in June 1999 following the
78-day NATO bombing campaign.
U.N. officials have resisted the demands, saying a premature return of
Serbs would only worsen the already tense ethnic climate.
``The Serbs from this region will not register nor take part in the vote
until Serbs start returning to Kosovo in bigger numbers,´´ said
Dragisa Milovic, spokesman for Ivanovic.
``If the international community succeeds in organizing the return of
the Serbs, guaranteeing their safety, we will change our minds,´´
Milovic added. ``For now, we have absolutely no security in Kosovo, nor
are we able to move around. Under those conditions, any election would
be absurd.´´
Some leaders of the 15,000-strong Turkish minority were also boycotting.
Only about 1,000 ethnic Turks had registered by late Friday, the OSCE
said.
Without minority participation, U.N. officials would be forced to decide
whether to go ahead with a multiethnic election even if only the
majority Albanians agree to participate in significant numbers.
Ethnic Albanians are believed to comprise more than 90 percent of
Kosovo's estimated 2 million people, although no reliable census has
been taken in decades.
* Mortar shells on Serb part of the town
http://www.serbia-info.com/news
July 15, 2000
Constant provocation of ethnic Albanian terrorists
Kosovska Mitrovica, July 14 - Ethnic Albanian terrorists tonight at
22.15p.m. fired from the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica two mortar
shells at the Serb part of the town, which exploded on pavement close to
the first apartment building at the beginning of the street, near
bridge, which divides the town into ethnic Albanian and Serb part.
Luckily, there was no one in the street at the time of the blast. French
KFOR soldiers which were standing on the bridge, about 20 meters from
the explosion, panicky ran across the bridge to the southern part of the
town.
Hundreds of Serbs who demanded protection from French soldiers, gathered
in street immediately. According to the eyewitnesses, mortar shells were
fired from the Sport hall, which stands along the coast in the ethnic
Albanian part of the town.
North Brigade Commander General Jean Louis Sivlait hosted a reception
tonight, on the occasion of France's national holiday (July 14) attended
by UNMIK chief Bernard Kouchner and the leaders of the former "KLA"
(Kosovo Liberation Army) and now the commanders of the so-called Kosovo
Protection Corps - Agim Ceku, Sami Ljustaku and Rahman Rama.
Referring to the guests, Kouchner called leaders of both communities in
Kosovska Mitrovica, Oliver Ivanovic and Bajram Redzepi, and specially
General Agim Ceku, according to him, to help UNMIK, KFOR and to all
international community in order to unite the town.
Tonight's attack on Serb part of the town is clear sign of how Ceku's
terrorists see "union of Mitrovica".
* Rifle, grenades fired in troubled Kosovo town
The Associated Press
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia (July 15, 2000 3:22 p.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - Angry crowds gathered early Saturday on the
Serb side of this ethnically divided city after a grenade was fired from
the ethnic Albanian area, setting off two hours of unrest.
No one was believed injured in the blast or the two-hour melee which
followed, according to the French military command. Leaders of both
ethnic communities appealed for calm.
After the blast, rumors spread through the Serb community that the
grenade, fired at about 11 p.m., had hit a Serb café frequented by
Serbs who monitor traffic across a bridge over the Ibar River, which
divides the city into Albanian and Serb districts.
Believing the café had been hit, a crowd of about 500 angry Serbs
rushed to the scene, shouting and taunting French peacekeepers. French
Brig. Gen. Jean-Louis Sublet rushed to the scene and spoke with Serb
community leader Oliver Ivanovic, convincing him the café had not been
hit and promising to investigate.
By midnight the crowd dispersed but a few minutes later, gunshots rang
out and another grenade was fired toward a complex of three apartment
buildings on the north side of the river, exploding in an empty
apartment, NATO said.
The complex, although located on the Serb side, contains apartments of
ethnic Albanians who were resettled in the area months ago by NATO
troops against the wishes of the Serb community.
The second grenade brought crowds back into the streets on the Serb side
of the river. They finally went home about 1 a.m., NATO said.
On Saturday, leaders of the Albanian and Serb communities - Dr. Bajram
Rexhepi and Ivanovic - met with the regional U.N. administrator William
L. Nash to discuss the security situation. Afterward, they issued a
joint statement condemning the violence.
"We are determined, however, to continue our efforts to improve
security, the rule of law, the return of displaced persons and the
economic development of the region," the statement said. "We will not be
deterred by the actions of a few."
In Belgrade, the opposition Serbian Renewal Movement called the
incidents "another denial of claims by international community officials
that the situation in Kosovo has stabilized," and that ethnic Albanian
militants have been disarmed.
The Democratic Party of Serbia said the attack "clearly shows that it is
futile for Serbs to try take part in the elections" planned for October.
Kosovska Mitrovica is the tensest city in the province because of the
presence of large numbers of Serbs and ethnic Albanians. French troops
have enforced an informal division of the city, which the ethnic
Albanians have denounced as a violation of the June 1999 peace agreement
which provided for a multiethnic Kosovo in which people could return to
their former homes.
* EIGHT BODIES UNCOVERED IN HOSPITAL GARBAGE CONTAINER IN GNJILANE
GNJILANE, July 14 (Tanjug) UNMIK police spokesmen in the town of
Gnjilane, eastern KosovoMetohija governed by the United Nations for more
than a year, said on Friday that eight bodies had been uncovered in a
metal
garbage container belonging to the local hospital.
The Committee for Protection and Human Rights of Gnjilane said
that the bodies had been in the garbage dump for more than eight months,
which means that they were hidden during the first or second week after
the
arrival of the U.N. peacekeepers to KosovoMetohija and the stationing of
the French and U.N. troops in Gnjilane.
It is believed that the victims are Serbs. The local Serbs have
demanded that the bodies be examined by foreign and domestic
pathologists
to determine the truth about this crime.
About 70 families of Serbs who were kidnapped from Gnjilane and
its vicinity, are very concerned and are awaiting the results of the
investigation with trepidation.
* ETHNIC ALBANIANS SHELL SERB PART OF KOSOVSKA MITROVICA
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, July 15 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian terrorists
on Friday evening fired from the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica two
mortar shells at the northern (Serb) part of this town in central
KosovoMetohija.
The shells exploded in the street close to the first apartment
building near the bridge which divides the town into two parts (Serb and
ethnic Albanian).
Luckily, there was no one in the street at the time of the
blast.
Immediately before, North Brigade Commander General Jean Louis
Sivlait hosted a reception on the occasion of France's national holiday
(July 14) attended by UNMIK chief Bernard Kouchner and the leaders of
the
former "KLA" (Kosovo Liberation Army) and now the commanders of the
socalled Kosovo Protection Corps Agim Ceku, Sami Ljustaku and Rahman
Rama.
* GROUP OF ETHNIC ALBANIANS BEAT ELDERLY SERB
LIPLJAN, July 15 (Tanjug) A group of ethnic Albanians on Friday
evening beat 80yearold Serb Nikola Perencevic in the village of Lipljan,
some 20 km south of Pristina.
Local radio hams reported that the old man sustained serious
head
injuries.
Perencevic was taken by Finnish KFOR troops to the Russian
military hospital in Kosovo Polje to receive medical treatment.
The same sources say that so far KFOR has done nothing to find
and
arrest this group of ethnic Albanians.
* KOUCHNER EXTENDS DEADLINE FOR VOTER REGISTRATION
PRISTINA, July 15 (Tanjug) The head of the U.N. civilian mission
for KosovoMetohija, Bernard Kouchner, has extended for three more days
the
deadline for voter registration for elections to be held in this Serbian
province despite the fact that they are turning into a farce.
The final day for the registration was today. Kouchner decided
to
wait three more days because the nonAlbanians failed to respond to the
registration calls.
Field estimates show that the majority of the nonAlbanian
population could not have taken part in the forming of the election
lists
since during the one year U.N. administration the ethnic Albanian
extremists drove away from KosovoMetohija more than 350,000 Serbs,
Muslims,
Romanies, Goranci and others. In most cities there are no longer any
Serbs,
250,000 of whom have been expelled.
In Pristina it is said that the extension of the registration
deadline is the best proof of the failure of Kouchner's election option.
It is certain that neither the Serbs or the other nonAlbanians
will take part in the elections so that it is already possible to speak
about the total collapse of Kouchner's and UNMIK's mission.
The basic condition of the Serbs in KosovoMetohija for voting
at
the elections is the return of the expelled and the securing of the
safety
of their life and property all tasks UNMIK and KFOR should have carried
out in keeping with U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 dating from
1999.
* ETHNIC ALBANIAN EXTREMISTS THROW MOLOTOV COCKTAILS AT SERB HOUSE
OBILIC, July 15 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian extremists on Thursday
and Friday threw Molotov cocktails at the house of Nada Stolic, a Serb
woman from the town of Obilic, north of Pristina.
The ensuing fires, which were rapidly put out with the help of
the
neighbours, caused much material damage but no one was injured.
Local radio hams said that the first Molotov cocktail was
thrown
on Thursday at 2 p.m. and the other on Friday at 8 a.m
* KFOR and UNMIK are violating human rights of Gorani
http://www.serbia-info.com/news Tanjug
July 14, 2000
Exerting pressure on Gorani to take Islam
Prizren, July 13 - So-called UN peace mission in
Kosovo and Metohija - UNMIK and KFOR - in the
municipality Gora, in the area of Dragas are extorting
strong pressures on Gorani who live in that area with
the basic intention to denationalize them, "declare"
them as Muslims, which represents dramatic violation
of basic human rights, claims Center for peace and
tolerance from Prizren. This kind of violence
represents moral fall of UN representatives in Kosovo
and Metohija, because question is being asked, if the
UN after these "actions" can survive. With these
actions, which have not been seen since fascist
invasion on Kosovo and Metohija in 1941, according to
relevant evaluations of citizens of this area, first
of all, UN Charter is being destroyed, stresses
Center.
Center for peace and tolerance from Prizren has
respectable evidence of this violence, which is
underway in the municipality of Gora. There KFOR and
UNMIK are threatening to the population of this area
that they will take their property, cars, destroy
hoses, that they will be expelled if they do not
respond to the census and if they do not declare
themselves as representatives of nonexistent new
composed national community of Muslim nation…
President of the National community of Gorani and
member of Kosovo-Metohija Provisional Executive
Council Mr.Ibro Vait points out that KFOR and UNMIK
were trying to deny origin of Gorani with the
intention to "declare" them as Muslims, with ethnic
Albanians, from their arrival in Kosovo and Metohija.
"KFOR and UNMIK's pressure represents flagrant
violation of basic human rights and international
standards, calculated to destroy origin of Gorani",
warned Vait in today's statement to Tanjug, evaluating
that "peacekeepers' intention", in fact, is to
denationalize one ethnic community.
* Russia Opposes Elections in Kosovo
.c The Associated Press
By EDITH M. LEDERER
UNITED NATIONS (AP) - Russia is arguing against U.N. plans to hold a
supervised election in Kosovo, warning that deteriorating security
conditions
for Serbs prevent any vote from being free and fair.
If the internationally monitored municipal elections go ahead this
year,
ethnic Albanian hard-liners will take power and the chance of creating a
truly multiethnic and democratic Kosovo will be lost, Russia's U.N.
Ambassador Sergey Lavrov told the Security Council Thursday.
The province's estimated 100,000 Serbs are boycotting the electoral
process
until the United Nations satisfies their demands for security against
ethnic
Albanian attacks and provides for the return of Serbs who fled when
Yugoslav
forces withdrew in June 1999 after a 78-day NATO bombing campaign.
He warned that their non-participation ``would distort both the ethnic
and
the political picture in Kosovo.''
Russia has close cultural and religious ties with the Serbs and has
been
Yugoslavia's strongest supporter on the Security Council along with
China,
which also questioned whether elections could be held freely and safely
when
minorities in Kosovo are still subject to numerous and well-organized
attacks.
With registration for the municipal elections set to end Saturday,
Assistant
Secretary-General Hedi Annabi told the Security Council that nearly
900,000
applications have been received. But despite intensive efforts by the
U.N.
mission which is administering Kosovo, the Serbs and much of Kosovo's
Turkish
population refuse to end their boycott, he said.
U.S. deputy ambassador James Cunningham said the United States believes
``the solution to violence lies in the political process'' and elections
and
a responsible government structure ``are the best way to temper
passions.''
Kosovo's chief U.N. administrator, Bernard Kouchner, signed a
regulation
July 8 which gives him the authority to determine the date for the
municipal
elections after consulting Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
It is widely expected to take place in October.
AP-NY-07-14-00 0113EDT
* PRIEST KOJIC, TWO OTHER PASSENGERS WOUNDED IN TERRORIST ATTACK
KOSOVSKA VITINA, July 13 (Tanjug) An automobile driven by Serbian
Orthodox priest Dragan Kojic of Vitina came under bursts of machinegun
fire
on the road VitinaKlokot on Wednesday and the priest was critically
wounded
in this incident, amateur radio operators reported from Serbia's Kosovo
and
Metohija province.
The attack was launched by ethnic Albanian terrorist from a
passing automobile where a road branches for Mogila village.
The priest has been taken to the military hospital at the U.S.
base Bondsteel where doctors are trying to save his life. Three other
persons were travelling with the priest, one of them his son. Two
passengers were also injured, but their wounds are not lifethreatening.
Villagers started to rally in Klokot after they heard of the
attack, protesting against this brutal attack on a man of the cloth.
International force KFOR troops blocked all approaches to this Serb
village, the sources said.
* UNHCR DENIES SERBS THE RIGHT TO TRANSPORT
VELIKA HOCA, July 13 (Tanjug) UNHCR representatives decided to
deprive the inhabitants of the Serbpopulated village Velika Hoca in
KosovoMetohija of the right to use the bus line commuting to Serbia
proper
on Wednesdays, local amateur radio operators said on Wednesday.
This decision came as a result of a recent incident, in which a
group of angry villagers set up barricades, in response to KFOR's
lenient
attitude towards repeated mortar attacks on Velika Hoca. In this
incident,
clashes took place between the villagers and KFOR soldiers, also, two
vehicles were demolished.
The radiooperators also say that the KFOR has not reacted at
all
to the shelling of Velika Hoca, even though it is known that the attack
were perpetrated by ethnic Albanians of Brestovac village.
* Klagen der türkischen Minorität im Kosovo
Mehr Rechte unter serbischer als unter UNO-Veraltung
(von Rainer Rupp)
Seitdem die NATO mit ihrem Einmarsch der UCK die Terrorherrschaft im
Kosovo gesichert hat, gehören nicht nur andersgläubige Serben und Roma
und Sinti zu den verfolgten Minderheiten in der serbischen Provinz,
sondern auch die muslimische, türkisch-sprechende Volksgruppe im Kosovo.
Der Verteidigung ihrer Rechte hat sich nun der türkische Außenminister
Cem Ismail in Ankara angenommen.
In einem Brief an UNO Generalsekretär Kofi Annan hat Außenminister Cem
seiner "großen Sorge" über die gleichgültige Haltung der UNO-Verwaltung
im Kosovo gegenüber den Anliegen der Kosovo-Türkischen Minorität
Ausdruck verleihen. In der Tat ist die türkische Minderheit so gut wie
nicht in dem "Interim Verwaltungsrat" vertreten, der von dem
umstrittenen UNMIK-Chef Bernard Kouchner ins Leben gerufen wurde. Auch
waren Mitglieder der türkischen Minderheit in der Vergangenheit
wiederholt Opfer von UCK-Anschlägen gewesen. Nicht wenige sind im
letzten Jahr nach Serbien oder Montenegro geflohen.
Außenminister Cem hob in seinem Brief an Kofi Anan hervor, daß sein Land
bereits verschiedene Male die Aufmerksamkeit der UNO-Verwaltung auf die
besonders Situation der türkischen Minderheit gelenkt habe und u.a. drei
Briefe an den UNO-Sondergesandten im Kosovo geschickt habe. Keine dieser
Initiativen hätte auch nur im geringsten gefruchtet und die drei Briefe
seien unbeantwortet geblieben.
Nach einem Bericht der albanischen Zeitung "Albanian Daily News" habe
der türkische Minister in diesem Zusammenhang betont, daß es um die
Minoritätenrechte der türkisch-sprachigen Volksgruppe im Kosovo "unter
UNO-Verwaltung schlechter bestellt ist als zu Zeiten der serbischen
Verwaltung". Nach Angaben der Zeitung "sprechen ungefähr 250.000
Einwohner der zwei Millionen zählenden Vorkriegsbevölkerung des Kosovo
zu Hause türkisch. ("Turkey Says Minority Rights Worse than Under
Serbian Rule"), Albanian Daily News, 11/07/2000)
Ganz nebenbei erfährt der Leser auf diese Weise etwas mehr über die
ethnische Zusammensetzung des Kosovo vor der NATO-Aggression zugunsten
der terroristischen UCK-Nationalisten. Dabei wäre interessant zu wissen,
ob die türkisch-sprechende Minderheit von den westlichen
UCK-Propagandisten auch zu den Albanern gezählt wurde.
In westlichen Medien hieß es bisher immer, daß 90% der Bevölkerung des
Kosovo ethnische Albaner seien. Bei einer Einwohnerzahl von knapp zwei
Millionen müßten folglich die nicht albanische Minderheiten 200.000
Menschen gezählt haben. Geht man jedoch von den offiziellen Zahlen der
UNO-Flüchtlingsorganisation und anderer Organisationen aus, dann sind
zwischen 250.000 und 300.000 Serben, Roma und Sinti, Juden, Griechen,
Ägypter u.a. aus dem Kosovo geflohen und harren z.Z. meist in Serbien
der Rückkehr ins Kosovo. Dort sollen sich nach verschiedenen offiziellen
Schätzungen immer noch bis zu 100.000 Serben befinden. Zählt man die
250.000 Kosovo-Türken - die sich offensichtlich nicht als Albaner sehen
- zu den nicht-albanischen Minderheiten hinzu, dann addieren sich die
Zahlen auf etwa 600.000 Menschen. Wodurch eine andere der vielen Lügen
der westlichen Politiker und Medien über das Kosovo entlarvt wäre.
Saarbrücken den 12.7.2000
* ETHNIC ALBANIAN SLAIN BY COMPATRIOT
GNJILANE, July 12 (Tanjug) In the ethnic Albanianpopulated
village of Velekinac near the town of Gnjilane, an ethnic Albanian was
murdered by his compatriot, said Gnjilane Committee for Civil Rights and
Protection on Tuesday, quoting a KFOR officer.
According to his statement, the murderer was caught and
detained
immediately.
The Committee says that instant arrests of ethnic Albanian
criminals and murderers who committed offenses against their compatriots
have became a quite regular practice for KFOR and the UNMIK police, as
opposed to those cases in which Serbs, or other nonAlbanians, are the
victims.
The mentioned officer said on Tuesday that house searches in
several villages of the Gnjilane municipality resulted in the seizure of
26
handguns, 31 handgrenades, 240 other items, and 2,700 pieces of
ammunition.
He added that those who possessed the weapons were detained.
There have been unofficial claims that another ethnic Albanian
was
killed in a blaze that broke out in a depot situated by the road
connecting
Gnjilane and Pristina on Monday. Two nearby houses caught fire and
collapsed, despite a quick reaction from the fire brigades of Gnjilane
and
Pristina, says the Committee statement.
* KFOR TROOPS PREVENT REGULAR BURIAL OF SERB WOMAN
PRISTINA, July 12 (Tanjug) Dragica Zivanovic, a Serb woman who
died in Besinje village, municipality of Pristina, on Monday, was buried
in
her back yard because international force KFOR troops refused to provide
an
escort for the funeral procession to take the body to the nearby
Orthodox
cemetery, amateur radio operators reported from Serbia's Kosovo and
Metohija province late on Tuesday.
Ethnic Albanian extremists daily provoke and attack Serbs in
Besinje. About eight Serb families remain in the village, mostly elderly
people who did not want to leave their ancestral homes.
The ethnic Albanian terrorists have stolen all agricultural
machinery from the Serb families, so that they cannot work their farms.
KFOR do not guarantee the Serbs' safety even on special occasions, such
as
funerals, said the sources.
* U.S. SOLDIER KILLS SEVENYEAROLD BOY IN KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
NEW YORK, July 11 (Tanjug) The Pentagon has announced that a U.S.
soldier of the international force KFOR in Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija
province killed a sevenyearold boy on Monday. The Pentagon alleged the
killing had been accidental, that the soldier's weapon had gone off
accidentally.
Meanwhile, a KFOR spokesman confirmed in Pristina late on
Monday
that an unidentified U.S. soldier had accidentally inflicted mortal
wounds
to an ethnic Albanian boy, Gentrid Rexhepi, 7, and that he soon died of
his
wounds, agencies reported.
The incident occurred near the village of Cerkes Sadovina, near
Vitina, and the boy died after being taken to the hospital in the U.S.
base
Bondsteel.
* Three Serbs Shot in U.S. Sector
.c The Associated Press
By ROBERT H. REID
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Unidentified attackers fired at a car on a
rural
road in Kosovo's American sector Wednesday, wounding three Serb men, the
U.S.
command said.
Yugoslav news agencies identified the wounded as a Serbian Orthodox
priest
and two seminary students.
Later, U.S. troops fired warning shots over a crowd of angry Serbs who
gathered in the town of Klokot to protest the attack, a U.S. statement
said.
There were no injuries, and the crowd broke up.
The U.S. statement said the three men were traveling from Klokot to
Vitina,
about 30 miles south of Pristina when the attack occurred at midday.
U.N. civilian police found the wounded men along the road and took them
to
the U.S. military hospital at Camp Bondsteel where they were listed in
stable
condition pending surgery.
Yugoslavia's private news agency Beta and the state-run Tanjug agency
identified the three as clerics.
The attack was the latest against Kosovo's dwindling Serb minority in
wake
of the June 1999 withdrawal of Yugoslav forces following the 78-day NATO
bombing campaign. The alliance launched the airstrikes to stop Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic's crackdown against ethnic Albanians.
Although the attackers were not identified, ethnic Albanian extremists
have
carried out numerous attacks against Serbs in the American sector over
the
past 13 months.
In another development, Serb villagers in two communities just across
the
provincial boundary from Kosovo reported a mortar fire early Wednesday
and
blamed ethnic Albanian extremists.
There were no injuries, the villagers said. The attack reportedly
occurred
near the Serbian villages of Merdare and nearby Borovac, 120 miles
southeast
of Belgrade.
``This is getting worse and worse,'' said Danijela Pavlovic, 35, who
lives
in Merdare. She said the fire came from Mirovac, an Albanian-populated
village on the other side of the separation line.
``We'll all leave if this continues,'' she said, adding she had sent
her
teen-age son to stay with relatives in a town farther from the border.
Serbian police declined comment, but an officer, speaking on condition
of
anonymity, said the mortar attack shortly after midnight was preceded by
sniper fire against a nearby police checkpoint.
AP-NY-07-12-00 1455EDT
* Diskussion um Trepca: Arbeiterinteressen versus Antiimperialismus?
Date: Sat, 8 Jul 2000 17:51:30 +0200
From: Jug Öster Solibeweg <joesb@...>
To: <joesb@...>
Innerhalb der Linken ist im Rahmen der Debatte um den Nato-Krieg gegen
Jugoslawien und den humanitären Interventionismus von jenen, die die
Agrression befürworteten oder zumindest schwiegen, immer wieder die
Frage
des Bergwerkkomplexes Trepca ins Treffen geführt worden.
