Jugoinfo
(follows)
- You spoke of transition scenario. We all know the consequences of
"transition" in East European countries, as well as its outcome. If we
say
that these elections were a choice between "freedom and slavery," is it
possible that Serbian people voted consciously and willingly for its own
slavery?
Of course it didn't! It just couldn't cope with the pressure anymore,
and
here's the reason why. As I said, Serbian people had put up a 10 year
long
and very persistent resistance, and I said why. And according to me it
would have kept on resisting - if each and everyone suffered the
consequences equally...But ordinary people couldn't take the misery and
suffering anymore, watching a certain number of others growing richer
and
richer, and enjoying the luxury. The discrepancy between left parties'
program and practice was too big. This is why we were defeated in the
end,
by DOS.
And this is not the matter of "Serbian nationalism" or DOS "being
better".
But people who engaged themselves in "the change," and voted for it
under
the supposition "it can't be worse than it is already" will soon see
that
it certainly can. And when Serbian people make sure it can be worse and
will be, when they see the layoffs and selling out of people's wealth,
when
they feel the pressure of debts and when they finally see how we become
a
half-colony of foreign capital and the New World Order, of the USA first
of
all, then here again the conditions will be created for socialists and
for
left forces.
- At this moment, situation in the country is far away from being clear
yet. On one side we have leftist forces, with all their past weaknesses
and
advantages. On the other side we have DOS, executing counter-revolution,
even if it's mostly done behind the stage. When the dust is settled, how
will this situation unravel?
Let's take a look first at DOS, this coalition which presently won "on
the
streets"...On one hand we have here our new President Vojislav
Kostunica,
and on the other, one very colorful grouping of politicians who do not
agree on anything else except in their goal to topple Milosevic. This
goal
achieved, the fight among them is imminent, about everything. We all
know
and saw DOS leaders already, they unified somehow under U.S. pressure,
and
managed to find one single man, the only man among them all for whom it
can
be said that he's honest and non-compromised.
One thing should be clear: there's a big difference between Kostunica
and
the rest of his allies. Kostunica is a man who was always what he is -
anti-Communist, patriot, critical towards American foreign policies. He
was
vehemently against bombing of Yugoslavia last year, and he publicly said
he
won't cooperate with Hague Tribunal for war crimes in ex-Yugoslavia,
because
he considers it not a legal, but a political institution. He publicly
said
he won