Antijugoslawischen und versteckt proimperialistischen Positionen soll
mit
den Aussagen der albanischen Bergarbeitergewerkschaft, die von
"Arbeitereigentum" spricht, der Mantel der Arbeiterinteressen umgehängt
werden.
Stellt man allerdings eine Gesamtanalyse an, so ist klar, dass diese
Frage
der geopolitischen unterzuordnen ist, in der es nur zwei Seiten gibt:
Jugoslawien und die NATO (deren freiwillig versklavsten Anhängsel die
albanischen Kräfte sind). Politisch fordert nämlich die albanische
Bergarbeitergewerkschafts nichts anderes als das Kombinat völlig der
jugoslawischen Kontrolle zu entreißen, alles andere Gefasel ist Beiwerk.
Denn unter den realen Bedingungen heißt albanisches "Arbeitereigentum"
Herrschaft der NATO und UCK. Darum sind wir für die Wiedereingliederung
des
Trepca-Kombinats sowie des gesamtzen Kosovo nach Jugoslawien.
Lesen Sie die ausführliche kontroversielle Debatte unter:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=962779078
und
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=961851904
---
"LO CHIAMEREMO CLINTON"
New York Post, June 13, 2000
BABY AMERIKAN DREAM SHATTERED
By NILES LATHEM
BORN IN THE USA: Baby Americkan, born in a New Jersey
refugee camp 13 months ago, stands up as proud parents
Naim and Lebibe watch. - AP
FERIZAJ, Kosovo - Baby Amerikan is now 13 months old,
plump, wide-eyed and curious. He's just starting to
walk and is grabbing everything in sight.
A year ago - at the height of NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia - he captured everyone's hearts when he was
born in a New Jersey refugee center and given his
unusual name in a dramatic expression of gratitude by
his parents.
But now, on the anniversary of the end of the Kosovar
war, the feel-good story of Baby Amerikan has reached
a sad chapter.
The little boy, whose nickname is "Amir," and his
parents, Naim and Lebibe Karaliu, have been back in
Kosovo for nine months.
Naim had no choice but to go home. He'd been unable to
find a job that would cover the $900 rent on their
apartment near Dallas after their aid ran out.
They returned to discover that their "duvar" - a
traditional Albanian compound of family homes
surrounded by a wall - in a bucolic mountain village
had been destroyed by Serbian storm troopers.
Now, they share the cramped house - 10 people live
there - of Naim's brother Vesel in this chaotic, dusty
city. Naim, like the great majority of the Kosovar men
who survived Serbian ethnic cleansing, is broke and
jobless.
Lebibe, 22, pretty and stoic, is seven-months pregnant
with the couple's second child. She worries what kind
of future there will be for Amerikan and his new
sibling.
"I am happy Kosovo is free," Lebibe said through a
translator as she chased the active toddler around a
family room decorated with an American flag.
"But life is hard now. I am concerned about my baby
because we are poor."
Although their plight is shared by thousands of other
Kosovars, the Karalius seem especially bitter at
having lost their chance at the American Dream.
Several times, they asked to be paid for this story,
and complained about broken promises of aid workers in
the United States, and about how a trust fund set up
for Amerikan by good Samaritans in New Jersey had been
stolen by relatives.
"I would like to go back to America. I don't see a
good life in Kosovo," Naim said.
At the end of a winding mountain road, Naim got
teary-eyed as he displayed the damage done to his home
by the Serbs.
"This will cost at least $40,000 to fix. I don't know
what I'm going to do."
The topic of conversation later turned to the new
baby. The couple thinks it, too, will be a boy.
"If we get some help from the United States, maybe
we'll name him Clinton."
---
LISTE DI PROSCRIZIONE E CONDANNE SOMMARIE
PUBBLICATE SUI GIORNALI NAZIONALISTI ALBANESI-KOSOVARI
Albanische Zeitungen schüren Lynch-Justiz im Kosovo
("Dadurch werden die Genannten zum Tode verurteilt", Dan Everts,
OSZE-Botschafter)
(von Rainer Rupp)
Kosovo-albanische Journalisten, unterstützt von internationalen Wächtern
der Medienfreiheit, führen z.Z. eine hitzige Kampagne gegen die
UNO-Verwaltung, weil diese angeblich versucht, im Kosovo die
Pressefreiheit einzuschränken. Nach Angaben der New York Times vom
Donnerstag dieser Woche habe der Protest solche Formen angenommen, daß
ein hoher UNO-Beamter angedeutet hat, daß die Versuche, die albanischen
Medien auf einen minimalen Verhaltenskodex festzulegen, wahrscheinlich
aufgegeben würden. ("Death of Serb Named in Newspaper Sparks Battle Over
Media Restrictions in Kosovo", By STEVEN ERLANGER NYT-July 13, 2000)
Ein Gesetz allerdings, mit dem die UNO-Verwaltung eine Zeitung zu einer
Geldstrafe und/oder zur vorübergehenden Schließung verurteilen kann,
soll zur Empörung der freiheitsliebenden Kosovo-Redakteure weiterhin in
Kraft bleiben. Etliche Redakteure haben in ihren Beschwerden darauf
verwiesen, daß ein ähnliches Gesetz bereits unter serbischer Verwaltung
angewandt wurde.
Aber welche Freiheit meinen die radikalen, Kosovo-albanischen
Redakteure, die sie so vehement gegen die UNO verteidigen wollen? Es ist
die Freiheit, ihre Zeitungen auch weiterhin zu Instrumenten des Terrors
und zu Aufrufen zur Lynchjustiz zu benutzen, um somit den blutige
Terrorkrieg gegen Serben weiter zu führen. Dazu werden Namen, Photos,
zuletzt bekannte Adressen, Arbeitsplatz und mehr von angeblichen
serbischen Kriegsverbrechern veröffentlicht. Dadurch werden diese
Personen – und alle, die ihnen ähnlich sehen - praktisch zu
Todeskandidaten der Exekutionskommandos der UCK abgestempelt.
Mit ihren Aufrufen zur Lynchjustiz setzen sich diese kosovo-albanischen
Blätter bewußt über die Presseregeln der OSZE und UNO-Verwaltung im
Kosovo hinweg. Daß die Gefahr für Leib und Leben der in den albanischen
Blättern benannten Serben real ist, wurde letzten Monat durch die
brutale Ermordung eines serbischen UNO-Mitarbeiters (er war Übersetzer)
weltweit bekannt. Am Anfang der tödlichen Entwicklung stand ein
Exklusivbericht der Zeitung Dita, in dem diese behauptete, einen
serbischen Kriegsverbrecher aufgespürt zu haben, der für die UNO-Mission
im Kosovo (UNMIK) arbeitete. Dita veröffentlichte den Namen von Petar
Topoljski und seine Adresse. Keine drei Wochen später wurde die von
zahlreichen Messerstichen verstümmelte Leiche von Petar Topoljski mit
einem Draht um den Hals in einem Dorf außerhalb Pristinas gefunden.
Ähnliche Hetzartikel wie der in Dita sind in den letzten Monaten in der
Kosovo-Albanischen Presse regelmäßig erschienen. Diese indirekten
Aufrufe zum Mord wollte die Organisation für Sicherheit und
Zusammenarbeit in Europa (OSZE), die im Kosovo für die Medien
verantwortlich ist, nicht länger hinnehmen. Dan Everts, OSZE Botschafter
im Kosovo, wurde kürzlich von der BBC wie folgt zitiert "wir haben
einige sehr schlimme Artikel gesehen, in denen Personen dadurch zum Tode
verurteilt wurden, indem ihr Namen, Arbeitsplatz, Adresse und was sonst
noch alles genannt wurden. Das ist, als würde man den Leuten sagen:
<He!, paßt mal auf, hier sind sie und nun tut mit ihnen, was Ihr
wollt>." ("Kosovo papers defy UN", BBC, By Kosovo Correspondent Nicholas
Wood, Thursday, 6 July, 2000, 11:09 GMT 12:09 UK)
Daß die Zeitung Dita wegen ihrer Veröffentlichung über das Mordopfer
Petar Topoljski auf Anordnung der UNO-Verwaltung für eine Woche
geschlossen worden war machte, machte auf die Chefredaktion
offensichtlich keinen Eindruck, außer daß sich die Redakteure
beschwerten, daß es nun unter der UNO genau so schlimm wäre wie unter
Milosevic. Als die Zeitung Dita wieder erscheinen durfte, hatte
Chefredakteur Behlul Becaj nichts eiligeres zu tun, als den
beanstandeten Artikel erneut abzudrucken.
Zugleich ließ Becaj den UNMIK-Chef Bernard Kouchner wissen, daß die
albanische Presse verpflichtet sei, die (angeblichen) serbischen
Kriegsverbrecher zu benennen, solange die internationalen Organisationen
diese nicht verfolgen würden. Und prompt setzte Dita-Chef Behlul Becaj
seine Drohung in die Tat um. Letzte Woche veröffentlichte Dita eine
Doppelseite mit Namen und Photos von 15 Serben, denen die Zeitung
Kriegsverbrechen vorwarf. Auf eine Reaktion von der OSZE oder UNMIK hat
man bisher vergeblich gewartet.
Saarbrücken den 14.7.00
-
NYTimes.com July 13, 2000
Death of Serb Named in Newspaper Sparks Battle Over Media Restrictions
in Kosovo
By STEVEN ERLANGER
PRISTINA, Kosovo, July 6 -- The publication by an Albanian-language
newspaper
of the name and photograph of a Serb accused by the daily of crimes
against
Albanians, and his murder soon after, has stirred passionate debate
about
press freedom and the need to stop revenge killings in Kosovo.
After the murder, the United Nations administration that rules Kosovo
shut
down the newspaper, Dita, for eight days. Then, when Dita reappeared and
promptly reprinted the offending article, international officials sought
to
impose a formal code of conduct on the news media here.
But local Albanian journalists and international news media watch-dog
bodies
have protested the attempts to regulate media so strongly that the
United
Nations administration is likely to abandon the code, a senior United
Nations official says.
A law that provides for the fining, suspension or closing of print or
broadcast media will, however, remain on the books, the official said.
The
regulation, signed by the United Nations chief here, Bernard Kouchner,
is
intended to prevent the publication or broadcasting of personal details
about people who might become targets of Albanian or Serbian vigilantes.
The frustration of the United Nations authorities is evident as
interethnic
attacks continue, especially on the Serbian minority in Kosovo, while a
system of international judges to deal with such crimes is just
beginning to
function.
Mr. Kouchner issued the regulation after Dita published an article on
April
27 accusing two Serbs, Petar Topoljski and his father, of being members
of
paramilitary groups. Petar Topoljski, 25, still lived in Kosovo and
worked
as a translator for the United Nations; the paper published his address
and
photograph.
Three weeks later he was found murdered, stabbed with a wire wound
around
his neck.
His death seemed an example of the press feeding the cycle of vengeance
against Serbs, with no recourse to the police or the courts. While there
could be no direct connection drawn between the Dita article and the
murder,
Mr. Kouchner decided to act, judging that news media self-regulation was
not
working, and closed Dita for eight days.
More moderate Albanian newspapers, like Koha Ditore, criticized the
suspension of Dita as an arbitrary act of personal power. Dita's
publisher,
Behlul Beqaj, justified publication of the information by saying that
the
system of justice in Kosovo was not working, and that there had been no
punishment for people accused of war crimes.
As soon as the suspension was over, Mr. Beqaj republished the article.
Mr.
Kouchner then issued his regulation on June 17 covering broadcast and
print
media, naming a temporary news media commissioner with the power to
impose
sanctions, fine offending media up to $50,000, seize equipment or
material
and suspend or shut down an outlet.
Appeals are subject to a board appointed by Mr. Kouchner.
The commissioner, a former American diplomat, Douglas Davidson, was also
given power to issue temporary codes of conduct to be compiled in
consultation with local editors and imposed "in special circumstances."
Mr. Davidson defended the codes as common in Europe and necessary to
deter
"hate speech." But the United Nations is likely to abandon the effort to
compile a code, after what officials describe as long and frustrating
meetings with editors who oppose it as undemocratic.
Mr. Kouchner's regulation itself caused a furor. It was condemned by the
World Press Freedom Committee and other international news media
watch-dogs,
and Mr. Beqaj tested it on June 26, publishing the names of two Serbs
from
the town of Kosovo Polje accused of attacking ethnic Albanians. One of
those
Serbs is in close contact with the municipality and the United Nations.
This
time, Dita went to the police first, but did not heed United Nations
requests to delay publication.
Mr. Davidson then issued a warning to Dita and said the paper appeared
to
have violated the regulation on publishing personal details that "would
pose
a serious threat to the life, safety or security of any such person
through
vigilante violence or otherwise."
"Publishing names can put people's lives at risk," Mr. Davidson said in
a
statement. "It is also violating a fundamental principle of Western
journalism that someone is innocent until proven guilty."
Then, on July 5, Dita published the names, prewar addresses and
photographs
of 15 more Serbs it accused of committing crimes against ethnic
Albanians.
Mr. Beqaj is unrepentant. In one meeting with Mr. Davidson and other
editors, he noted that Dita was accused of involvement with just one
death
out of 500 or so that have occurred in Kosovo in the year since NATO
troops
arrived.
Mr. Davidson, Mr. Kouchner and other United Nations officials say they
must
have some way to stop hate speech and the incitement to murder
individuals
on the basis of uncorroborated accusations by news media. "This is not
yet a
normal place," Mr. Davidson said. "The international community must have
some control and if it wants to lower the level of hatred and tension
here,
not make it worse, then one thing you must look at is the media."
But Baton Haxhiu, the editor of Koha Ditore, said that Albanian news
executives are able to police themselves, and that the solution lies not
in
restricting press freedom, but in providing a functioning justice
system.
"All this just shows that the internationals are becoming Balkanized,
trying
to put restrictions on the freedom of the press," he said. "This is a
bad
precedent, and it will be used against us by some political party in the
future."
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
il popolo kosovaro fu liberato dai tedeschi.
Tutti i territori albanesi di questo stato, come il Kosova, la
Macedonia occidentale e le regioni di confine del Montenegro
furono riunificate con l'Albania propriamente detta. Furono
ristabilite le scuole in lingua albanese, l'amministrazione del
governo, la stampa e la radio"
(Da: www.klpm.org, sito web affiliato all'UCK).
---
MISCELLANEA DI ATTI TERRORISTICI ED ALTRI CAPOLAVORI DELL'UCKFOR
* CONDEMNATION OF PERSECUTION OF SERB JOURNALISTS
PRISTINA, July 16 (Tanjug) The arrest of Ljubisa Jovanovic, the
correspondent of the Serbian Radio and Television (RTS) from Kosovo
Polje,
by members of the international missions KFOR and UNMIK is yet another
deliberate move aimed at driving away the Serbs and represents a form of
intimidation of the remaining Serbs who are resisting the daily violence
in
KosovoMetohija, the Information SubCommittee of the Yugoslav Committee
for
Cooperation with the U.N. Mission in KosovoMetohija said on Saturday.
The UNMIK police searched Jovanovic's house on Thursday after
receiving a report by his wife that she had seen two ethnic Albanians
fleeing from their back yard upon her return from work. During the
search
of the house, the UNMIK police uncovered an automatic gun clearly
previously planted there. They waited for Jovanovic and took him to the
police station.
SubCommittee VicePresident Milorad Vujovic issued a statement
protesting strongly over the conduct of KFOR and UNMIK and recalling
that
this incident is yet another in a series of persecutions of Serb
journalists in Serbia's southern province who are constantly being
threatened and prevented from doing their job.
Two weeks ago, in the busiest part of Pristina, as yet
unidentified ethnic Albanian terrorists shot and seriously wounded
Valentina Cukic, the reporter of the Serbianlanguage program Radio
Kontakt,
and a man accompanying her, also a Serb.
The tepid position of the members of the international mission
contributes to the continuing jeopardy of the lives of Serb journalists
while, on the other hand, the ethnic Albanian media are publishing
warrants
for the arrest of innocent Serb civilians whom they continue
persecuting.
The Pristina paper Dita and ethnic Albanian radio stations, for
example, persist in issuing calls for the lynching of prominent citizens
and spreading lies and forged "proof" about their alleged involvement in
the 1999 war developments, the statement recalled.
The SubCommittee described the conduct of KFOR and UNMIK as
inadmissible because, instead of protecting the threatened Serbs
victims
of the ethnic Albanian terrorism, they tolerate the daily crimes of the
ethnic Albanian terrorists, such as murders, kidnappings, shelling of
Serb
villages, ethnic cleansing and an overall genocide of the Serb people,
the
statement said.
* ETHNIC ALBANIANS BLOW UP KFOR WATCHTOWER UNDER CONSTRUCTION
LIPLJAN, DOBROTIN, July 16 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian terrorists
early on Saturday blew up a KFOR watchtower under construction on the
crossroads of the Pristina Urosevac and Lipljan Janjevo roads only two
kilometres away from the Serb village of Dobrotin, south of Pristina,
local
radio hams said.
The watchtower, which is being built by the Finnish
peacekeepers,
should secure control of all routes in the vicinity, a fact clearly not
to
the liking of the ethnic Albanian extremists.
Eyewitnesses claim that after the KFOR investigators arrived at
the scene of the explosion, the ethnic Albanian translator suggested
that
the Serbs from Dobrotin had fired a rocket launcher at the watchtower.
The
UNMIK police, however, rejected these allegations after uncovering the
remains of the planted explosives.
* Serbs Denounce U.N. Elections
Saturday July 15 6:22 AM ET
By ROBERT H. REID, Associated Press Writer
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Hard-line Serb leaders insist their refusal
to take part in Kosovo's first internationally supervised elections
remains firm - despite a U.N. decision to give them more time to change
their mind.
Saturday had been the deadline for Kosovars of all ethnicities -
Albanian, Serb, Turkish, Gypsies and others - to register for municipal
elections in October. However, U.N. administrator Bernard Kouchner
extended the deadline until the close of business Wednesday after
international officials said they had seen the first clear signs that
some Kosovo Serbs wanted to take part.
``It was decided to give them time to see whether those indications
produce something tangible,´´ said Roland Bless, spokesman for the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which will
supervise the balloting.
After that decision Friday, the official Yugoslav news agency Tanjug
quoted the hard-line Serb National Council as ruling out any possibility
of Serbs taking part in registration and elections until Serbs who fled
the province last year can return.
However, U.N. sources, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Serb
community in the small town of Leposavic was interested in registering.
Tensions flared Saturday in Kosovska Mitrovica after a grenade was fired
into the Serb sector of the city from the ethnic Albanian side, the
NATO-led peacekeeping command said.
No injuries were reported. But the blast prompted rumors that a Serb
cafe had been hit, and a crowd of angry Serbs flooded into the area.
They dispersed Friday night when peacekeepers convinced them the cafe
had not been hit.
But minutes later, another grenade was fired toward a complex of three
apartment buildings on the Serb side, exploding in an empty apartment,
NATO said. That brought crowds back out for an hour.
Kosovska Mitrovica is the site of the largest Serb enclave. And the Serb
leader there, Oliver Ivanovic, remained adamantly against any
participation in the elections.
He wants the United Nations to return 1,500 Serbs to Kosovo by July 25
and a timetable for the return of another 210,000 non-Albanians who fled
the province when Yugoslav forces evacuated in June 1999 following the
78-day NATO bombing campaign.
U.N. officials have resisted the demands, saying a premature return of
Serbs would only worsen the already tense ethnic climate.
``The Serbs from this region will not register nor take part in the vote
until Serbs start returning to Kosovo in bigger numbers,´´ said
Dragisa Milovic, spokesman for Ivanovic.
``If the international community succeeds in organizing the return of
the Serbs, guaranteeing their safety, we will change our minds,´´
Milovic added. ``For now, we have absolutely no security in Kosovo, nor
are we able to move around. Under those conditions, any election would
be absurd.´´
Some leaders of the 15,000-strong Turkish minority were also boycotting.
Only about 1,000 ethnic Turks had registered by late Friday, the OSCE
said.
Without minority participation, U.N. officials would be forced to decide
whether to go ahead with a multiethnic election even if only the
majority Albanians agree to participate in significant numbers.
Ethnic Albanians are believed to comprise more than 90 percent of
Kosovo's estimated 2 million people, although no reliable census has
been taken in decades.
* Mortar shells on Serb part of the town
http://www.serbia-info.com/news
July 15, 2000
Constant provocation of ethnic Albanian terrorists
Kosovska Mitrovica, July 14 - Ethnic Albanian terrorists tonight at
22.15p.m. fired from the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica two mortar
shells at the Serb part of the town, which exploded on pavement close to
the first apartment building at the beginning of the street, near
bridge, which divides the town into ethnic Albanian and Serb part.
Luckily, there was no one in the street at the time of the blast. French
KFOR soldiers which were standing on the bridge, about 20 meters from
the explosion, panicky ran across the bridge to the southern part of the
town.
Hundreds of Serbs who demanded protection from French soldiers, gathered
in street immediately. According to the eyewitnesses, mortar shells were
fired from the Sport hall, which stands along the coast in the ethnic
Albanian part of the town.
North Brigade Commander General Jean Louis Sivlait hosted a reception
tonight, on the occasion of France's national holiday (July 14) attended
by UNMIK chief Bernard Kouchner and the leaders of the former "KLA"
(Kosovo Liberation Army) and now the commanders of the so-called Kosovo
Protection Corps - Agim Ceku, Sami Ljustaku and Rahman Rama.
Referring to the guests, Kouchner called leaders of both communities in
Kosovska Mitrovica, Oliver Ivanovic and Bajram Redzepi, and specially
General Agim Ceku, according to him, to help UNMIK, KFOR and to all
international community in order to unite the town.
Tonight's attack on Serb part of the town is clear sign of how Ceku's
terrorists see "union of Mitrovica".
* Rifle, grenades fired in troubled Kosovo town
The Associated Press
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia (July 15, 2000 3:22 p.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - Angry crowds gathered early Saturday on the
Serb side of this ethnically divided city after a grenade was fired from
the ethnic Albanian area, setting off two hours of unrest.
No one was believed injured in the blast or the two-hour melee which
followed, according to the French military command. Leaders of both
ethnic communities appealed for calm.
After the blast, rumors spread through the Serb community that the
grenade, fired at about 11 p.m., had hit a Serb café frequented by
Serbs who monitor traffic across a bridge over the Ibar River, which
divides the city into Albanian and Serb districts.
Believing the café had been hit, a crowd of about 500 angry Serbs
rushed to the scene, shouting and taunting French peacekeepers. French
Brig. Gen. Jean-Louis Sublet rushed to the scene and spoke with Serb
community leader Oliver Ivanovic, convincing him the café had not been
hit and promising to investigate.
By midnight the crowd dispersed but a few minutes later, gunshots rang
out and another grenade was fired toward a complex of three apartment
buildings on the north side of the river, exploding in an empty
apartment, NATO said.
The complex, although located on the Serb side, contains apartments of
ethnic Albanians who were resettled in the area months ago by NATO
troops against the wishes of the Serb community.
The second grenade brought crowds back into the streets on the Serb side
of the river. They finally went home about 1 a.m., NATO said.
On Saturday, leaders of the Albanian and Serb communities - Dr. Bajram
Rexhepi and Ivanovic - met with the regional U.N. administrator William
L. Nash to discuss the security situation. Afterward, they issued a
joint statement condemning the violence.
"We are determined, however, to continue our efforts to improve
security, the rule of law, the return of displaced persons and the
economic development of the region," the statement said. "We will not be
deterred by the actions of a few."
In Belgrade, the opposition Serbian Renewal Movement called the
incidents "another denial of claims by international community officials
that the situation in Kosovo has stabilized," and that ethnic Albanian
militants have been disarmed.
The Democratic Party of Serbia said the attack "clearly shows that it is
futile for Serbs to try take part in the elections" planned for October.
Kosovska Mitrovica is the tensest city in the province because of the
presence of large numbers of Serbs and ethnic Albanians. French troops
have enforced an informal division of the city, which the ethnic
Albanians have denounced as a violation of the June 1999 peace agreement
which provided for a multiethnic Kosovo in which people could return to
their former homes.
* EIGHT BODIES UNCOVERED IN HOSPITAL GARBAGE CONTAINER IN GNJILANE
GNJILANE, July 14 (Tanjug) UNMIK police spokesmen in the town of
Gnjilane, eastern KosovoMetohija governed by the United Nations for more
than a year, said on Friday that eight bodies had been uncovered in a
metal
garbage container belonging to the local hospital.
The Committee for Protection and Human Rights of Gnjilane said
that the bodies had been in the garbage dump for more than eight months,
which means that they were hidden during the first or second week after
the
arrival of the U.N. peacekeepers to KosovoMetohija and the stationing of
the French and U.N. troops in Gnjilane.
It is believed that the victims are Serbs. The local Serbs have
demanded that the bodies be examined by foreign and domestic
pathologists
to determine the truth about this crime.
About 70 families of Serbs who were kidnapped from Gnjilane and
its vicinity, are very concerned and are awaiting the results of the
investigation with trepidation.
* ETHNIC ALBANIANS SHELL SERB PART OF KOSOVSKA MITROVICA
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, July 15 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian terrorists
on Friday evening fired from the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica two
mortar shells at the northern (Serb) part of this town in central
KosovoMetohija.
The shells exploded in the street close to the first apartment
building near the bridge which divides the town into two parts (Serb and
ethnic Albanian).
Luckily, there was no one in the street at the time of the
blast.
Immediately before, North Brigade Commander General Jean Louis
Sivlait hosted a reception on the occasion of France's national holiday
(July 14) attended by UNMIK chief Bernard Kouchner and the leaders of
the
former "KLA" (Kosovo Liberation Army) and now the commanders of the
socalled Kosovo Protection Corps Agim Ceku, Sami Ljustaku and Rahman
Rama.
* GROUP OF ETHNIC ALBANIANS BEAT ELDERLY SERB
LIPLJAN, July 15 (Tanjug) A group of ethnic Albanians on Friday
evening beat 80yearold Serb Nikola Perencevic in the village of Lipljan,
some 20 km south of Pristina.
Local radio hams reported that the old man sustained serious
head
injuries.
Perencevic was taken by Finnish KFOR troops to the Russian
military hospital in Kosovo Polje to receive medical treatment.
The same sources say that so far KFOR has done nothing to find
and
arrest this group of ethnic Albanians.
* KOUCHNER EXTENDS DEADLINE FOR VOTER REGISTRATION
PRISTINA, July 15 (Tanjug) The head of the U.N. civilian mission
for KosovoMetohija, Bernard Kouchner, has extended for three more days
the
deadline for voter registration for elections to be held in this Serbian
province despite the fact that they are turning into a farce.
The final day for the registration was today. Kouchner decided
to
wait three more days because the nonAlbanians failed to respond to the
registration calls.
Field estimates show that the majority of the nonAlbanian
population could not have taken part in the forming of the election
lists
since during the one year U.N. administration the ethnic Albanian
extremists drove away from KosovoMetohija more than 350,000 Serbs,
Muslims,
Romanies, Goranci and others. In most cities there are no longer any
Serbs,
250,000 of whom have been expelled.
In Pristina it is said that the extension of the registration
deadline is the best proof of the failure of Kouchner's election option.
It is certain that neither the Serbs or the other nonAlbanians
will take part in the elections so that it is already possible to speak
about the total collapse of Kouchner's and UNMIK's mission.
The basic condition of the Serbs in KosovoMetohija for voting
at
the elections is the return of the expelled and the securing of the
safety
of their life and property all tasks UNMIK and KFOR should have carried
out in keeping with U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 dating from
1999.
* ETHNIC ALBANIAN EXTREMISTS THROW MOLOTOV COCKTAILS AT SERB HOUSE
OBILIC, July 15 (Tanjug) Ethnic Albanian extremists on Thursday
and Friday threw Molotov cocktails at the house of Nada Stolic, a Serb
woman from the town of Obilic, north of Pristina.
The ensuing fires, which were rapidly put out with the help of
the
neighbours, caused much material damage but no one was injured.
Local radio hams said that the first Molotov cocktail was
thrown
on Thursday at 2 p.m. and the other on Friday at 8 a.m
* KFOR and UNMIK are violating human rights of Gorani
http://www.serbia-info.com/news Tanjug
July 14, 2000
Exerting pressure on Gorani to take Islam
Prizren, July 13 - So-called UN peace mission in
Kosovo and Metohija - UNMIK and KFOR - in the
municipality Gora, in the area of Dragas are extorting
strong pressures on Gorani who live in that area with
the basic intention to denationalize them, "declare"
them as Muslims, which represents dramatic violation
of basic human rights, claims Center for peace and
tolerance from Prizren. This kind of violence
represents moral fall of UN representatives in Kosovo
and Metohija, because question is being asked, if the
UN after these "actions" can survive. With these
actions, which have not been seen since fascist
invasion on Kosovo and Metohija in 1941, according to
relevant evaluations of citizens of this area, first
of all, UN Charter is being destroyed, stresses
Center.
Center for peace and tolerance from Prizren has
respectable evidence of this violence, which is
underway in the municipality of Gora. There KFOR and
UNMIK are threatening to the population of this area
that they will take their property, cars, destroy
hoses, that they will be expelled if they do not
respond to the census and if they do not declare
themselves as representatives of nonexistent new
composed national community of Muslim nation…
President of the National community of Gorani and
member of Kosovo-Metohija Provisional Executive
Council Mr.Ibro Vait points out that KFOR and UNMIK
were trying to deny origin of Gorani with the
intention to "declare" them as Muslims, with ethnic
Albanians, from their arrival in Kosovo and Metohija.
"KFOR and UNMIK's pressure represents flagrant
violation of basic human rights and international
standards, calculated to destroy origin of Gorani",
warned Vait in today's statement to Tanjug, evaluating
that "peacekeepers' intention", in fact, is to
denationalize one ethnic community.
* Russia Opposes Elections in Kosovo
.c The Associated Press
By EDITH M. LEDERER
UNITED NATIONS (AP) - Russia is arguing against U.N. plans to hold a
supervised election in Kosovo, warning that deteriorating security
conditions
for Serbs prevent any vote from being free and fair.
If the internationally monitored municipal elections go ahead this
year,
ethnic Albanian hard-liners will take power and the chance of creating a
truly multiethnic and democratic Kosovo will be lost, Russia's U.N.
Ambassador Sergey Lavrov told the Security Council Thursday.
The province's estimated 100,000 Serbs are boycotting the electoral
process
until the United Nations satisfies their demands for security against
ethnic
Albanian attacks and provides for the return of Serbs who fled when
Yugoslav
forces withdrew in June 1999 after a 78-day NATO bombing campaign.
He warned that their non-participation ``would distort both the ethnic
and
the political picture in Kosovo.''
Russia has close cultural and religious ties with the Serbs and has
been
Yugoslavia's strongest supporter on the Security Council along with
China,
which also questioned whether elections could be held freely and safely
when
minorities in Kosovo are still subject to numerous and well-organized
attacks.
With registration for the municipal elections set to end Saturday,
Assistant
Secretary-General Hedi Annabi told the Security Council that nearly
900,000
applications have been received. But despite intensive efforts by the
U.N.
mission which is administering Kosovo, the Serbs and much of Kosovo's
Turkish
population refuse to end their boycott, he said.
U.S. deputy ambassador James Cunningham said the United States believes
``the solution to violence lies in the political process'' and elections
and
a responsible government structure ``are the best way to temper
passions.''
Kosovo's chief U.N. administrator, Bernard Kouchner, signed a
regulation
July 8 which gives him the authority to determine the date for the
municipal
elections after consulting Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
It is widely expected to take place in October.
AP-NY-07-14-00 0113EDT
* PRIEST KOJIC, TWO OTHER PASSENGERS WOUNDED IN TERRORIST ATTACK
KOSOVSKA VITINA, July 13 (Tanjug) An automobile driven by Serbian
Orthodox priest Dragan Kojic of Vitina came under bursts of machinegun
fire
on the road VitinaKlokot on Wednesday and the priest was critically
wounded
in this incident, amateur radio operators reported from Serbia's Kosovo
and
Metohija province.
The attack was launched by ethnic Albanian terrorist from a
passing automobile where a road branches for Mogila village.
The priest has been taken to the military hospital at the U.S.
base Bondsteel where doctors are trying to save his life. Three other
persons were travelling with the priest, one of them his son. Two
passengers were also injured, but their wounds are not lifethreatening.
Villagers started to rally in Klokot after they heard of the
attack, protesting against this brutal attack on a man of the cloth.
International force KFOR troops blocked all approaches to this Serb
village, the sources said.
* UNHCR DENIES SERBS THE RIGHT TO TRANSPORT
VELIKA HOCA, July 13 (Tanjug) UNHCR representatives decided to
deprive the inhabitants of the Serbpopulated village Velika Hoca in
KosovoMetohija of the right to use the bus line commuting to Serbia
proper
on Wednesdays, local amateur radio operators said on Wednesday.
This decision came as a result of a recent incident, in which a
group of angry villagers set up barricades, in response to KFOR's
lenient
attitude towards repeated mortar attacks on Velika Hoca. In this
incident,
clashes took place between the villagers and KFOR soldiers, also, two
vehicles were demolished.
The radiooperators also say that the KFOR has not reacted at
all
to the shelling of Velika Hoca, even though it is known that the attack
were perpetrated by ethnic Albanians of Brestovac village.
* Klagen der türkischen Minorität im Kosovo
Mehr Rechte unter serbischer als unter UNO-Veraltung
(von Rainer Rupp)
Seitdem die NATO mit ihrem Einmarsch der UCK die Terrorherrschaft im
Kosovo gesichert hat, gehören nicht nur andersgläubige Serben und Roma
und Sinti zu den verfolgten Minderheiten in der serbischen Provinz,
sondern auch die muslimische, türkisch-sprechende Volksgruppe im Kosovo.
Der Verteidigung ihrer Rechte hat sich nun der türkische Außenminister
Cem Ismail in Ankara angenommen.
In einem Brief an UNO Generalsekretär Kofi Annan hat Außenminister Cem
seiner "großen Sorge" über die gleichgültige Haltung der UNO-Verwaltung
im Kosovo gegenüber den Anliegen der Kosovo-Türkischen Minorität
Ausdruck verleihen. In der Tat ist die türkische Minderheit so gut wie
nicht in dem "Interim Verwaltungsrat" vertreten, der von dem
umstrittenen UNMIK-Chef Bernard Kouchner ins Leben gerufen wurde. Auch
waren Mitglieder der türkischen Minderheit in der Vergangenheit
wiederholt Opfer von UCK-Anschlägen gewesen. Nicht wenige sind im
letzten Jahr nach Serbien oder Montenegro geflohen.
Außenminister Cem hob in seinem Brief an Kofi Anan hervor, daß sein Land
bereits verschiedene Male die Aufmerksamkeit der UNO-Verwaltung auf die
besonders Situation der türkischen Minderheit gelenkt habe und u.a. drei
Briefe an den UNO-Sondergesandten im Kosovo geschickt habe. Keine dieser
Initiativen hätte auch nur im geringsten gefruchtet und die drei Briefe
seien unbeantwortet geblieben.
Nach einem Bericht der albanischen Zeitung "Albanian Daily News" habe
der türkische Minister in diesem Zusammenhang betont, daß es um die
Minoritätenrechte der türkisch-sprachigen Volksgruppe im Kosovo "unter
UNO-Verwaltung schlechter bestellt ist als zu Zeiten der serbischen
Verwaltung". Nach Angaben der Zeitung "sprechen ungefähr 250.000
Einwohner der zwei Millionen zählenden Vorkriegsbevölkerung des Kosovo
zu Hause türkisch. ("Turkey Says Minority Rights Worse than Under
Serbian Rule"), Albanian Daily News, 11/07/2000)
Ganz nebenbei erfährt der Leser auf diese Weise etwas mehr über die
ethnische Zusammensetzung des Kosovo vor der NATO-Aggression zugunsten
der terroristischen UCK-Nationalisten. Dabei wäre interessant zu wissen,
ob die türkisch-sprechende Minderheit von den westlichen
UCK-Propagandisten auch zu den Albanern gezählt wurde.
In westlichen Medien hieß es bisher immer, daß 90% der Bevölkerung des
Kosovo ethnische Albaner seien. Bei einer Einwohnerzahl von knapp zwei
Millionen müßten folglich die nicht albanische Minderheiten 200.000
Menschen gezählt haben. Geht man jedoch von den offiziellen Zahlen der
UNO-Flüchtlingsorganisation und anderer Organisationen aus, dann sind
zwischen 250.000 und 300.000 Serben, Roma und Sinti, Juden, Griechen,
Ägypter u.a. aus dem Kosovo geflohen und harren z.Z. meist in Serbien
der Rückkehr ins Kosovo. Dort sollen sich nach verschiedenen offiziellen
Schätzungen immer noch bis zu 100.000 Serben befinden. Zählt man die
250.000 Kosovo-Türken - die sich offensichtlich nicht als Albaner sehen
- zu den nicht-albanischen Minderheiten hinzu, dann addieren sich die
Zahlen auf etwa 600.000 Menschen. Wodurch eine andere der vielen Lügen
der westlichen Politiker und Medien über das Kosovo entlarvt wäre.
Saarbrücken den 12.7.2000
* ETHNIC ALBANIAN SLAIN BY COMPATRIOT
GNJILANE, July 12 (Tanjug) In the ethnic Albanianpopulated
village of Velekinac near the town of Gnjilane, an ethnic Albanian was
murdered by his compatriot, said Gnjilane Committee for Civil Rights and
Protection on Tuesday, quoting a KFOR officer.
According to his statement, the murderer was caught and
detained
immediately.
The Committee says that instant arrests of ethnic Albanian
criminals and murderers who committed offenses against their compatriots
have became a quite regular practice for KFOR and the UNMIK police, as
opposed to those cases in which Serbs, or other nonAlbanians, are the
victims.
The mentioned officer said on Tuesday that house searches in
several villages of the Gnjilane municipality resulted in the seizure of
26
handguns, 31 handgrenades, 240 other items, and 2,700 pieces of
ammunition.
He added that those who possessed the weapons were detained.
There have been unofficial claims that another ethnic Albanian
was
killed in a blaze that broke out in a depot situated by the road
connecting
Gnjilane and Pristina on Monday. Two nearby houses caught fire and
collapsed, despite a quick reaction from the fire brigades of Gnjilane
and
Pristina, says the Committee statement.
* KFOR TROOPS PREVENT REGULAR BURIAL OF SERB WOMAN
PRISTINA, July 12 (Tanjug) Dragica Zivanovic, a Serb woman who
died in Besinje village, municipality of Pristina, on Monday, was buried
in
her back yard because international force KFOR troops refused to provide
an
escort for the funeral procession to take the body to the nearby
Orthodox
cemetery, amateur radio operators reported from Serbia's Kosovo and
Metohija province late on Tuesday.
Ethnic Albanian extremists daily provoke and attack Serbs in
Besinje. About eight Serb families remain in the village, mostly elderly
people who did not want to leave their ancestral homes.
The ethnic Albanian terrorists have stolen all agricultural
machinery from the Serb families, so that they cannot work their farms.
KFOR do not guarantee the Serbs' safety even on special occasions, such
as
funerals, said the sources.
* U.S. SOLDIER KILLS SEVENYEAROLD BOY IN KOSOVO AND METOHIJA
NEW YORK, July 11 (Tanjug) The Pentagon has announced that a U.S.
soldier of the international force KFOR in Serbia's Kosovo and Metohija
province killed a sevenyearold boy on Monday. The Pentagon alleged the
killing had been accidental, that the soldier's weapon had gone off
accidentally.
Meanwhile, a KFOR spokesman confirmed in Pristina late on
Monday
that an unidentified U.S. soldier had accidentally inflicted mortal
wounds
to an ethnic Albanian boy, Gentrid Rexhepi, 7, and that he soon died of
his
wounds, agencies reported.
The incident occurred near the village of Cerkes Sadovina, near
Vitina, and the boy died after being taken to the hospital in the U.S.
base
Bondsteel.
* Three Serbs Shot in U.S. Sector
.c The Associated Press
By ROBERT H. REID
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Unidentified attackers fired at a car on a
rural
road in Kosovo's American sector Wednesday, wounding three Serb men, the
U.S.
command said.
Yugoslav news agencies identified the wounded as a Serbian Orthodox
priest
and two seminary students.
Later, U.S. troops fired warning shots over a crowd of angry Serbs who
gathered in the town of Klokot to protest the attack, a U.S. statement
said.
There were no injuries, and the crowd broke up.
The U.S. statement said the three men were traveling from Klokot to
Vitina,
about 30 miles south of Pristina when the attack occurred at midday.
U.N. civilian police found the wounded men along the road and took them
to
the U.S. military hospital at Camp Bondsteel where they were listed in
stable
condition pending surgery.
Yugoslavia's private news agency Beta and the state-run Tanjug agency
identified the three as clerics.
The attack was the latest against Kosovo's dwindling Serb minority in
wake
of the June 1999 withdrawal of Yugoslav forces following the 78-day NATO
bombing campaign. The alliance launched the airstrikes to stop Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic's crackdown against ethnic Albanians.
Although the attackers were not identified, ethnic Albanian extremists
have
carried out numerous attacks against Serbs in the American sector over
the
past 13 months.
In another development, Serb villagers in two communities just across
the
provincial boundary from Kosovo reported a mortar fire early Wednesday
and
blamed ethnic Albanian extremists.
There were no injuries, the villagers said. The attack reportedly
occurred
near the Serbian villages of Merdare and nearby Borovac, 120 miles
southeast
of Belgrade.
``This is getting worse and worse,'' said Danijela Pavlovic, 35, who
lives
in Merdare. She said the fire came from Mirovac, an Albanian-populated
village on the other side of the separation line.
``We'll all leave if this continues,'' she said, adding she had sent
her
teen-age son to stay with relatives in a town farther from the border.
Serbian police declined comment, but an officer, speaking on condition
of
anonymity, said the mortar attack shortly after midnight was preceded by
sniper fire against a nearby police checkpoint.
AP-NY-07-12-00 1455EDT
* Diskussion um Trepca: Arbeiterinteressen versus Antiimperialismus?
Date: Sat, 8 Jul 2000 17:51:30 +0200
From: Jug Öster Solibeweg <joesb@...>
To: <joesb@...>
Innerhalb der Linken ist im Rahmen der Debatte um den Nato-Krieg gegen
Jugoslawien und den humanitären Interventionismus von jenen, die die
Agrression befürworteten oder zumindest schwiegen, immer wieder die
Frage
des Bergwerkkomplexes Trepca ins Treffen geführt worden.
Antijugoslawischen und versteckt proimperialistischen Positionen soll
mit
den Aussagen der albanischen Bergarbeitergewerkschaft, die von
"Arbeitereigentum" spricht, der Mantel der Arbeiterinteressen umgehängt
werden.
Stellt man allerdings eine Gesamtanalyse an, so ist klar, dass diese
Frage
der geopolitischen unterzuordnen ist, in der es nur zwei Seiten gibt:
Jugoslawien und die NATO (deren freiwillig versklavsten Anhängsel die
albanischen Kräfte sind). Politisch fordert nämlich die albanische
Bergarbeitergewerkschafts nichts anderes als das Kombinat völlig der
jugoslawischen Kontrolle zu entreißen, alles andere Gefasel ist Beiwerk.
Denn unter den realen Bedingungen heißt albanisches "Arbeitereigentum"
Herrschaft der NATO und UCK. Darum sind wir für die Wiedereingliederung
des
Trepca-Kombinats sowie des gesamtzen Kosovo nach Jugoslawien.
Lesen Sie die ausführliche kontroversielle Debatte unter:
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=962779078
und
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/cgi-bin/joesb/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=961851904
---
"LO CHIAMEREMO CLINTON"
New York Post, June 13, 2000
BABY AMERIKAN DREAM SHATTERED
By NILES LATHEM
BORN IN THE USA: Baby Americkan, born in a New Jersey
refugee camp 13 months ago, stands up as proud parents
Naim and Lebibe watch. - AP
FERIZAJ, Kosovo - Baby Amerikan is now 13 months old,
plump, wide-eyed and curious. He's just starting to
walk and is grabbing everything in sight.
A year ago - at the height of NATO's bombing of
Yugoslavia - he captured everyone's hearts when he was
born in a New Jersey refugee center and given his
unusual name in a dramatic expression of gratitude by
his parents.
But now, on the anniversary of the end of the Kosovar
war, the feel-good story of Baby Amerikan has reached
a sad chapter.
The little boy, whose nickname is "Amir," and his
parents, Naim and Lebibe Karaliu, have been back in
Kosovo for nine months.
Naim had no choice but to go home. He'd been unable to
find a job that would cover the $900 rent on their
apartment near Dallas after their aid ran out.
They returned to discover that their "duvar" - a
traditional Albanian compound of family homes
surrounded by a wall - in a bucolic mountain village
had been destroyed by Serbian storm troopers.
Now, they share the cramped house - 10 people live
there - of Naim's brother Vesel in this chaotic, dusty
city. Naim, like the great majority of the Kosovar men
who survived Serbian ethnic cleansing, is broke and
jobless.
Lebibe, 22, pretty and stoic, is seven-months pregnant
with the couple's second child. She worries what kind
of future there will be for Amerikan and his new
sibling.
"I am happy Kosovo is free," Lebibe said through a
translator as she chased the active toddler around a
family room decorated with an American flag.
"But life is hard now. I am concerned about my baby
because we are poor."
Although their plight is shared by thousands of other
Kosovars, the Karalius seem especially bitter at
having lost their chance at the American Dream.
Several times, they asked to be paid for this story,
and complained about broken promises of aid workers in
the United States, and about how a trust fund set up
for Amerikan by good Samaritans in New Jersey had been
stolen by relatives.
"I would like to go back to America. I don't see a
good life in Kosovo," Naim said.
At the end of a winding mountain road, Naim got
teary-eyed as he displayed the damage done to his home
by the Serbs.
"This will cost at least $40,000 to fix. I don't know
what I'm going to do."
The topic of conversation later turned to the new
baby. The couple thinks it, too, will be a boy.
"If we get some help from the United States, maybe
we'll name him Clinton."
---
LISTE DI PROSCRIZIONE E CONDANNE SOMMARIE
PUBBLICATE SUI GIORNALI NAZIONALISTI ALBANESI-KOSOVARI
Albanische Zeitungen schüren Lynch-Justiz im Kosovo
("Dadurch werden die Genannten zum Tode verurteilt", Dan Everts,
OSZE-Botschafter)
(von Rainer Rupp)
Kosovo-albanische Journalisten, unterstützt von internationalen Wächtern
der Medienfreiheit, führen z.Z. eine hitzige Kampagne gegen die
UNO-Verwaltung, weil diese angeblich versucht, im Kosovo die
Pressefreiheit einzuschränken. Nach Angaben der New York Times vom
Donnerstag dieser Woche habe der Protest solche Formen angenommen, daß
ein hoher UNO-Beamter angedeutet hat, daß die Versuche, die albanischen
Medien auf einen minimalen Verhaltenskodex festzulegen, wahrscheinlich
aufgegeben würden. ("Death of Serb Named in Newspaper Sparks Battle Over
Media Restrictions in Kosovo", By STEVEN ERLANGER NYT-July 13, 2000)
Ein Gesetz allerdings, mit dem die UNO-Verwaltung eine Zeitung zu einer
Geldstrafe und/oder zur vorübergehenden Schließung verurteilen kann,
soll zur Empörung der freiheitsliebenden Kosovo-Redakteure weiterhin in
Kraft bleiben. Etliche Redakteure haben in ihren Beschwerden darauf
verwiesen, daß ein ähnliches Gesetz bereits unter serbischer Verwaltung
angewandt wurde.
Aber welche Freiheit meinen die radikalen, Kosovo-albanischen
Redakteure, die sie so vehement gegen die UNO verteidigen wollen? Es ist
die Freiheit, ihre Zeitungen auch weiterhin zu Instrumenten des Terrors
und zu Aufrufen zur Lynchjustiz zu benutzen, um somit den blutige
Terrorkrieg gegen Serben weiter zu führen. Dazu werden Namen, Photos,
zuletzt bekannte Adressen, Arbeitsplatz und mehr von angeblichen
serbischen Kriegsverbrechern veröffentlicht. Dadurch werden diese
Personen – und alle, die ihnen ähnlich sehen - praktisch zu
Todeskandidaten der Exekutionskommandos der UCK abgestempelt.
Mit ihren Aufrufen zur Lynchjustiz setzen sich diese kosovo-albanischen
Blätter bewußt über die Presseregeln der OSZE und UNO-Verwaltung im
Kosovo hinweg. Daß die Gefahr für Leib und Leben der in den albanischen
Blättern benannten Serben real ist, wurde letzten Monat durch die
brutale Ermordung eines serbischen UNO-Mitarbeiters (er war Übersetzer)
weltweit bekannt. Am Anfang der tödlichen Entwicklung stand ein
Exklusivbericht der Zeitung Dita, in dem diese behauptete, einen
serbischen Kriegsverbrecher aufgespürt zu haben, der für die UNO-Mission
im Kosovo (UNMIK) arbeitete. Dita veröffentlichte den Namen von Petar
Topoljski und seine Adresse. Keine drei Wochen später wurde die von
zahlreichen Messerstichen verstümmelte Leiche von Petar Topoljski mit
einem Draht um den Hals in einem Dorf außerhalb Pristinas gefunden.
Ähnliche Hetzartikel wie der in Dita sind in den letzten Monaten in der
Kosovo-Albanischen Presse regelmäßig erschienen. Diese indirekten
Aufrufe zum Mord wollte die Organisation für Sicherheit und
Zusammenarbeit in Europa (OSZE), die im Kosovo für die Medien
verantwortlich ist, nicht länger hinnehmen. Dan Everts, OSZE Botschafter
im Kosovo, wurde kürzlich von der BBC wie folgt zitiert "wir haben
einige sehr schlimme Artikel gesehen, in denen Personen dadurch zum Tode
verurteilt wurden, indem ihr Namen, Arbeitsplatz, Adresse und was sonst
noch alles genannt wurden. Das ist, als würde man den Leuten sagen:
<He!, paßt mal auf, hier sind sie und nun tut mit ihnen, was Ihr
wollt>." ("Kosovo papers defy UN", BBC, By Kosovo Correspondent Nicholas
Wood, Thursday, 6 July, 2000, 11:09 GMT 12:09 UK)
Daß die Zeitung Dita wegen ihrer Veröffentlichung über das Mordopfer
Petar Topoljski auf Anordnung der UNO-Verwaltung für eine Woche
geschlossen worden war machte, machte auf die Chefredaktion
offensichtlich keinen Eindruck, außer daß sich die Redakteure
beschwerten, daß es nun unter der UNO genau so schlimm wäre wie unter
Milosevic. Als die Zeitung Dita wieder erscheinen durfte, hatte
Chefredakteur Behlul Becaj nichts eiligeres zu tun, als den
beanstandeten Artikel erneut abzudrucken.
Zugleich ließ Becaj den UNMIK-Chef Bernard Kouchner wissen, daß die
albanische Presse verpflichtet sei, die (angeblichen) serbischen
Kriegsverbrecher zu benennen, solange die internationalen Organisationen
diese nicht verfolgen würden. Und prompt setzte Dita-Chef Behlul Becaj
seine Drohung in die Tat um. Letzte Woche veröffentlichte Dita eine
Doppelseite mit Namen und Photos von 15 Serben, denen die Zeitung
Kriegsverbrechen vorwarf. Auf eine Reaktion von der OSZE oder UNMIK hat
man bisher vergeblich gewartet.
Saarbrücken den 14.7.00
-
NYTimes.com July 13, 2000
Death of Serb Named in Newspaper Sparks Battle Over Media Restrictions
in Kosovo
By STEVEN ERLANGER
PRISTINA, Kosovo, July 6 -- The publication by an Albanian-language
newspaper
of the name and photograph of a Serb accused by the daily of crimes
against
Albanians, and his murder soon after, has stirred passionate debate
about
press freedom and the need to stop revenge killings in Kosovo.
After the murder, the United Nations administration that rules Kosovo
shut
down the newspaper, Dita, for eight days. Then, when Dita reappeared and
promptly reprinted the offending article, international officials sought
to
impose a formal code of conduct on the news media here.
But local Albanian journalists and international news media watch-dog
bodies
have protested the attempts to regulate media so strongly that the
United
Nations administration is likely to abandon the code, a senior United
Nations official says.
A law that provides for the fining, suspension or closing of print or
broadcast media will, however, remain on the books, the official said.
The
regulation, signed by the United Nations chief here, Bernard Kouchner,
is
intended to prevent the publication or broadcasting of personal details
about people who might become targets of Albanian or Serbian vigilantes.
The frustration of the United Nations authorities is evident as
interethnic
attacks continue, especially on the Serbian minority in Kosovo, while a
system of international judges to deal with such crimes is just
beginning to
function.
Mr. Kouchner issued the regulation after Dita published an article on
April
27 accusing two Serbs, Petar Topoljski and his father, of being members
of
paramilitary groups. Petar Topoljski, 25, still lived in Kosovo and
worked
as a translator for the United Nations; the paper published his address
and
photograph.
Three weeks later he was found murdered, stabbed with a wire wound
around
his neck.
His death seemed an example of the press feeding the cycle of vengeance
against Serbs, with no recourse to the police or the courts. While there
could be no direct connection drawn between the Dita article and the
murder,
Mr. Kouchner decided to act, judging that news media self-regulation was
not
working, and closed Dita for eight days.
More moderate Albanian newspapers, like Koha Ditore, criticized the
suspension of Dita as an arbitrary act of personal power. Dita's
publisher,
Behlul Beqaj, justified publication of the information by saying that
the
system of justice in Kosovo was not working, and that there had been no
punishment for people accused of war crimes.
As soon as the suspension was over, Mr. Beqaj republished the article.
Mr.
Kouchner then issued his regulation on June 17 covering broadcast and
media, naming a temporary news media commissioner with the power to
impose
sanctions, fine offending media up to $50,000, seize equipment or
material
and suspend or shut down an outlet.
Appeals are subject to a board appointed by Mr. Kouchner.
The commissioner, a former American diplomat, Douglas Davidson, was also
given power to issue temporary codes of conduct to be compiled in
consultation with local editors and imposed "in special circumstances."
Mr. Davidson defended the codes as common in Europe and necessary to
deter
"hate speech." But the United Nations is likely to abandon the effort to
compile a code, after what officials describe as long and frustrating
meetings with editors who oppose it as undemocratic.
Mr. Kouchner's regulation itself caused a furor. It was condemned by the
World Press Freedom Committee and other international news media
watch-dogs,
and Mr. Beqaj tested it on June 26, publishing the names of two Serbs
from
the town of Kosovo Polje accused of attacking ethnic Albanians. One of
those
Serbs is in close contact with the municipality and the United Nations.
This
time, Dita went to the police first, but did not heed United Nations
requests to delay publication.
Mr. Davidson then issued a warning to Dita and said the paper appeared
to
have violated the regulation on publishing personal details that "would
pose
a serious threat to the life, safety or security of any such person
through
vigilante violence or otherwise."
"Publishing names can put people's lives at risk," Mr. Davidson said in
a
statement. "It is also violating a fundamental principle of Western
journalism that someone is innocent until proven guilty."
Then, on July 5, Dita published the names, prewar addresses and
photographs
of 15 more Serbs it accused of committing crimes against ethnic
Albanians.
Mr. Beqaj is unrepentant. In one meeting with Mr. Davidson and other
editors, he noted that Dita was accused of involvement with just one
death
out of 500 or so that have occurred in Kosovo in the year since NATO
troops
arrived.
Mr. Davidson, Mr. Kouchner and other United Nations officials say they
must
have some way to stop hate speech and the incitement to murder
individuals
on the basis of uncorroborated accusations by news media. "This is not
yet a
normal place," Mr. Davidson said. "The international community must have
some control and if it wants to lower the level of hatred and tension
here,
not make it worse, then one thing you must look at is the media."
But Baton Haxhiu, the editor of Koha Ditore, said that Albanian news
executives are able to police themselves, and that the solution lies not
in
restricting press freedom, but in providing a functioning justice
system.
"All this just shows that the internationals are becoming Balkanized,
trying
to put restrictions on the freedom of the press," he said. "This is a
bad
precedent, and it will be used against us by some political party in the
future."
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
FEDERAL MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 9 July 2000 No. 3102
S P E C I A L I S S U E
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
The present Amendments shall form an integral part of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and shall enter into force on the date of their
promulgation.
AMENDMENT II
1. The Federal Assembly:
shall elect and replace: the President and members of the
Federal Government, judges of the
Federal Constitutional Court, judges of the Federal Court, the Federal
State Prosecutor, Governor
of the Yugoslav National Bank and other federal officials as designated
by the federal law.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 78, paragraph 7 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT III
1. The Chamber of Republics shall be comprised of 20 federal
deputies each from each
constituent Republic, elected at direct elections.
Election and end of the term of office of a federal deputy to
the Chamber of Citizens and the
Chamber of Republics of the Federal Assembly shall be regulated by the
federal law.
A federal deputy shall decide and vote at his own discretion and
may not be recalled.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 80, paragraph 3, and
Article 81, paragraph 2, and
shall supplement Article 86 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT IV
1. Federal laws on the flag, coat of arms and the national
anthem shall be passed by the
Federal Assembly by a two-thirds majority of all federal deputies voting
in each of the two
parliamentary Chambers.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 90, paragraph 2 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT V
1. The President of Republic shall be elected at direct
elections by a secret ballot.
The term of office of the President shall be four years.
The same person may be elected as President of Republic twice at
the most.
The President of Republic and the President of the Federal
Government, as a rule, may not be
from the same constituent Republic.
The President of Republic shall enjoy the same immunities as the
federal deputy.
Immunities enjoyed by the President of Republic shall be decided
by the Federal Assembly.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 97 of the Constitution
of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT VI
1. The term of the President of the Republic shall end before
the expiry of the period for which
he has been elected, if he is removed from office or if he resigns.
The term of the President of Republic shall end on the date of
his resignation or removal from
office.
2. This Amendment shall replace the provisions of Article 98,
paragraphs 1 and 2 of the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT VII
1. The Federal Assembly may remove from office the President of
Republic if the Federal
Constitutional Court finds that he has violated the present
Constitution.
Procedure for removal from office of the President of Republic
may be initiated at least by
half the federal deputies in both Chambers of the Federal Assembly.
Removal of the President of Republic from office may not be put
to a vote before 15 days
have expired from the date on which the Federal Constitutional Court has
forwarded its decision to
the Federal Assembly referred to in paragraph 1 above.
The President of Republic shall be deemed removed from office if
both Chambers of the
Federal Assembly have accepted the motion by a two-thirds majority of
the federal deputies.
If the Federal Assembly declines the motion, it may not be voted
on again before the expiry of
six months.
This Amendment shall replace section V, paragraph 2 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT VIII
1. The Federal Government shall be deemed elected if the
majority of all federal deputies in
both Chambers have voted for it by a secret ballot.
The Federal Government shall be accountable to the Federal
Assembly.
The Federal Assembly may vote a no confidence motion to the
Federal Government.
The President of the Federal Government may propose replacement
of some Federal
Government members.
No confidence motion may be voted on at least three days after
the motion was moved.
The no-confidence motion shall be voted down if the majority of
all federal deputies in each
of the Chambers have gone along with it.
The Federal Government and each of its members may hand in their
resignations to the
Federal Assembly.
AMENDMENT IX
The Constitutional Law shall be adopted to implement Amendments
II to VIII above.
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ON THE IMPLEMENTATION
OF AMENDMENTS II TO VIII TO THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
Article 1
Within 60 days from the date of entry into force of Amendments
II to VIII to the Constitution
of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, federal laws shall be passed on
the election and end of
term of office for the deputies to the Chamber of Republic of the
Federal Assembly and on the
election and removal from office of the President of Republic.
Article 2
Both Chambers of the Federal Assembly shall sit until the expiry
of the term of office of the
federal deputies to the Chambers of Citizens, in accordance with Article
81, paragraph 1 of the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, whereupon elections
will be held for federal
deputies to both Chambers of the Federal Assembly.
The President of Republic shall resume his duties until the
expiry of his term as set out in
Article 97, paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, until which time
elections for President of Republic shall be held in accordance with
Amendment V to the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The Federal Government shall resume its work until its election
in accordance with
Amendment VIII to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
Article 3
The provisions of paragraph 3, subparagraph 1 of Amendment V to
the Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia deal only with the persons elected as
President of Republic in
accordance with this Amendment.
Article 4
The present Law shall enter into force on the date on which it
is proclaimed by both
Chambers of the Federal Assembly.
---
PARLIAMENT PROCLAIMED YUGOSLAV CONSTITUTION AMENDMENTS
BELGRADE, July 7 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav parliament proclaimed
Yugoslav
Constitution Amendments and a Constitutional Law on their implementation
at
an official joint session of both chambers on Thursday.
Thunderous applause welcomed chairman Srdja Bozovic's words when
he
proclaimed the amendments to the Constitution.
Addressing MPs, Bozovic said the proclamation of the
Constitutional
amendments was a big step in the further promotion and overall
democratic
development of the country's social and political systems.
"The Constitutional amendments do not pertain to the established
system of
distribution of power and do not affect the Constitutionally guaranteed
mechanisms of equality of the federal units," Bozovic said.
The direct election of federal MPs to the Chamber of Republics,
at general
elections, as it is done for the Chamber of Citizens, secures a
democratic
and authentic expression of the will of the citizens of Serbia and
Montenegro in constituting both chambers of the federal parliament. This
method, which is applied in most federal states in the world, "secures
the
full democratic legitimacy of the upper house of federal parliament and
eliminates any form of mediation between citizens and their political
institutions," Bozovic said.
The changes in the manner of electing the head of state and
enabling his
election at direct elections ensures that the top state function in
Yugoslavia is based on the absolute democratic determination of those
who
carry national sovereignty - the citizens of Yugoslavia, Bozovic said,
adding that the Constitutional authorities of the president remain the
same.
The firmer linking of the mandates of federal government members
to the
federal parliament shows a due implementation of the parliamentary
system
as the foundation for the organization of state authorities in
Yugoslavia,
Bozovic said.
---
SULLA AUTOPROCLAMATA MISSIONE DIPLOMATICA MONTENEGRINA ALL'ONU
(COMPOSTA DAL SOLO SIGNOR PEROVIC ZELJKO)
Montenegro More Visible at UN
.c The Associated Press
By NICOLE WINFIELD
UNITED NATIONS (AP) - From his one-bedroom apartment in midtown
Manhattan,
Zeljko Perovic has begun a campaign to give Montenegro a greater voice
at the
United Nations, setting up a one-man ``mission'' and getting himself
invited
to U.N. meetings.
One of two republics that make up what is left of the former
Yugoslavia,
Montenegro has no independent legal status at the United Nations.
Montenegro
and Serbia are represented together by Belgrade's U.N. mission.
But with tensions between the two republics increasing - and heightened
last
week with constitutional changes that seek to reduce Montenegro's status
-
Montenegro is seeking to increase its own diplomatic visibility and
garner
support for its pro-Western cause.
``We have to protect our interests,'' said Perovic, Montenegro's
self-proclaimed ``head of mission and U.N. liaison officer,'' in an
interview
Friday.
Montenegro is finding support in its campaign from the four former
republics
that separated from Belgrade in the early 1990s: Slovenia, Croatia,
Macedonia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
On Friday, Slovenia circulated a second letter in three weeks on behalf
of
Montenegro to the Security Council, enclosing the text of a resolution
adopted by the Montenegrin parliament rejecting the constitutional
amendments
enacted by the Yugoslav federal assembly.
The amendments aim to concentrate power in the hands of Yugoslav
President
Slobodan Milosevic while reducing Montenegro's status. One paves the way
for
Milosevic's re-election, the other says parliament's upper house will be
chosen by popular vote, curtailing the influence of Montenegro's
parliament,
which is dominated by Milosevic's opponents.
Slovenia's deputy U.N. ambassador, Samuel Zbogar, said Friday that his
government had decided to help Montenegro gain greater visibility at the
United Nations because Belgrade wasn't representing its interests here.
That support includes circulating letters to U.N. ambassadors on behalf
of
Montenegro and inviting Perovic and other Montenegrin officials to the
United
Nations as ``guests'' of the Slovene mission.
Visitors to the non-public areas of the United Nations must be
accredited to
the organization or be escorted into the building as a ``guest'' of
someone
who is.
``They are the democratic light in Yugoslavia and you have to support
that,'' Zbogar said in an interview.
Yugoslavia's representative at the United Nations, Vladislav Jovanovic,
has
bitterly complained about what he calls Slovenia's interference in
Yugoslav
internal affairs. He has also dismissed Montenegro's quest for official,
or
even unofficial, recognition at the organization.
``Parts of member states are not entitled to have any official or
semi-official mission within the U.N. The appearance of one person
claiming
to represent Montenegro in the U.N. is totally private business and
doesn't
have anything to do with the U.N. membership,'' he said in an interview.
Indeed, as a part of Yugoslavia, Montenegro cannot be recognized as an
independent U.N. member state. It probably couldn't even get
``observer''
status, which has been granted to entities such as the Palestine
Liberation
Organization.
In their dispute with Milosevic's regime, Montenegro officials have
talked
of breaking from Belgrade, but they have stopped short of making a
direct
move for independence.
Similarly, Montenegro's moves at the United Nations have not been
presented
as a step toward statehood. But Zbogar and Perovic said they were
looking
into ways to allow Montenegro to have some type of other accreditation
at the
United Nations - or at least be given the same type of access as
Belgrade's
U.N. representatives.
Belgrade's envoys don't have full rights at the United Nations. In
1992,
they were stripped of some membership rights following the independence
of
four of its six republics. The United States, Britain and the four
former
Yugoslav republics have demanded that Belgrade apply for membership as a
new
country.
Belgrade has so far refused, arguing that the independence of its
republics
didn't affect the ``continuity'' of the country.
Last month, U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke raised Yugoslavia's
disputed
status as one reason for limiting its access to U.N. meetings. He
successfully got the Security Council to block Jovanovic from
participating
in a council debate on the Balkans, primarily on grounds that Milosevic
and
other key leaders have been indicted for war crimes.
Montenegro's foreign minister, Branko Lukovac, attended the Security
Council
debate as a guest of Slovenia, Zbogar said.
AP-NY-07-15-00 0217EDT
---
LA RF DI JUGOSLAVIA E' ISOLATA A LIVELLO INTERNAZIONALE - OPPURE NO?
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
Belgrade Says West's Isolation Bid Has Failed
BELGRADE, Jul 12, 2000 -- (Reuters)
Belgrade's foreign minister said on Friday
the West's bid to isolate Yugoslavia
and strangle its economy had failed and world
support for the government was
growing, state news agency Tanjug reported.
"Yugoslavia's ties and cooperation
with three-quarters of the world's nations,
which accept it as a valid, reliable
and equal partner, and its achievements in
reconstruction and development both
testify to this," Zivadin Jovanovic said.
The United States and most Western
nations withdrew diplomats from Belgrade
last year before NATO launched air
strikes on Yugoslavia over its repression of
majority ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic's Socialist-led regime embarked on a
heavily-publicized reconstruction
campaign after the air war damaged much of the
country's infrastructure.
"We never begged around for help. We
did not waste time hoping for help from
abroad. Our future is not in the
hands of the European Union, NATO or any other
foreign factor, but in our own
hands," Jovanovic said.
High-ranking delegations from
Brazil, China, Iraq, Myanmar and Russia are among
those that recently visited
Belgrade.
"If the philosophy of sanctions and
isolation has helped in any way then it is in
raising awareness that nothing
positive can be achieved in southeast Europe
without Yugoslavia's equal
participation as a key economic, political and
security
factor in the region," Jovanovic
said.
Yugoslavia maintains diplomatic
relations with 166 countries and has other
government offices in 97 countries.
There are 70 foreign embassies in Belgrade.
---
RUSSIA: IMPORTANCE IN PRINCIPLE TO PRESERVE YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, July 11 (Tanjug) The new foreign policy concept of the
Russian Federation underscores that it is important in principle for
Russia
that Yugoslavia's territorial integrity should be preserved and any
attempts at its dismembering prevented.
Yugoslavia's dismembering would pose a threat of a general
conflict breaking out in the Balkans with unpredictable consequences,
said
the document which was endorsed by President Vladimir Putin at the end
of
June, and whose full text was announced for the first time on Tuesday.
The special 22page document also says that Russia will do its
utmost to contribute toward finding a lasting and just solution to the
situation in the Balkans, which will be founded on coordinated decisions
of
the international community.
The Balkans is also mentioned in the part Concepts, which
defines
Moscow's relations toward the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in
Europe (OSCE). Russia will resolutely oppose any narrowing of the OSCE's
functions, primarily meaning any attempts to direct activities of this
organization exclusively to the postSoviet area and the Balkans.
---
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the June 29, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
EDITORIAL: YUGOSLAVIA: NOT SO ISOLATED AFTER ALL
When NATO moved into the Serbian province of Kosovo and
Metohija a year ago on June 10, U.S. plans were to continue
to isolate and dismember what was left of Yugoslavia. The
"International Tribunal" in The Hague--set up and paid for
by U.S.-NATO forces--had indicted Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic for alleged war crimes. It looked like
Montenegro, the remaining republic joined with Serbia to
form Yugoslavia, would be the next target.
Now a year has passed, and it turns out Yugoslavia is not
so isolated after all.
Li Peng, chairperson of the Standing Committee of the
National People's Congress of the People's Republic of
China, addressed a joint session of the Federal Assembly of
Yugoslavia this June.
Li said the U.S. missile attack on the Chinese Embassy in
Belgrade 13 months ago that killed three Chinese
journalists and rendered the embassy building unusable is
"a case of grave international wrongdoing seldom seen in
the history of diplomacy and a gross violation of China's
sovereignty.''
He attacked the U.S. and expressed solidarity with
Yugoslavia.
The head of a Cuban Communist Party delegation visiting
the hometown of President Milosevic in June said the people
of Yugoslavia, "just like the Cubans, have shown they are
not ready to lose their identity no matter what price they
have to pay for that."
He added that the Cubans "admire Yugoslav resistance" to
the "policy of hegemony of the West," during and after
NATO's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia last year. "Both
Yugoslavia and Cuba have the same enemy, but it is most
important that we are not afraid of that enemy."
So China and Cuba have reaffirmed their solidarity with
Yugoslavia. And other forces are chipping away at the U.S.
position. Even Amnesty International has accused U.S.-NATO
forces of war crimes.
And then there is the story of Danish soccer star Peter
Schmeichel. After his team lost a match June 16 in the EURO
2000 games, Schmeichel made an astonishing announcement to
the media.
He said, "Tonight I officially applied at the embassy of
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for a Yugoslavian
passport. The Yugoslav football team is excellent, and it
is the only team I would like to play for. I personally
asked President Slobodan Milosevic to grant me Yugoslavian
National Passport, because I highly respect him and his
achievements in last year's war against NATO aggressors."
It's hard to imagine a superstar athlete making such a
remark unless this reflects an attitude more widely held in
the population.
And in Montenegro itself, local elections have put pro-
Yugoslavia and pro-Milosevic parties in office in some of
the most important cities, despite all the funds pumped
into the anti-Yugoslavia parties by the U.S. and its NATO
allies.
Yugoslavia deserves all the solidarity it can get. And it
is getting some.
- END -
(Copyleft Workers World Service. Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
ww@.... For subscription info send message
to: info@.... Web: http://www.workers.org)
---
ALLE NAZIONI UNITE GLI U.S.A IMPONGONO L'ESCLUSIONE DEL RAPPRESENTANTE
DELLA REPUBBLICA FEDERALE DI JUGOSLAVIA (IL MAGGIORE PAESE BALCANICO PER
NUMERO DI ABITANTI) DA UN DIBATTITO SULLA SITUAZIONE NEI BALCANI.
I RAPPRESENTANTI RUSSO E CINESE ESCONO DALL'AULA PER PROTESTA.
>
>The defenders of 'Western civilization' are in the East...
>
>Russia, China Conduct Walk Out in U.N. Council over Yugo exclusion
>By Evelyn Leopold (6-23-00)
>
>www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
>
>"Gagging people's mouths is not the best way to discuss the acute
>international problems in this way,'' [Russian UN Ambassador] Lavrov said.
>"Even a defendant has a right to defend his or her position.''
>
>UNITED NATIONS (Reuters, Friday June 23 3:02 PM ET ) - The Security Council
>took the unusual step of excluding Yugoslavia's U.N. envoy from a debate on
>the Balkans on Friday, prompting Russia's ambassador to stage a
>demonstrative walk out.
>
>"To discuss the Balkan problem without Yugoslavia is nonsense,'' Ambassador
>
>Sergei Lavrov said before leaving the chamber and placing a junior envoy in
>the Russian seat.
>
>China's envoy followed a few minutes later during a speech by Javier
>Solana, the European Union's foreign policy chief, presumably because he
>headed NATO during its 11-week bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo crisis
>last year.
>China, however, participated in the debate on the Balkans whereas no
>Russian diplomat spoke after the controversy over Yugoslavia's presence.
>
>U.S. ambassador Richard Holbrooke led the challenge on grounds that the
>Yugoslav leadership, including President Slobodan Milosevic, was under
>indictment by a U.N. tribunal for alleged crimes committed during last
>year's Kosovo crisis.
>"It would be inappropriate to allow the representative of this government
to
>use this council in a discussion of where we stand on Kosovo,'' he said.
>Yugoslavia's envoy Vladislav Jovanovic has spoken to the council many times
>before on Balkan issues, the last being one year ago shortly after the
>indictments in May 1999.
>Diplomats said he had tried to since then but was prevented in private
>consultations. One key council envoy said Friday's confrontation was
>ordered by Milosevic.
>
>Milosevic and four of his top lieutenants were indicted as war criminals by
>the Hague-based tribunal for crimes against humanity, including murder,
>during the Kosovo conflict.
>
>The indictments took place amid last spring's NATO bombing raid against
>Serbia to force Belgrade's troops out of Kosovo province where they were
>killing and expelling in large numbers the country's ethnic Albanian
>majority.
>
>The vote on whether Jovanovic should speak was four in favor, seven against
>with four abstentions in the 15-member council. Under council rules,
>procedural matters needs nine ''yes'' votes, with permanent members, such
as
>Russia, the United States, Britain, China and France, unable to use their
>veto.
>
>Voting in favor of Jovanovic were Russia, China, Ukraine and Namibia; those
>against were the United States, Britain, France, the Netherlands,
>Bangladesh, Malaysia and Canada; abstaining were Mali, Tunisia, Argentina
>and Jamaica.
>Jovanovic told reporters the action in the council was part ''of the
>aggressive policy which the U.S. administration has been pursing against
>Yugoslavia for years.''
>He said that the seven votes against him were from NATO members and two
>"extremist'' Islamic countries, Bangladesh and Malaysia, thereby
>constituting a "moral victory'' for Belgrade.
>Lavrov told the council the vote was against the spirit of the U.N. Charter
>which allowed even a country that was not a U. N. member to participate
when
>it was a party to a conflict the council was discussing.
>
>"Gagging people's mouths is not the best way to discuss the acute
>international problems in this way,'' Lavrov said.
>
>"A very dangerous precedent has thus been created when states that are
>unpalatable for political reasons are being isolated from participation in
>the work of the United Nations,'' Lavrov said.
>
>"Yugoslavia has a right to participate. It is a country whose interests are
>directly affected by this question,'' Lavrov told the council, adding that
>the tribunal was a politically motivated.
>
>"Even a defendant has a right to defend his or her position,'' he said.
>
>After the vote on Yugoslavia, China's deputy ambassador, Shen Guofang,
>walked out of the council during an address by Javier Solana, now the
>secretary-general of a European Union council on a common foreign policy.
>
>When he returned Shen mentioned the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in
>Belgrade, which Washington says was due to bad maps. He also reminded the
>council that every country had a right to state its views. "This decision
is
>a wrong decision'' and "does not help a solution in the Balkans,'' Shen
>said.
>
>Solana was secretary-general of NATO during its air campaign to force
>Belgrade to stop repressing ethnic Albanians in Kosovo province, thousands
>of whom were expelled..
>
>Yugoslavia's membership of the United Nations has been in dispute since
>1992, when four of its six constituent republics declared their
>independence. It has been suspended from the U.N. General Assembly until
its
>status is cleared.
>
>www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
FEDERAL MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY
BELGRADE, 9 July 2000 No. 3102
S P E C I A L I S S U E
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
The present Amendments shall form an integral part of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and shall enter into force on the date of their
promulgation.
AMENDMENT II
1. The Federal Assembly:
shall elect and replace: the President and members of the
Federal Government, judges of the
Federal Constitutional Court, judges of the Federal Court, the Federal
State Prosecutor, Governor
of the Yugoslav National Bank and other federal officials as designated
by the federal law.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 78, paragraph 7 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT III
1. The Chamber of Republics shall be comprised of 20 federal
deputies each from each
constituent Republic, elected at direct elections.
Election and end of the term of office of a federal deputy to
the Chamber of Citizens and the
Chamber of Republics of the Federal Assembly shall be regulated by the
federal law.
A federal deputy shall decide and vote at his own discretion and
may not be recalled.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 80, paragraph 3, and
Article 81, paragraph 2, and
shall supplement Article 86 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT IV
1. Federal laws on the flag, coat of arms and the national
anthem shall be passed by the
Federal Assembly by a two-thirds majority of all federal deputies voting
in each of the two
parliamentary Chambers.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 90, paragraph 2 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT V
1. The President of Republic shall be elected at direct
elections by a secret ballot.
The term of office of the President shall be four years.
The same person may be elected as President of Republic twice at
the most.
The President of Republic and the President of the Federal
Government, as a rule, may not be
from the same constituent Republic.
The President of Republic shall enjoy the same immunities as the
federal deputy.
Immunities enjoyed by the President of Republic shall be decided
by the Federal Assembly.
2. This Amendment shall replace Article 97 of the Constitution
of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT VI
1. The term of the President of the Republic shall end before
the expiry of the period for which
he has been elected, if he is removed from office or if he resigns.
The term of the President of Republic shall end on the date of
his resignation or removal from
office.
2. This Amendment shall replace the provisions of Article 98,
paragraphs 1 and 2 of the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT VII
1. The Federal Assembly may remove from office the President of
Republic if the Federal
Constitutional Court finds that he has violated the present
Constitution.
Procedure for removal from office of the President of Republic
may be initiated at least by
half the federal deputies in both Chambers of the Federal Assembly.
Removal of the President of Republic from office may not be put
to a vote before 15 days
have expired from the date on which the Federal Constitutional Court has
forwarded its decision to
the Federal Assembly referred to in paragraph 1 above.
The President of Republic shall be deemed removed from office if
both Chambers of the
Federal Assembly have accepted the motion by a two-thirds majority of
the federal deputies.
If the Federal Assembly declines the motion, it may not be voted
on again before the expiry of
six months.
This Amendment shall replace section V, paragraph 2 of the
Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
AMENDMENT VIII
1. The Federal Government shall be deemed elected if the
majority of all federal deputies in
both Chambers have voted for it by a secret ballot.
The Federal Government shall be accountable to the Federal
Assembly.
The Federal Assembly may vote a no confidence motion to the
Federal Government.
The President of the Federal Government may propose replacement
of some Federal
Government members.
No confidence motion may be voted on at least three days after
the motion was moved.
The no-confidence motion shall be voted down if the majority of
all federal deputies in each
of the Chambers have gone along with it.
The Federal Government and each of its members may hand in their
resignations to the
Federal Assembly.
AMENDMENT IX
The Constitutional Law shall be adopted to implement Amendments
II to VIII above.
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ON THE IMPLEMENTATION
OF AMENDMENTS II TO VIII TO THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
Article 1
Within 60 days from the date of entry into force of Amendments
II to VIII to the Constitution
of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, federal laws shall be passed on
the election and end of
term of office for the deputies to the Chamber of Republic of the
Federal Assembly and on the
election and removal from office of the President of Republic.
Article 2
Both Chambers of the Federal Assembly shall sit until the expiry
of the term of office of the
federal deputies to the Chambers of Citizens, in accordance with Article
81, paragraph 1 of the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, whereupon elections
will be held for federal
deputies to both Chambers of the Federal Assembly.
The President of Republic shall resume his duties until the
expiry of his term as set out in
Article 97, paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, until which time
elections for President of Republic shall be held in accordance with
Amendment V to the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The Federal Government shall resume its work until its election
in accordance with
Amendment VIII to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.
Article 3
The provisions of paragraph 3, subparagraph 1 of Amendment V to
the Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia deal only with the persons elected as
President of Republic in
accordance with this Amendment.
Article 4
The present Law shall enter into force on the date on which it
is proclaimed by both
Chambers of the Federal Assembly.
---
PARLIAMENT PROCLAIMED YUGOSLAV CONSTITUTION AMENDMENTS
BELGRADE, July 7 (Tanjug) - The Yugoslav parliament proclaimed
Yugoslav
Constitution Amendments and a Constitutional Law on their implementation
at
an official joint session of both chambers on Thursday.
Thunderous applause welcomed chairman Srdja Bozovic's words when
he
proclaimed the amendments to the Constitution.
Addressing MPs, Bozovic said the proclamation of the
Constitutional
amendments was a big step in the further promotion and overall
democratic
development of the country's social and political systems.
"The Constitutional amendments do not pertain to the established
system of
distribution of power and do not affect the Constitutionally guaranteed
mechanisms of equality of the federal units," Bozovic said.
The direct election of federal MPs to the Chamber of Republics,
at general
elections, as it is done for the Chamber of Citizens, secures a
democratic
and authentic expression of the will of the citizens of Serbia and
Montenegro in constituting both chambers of the federal parliament. This
method, which is applied in most federal states in the world, "secures
the
full democratic legitimacy of the upper house of federal parliament and
eliminates any form of mediation between citizens and their political
institutions," Bozovic said.
The changes in the manner of electing the head of state and
enabling his
election at direct elections ensures that the top state function in
Yugoslavia is based on the absolute democratic determination of those
who
carry national sovereignty - the citizens of Yugoslavia, Bozovic said,
adding that the Constitutional authorities of the president remain the
same.
The firmer linking of the mandates of federal government members
to the
federal parliament shows a due implementation of the parliamentary
system
as the foundation for the organization of state authorities in
Yugoslavia,
Bozovic said.
---
SULLA AUTOPROCLAMATA MISSIONE DIPLOMATICA MONTENEGRINA ALL'ONU
(COMPOSTA DAL SOLO SIGNOR PEROVIC ZELJKO)
Montenegro More Visible at UN
.c The Associated Press
By NICOLE WINFIELD
UNITED NATIONS (AP) - From his one-bedroom apartment in midtown
Manhattan,
Zeljko Perovic has begun a campaign to give Montenegro a greater voice
at the
United Nations, setting up a one-man ``mission'' and getting himself
invited
to U.N. meetings.
One of two republics that make up what is left of the former
Yugoslavia,
Montenegro has no independent legal status at the United Nations.
Montenegro
and Serbia are represented together by Belgrade's U.N. mission.
But with tensions between the two republics increasing - and heightened
last
week with constitutional changes that seek to reduce Montenegro's status
-
Montenegro is seeking to increase its own diplomatic visibility and
garner
support for its pro-Western cause.
``We have to protect our interests,'' said Perovic, Montenegro's
self-proclaimed ``head of mission and U.N. liaison officer,'' in an
interview
Friday.
Montenegro is finding support in its campaign from the four former
republics
that separated from Belgrade in the early 1990s: Slovenia, Croatia,
Macedonia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
On Friday, Slovenia circulated a second letter in three weeks on behalf
of
Montenegro to the Security Council, enclosing the text of a resolution
adopted by the Montenegrin parliament rejecting the constitutional
amendments
enacted by the Yugoslav federal assembly.
The amendments aim to concentrate power in the hands of Yugoslav
President
Slobodan Milosevic while reducing Montenegro's status. One paves the way
for
Milosevic's re-election, the other says parliament's upper house will be
chosen by popular vote, curtailing the influence of Montenegro's
parliament,
which is dominated by Milosevic's opponents.
Slovenia's deputy U.N. ambassador, Samuel Zbogar, said Friday that his
government had decided to help Montenegro gain greater visibility at the
United Nations because Belgrade wasn't representing its interests here.
That support includes circulating letters to U.N. ambassadors on behalf
of
Montenegro and inviting Perovic and other Montenegrin officials to the
United
Nations as ``guests'' of the Slovene mission.
Visitors to the non-public areas of the United Nations must be
accredited to
the organization or be escorted into the building as a ``guest'' of
someone
who is.
``They are the democratic light in Yugoslavia and you have to support
that,'' Zbogar said in an interview.
Yugoslavia's representative at the United Nations, Vladislav Jovanovic,
has
bitterly complained about what he calls Slovenia's interference in
Yugoslav
internal affairs. He has also dismissed Montenegro's quest for official,
or
even unofficial, recognition at the organization.
``Parts of member states are not entitled to have any official or
semi-official mission within the U.N. The appearance of one person
claiming
to represent Montenegro in the U.N. is totally private business and
doesn't
have anything to do with the U.N. membership,'' he said in an interview.
Indeed, as a part of Yugoslavia, Montenegro cannot be recognized as an
independent U.N. member state. It probably couldn't even get
``observer''
status, which has been granted to entities such as the Palestine
Liberation
Organization.
In their dispute with Milosevic's regime, Montenegro officials have
talked
of breaking from Belgrade, but they have stopped short of making a
direct
move for independence.
Similarly, Montenegro's moves at the United Nations have not been
presented
as a step toward statehood. But Zbogar and Perovic said they were
looking
into ways to allow Montenegro to have some type of other accreditation
at the
United Nations - or at least be given the same type of access as
Belgrade's
U.N. representatives.
Belgrade's envoys don't have full rights at the United Nations. In
1992,
they were stripped of some membership rights following the independence
of
four of its six republics. The United States, Britain and the four
former
Yugoslav republics have demanded that Belgrade apply for membership as a
new
country.
Belgrade has so far refused, arguing that the independence of its
republics
didn't affect the ``continuity'' of the country.
Last month, U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke raised Yugoslavia's
disputed
status as one reason for limiting its access to U.N. meetings. He
successfully got the Security Council to block Jovanovic from
participating
in a council debate on the Balkans, primarily on grounds that Milosevic
and
other key leaders have been indicted for war crimes.
Montenegro's foreign minister, Branko Lukovac, attended the Security
Council
debate as a guest of Slovenia, Zbogar said.
AP-NY-07-15-00 0217EDT
---
LA RF DI JUGOSLAVIA E' ISOLATA A LIVELLO INTERNAZIONALE - OPPURE NO?
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM
Belgrade Says West's Isolation Bid Has Failed
BELGRADE, Jul 12, 2000 -- (Reuters)
Belgrade's foreign minister said on Friday
the West's bid to isolate Yugoslavia
and strangle its economy had failed and world
support for the government was
growing, state news agency Tanjug reported.
"Yugoslavia's ties and cooperation
with three-quarters of the world's nations,
which accept it as a valid, reliable
and equal partner, and its achievements in
reconstruction and development both
testify to this," Zivadin Jovanovic said.
The United States and most Western
nations withdrew diplomats from Belgrade
last year before NATO launched air
strikes on Yugoslavia over its repression of
majority ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic's Socialist-led regime embarked on a
heavily-publicized reconstruction
campaign after the air war damaged much of the
country's infrastructure.
"We never begged around for help. We
did not waste time hoping for help from
abroad. Our future is not in the
hands of the European Union, NATO or any other
foreign factor, but in our own
hands," Jovanovic said.
High-ranking delegations from
Brazil, China, Iraq, Myanmar and Russia are among
those that recently visited
Belgrade.
"If the philosophy of sanctions and
isolation has helped in any way then it is in
raising awareness that nothing
positive can be achieved in southeast Europe
without Yugoslavia's equal
participation as a key economic, political and
security
factor in the region," Jovanovic
said.
Yugoslavia maintains diplomatic
relations with 166 countries and has other
government offices in 97 countries.
There are 70 foreign embassies in Belgrade.
---
RUSSIA: IMPORTANCE IN PRINCIPLE TO PRESERVE YUGOSLAVIA
MOSCOW, July 11 (Tanjug) The new foreign policy concept of the
Russian Federation underscores that it is important in principle for
Russia
that Yugoslavia's territorial integrity should be preserved and any
attempts at its dismembering prevented.
Yugoslavia's dismembering would pose a threat of a general
conflict breaking out in the Balkans with unpredictable consequences,
said
the document which was endorsed by President Vladimir Putin at the end
of
June, and whose full text was announced for the first time on Tuesday.
The special 22page document also says that Russia will do its
utmost to contribute toward finding a lasting and just solution to the
situation in the Balkans, which will be founded on coordinated decisions
of
the international community.
The Balkans is also mentioned in the part Concepts, which
defines
Moscow's relations toward the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in
Europe (OSCE). Russia will resolutely oppose any narrowing of the OSCE's
functions, primarily meaning any attempts to direct activities of this
organization exclusively to the postSoviet area and the Balkans.
---
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the June 29, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
EDITORIAL: YUGOSLAVIA: NOT SO ISOLATED AFTER ALL
When NATO moved into the Serbian province of Kosovo and
Metohija a year ago on June 10, U.S. plans were to continue
to isolate and dismember what was left of Yugoslavia. The
"International Tribunal" in The Hague--set up and paid for
by U.S.-NATO forces--had indicted Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic for alleged war crimes. It looked like
Montenegro, the remaining republic joined with Serbia to
form Yugoslavia, would be the next target.
Now a year has passed, and it turns out Yugoslavia is not
so isolated after all.
Li Peng, chairperson of the Standing Committee of the
National People's Congress of the People's Republic of
China, addressed a joint session of the Federal Assembly of
Yugoslavia this June.
Li said the U.S. missile attack on the Chinese Embassy in
Belgrade 13 months ago that killed three Chinese
journalists and rendered the embassy building unusable is
"a case of grave international wrongdoing seldom seen in
the history of diplomacy and a gross violation of China's
sovereignty.''
He attacked the U.S. and expressed solidarity with
Yugoslavia.
The head of a Cuban Communist Party delegation visiting
the hometown of President Milosevic in June said the people
of Yugoslavia, "just like the Cubans, have shown they are
not ready to lose their identity no matter what price they
have to pay for that."
He added that the Cubans "admire Yugoslav resistance" to
the "policy of hegemony of the West," during and after
NATO's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia last year. "Both
Yugoslavia and Cuba have the same enemy, but it is most
important that we are not afraid of that enemy."
So China and Cuba have reaffirmed their solidarity with
Yugoslavia. And other forces are chipping away at the U.S.
position. Even Amnesty International has accused U.S.-NATO
forces of war crimes.
And then there is the story of Danish soccer star Peter
Schmeichel. After his team lost a match June 16 in the EURO
2000 games, Schmeichel made an astonishing announcement to
the media.
He said, "Tonight I officially applied at the embassy of
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for a Yugoslavian
passport. The Yugoslav football team is excellent, and it
is the only team I would like to play for. I personally
asked President Slobodan Milosevic to grant me Yugoslavian
National Passport, because I highly respect him and his
achievements in last year's war against NATO aggressors."
It's hard to imagine a superstar athlete making such a
remark unless this reflects an attitude more widely held in
the population.
And in Montenegro itself, local elections have put pro-
Yugoslavia and pro-Milosevic parties in office in some of
the most important cities, despite all the funds pumped
into the anti-Yugoslavia parties by the U.S. and its NATO
allies.
Yugoslavia deserves all the solidarity it can get. And it
is getting some.
- END -
(Copyleft Workers World Service. Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
ww@.... For subscription info send message
to: info@.... Web: http://www.workers.org)
---
ALLE NAZIONI UNITE GLI U.S.A IMPONGONO L'ESCLUSIONE DEL RAPPRESENTANTE
DELLA REPUBBLICA FEDERALE DI JUGOSLAVIA (IL MAGGIORE PAESE BALCANICO PER
NUMERO DI ABITANTI) DA UN DIBATTITO SULLA SITUAZIONE NEI BALCANI.
I RAPPRESENTANTI RUSSO E CINESE ESCONO DALL'AULA PER PROTESTA.
>
>The defenders of 'Western civilization' are in the East...
>
>Russia, China Conduct Walk Out in U.N. Council over Yugo exclusion
>By Evelyn Leopold (6-23-00)
>
>www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
>
>"Gagging people's mouths is not the best way to discuss the acute
>international problems in this way,'' [Russian UN Ambassador] Lavrov said.
>"Even a defendant has a right to defend his or her position.''
>
>UNITED NATIONS (Reuters, Friday June 23 3:02 PM ET ) - The Security Council
>took the unusual step of excluding Yugoslavia's U.N. envoy from a debate on
>the Balkans on Friday, prompting Russia's ambassador to stage a
>demonstrative walk out.
>
>"To discuss the Balkan problem without Yugoslavia is nonsense,'' Ambassador
>
>Sergei Lavrov said before leaving the chamber and placing a junior envoy in
>the Russian seat.
>
>China's envoy followed a few minutes later during a speech by Javier
>Solana, the European Union's foreign policy chief, presumably because he
>headed NATO during its 11-week bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo crisis
>last year.
>China, however, participated in the debate on the Balkans whereas no
>Russian diplomat spoke after the controversy over Yugoslavia's presence.
>
>U.S. ambassador Richard Holbrooke led the challenge on grounds that the
>Yugoslav leadership, including President Slobodan Milosevic, was under
>indictment by a U.N. tribunal for alleged crimes committed during last
>year's Kosovo crisis.
>"It would be inappropriate to allow the representative of this government
to
>use this council in a discussion of where we stand on Kosovo,'' he said.
>Yugoslavia's envoy Vladislav Jovanovic has spoken to the council many times
>before on Balkan issues, the last being one year ago shortly after the
>indictments in May 1999.
>Diplomats said he had tried to since then but was prevented in private
>consultations. One key council envoy said Friday's confrontation was
>ordered by Milosevic.
>
>Milosevic and four of his top lieutenants were indicted as war criminals by
>the Hague-based tribunal for crimes against humanity, including murder,
>during the Kosovo conflict.
>
>The indictments took place amid last spring's NATO bombing raid against
>Serbia to force Belgrade's troops out of Kosovo province where they were
>killing and expelling in large numbers the country's ethnic Albanian
>majority.
>
>The vote on whether Jovanovic should speak was four in favor, seven against
>with four abstentions in the 15-member council. Under council rules,
>procedural matters needs nine ''yes'' votes, with permanent members, such
as
>Russia, the United States, Britain, China and France, unable to use their
>veto.
>
>Voting in favor of Jovanovic were Russia, China, Ukraine and Namibia; those
>against were the United States, Britain, France, the Netherlands,
>Bangladesh, Malaysia and Canada; abstaining were Mali, Tunisia, Argentina
>and Jamaica.
>Jovanovic told reporters the action in the council was part ''of the
>aggressive policy which the U.S. administration has been pursing against
>Yugoslavia for years.''
>He said that the seven votes against him were from NATO members and two
>"extremist'' Islamic countries, Bangladesh and Malaysia, thereby
>constituting a "moral victory'' for Belgrade.
>Lavrov told the council the vote was against the spirit of the U.N. Charter
>which allowed even a country that was not a U. N. member to participate
when
>it was a party to a conflict the council was discussing.
>
>"Gagging people's mouths is not the best way to discuss the acute
>international problems in this way,'' Lavrov said.
>
>"A very dangerous precedent has thus been created when states that are
>unpalatable for political reasons are being isolated from participation in
>the work of the United Nations,'' Lavrov said.
>
>"Yugoslavia has a right to participate. It is a country whose interests are
>directly affected by this question,'' Lavrov told the council, adding that
>the tribunal was a politically motivated.
>
>"Even a defendant has a right to defend his or her position,'' he said.
>
>After the vote on Yugoslavia, China's deputy ambassador, Shen Guofang,
>walked out of the council during an address by Javier Solana, now the
>secretary-general of a European Union council on a common foreign policy.
>
>When he returned Shen mentioned the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in
>Belgrade, which Washington says was due to bad maps. He also reminded the
>council that every country had a right to state its views. "This decision
is
>a wrong decision'' and "does not help a solution in the Balkans,'' Shen
>said.
>
>Solana was secretary-general of NATO during its air campaign to force
>Belgrade to stop repressing ethnic Albanians in Kosovo province, thousands
>of whom were expelled..
>
>Yugoslavia's membership of the United Nations has been in dispute since
>1992, when four of its six constituent republics declared their
>independence. It has been suspended from the U.N. General Assembly until
its
>status is cleared.
>
>www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
>
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Abbiamo raccolto alcuni dei rarissimi - eppure a nostro parere
ottimi - contributi apparsi in Italia durante e dopo la
aggressione della NATO contro la RF di Jugoslavia del 1999
che interpretano "fuori dalle righe" la fase storica di
ripresa bellica e di involuzione culturale (le due cose vanno
a braccetto) che stiamo passando.
Sono testi di intellettuali che stigmatizzano l'atteggiamento
accomodante, servile, ipocrita, omertoso, talvolta persino
guerrafondaio di altri intellettuali (la grande maggioranza,
purtroppo) nei confronti della contemporanea deriva
neocolonialista ed imperialista del nostro paese.
Gli autori sono marxisti di varia estrazione; i loro
"bersagli" polemici sono ex-marxisti, ex-comunisti, persone di
ex-sinistra oggi del tutto interne all'establishment o che
mostrano comunque di aver dismesso certe chiavi di interpretazione
del reale.
Iniziamo la serie con la prefazione al libro "Il rovescio
internazionale", un instant-book uscito per Odradek mentre ancora
piovevano bombe "umanitarie".
La prefazione, scritta dall'editore Claudio Del Bello, viene da noi
divisa in due parti.
---
IL ROVESCIO INTERNAZIONALE
(Odradek Editore, Roma 1999)
Introduzione
"Durante la guerra che il potere esecutivo dispiega la sua
più minacciosa energia... e il popolo dimentica le deliberazioni
che riguardano essenzialmente i suoi diritti civili e politici."
Maximilien Robespierre, 1791
Chiudiamo questo libro il 15 giugno, all'indomani della firma di un
accordo "di pace" che ripropone la trappola di Rambouillet,
quell'accordo
sotto cui nessuno - per riprendere la questione posta da Luciana
Castellina
su il manifesto - "avrebbe posto la propria firma". Pare dunque che la
guerra sia finita. Dopo i bombardamenti a tappeto riprenderanno a
lavorare
ai fianchi la Federazione jugoslava. I serbi si sono rivelati impotenti
a
fermare gli attacchi aerei. Ma hanno dimostrato una capacità di
resistenza
che ha sconsigliato i comandi Nato dal procedere disinvoltamente alla
fase
degli attacchi di terra, là dove la tecnologia superiore non garantisce
l'esenzione dalle perdite umane. I serbi si sono confermati così un
popolo
duro. Preferiranno logorarlo. Non è finita. Il dato importante - quasi
un
briciolo di speranza - è che la Nato non ha vinto. Gli obiettivi che si
era
data - occupazione del Kosovo a parte - sono in gran parte non
raggiunti.
Per poter firmare un accordo è stato necessario riportare in vita il
cadavere dell'Onu, riconoscere un ruolo a una Russia uscita
destabilizzata
al massimo e più antioccidentale che mai da 78 giorni di bombardamenti
su
un popolo slavo. È stato poi necessario riconoscere un ruolo alla Cina
dopo
averne bombardato intenzionalmente l'ambasciata, perché lo si intendesse
come un avvertimento per il futuro. È stato necessario porre termine
alla
guerra, infine, perché la tanto sbandierata unità dell'Alleanza era sul
punto di implodere tra governi europei sotto stress elettorale e una
moneta
unica affondata il giorno dopo il varo ufficiale (e dopo anni di
sacrifici
per raggiungere i mitici "parametri di Maastricht"). All'unicità del
comando militare non ha corrisposto l'unicità del comando politico;
quanto
all'economico, tocca dire, è proprio il terreno della massima
divaricazione
tra interessi europei e statunitensi, ben rappresentato dalla
divaricazione
delle monete relative.
Abbiamo preparato il materiale di questo libro considerando gli
sviluppi della guerra, e il suo esito quale che fosse, in larga misura
ininfluenti ai fini della sua comprensione.
Già dopo un mese era possibile registrare gli elementi di novità,
marcare
le modificazioni irreversibili nelle relazioni internazionali, e nella
coscienza dei più.
Usciamo quindi per cogliere questi elementi e sottoporli alla
riflessione, alla critica, al dibattito. Odradek del resto non è un
intellettuale da salotto buono. Non ha perciò bisogno di attendere che
gli
eventi si siano conclusi per poter calibrare una linea interpretativa,
né
sente la necessità di rispettare compatibilità con i pensieri correnti e
corrivi. Anzi. Raccoglie riflessioni prodotte a partire da background
teorici, filosofici - ideologici, se la parola non suonasse blasfema
oggi,
quando l'ideologia conformista trionfa quasi senza resistenze - diversi
tra
loro ma accomunati da una radicalità di critica. L'insieme compone un
quadro incompleto, forse, ma già ricco di punti di vista tali da
restituire
la struttura fondamentale del senso della guerra contro l'ex Jugoslavia.
0. Prologo
Diciamo subito che la fine non sarà interessante quanto
l'inizio. Quel che questa guerra ha già distrutto è qualcosa che
marcherà
il prossimo futuro. Questa guerra è la matrice delle prossime: vicine
nel
tempo, nello spazio, nel livello di coinvolgimento di questo
disorientato
paese.
Pubblichiamo intanto per sottolineare un punto: questa è una guerra e va
chiamata con questo nome. Non esiste nessun altro nome che possa
sostituire
la sospensione della politica e del diritto, quali che siano i rovesci -
direbbe quel Robespierre che abbiamo voluto citare - che l'hanno
determinata. Non sono legittime "approssimazioni" (conflitto, per
esempio)
né metafore tranquillizzanti (azione di polizia internazionale, meno di
qualunque altra). Le novità dirompenti che introduce sono di rilevanza
storica assoluta. Proprio per questo merita di essere chiamata con il
suo
nome molto più di quelle che l'hanno preceduta nell'ultimo ventennio. È
la
guerra che spazza via il moderno concetto di Stato. È la guerra che
sostituisce ai diritti del cittadino i più vaghi - o più elementari -
diritti umani. È la guerra che vanifica ogni ipotesi di ordine
internazionale costruito consensualmente, e che sostituisce con l'ordine
imposto da una forza che molti si sono affrettati a definire
"imperiale".
Cioè, mentre è chiaro ciò che è stato frantumato, non lo è per nulla ciò
che dovrebbe sostituirlo.
Usciamo differenzialmente rispetto ai tanti che hanno scritto o
scriveranno di questa guerra per dire sostanzialmente «avevo visto
giusto!», ovvero per ribadire o riproporre analisi già ammannite e
clamorosamente smentite dai fatti. E anche rispetto ai tanti che ne
attendono la fine per poter dire «che la politica riprende il posto di
comando», ovvero per ratificare i risultati acquistiti sul campo, senza
altra spiegazione.
Del resto sappiamo bene che anche dopo cinquant'anni, o dopo ottanta, si
può benissimo continuare a non trovare accordo sul secolo delle guerre
mondiali, su ciascuna guerra, neppure sulla valutazione da dare ai
documenti d'archivio. Anche se bisognerebbe ricordare che
l'archiviazione
della memoria è funzione precipua dello Stato-nazione, ovvero della
figura
che questa guerra ha distrutto definitivamente. Quali archivi
conterranno
l'innominabile di questa guerra? La Nato ha archivi? E, soprattutto, chi
disporrà delle chiavi d'accesso? A quale storico le consegneranno?
Esisteranno più gli storici? E quali saranno gli istituti preposti alla
loro formazione?
Un instant book autentico, dunque, non una fotografia affrettata e
sfocata
di un evento appena trascorso. Un instant book che, presupponendo
l'informazione diffusa, cerca di rilevarne i momenti più cospicui di
mistificazione.
1. Sostanza e accidente
Ogni tanto una guerra. Per esempio questa.
Ogni volta a interrogarsi come fosse la prima, a indignarsi, a stupirsi,
come se la precedente aveva da essere l'ultima. Non si capisce per quale
garanzia.
Benché siano movimenti tellurici, preparati, provocati - e per lo più
dichiarati - ci si interroga sul modo di prevederli come se fossero
terremoti, lamentando intanto la stupidità, la malvagità, la follia, il
complotto, o l'insensatezza, come capita sempre più spesso di sentire,
quando non addirittura l'impreparazione (per via del fatto che non è
finita
così presto, contrariamente alle tronfie previsioni della vigilia:
«quindici giorni», per Madeleine Albright).
È il terzo conflitto in Jugoslavia, ennesimo in Europa orientale,
portato,
con ogni evidenza, del collasso dell'URSS ma anche della penetrazione
europea verso est, dell'unificazione europea oltre che del protagonismo
militare degli Usa.
Altro che pace perpetua. S'intravvedono le condizioni di una guerra
permanente, dopo questa rilegittimazione dei conflitti armati, delle
aggressioni unilaterali. Dopo il l989 le guerre si sono moltiplicate,
affinando - generalizzandolo, inflazionandolo - il principio della
guerra
come prosecuzione della politica, finendo col mettere in mora sia la
politica che il diritto, mostrando come ogni conflitto contenga il
principio "colpiscine uno per educarne cento". O, come più d'uno
sospetta,
visto il soggetto trainante di questa guerra, "colpiscine cento per
educarne uno".
La guerra è lo spostamento della lotta di classe, la sua sospensione e,
molto spesso, la sua narcosi. Ma quello che è avvenuto è uno
sconvolgimento
epocale, una catastrofe antropologica propiziata dalla frantumazione di
qualsiasi regola e che, in quanto tale, ha attraversato le società e le
culture sollecitando le coscienze a disporsi secondo le indicazioni del
più
formidabile apparato di guerra mediatica mai messo in campo.
Già, perché se la guerra è sempre stata luogo privilegiato della
propaganda, cioè dello scontro di opposte falsificazioni, questa ha
perfezionato e in qualche modo sancito il ruolo di contrappunto e di
ricapitolazione giornaliera dell'universo mediatico e della
rappresentazione virtuale.
Non è "sostanza", non è "accidente" quindi, concludono i tanti don
Ferrante, questa guerra non esiste. «Non chiamiamola guerra!», ha
ammonito
quotidianamente Sofri su tutti i giornali, di governo e d'opposizione,
di
ultradestra e di centrosinistra. D'altra parte i teorici della politica,
o
dell'autonomia del politico, giocoforza tacciono o dicono delle
banalità,
in attesa di poter liberare di nuovo la parola sull'arte del possibile.
nei
tre mesi in cui c'è stata la necessità, hanno preso tempo.
Non c'è nessun compiacimento da parte nostra nei confronti di questa
loro
impasse; anzi, si vorrebbe che i fini dicitori non si mortificassero per
questo. Potrebbero intanto analizzarla nei suoi aspetti "innovativi" e
ultimativi.
Già perché intanto questa non è una guerra come le altre; giunge alla
fine
di un processo costellato da una recrudescenza del ricorso alle armi, si
diceva. È una guerra che la Nato - e persino Veltroni l'ha capito! -
intende come un precedente, un punto di non ritorno, la fondazione di un
altro ordine mondiale, o quanto meno la messa a punto di un modello da
riproporre in ogni angolo del mondo a insindacabile giudizio della
comunità
occidentale (come ognuno ha potuto vedere, in realtà, dei soli Stati
uniti), unica titolare dell'uso legittimo della forza per imposizione
dei
diritti umani. Dove la forza e il suo titolare sono certi; i diritti, e
gli
autorizzati a esigerli, molto meno.
2. L'evento
La regione balcanica è stata attraversata da una serie
di conflitti e da una guerra. Il conflitto che ha opposto e oppone la
Federazione jugoslava e l'Uck è quello paradigmatico
dell'incompatibilità
tra centralismo e autodeterminazione. Decine di altri conflitti della
stessa natura insanguinano il mondo, spesso coinvolgendo popoli di
dimensioni enormemente superiori a quelle kosovare. Ma una guerra è
stata
decisa e attuata dalla Nato contro la Federazione delle Repubbliche
Jugoslave, Stato sovrano che si è trovato quindi a essere oggetto di
un'aggressione.
Una parte non irrilevante - per peso politico ed egemonia culturale -
degli intellettuali riformisti europei ha espresso consenso alla Nato
perché ritiene di poter ottenere, attraverso l'intervento militare
antiserbo, un'ingerenza cosiddetta umanitaria che fermi o limiti «le
indicibili sofferenze kosovare», e questo ben prima che quelle
sofferenze
diventassero sempre più indicibili per via del catastrofico "intervento
umanitario".
Sono, in tutta evidenza, argomentazioni sbagliate nell'unico senso in
cui
un'argomentazione può essere radicalmente sbagliata: rispetto
all'obiettivo
che si è data.
Qui si trascureranno infatti valutazioni di parte, che sono numerose,
pluriverse e definitive. Non è invece trascurabile il dato politico che
questo consenso descrive. Depurato da tutte le incrostazioni
opportunistiche, da esso si ricava l'impressione di una sostanziale
autenticità di pensiero, con tutti i corollari emotivi del caso.
Emerge dunque che una parte significativa, e forse maggioritaria, delle
"sinistre" europee - non i ceti politici di governo, ovvio, ma i loro
"compagni di strada" e la loro base elettorale di massa - è convinta o
convincibile che laddove sia cruentemente leso il principio
dell'autodeterminazione o della coesistenza, sia legittimo il ricorso
alla
forza militare di un ente superiore o immediatamente superiore, in
questo
caso l'Alleanza atlantica.
Pensiamo sia giusto raccogliere la sfida di questa logica, che è viziata
quanto seduttiva. Fa infatti ricorso a un argomento che, non a caso, si
implementa con successo nella "sinistra": la necessità di un approccio
militante - "militante dei diritti umani" - a una questione geopolitica.
Si
tratta, non neghiamolo, di un antico retaggio internazionalista che
pretende di travolgere mosse, pedine e scacchiere (per questo dà
fastidio a
Sergio Romano, sovranista della destra liberale tradizionale) in nome di
una generica ma suggestiva "battaglia per la vita".
Messa in questi termini, che sono metastorici e metapolitici, si tratta
di
un'allocuzione conclusa in sé, e perciò invincibile.
Ma sembra avere una debolezza intrinseca, che deflagra solo quando
l'operetta morale viene fatta calare nella storia e nella politica.
Ovvero
quando si riesca a provocare un dibattito.
Che significa: avere a disposizione dati e narrazioni non addomesticati;
verificare e poi diffondere notizie circa il conflitto etnico;
demistificare la natura dell'interesse euroamericano nei Balcani;
colpire e
affondare la retorica della "polizia internazionale", che è
semplicemente
il riflesso sovranazionale di ciò che, all'interno dei singoli stati, ma
con un arbitrio ben maggiore, rappresenta la delega alla magistratura e
l'accettazione del monopolio statale della violenza.
Il tutto al prezzo di una reintroduzione del razzismo, malamente
camuffato
da."etnicismo". Predicare la necessità di un Kosovo indipendente, come
loro
fanno, non è meno "etnicista" dell'anacronismo di una Grande Serbia. I
personaggi alla Cohn Bendit si troveranno anche in compagnia dei fautori
della Grande Albania, e francamente tutto quello che si può dire è che
se
lo meritano.
Davvero: hanno dalla loro la potenza economica, la forza militare, una
propaganda in grado di accendere, sussumere e dirottare l'emotività
pubblica, oltre che di essere metro e misura del contemporaneo. Eppure,
il
tempo non gioca a loro favore: persino la stampa confindustriale
italiana o
straniera non potrà omettere qualche servizio, spurio ma emblematico, in
grado di ridimensionare la portata della "pulizia etnica serba" e di
ridisegnare la mappa degli orrori in un contesto di guerra civile tra
bande
rivali. Sulle cifre, infine, ci conforti imperituro il ricordo di
Timisoara.
3. Perché questo libro
Organizzare un libro istantaneo e farlo
uscire prima che gli esiti si siano stabilizzati vuol dire che questo
libro
- onestà intellettuale degli autori! - vuole essere una considerazione
sul
tema della guerra, in situazione, candidandosi a essere il vademecum per
quella futura.
Questo libro, d'altra parte, non può sostituire l'unico strumento utile
e
decisivo rappresentato da una cronologia ragionata degli ultimi 15 anni.
Ma
più che di controinformazione - per paradossale che possa sembrare di
fronte al muro di disinformazione che si è levato tra noi e la guerra -
crediamo che ci sia più bisogno di controdeduzioni concettuali, che
occorra
rilevare la fallacia sistematica delle giustificazioni e anche delle
comode
dicotomie offerte ("né con la Nato, né con Milosevic") e loro varianti
("lei è favorevole o contrario?") ricostruendo concettualmente i
processi.
Rilevare quelle modificazioni nel sentire comune (dalla svalutazione del
proporzionale, all'assuefazione alla "tolleranza zero") che
costituiscono
la trasformazione più notevole e preparatoria all'accettazione di uno
stato
di guerra, perpetua e illegale quanto non dichiarata.
Ci disponiamo allora a rilevare gli elementi più cospicui, risultato di
una sorta di bradisismo semantico, che hanno funzionato da detonatore
nelle
coscienze.
Una catastrofica e repentina inversione figura/sfondo - propiziata dai
media, e da chi se no? - che ha portato in primo piano neoformazioni
quali
"pulizia etnica", "ingerenza umanitaria" ("catastrofe umanitaria" merita
un
discorso a parte), "diritti umani", "etnia" ed "etnicità" scaraventando
sullo sfondo "diritto internazionale", "sovranità degli Stati", "diritti
di
cittadinanza", "multiculturalismo" e perché no?, "sviluppo".
C'è molto da dire su questa guerra e sui suoi primati da Guinness, e
molto
è stato detto: che è la più ingiusta (perché condanna alla pena capitale
le
popolazioni civili, preservando i militari), la più illegale (anche se
condotta per motivi umanitari, e forse proprio per questo), la più
sporca
per via del fatto che colpisce indiscriminatamente, la più pericolosa
per
l'ambiente, la più catastrofica nei confronti dei diritti acquisiti, dei
livelli d'integrazione raggiunti, per gli scenari angosciosi che vanno
oltre la morte e le distruzioni materiali, per via delle convivenze
compromesse ben oltre la sua fine.
E che a fronte di questa enormità non c'è stata s
ollevazione popolare, scarsa essendo stata la reazione dei cittadini,
degli
studenti, degli ambientalisti, dei cattolici, dei pacifisti, dei
lavoratori
e dei loro sindacati, delle donne, come se, appunto, la guerra, la sua
stessa possibilità, sia stata rimossa senza essere sostituita, peraltro,
da
una cultura della pace, o quanto meno da una ragionata interdizione.
Per non parlare della destra di questo paese. In oltre due mesi e mezzo,
la destra all'opposizione non ha prodotto un solo documento, un solo
manifesto sulla guerra.
E più in generale, per quanto riguarda l'Europa, anche la sinistra
antagonista (quella non influenzata dalla sinistra al governo, come in
Francia e in Germania), oltre ai Verdi, ha chiesto l'intervento di
terra.
Perché?
Si tratta di adesione a progetti di ricomposizione etnica perseguiti
contro la sovranità degli Stati nonostante comportino l'affossamento
dell'Onu, l'anarchia totale nelle relazioni internazionali, la
regionalizzazione delle decisioni (sorta di deregulation giuridica: chi
potrà chiedere a chicchessia - India, Cina, Pakistan, ecc - di
rinunciare
all'atomica?) e, soprattutto la svalutazione di ogni progetto di
convivenza
e di integrazione tra culture diverse.
Ma è sugli elementi di novità che vogliamo soffermarci, per marcare i
punti di non ritorno, le modificazioni irreversibili nelle relazioni e
nella coscienza, in tutti e in ciascuno.
L'elemento di novità non è certamente la reazione sentimentale degli
intellettuali alla guerra - italiani in testa - ma lo stupore di
qualcuno
nei confronti del loro generale mettersi l'elmetto, l'accettazione dello
stato di necessità, lo studiarsi di trovare una parte nel teatrino.
Non è un elemento di novità il richiamo antico, il servilismo mai
seppellito. Da sempre gli intellettuali si sono messi l'elmetto
studiandosi
di trovare le ragioni delle guerre dichiarate dalla borghesia, di
renderle
accettabili; hanno giustificato anche le guerre coloniali perché
portavano
la civiltà! E ora, anche ora, eccoli lì a portare il loro contributo, a
scrivere il loro compitino pescando nelle loro cassette, nei loro
cataloghi
di retorica di pronta consultazione.
4. La parola
Dopotutto la guerra non è che una parola. O
innanzitutto. Come mostrano di credere i bravi giornalisti che,
Zingarelli
o Devoto-Oli alla mano, cercano di orientarsi per iniziare il loro
pezzullo. Come ogni parola, "guerra" può essere sottoposta al catalogo
dei
trattamenti e delle manipolazioni della retorica. Tema di un gioco
linguistico collettivo. Un gioco elusivo o consolatorio. Di qui la
valanga
di contraddizioni in termini, di ossimori ("contingente necessità"),
metafore ("varco aperto nel sacro recinto della sovranità nazionale"),
eufemismi (soprattutto: "danni collaterali"), equilibrismi lirici
("scommessa arbitraria sulla legittimità futura"), truismi, fino alle
tautologie alla D'Alema ("la guerra è la guerra", cioè, "gli affari sono
affari").E non sono mancati riferimenti all'attualità, fino agli omaggi
alla "teoria del caos".
Il messaggio è che questa guerra è strana, imperscrutabile, nuova. Forse
è
altro. Quale divario tra le sicurezze arroganti di ieri e l'imbarazzo di
oggi. Tutti a testimoniare di saper di non sapere, una volta scartate le
spiegazioni convenzionali come "ciarpame marxista" e "realpolitik".
"Non chiamiamola guerra!". In fondo le parole non sono che stipulazioni
tra parlanti. Basta mettersi d'accordo. Ma l'accordo non viene.
Sembrano mettersi d'accordo sulla circostanza che è l'assenza di regole
a
prendere il sopravvento, e quindi ecco balenare l'idea della "scommessa
sul
futuro", della creatività, del cambio di paradigma (che è quasi una
rivoluzione, sia pure solo semantica).
Ma oltre alla formidabile produzione di retorica, rimane la possibilità
di
cogliere le riflessioni, le contorsioni e le convulsioni nella
coscienza;
di apprezzare gli aggiustamenti e gli spostamenti progressivi che l'uso
combinato di immagini, propaganda e allocuzioni di maîtres à penser
stanno
producendo sull'intellettualità di massa, su quell'insieme plastico per
cui
è finalmente lecito parlare di "general intellect".
Un "intelletto" leggero, esercitatosi ultimamente nei movimenti del
"politically correct", cioè nella sottrazione sistematica di senso.
"Intelletto" selezionato con cura nelle redazioni dei giornali, nelle
televisioni, nelle case editrici e in quel che rimane dell'università;
"intelletto" secondo cui il massimo della professionalità intellettuale
consiste nel non avere opinioni divergenti.
5. Intorno alle cause
Le cause individuate dal pensiero "critico"
della guerra sono qui elencate un po' alla rinfusa. Tutte egualmente
"vere"
e manchevoli allo stesso tempo. Il travaglio di ricondurre l'ignoto al
noto
avviene anche nella sinistra non omologata, e forte risulta la
tentazione
di considerare quella contro la Jugoslavia "una guerra come le altre".
- Il tradizionale "imperialismo Usa" con le sue strategie geopolitiche
globali, il ruolo del complesso militar-industriale, i nuovi compiti
offensivi affidati alla Nato (espansione verso l'Est per recuperare e
integrare la fascia degli "ex paesi cuscinetto" e isolare e ridurre le
eventuali velleità di una futura "potenza slava" a centralità russa, una
volta che le economie capitaliste di questi paesi si siano stabilizzate
e
abbiano avviato dei cicli espansivi); l'idea di fare della Nato
addirittura
un organismo a vocazione globale alternativo all'Onu per sottrarsi
definitivamente ai veti vincolanti dei paesi componenti il Consiglio
permanente di sicurezza.
- Il progetto di "difesa europea" (una Nato senza Usa) concorrenziale, e
su una lunga prospettiva rivale, della Nato con gli Usa, che
attribuirebbe
nell'immediato un maggiore protagonismo internazionale all'Unione
europea,
non solo commerciale ma anche politico-militare e dunque di imperialismo
per il momento regionale. Queste tensioni, causa di attriti e frizioni,
traversano la Nato attuale e la condotta "militarmente insensata" (a
detta
di numerosi ex militari ed esperti di strategia francesi, inglesi e
americani) di questa guerra. L'Europa (la Germania che si gusta il
piacere
della rivincita, la Gran Bretagna e la Francia) non ha subìto questa
guerra
ma l'ha voluta almeno quanto gli Usa.
- Il "panpenalismo internazionale". Si tratta di una ideologia autonoma,
nel senso che non è emanazione di uno Stato particolare, che poggia però
su
una rete burocratica di strutture amministrative internazionali
("Tribunale
internazionale contro i crimini di guerra e i crimini contro
l'umanità"),
su alcune grosse Ong, su un personale di giuristi dei diritti dell'uomo,
esperti di diritto internazionale, ex sessantottini riciclati nel
giustizialismo del diritto d'ingerenza umanitario, seguaci del ius
cogens,
che ha diramazioni nei singoli governi essenzialmente europei.
Allargando
su scala internazionale il paradigma emergenzialista, costoro si
presentano
come gli interpreti genuini di una presunta "società civile
internazionale"
trasversale agli Stati sovrani. Gli Usa fanno un uso puramente
pretestuoso
dell'ideologia panpenalista, lì dove vi trovano una convenienza
congiunturale, pur non essendo panpenalisti strutturalmente. Sono
l'unico
paese a non aver aderito al "Tribunale internazionale", diffidano e
detestano un organismo transnazionale che si potrebbe rivelare una
variabile incontrollabile e che rischierebbe di mettere in questione la
sovranità della loro politica internazionale che risponde a dei puri
criterii di "realismo politico" (tutela dei proprii interessi di ogni
ordine e grado con tutti i mezzi leciti e illeciti possibili attualmente
esistenti e da inventare). I panpenalisti, a loro volta, non sopportano
gli
Usa; ma non perché considerino questo paese un violatore sistematico di
accordi e convenzioni internazionali, oltre che responsabile di infiniti
crimini di guerra e contro l'umanità. La loro è una
ostilità/fascinazione.
Si sentono rifiutati (da qui l'ostilità) da una grande potenza militare
che
potrebbe essere l'invincibile braccio armato (da qui il fascino) della
loro
giustiziauniversale "quotata a Wall Street" (come sostiene Scalzone).
- La variabile panpenalista si interseca e in parte si sovrappone con
una
seconda variabile, quella della "sinistra di governo", detta anche
"sinistra mondiale", quella del caminetto di Clinton. Una parte del
personale politico della generazione del '68 gestisce oggi le leve
mondiali
della politica: Clinton (il figlio dei fiori), Blair, Schroeder, Jospin,
D'Alema (che tirava molotov) e Solana (che faceva la guerra ai Pershing
e
ai Cruise). Gli effetti sinistri di questa sinistra sono stati il
rifiuto
cinico di affrontare la questione kurda, la prima guerra europea contro
un
paese che non aveva dichiarato guerra a nessuno Stato (ma a un popolo),
l'apertura continua di focolai che rischiano di incendiare l'intera
regione
dei Balcani. Nullaggine diplomatica e insulsaggine militare di una
guerra
aerea: un errore di supponenza che nessuna "destra realista" avrebbe mai
commesso. Doppiopesismo sfacciato nell'evocazione dell'argomento della
violazione dei diritti umani. Infine panpenalismo, cioè il giudiziario
come
regolatore dei rapporti internazionali. Ma non il diritto. Proprio come
in
Italia.
Cause, come si vede, certamente importanti e rintracciabili nei fatti.
Così come quelle sui "corridoi" di passaggio del greggio caucasico,
caspico
o mediorientale; sulle aree di influenza di questo e quel paese su
qualcun
altro.
Ma nessuna appare esaustiva. Né da sola, né tutte assieme riescono a
spiegare il senso di questa guerra.
Che, ci sembra, può essere intesa nella sua interezza solo come momento
di
decisione. La posta in gioco è fin dall'inizio politica. Ovvero:chi
comanda
oggi nel mondo. Non un organismo consensuale, ma una macchina da guerra
totale. Per questo la Nato non si era data altra opzione se non quella
del
prevalere a ogni costo. Fuori e contro ogni altro organismo, fosse
questo
l'Onu, il G8 o qualsiasi altra cosa. Fuori e contro l'Europa, in primo
luogo, unica aggregazione economica a livello mondiale potenzialmente in
grado di competere con il nordamerica sul piano dell'egemonia
capitalistica. L'Europa che aveva scelto un senso di marcia opposto
rispetto alle fondazioni di comunità "potenti": prima l'integrazione
monetaria e la libera circolazione delle merci, poi quella politica e,
infine, in un lontano futuro, quella militare. Senso di marcia su cui ha
sùbito incontrato - contromano - il tir impazzito degli Usa unica
iperpotenza militar-tecnologica, ritrovandosi così a essere entusiastica
autrice del proprio fallimento come "alternativa capitalistica". Il
vassallaggio europeo può essere tutto ritrovato nelle parole con cui
Massimo D'Alema enfatizza «l'accresciuta considerazione internazionale
dell'Italia»: un "alleato" prima sempre oscillante e tentato
dall'autonomia
che ora diventa servo zelante ed entusiasta.
(1/2, continua)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
ottimi - contributi apparsi in Italia durante e dopo la
aggressione della NATO contro la RF di Jugoslavia del 1999
che interpretano "fuori dalle righe" la fase storica di
ripresa bellica e di involuzione culturale (le due cose vanno
a braccetto) che stiamo passando.
Sono testi di intellettuali che stigmatizzano l'atteggiamento
accomodante, servile, ipocrita, omertoso, talvolta persino
guerrafondaio di altri intellettuali (la grande maggioranza,
purtroppo) nei confronti della contemporanea deriva
neocolonialista ed imperialista del nostro paese.
Gli autori sono marxisti di varia estrazione; i loro
"bersagli" polemici sono ex-marxisti, ex-comunisti, persone di
ex-sinistra oggi del tutto interne all'establishment o che
mostrano comunque di aver dismesso certe chiavi di interpretazione
del reale.
Iniziamo la serie con la prefazione al libro "Il rovescio
internazionale", un instant-book uscito per Odradek mentre ancora
piovevano bombe "umanitarie".
La prefazione, scritta dall'editore Claudio Del Bello, viene da noi
divisa in due parti.
---
IL ROVESCIO INTERNAZIONALE
(Odradek Editore, Roma 1999)
Introduzione
"Durante la guerra che il potere esecutivo dispiega la sua
più minacciosa energia... e il popolo dimentica le deliberazioni
che riguardano essenzialmente i suoi diritti civili e politici."
Maximilien Robespierre, 1791
Chiudiamo questo libro il 15 giugno, all'indomani della firma di un
accordo "di pace" che ripropone la trappola di Rambouillet,
quell'accordo
sotto cui nessuno - per riprendere la questione posta da Luciana
Castellina
su il manifesto - "avrebbe posto la propria firma". Pare dunque che la
guerra sia finita. Dopo i bombardamenti a tappeto riprenderanno a
lavorare
ai fianchi la Federazione jugoslava. I serbi si sono rivelati impotenti
a
fermare gli attacchi aerei. Ma hanno dimostrato una capacità di
resistenza
che ha sconsigliato i comandi Nato dal procedere disinvoltamente alla
fase
degli attacchi di terra, là dove la tecnologia superiore non garantisce
l'esenzione dalle perdite umane. I serbi si sono confermati così un
popolo
duro. Preferiranno logorarlo. Non è finita. Il dato importante - quasi
un
briciolo di speranza - è che la Nato non ha vinto. Gli obiettivi che si
era
data - occupazione del Kosovo a parte - sono in gran parte non
raggiunti.
Per poter firmare un accordo è stato necessario riportare in vita il
cadavere dell'Onu, riconoscere un ruolo a una Russia uscita
destabilizzata
al massimo e più antioccidentale che mai da 78 giorni di bombardamenti
su
un popolo slavo. È stato poi necessario riconoscere un ruolo alla Cina
dopo
averne bombardato intenzionalmente l'ambasciata, perché lo si intendesse
come un avvertimento per il futuro. È stato necessario porre termine
alla
guerra, infine, perché la tanto sbandierata unità dell'Alleanza era sul
punto di implodere tra governi europei sotto stress elettorale e una
moneta
unica affondata il giorno dopo il varo ufficiale (e dopo anni di
sacrifici
per raggiungere i mitici "parametri di Maastricht"). All'unicità del
comando militare non ha corrisposto l'unicità del comando politico;
quanto
all'economico, tocca dire, è proprio il terreno della massima
divaricazione
tra interessi europei e statunitensi, ben rappresentato dalla
divaricazione
delle monete relative.
Abbiamo preparato il materiale di questo libro considerando gli
sviluppi della guerra, e il suo esito quale che fosse, in larga misura
ininfluenti ai fini della sua comprensione.
Già dopo un mese era possibile registrare gli elementi di novità,
marcare
le modificazioni irreversibili nelle relazioni internazionali, e nella
coscienza dei più.
Usciamo quindi per cogliere questi elementi e sottoporli alla
riflessione, alla critica, al dibattito. Odradek del resto non è un
intellettuale da salotto buono. Non ha perciò bisogno di attendere che
gli
eventi si siano conclusi per poter calibrare una linea interpretativa,
né
sente la necessità di rispettare compatibilità con i pensieri correnti e
corrivi. Anzi. Raccoglie riflessioni prodotte a partire da background
teorici, filosofici - ideologici, se la parola non suonasse blasfema
oggi,
quando l'ideologia conformista trionfa quasi senza resistenze - diversi
tra
loro ma accomunati da una radicalità di critica. L'insieme compone un
quadro incompleto, forse, ma già ricco di punti di vista tali da
restituire
la struttura fondamentale del senso della guerra contro l'ex Jugoslavia.
0. Prologo
Diciamo subito che la fine non sarà interessante quanto
l'inizio. Quel che questa guerra ha già distrutto è qualcosa che
marcherà
il prossimo futuro. Questa guerra è la matrice delle prossime: vicine
nel
tempo, nello spazio, nel livello di coinvolgimento di questo
disorientato
paese.
Pubblichiamo intanto per sottolineare un punto: questa è una guerra e va
chiamata con questo nome. Non esiste nessun altro nome che possa
sostituire
la sospensione della politica e del diritto, quali che siano i rovesci -
direbbe quel Robespierre che abbiamo voluto citare - che l'hanno
determinata. Non sono legittime "approssimazioni" (conflitto, per
esempio)
né metafore tranquillizzanti (azione di polizia internazionale, meno di
qualunque altra). Le novità dirompenti che introduce sono di rilevanza
storica assoluta. Proprio per questo merita di essere chiamata con il
suo
nome molto più di quelle che l'hanno preceduta nell'ultimo ventennio. È
la
guerra che spazza via il moderno concetto di Stato. È la guerra che
sostituisce ai diritti del cittadino i più vaghi - o più elementari -
diritti umani. È la guerra che vanifica ogni ipotesi di ordine
internazionale costruito consensualmente, e che sostituisce con l'ordine
imposto da una forza che molti si sono affrettati a definire
"imperiale".
Cioè, mentre è chiaro ciò che è stato frantumato, non lo è per nulla ciò
che dovrebbe sostituirlo.
Usciamo differenzialmente rispetto ai tanti che hanno scritto o
scriveranno di questa guerra per dire sostanzialmente «avevo visto
giusto!», ovvero per ribadire o riproporre analisi già ammannite e
clamorosamente smentite dai fatti. E anche rispetto ai tanti che ne
attendono la fine per poter dire «che la politica riprende il posto di
comando», ovvero per ratificare i risultati acquistiti sul campo, senza
altra spiegazione.
Del resto sappiamo bene che anche dopo cinquant'anni, o dopo ottanta, si
può benissimo continuare a non trovare accordo sul secolo delle guerre
mondiali, su ciascuna guerra, neppure sulla valutazione da dare ai
documenti d'archivio. Anche se bisognerebbe ricordare che
l'archiviazione
della memoria è funzione precipua dello Stato-nazione, ovvero della
figura
che questa guerra ha distrutto definitivamente. Quali archivi
conterranno
l'innominabile di questa guerra? La Nato ha archivi? E, soprattutto, chi
disporrà delle chiavi d'accesso? A quale storico le consegneranno?
Esisteranno più gli storici? E quali saranno gli istituti preposti alla
loro formazione?
Un instant book autentico, dunque, non una fotografia affrettata e
sfocata
di un evento appena trascorso. Un instant book che, presupponendo
l'informazione diffusa, cerca di rilevarne i momenti più cospicui di
mistificazione.
1. Sostanza e accidente
Ogni tanto una guerra. Per esempio questa.
Ogni volta a interrogarsi come fosse la prima, a indignarsi, a stupirsi,
come se la precedente aveva da essere l'ultima. Non si capisce per quale
garanzia.
Benché siano movimenti tellurici, preparati, provocati - e per lo più
dichiarati - ci si interroga sul modo di prevederli come se fossero
terremoti, lamentando intanto la stupidità, la malvagità, la follia, il
complotto, o l'insensatezza, come capita sempre più spesso di sentire,
quando non addirittura l'impreparazione (per via del fatto che non è
finita
così presto, contrariamente alle tronfie previsioni della vigilia:
«quindici giorni», per Madeleine Albright).
È il terzo conflitto in Jugoslavia, ennesimo in Europa orientale,
portato,
con ogni evidenza, del collasso dell'URSS ma anche della penetrazione
europea verso est, dell'unificazione europea oltre che del protagonismo
militare degli Usa.
Altro che pace perpetua. S'intravvedono le condizioni di una guerra
permanente, dopo questa rilegittimazione dei conflitti armati, delle
aggressioni unilaterali. Dopo il l989 le guerre si sono moltiplicate,
affinando - generalizzandolo, inflazionandolo - il principio della
guerra
come prosecuzione della politica, finendo col mettere in mora sia la
politica che il diritto, mostrando come ogni conflitto contenga il
principio "colpiscine uno per educarne cento". O, come più d'uno
sospetta,
visto il soggetto trainante di questa guerra, "colpiscine cento per
educarne uno".
La guerra è lo spostamento della lotta di classe, la sua sospensione e,
molto spesso, la sua narcosi. Ma quello che è avvenuto è uno
sconvolgimento
epocale, una catastrofe antropologica propiziata dalla frantumazione di
qualsiasi regola e che, in quanto tale, ha attraversato le società e le
culture sollecitando le coscienze a disporsi secondo le indicazioni del
più
formidabile apparato di guerra mediatica mai messo in campo.
Già, perché se la guerra è sempre stata luogo privilegiato della
propaganda, cioè dello scontro di opposte falsificazioni, questa ha
perfezionato e in qualche modo sancito il ruolo di contrappunto e di
ricapitolazione giornaliera dell'universo mediatico e della
rappresentazione virtuale.
Non è "sostanza", non è "accidente" quindi, concludono i tanti don
Ferrante, questa guerra non esiste. «Non chiamiamola guerra!», ha
ammonito
quotidianamente Sofri su tutti i giornali, di governo e d'opposizione,
di
ultradestra e di centrosinistra. D'altra parte i teorici della politica,
o
dell'autonomia del politico, giocoforza tacciono o dicono delle
banalità,
in attesa di poter liberare di nuovo la parola sull'arte del possibile.
nei
tre mesi in cui c'è stata la necessità, hanno preso tempo.
Non c'è nessun compiacimento da parte nostra nei confronti di questa
loro
impasse; anzi, si vorrebbe che i fini dicitori non si mortificassero per
questo. Potrebbero intanto analizzarla nei suoi aspetti "innovativi" e
ultimativi.
Già perché intanto questa non è una guerra come le altre; giunge alla
fine
di un processo costellato da una recrudescenza del ricorso alle armi, si
diceva. È una guerra che la Nato - e persino Veltroni l'ha capito! -
intende come un precedente, un punto di non ritorno, la fondazione di un
altro ordine mondiale, o quanto meno la messa a punto di un modello da
riproporre in ogni angolo del mondo a insindacabile giudizio della
comunità
occidentale (come ognuno ha potuto vedere, in realtà, dei soli Stati
uniti), unica titolare dell'uso legittimo della forza per imposizione
dei
diritti umani. Dove la forza e il suo titolare sono certi; i diritti, e
gli
autorizzati a esigerli, molto meno.
2. L'evento
La regione balcanica è stata attraversata da una serie
di conflitti e da una guerra. Il conflitto che ha opposto e oppone la
Federazione jugoslava e l'Uck è quello paradigmatico
dell'incompatibilità
tra centralismo e autodeterminazione. Decine di altri conflitti della
stessa natura insanguinano il mondo, spesso coinvolgendo popoli di
dimensioni enormemente superiori a quelle kosovare. Ma una guerra è
stata
decisa e attuata dalla Nato contro la Federazione delle Repubbliche
Jugoslave, Stato sovrano che si è trovato quindi a essere oggetto di
un'aggressione.
Una parte non irrilevante - per peso politico ed egemonia culturale -
degli intellettuali riformisti europei ha espresso consenso alla Nato
perché ritiene di poter ottenere, attraverso l'intervento militare
antiserbo, un'ingerenza cosiddetta umanitaria che fermi o limiti «le
indicibili sofferenze kosovare», e questo ben prima che quelle
sofferenze
diventassero sempre più indicibili per via del catastrofico "intervento
umanitario".
Sono, in tutta evidenza, argomentazioni sbagliate nell'unico senso in
cui
un'argomentazione può essere radicalmente sbagliata: rispetto
all'obiettivo
che si è data.
Qui si trascureranno infatti valutazioni di parte, che sono numerose,
pluriverse e definitive. Non è invece trascurabile il dato politico che
questo consenso descrive. Depurato da tutte le incrostazioni
opportunistiche, da esso si ricava l'impressione di una sostanziale
autenticità di pensiero, con tutti i corollari emotivi del caso.
Emerge dunque che una parte significativa, e forse maggioritaria, delle
"sinistre" europee - non i ceti politici di governo, ovvio, ma i loro
"compagni di strada" e la loro base elettorale di massa - è convinta o
convincibile che laddove sia cruentemente leso il principio
dell'autodeterminazione o della coesistenza, sia legittimo il ricorso
alla
forza militare di un ente superiore o immediatamente superiore, in
questo
caso l'Alleanza atlantica.
Pensiamo sia giusto raccogliere la sfida di questa logica, che è viziata
quanto seduttiva. Fa infatti ricorso a un argomento che, non a caso, si
implementa con successo nella "sinistra": la necessità di un approccio
militante - "militante dei diritti umani" - a una questione geopolitica.
Si
tratta, non neghiamolo, di un antico retaggio internazionalista che
pretende di travolgere mosse, pedine e scacchiere (per questo dà
fastidio a
Sergio Romano, sovranista della destra liberale tradizionale) in nome di
una generica ma suggestiva "battaglia per la vita".
Messa in questi termini, che sono metastorici e metapolitici, si tratta
di
un'allocuzione conclusa in sé, e perciò invincibile.
Ma sembra avere una debolezza intrinseca, che deflagra solo quando
l'operetta morale viene fatta calare nella storia e nella politica.
Ovvero
quando si riesca a provocare un dibattito.
Che significa: avere a disposizione dati e narrazioni non addomesticati;
verificare e poi diffondere notizie circa il conflitto etnico;
demistificare la natura dell'interesse euroamericano nei Balcani;
colpire e
affondare la retorica della "polizia internazionale", che è
semplicemente
il riflesso sovranazionale di ciò che, all'interno dei singoli stati, ma
con un arbitrio ben maggiore, rappresenta la delega alla magistratura e
l'accettazione del monopolio statale della violenza.
Il tutto al prezzo di una reintroduzione del razzismo, malamente
camuffato
da."etnicismo". Predicare la necessità di un Kosovo indipendente, come
loro
fanno, non è meno "etnicista" dell'anacronismo di una Grande Serbia. I
personaggi alla Cohn Bendit si troveranno anche in compagnia dei fautori
della Grande Albania, e francamente tutto quello che si può dire è che
se
lo meritano.
Davvero: hanno dalla loro la potenza economica, la forza militare, una
propaganda in grado di accendere, sussumere e dirottare l'emotività
pubblica, oltre che di essere metro e misura del contemporaneo. Eppure,
il
tempo non gioca a loro favore: persino la stampa confindustriale
italiana o
straniera non potrà omettere qualche servizio, spurio ma emblematico, in
grado di ridimensionare la portata della "pulizia etnica serba" e di
ridisegnare la mappa degli orrori in un contesto di guerra civile tra
bande
rivali. Sulle cifre, infine, ci conforti imperituro il ricordo di
Timisoara.
3. Perché questo libro
Organizzare un libro istantaneo e farlo
uscire prima che gli esiti si siano stabilizzati vuol dire che questo
libro
- onestà intellettuale degli autori! - vuole essere una considerazione
sul
tema della guerra, in situazione, candidandosi a essere il vademecum per
quella futura.
Questo libro, d'altra parte, non può sostituire l'unico strumento utile
e
decisivo rappresentato da una cronologia ragionata degli ultimi 15 anni.
Ma
più che di controinformazione - per paradossale che possa sembrare di
fronte al muro di disinformazione che si è levato tra noi e la guerra -
crediamo che ci sia più bisogno di controdeduzioni concettuali, che
occorra
rilevare la fallacia sistematica delle giustificazioni e anche delle
comode
dicotomie offerte ("né con la Nato, né con Milosevic") e loro varianti
("lei è favorevole o contrario?") ricostruendo concettualmente i
processi.
Rilevare quelle modificazioni nel sentire comune (dalla svalutazione del
proporzionale, all'assuefazione alla "tolleranza zero") che
costituiscono
la trasformazione più notevole e preparatoria all'accettazione di uno
stato
di guerra, perpetua e illegale quanto non dichiarata.
Ci disponiamo allora a rilevare gli elementi più cospicui, risultato di
una sorta di bradisismo semantico, che hanno funzionato da detonatore
nelle
coscienze.
Una catastrofica e repentina inversione figura/sfondo - propiziata dai
media, e da chi se no? - che ha portato in primo piano neoformazioni
quali
"pulizia etnica", "ingerenza umanitaria" ("catastrofe umanitaria" merita
un
discorso a parte), "diritti umani", "etnia" ed "etnicità" scaraventando
sullo sfondo "diritto internazionale", "sovranità degli Stati", "diritti
di
cittadinanza", "multiculturalismo" e perché no?, "sviluppo".
C'è molto da dire su questa guerra e sui suoi primati da Guinness, e
molto
è stato detto: che è la più ingiusta (perché condanna alla pena capitale
le
popolazioni civili, preservando i militari), la più illegale (anche se
condotta per motivi umanitari, e forse proprio per questo), la più
sporca
per via del fatto che colpisce indiscriminatamente, la più pericolosa
per
l'ambiente, la più catastrofica nei confronti dei diritti acquisiti, dei
livelli d'integrazione raggiunti, per gli scenari angosciosi che vanno
oltre la morte e le distruzioni materiali, per via delle convivenze
compromesse ben oltre la sua fine.
E che a fronte di questa enormità non c'è stata s
ollevazione popolare, scarsa essendo stata la reazione dei cittadini,
degli
studenti, degli ambientalisti, dei cattolici, dei pacifisti, dei
lavoratori
e dei loro sindacati, delle donne, come se, appunto, la guerra, la sua
stessa possibilità, sia stata rimossa senza essere sostituita, peraltro,
da
una cultura della pace, o quanto meno da una ragionata interdizione.
Per non parlare della destra di questo paese. In oltre due mesi e mezzo,
la destra all'opposizione non ha prodotto un solo documento, un solo
manifesto sulla guerra.
E più in generale, per quanto riguarda l'Europa, anche la sinistra
antagonista (quella non influenzata dalla sinistra al governo, come in
Francia e in Germania), oltre ai Verdi, ha chiesto l'intervento di
terra.
Perché?
Si tratta di adesione a progetti di ricomposizione etnica perseguiti
contro la sovranità degli Stati nonostante comportino l'affossamento
dell'Onu, l'anarchia totale nelle relazioni internazionali, la
regionalizzazione delle decisioni (sorta di deregulation giuridica: chi
potrà chiedere a chicchessia - India, Cina, Pakistan, ecc - di
rinunciare
all'atomica?) e, soprattutto la svalutazione di ogni progetto di
convivenza
e di integrazione tra culture diverse.
Ma è sugli elementi di novità che vogliamo soffermarci, per marcare i
punti di non ritorno, le modificazioni irreversibili nelle relazioni e
nella coscienza, in tutti e in ciascuno.
L'elemento di novità non è certamente la reazione sentimentale degli
intellettuali alla guerra - italiani in testa - ma lo stupore di
qualcuno
nei confronti del loro generale mettersi l'elmetto, l'accettazione dello
stato di necessità, lo studiarsi di trovare una parte nel teatrino.
Non è un elemento di novità il richiamo antico, il servilismo mai
seppellito. Da sempre gli intellettuali si sono messi l'elmetto
studiandosi
di trovare le ragioni delle guerre dichiarate dalla borghesia, di
renderle
accettabili; hanno giustificato anche le guerre coloniali perché
portavano
la civiltà! E ora, anche ora, eccoli lì a portare il loro contributo, a
scrivere il loro compitino pescando nelle loro cassette, nei loro
cataloghi
di retorica di pronta consultazione.
4. La parola
Dopotutto la guerra non è che una parola. O
innanzitutto. Come mostrano di credere i bravi giornalisti che,
Zingarelli
o Devoto-Oli alla mano, cercano di orientarsi per iniziare il loro
pezzullo. Come ogni parola, "guerra" può essere sottoposta al catalogo
dei
trattamenti e delle manipolazioni della retorica. Tema di un gioco
linguistico collettivo. Un gioco elusivo o consolatorio. Di qui la
valanga
di contraddizioni in termini, di ossimori ("contingente necessità"),
metafore ("varco aperto nel sacro recinto della sovranità nazionale"),
eufemismi (soprattutto: "danni collaterali"), equilibrismi lirici
("scommessa arbitraria sulla legittimità futura"), truismi, fino alle
tautologie alla D'Alema ("la guerra è la guerra", cioè, "gli affari sono
affari").E non sono mancati riferimenti all'attualità, fino agli omaggi
alla "teoria del caos".
Il messaggio è che questa guerra è strana, imperscrutabile, nuova. Forse
è
altro. Quale divario tra le sicurezze arroganti di ieri e l'imbarazzo di
oggi. Tutti a testimoniare di saper di non sapere, una volta scartate le
spiegazioni convenzionali come "ciarpame marxista" e "realpolitik".
"Non chiamiamola guerra!". In fondo le parole non sono che stipulazioni
tra parlanti. Basta mettersi d'accordo. Ma l'accordo non viene.
Sembrano mettersi d'accordo sulla circostanza che è l'assenza di regole
a
prendere il sopravvento, e quindi ecco balenare l'idea della "scommessa
sul
futuro", della creatività, del cambio di paradigma (che è quasi una
rivoluzione, sia pure solo semantica).
Ma oltre alla formidabile produzione di retorica, rimane la possibilità
di
cogliere le riflessioni, le contorsioni e le convulsioni nella
coscienza;
di apprezzare gli aggiustamenti e gli spostamenti progressivi che l'uso
combinato di immagini, propaganda e allocuzioni di maîtres à penser
stanno
producendo sull'intellettualità di massa, su quell'insieme plastico per
cui
è finalmente lecito parlare di "general intellect".
Un "intelletto" leggero, esercitatosi ultimamente nei movimenti del
"politically correct", cioè nella sottrazione sistematica di senso.
"Intelletto" selezionato con cura nelle redazioni dei giornali, nelle
televisioni, nelle case editrici e in quel che rimane dell'università;
"intelletto" secondo cui il massimo della professionalità intellettuale
consiste nel non avere opinioni divergenti.
5. Intorno alle cause
Le cause individuate dal pensiero "critico"
della guerra sono qui elencate un po' alla rinfusa. Tutte egualmente
"vere"
e manchevoli allo stesso tempo. Il travaglio di ricondurre l'ignoto al
noto
avviene anche nella sinistra non omologata, e forte risulta la
tentazione
di considerare quella contro la Jugoslavia "una guerra come le altre".
- Il tradizionale "imperialismo Usa" con le sue strategie geopolitiche
globali, il ruolo del complesso militar-industriale, i nuovi compiti
offensivi affidati alla Nato (espansione verso l'Est per recuperare e
integrare la fascia degli "ex paesi cuscinetto" e isolare e ridurre le
eventuali velleità di una futura "potenza slava" a centralità russa, una
volta che le economie capitaliste di questi paesi si siano stabilizzate
e
abbiano avviato dei cicli espansivi); l'idea di fare della Nato
addirittura
un organismo a vocazione globale alternativo all'Onu per sottrarsi
definitivamente ai veti vincolanti dei paesi componenti il Consiglio
permanente di sicurezza.
- Il progetto di "difesa europea" (una Nato senza Usa) concorrenziale, e
su una lunga prospettiva rivale, della Nato con gli Usa, che
attribuirebbe
nell'immediato un maggiore protagonismo internazionale all'Unione
europea,
non solo commerciale ma anche politico-militare e dunque di imperialismo
per il momento regionale. Queste tensioni, causa di attriti e frizioni,
traversano la Nato attuale e la condotta "militarmente insensata" (a
detta
di numerosi ex militari ed esperti di strategia francesi, inglesi e
americani) di questa guerra. L'Europa (la Germania che si gusta il
piacere
della rivincita, la Gran Bretagna e la Francia) non ha subìto questa
guerra
ma l'ha voluta almeno quanto gli Usa.
- Il "panpenalismo internazionale". Si tratta di una ideologia autonoma,
nel senso che non è emanazione di uno Stato particolare, che poggia però
su
una rete burocratica di strutture amministrative internazionali
("Tribunale
internazionale contro i crimini di guerra e i crimini contro
l'umanità"),
su alcune grosse Ong, su un personale di giuristi dei diritti dell'uomo,
esperti di diritto internazionale, ex sessantottini riciclati nel
giustizialismo del diritto d'ingerenza umanitario, seguaci del ius
cogens,
che ha diramazioni nei singoli governi essenzialmente europei.
Allargando
su scala internazionale il paradigma emergenzialista, costoro si
presentano
come gli interpreti genuini di una presunta "società civile
internazionale"
trasversale agli Stati sovrani. Gli Usa fanno un uso puramente
pretestuoso
dell'ideologia panpenalista, lì dove vi trovano una convenienza
congiunturale, pur non essendo panpenalisti strutturalmente. Sono
l'unico
paese a non aver aderito al "Tribunale internazionale", diffidano e
detestano un organismo transnazionale che si potrebbe rivelare una
variabile incontrollabile e che rischierebbe di mettere in questione la
sovranità della loro politica internazionale che risponde a dei puri
criterii di "realismo politico" (tutela dei proprii interessi di ogni
ordine e grado con tutti i mezzi leciti e illeciti possibili attualmente
esistenti e da inventare). I panpenalisti, a loro volta, non sopportano
gli
Usa; ma non perché considerino questo paese un violatore sistematico di
accordi e convenzioni internazionali, oltre che responsabile di infiniti
crimini di guerra e contro l'umanità. La loro è una
ostilità/fascinazione.
Si sentono rifiutati (da qui l'ostilità) da una grande potenza militare
che
potrebbe essere l'invincibile braccio armato (da qui il fascino) della
loro
giustiziauniversale "quotata a Wall Street" (come sostiene Scalzone).
- La variabile panpenalista si interseca e in parte si sovrappone con
una
seconda variabile, quella della "sinistra di governo", detta anche
"sinistra mondiale", quella del caminetto di Clinton. Una parte del
personale politico della generazione del '68 gestisce oggi le leve
mondiali
della politica: Clinton (il figlio dei fiori), Blair, Schroeder, Jospin,
D'Alema (che tirava molotov) e Solana (che faceva la guerra ai Pershing
e
ai Cruise). Gli effetti sinistri di questa sinistra sono stati il
rifiuto
cinico di affrontare la questione kurda, la prima guerra europea contro
un
paese che non aveva dichiarato guerra a nessuno Stato (ma a un popolo),
l'apertura continua di focolai che rischiano di incendiare l'intera
regione
dei Balcani. Nullaggine diplomatica e insulsaggine militare di una
guerra
aerea: un errore di supponenza che nessuna "destra realista" avrebbe mai
commesso. Doppiopesismo sfacciato nell'evocazione dell'argomento della
violazione dei diritti umani. Infine panpenalismo, cioè il giudiziario
come
regolatore dei rapporti internazionali. Ma non il diritto. Proprio come
in
Italia.
Cause, come si vede, certamente importanti e rintracciabili nei fatti.
Così come quelle sui "corridoi" di passaggio del greggio caucasico,
caspico
o mediorientale; sulle aree di influenza di questo e quel paese su
qualcun
altro.
Ma nessuna appare esaustiva. Né da sola, né tutte assieme riescono a
spiegare il senso di questa guerra.
Che, ci sembra, può essere intesa nella sua interezza solo come momento
di
decisione. La posta in gioco è fin dall'inizio politica. Ovvero:chi
comanda
oggi nel mondo. Non un organismo consensuale, ma una macchina da guerra
totale. Per questo la Nato non si era data altra opzione se non quella
del
prevalere a ogni costo. Fuori e contro ogni altro organismo, fosse
questo
l'Onu, il G8 o qualsiasi altra cosa. Fuori e contro l'Europa, in primo
luogo, unica aggregazione economica a livello mondiale potenzialmente in
grado di competere con il nordamerica sul piano dell'egemonia
capitalistica. L'Europa che aveva scelto un senso di marcia opposto
rispetto alle fondazioni di comunità "potenti": prima l'integrazione
monetaria e la libera circolazione delle merci, poi quella politica e,
infine, in un lontano futuro, quella militare. Senso di marcia su cui ha
sùbito incontrato - contromano - il tir impazzito degli Usa unica
iperpotenza militar-tecnologica, ritrovandosi così a essere entusiastica
autrice del proprio fallimento come "alternativa capitalistica". Il
vassallaggio europeo può essere tutto ritrovato nelle parole con cui
Massimo D'Alema enfatizza «l'accresciuta considerazione internazionale
dell'Italia»: un "alleato" prima sempre oscillante e tentato
dall'autonomia
che ora diventa servo zelante ed entusiasta.
(1/2, continua)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
13 LUGLIO
1941: sollevazione del Montenegro contro le truppe di occupazione
italiane.
La popolazione montenegrina si sollevo' presto contro l'occupatore
fascista italiano pagando a caro prezzo in termini di morti e di
distruzioni ma accendendo una luce di speranza che divenne presto
l'incendio di tutta la Jugoslavia, liberata dalle formazioni partigiane
di tutte le nazionalita', balcaniche e non solo: anche tanti italiani si
unirono alla Resistenza jugoslava dopo l'8 settembre 1943. Sotto la
guida di Josip Broz "Tito" la Guerra Popolare di Liberazione (Narodna
Oslobodilacka Borba, NOB) assunse immediatamente un carattere di massa,
spazzo' via i nazifascisti ed i loro servi locali e pose le fondamenta
per la ricostruzione di un paese indipendente, multinazionale,
socialista.
VIVA LA RESISTENZA ANTIFASCISTA DELLE POPOLAZIONI JUGOSLAVE!
VIVA LA PACE E LA FRATELLANZA FRA I POPOLI!
UNITI PER UNA NUOVA RESISTENZA CONTRO L'IMPERIALISMO E LA NATO!
SMRT FASIZMU - SLOBODA NARODU!
> MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
>
> MILOSEVIC EXTENDS FELICITATIONS ON MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
> BELGRADE, July 12 (Tanjug) Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
> has extended cordial felicitations to Montenegrin citizens on the occasion
> of July 13 Uprising Day of the Montenegrin people.
> "The people of Montenegro rose against fascism on July 13, 1941,
> and, together with patriots of other Yugoslav people, won a victory over
> the fascist forces of occupation and their domestic helpers. With massive
> participation and courage in the ranks of the Yugoslav National Liberation
> Army, Montenegrin veterans made a great contribution to our country's
> liberation in the Second World War.
> "I wish to the Montenegrin people to continue with success to wage
> the struggle for freedom, national dignity, against fascism, for a common
> life with Serbia, for a happy life in Yugoslavia," said President Milosevic.
>
> BULATOVIC EXTENDS FELICITATIONS ON MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
> BELGRADE, July 12 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Prime Minister Momir
> Bulatovic has extended cordial felicitations to Montenegrin citizens on the
> occasion of July 13 Uprising Day of the Montenegrin people, on behalf of
> the federal government and in his own name. The note said:
> "The uprising of July 13 is a brilliant example of the
> Montenegrins' ancestral struggle for freedom, and against any force or
> injustice, no matter how powerful it is at present. The general popular
> antifascist uprising in Montenegro will remain a lasting model for present
> and future generations in their aspirations toward freedom.
> "On this occasion, once again, I reiterate best wishes for the
> successful overall development of the Republic of Montenegro and for a
> peaceful, richer and happier life of all its citizens, and for the
> strengthening and prosperity of our common state the Federal Republic of
> Yugoslavia."
>
> GEN. PAVKOVIC EXTENDS CONGRATULATIONS ON MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
> BELGRADE, July 12 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Army Chief of General Staff,
> Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic on Wednesday sent a note of congratulations to
> veteran organization SUBNOR Montenegrin Committee President Bosko Golovic
> on the occasion of July 13 Uprising Day of the Montenegrin people in WWII.
> The note, addressed to veterans of the National Liberation Wars
> and all citizens, said the Yugoslav Army, as a joint armed force of all
> Yugoslav citizens, would continue unwaveringly to protect and develop the
> values selflessly created over centuries by the country's most glorious
> generations.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
1941: sollevazione del Montenegro contro le truppe di occupazione
italiane.
La popolazione montenegrina si sollevo' presto contro l'occupatore
fascista italiano pagando a caro prezzo in termini di morti e di
distruzioni ma accendendo una luce di speranza che divenne presto
l'incendio di tutta la Jugoslavia, liberata dalle formazioni partigiane
di tutte le nazionalita', balcaniche e non solo: anche tanti italiani si
unirono alla Resistenza jugoslava dopo l'8 settembre 1943. Sotto la
guida di Josip Broz "Tito" la Guerra Popolare di Liberazione (Narodna
Oslobodilacka Borba, NOB) assunse immediatamente un carattere di massa,
spazzo' via i nazifascisti ed i loro servi locali e pose le fondamenta
per la ricostruzione di un paese indipendente, multinazionale,
socialista.
VIVA LA RESISTENZA ANTIFASCISTA DELLE POPOLAZIONI JUGOSLAVE!
VIVA LA PACE E LA FRATELLANZA FRA I POPOLI!
UNITI PER UNA NUOVA RESISTENZA CONTRO L'IMPERIALISMO E LA NATO!
SMRT FASIZMU - SLOBODA NARODU!
> MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
>
> MILOSEVIC EXTENDS FELICITATIONS ON MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
> BELGRADE, July 12 (Tanjug) Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
> has extended cordial felicitations to Montenegrin citizens on the occasion
> of July 13 Uprising Day of the Montenegrin people.
> "The people of Montenegro rose against fascism on July 13, 1941,
> and, together with patriots of other Yugoslav people, won a victory over
> the fascist forces of occupation and their domestic helpers. With massive
> participation and courage in the ranks of the Yugoslav National Liberation
> Army, Montenegrin veterans made a great contribution to our country's
> liberation in the Second World War.
> "I wish to the Montenegrin people to continue with success to wage
> the struggle for freedom, national dignity, against fascism, for a common
> life with Serbia, for a happy life in Yugoslavia," said President Milosevic.
>
> BULATOVIC EXTENDS FELICITATIONS ON MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
> BELGRADE, July 12 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Prime Minister Momir
> Bulatovic has extended cordial felicitations to Montenegrin citizens on the
> occasion of July 13 Uprising Day of the Montenegrin people, on behalf of
> the federal government and in his own name. The note said:
> "The uprising of July 13 is a brilliant example of the
> Montenegrins' ancestral struggle for freedom, and against any force or
> injustice, no matter how powerful it is at present. The general popular
> antifascist uprising in Montenegro will remain a lasting model for present
> and future generations in their aspirations toward freedom.
> "On this occasion, once again, I reiterate best wishes for the
> successful overall development of the Republic of Montenegro and for a
> peaceful, richer and happier life of all its citizens, and for the
> strengthening and prosperity of our common state the Federal Republic of
> Yugoslavia."
>
> GEN. PAVKOVIC EXTENDS CONGRATULATIONS ON MONTENEGRIN UPRISING DAY
> BELGRADE, July 12 (Tanjug) Yugoslav Army Chief of General Staff,
> Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic on Wednesday sent a note of congratulations to
> veteran organization SUBNOR Montenegrin Committee President Bosko Golovic
> on the occasion of July 13 Uprising Day of the Montenegrin people in WWII.
> The note, addressed to veterans of the National Liberation Wars
> and all citizens, said the Yugoslav Army, as a joint armed force of all
> Yugoslav citizens, would continue unwaveringly to protect and develop the
> values selflessly created over centuries by the country's most glorious
> generations.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
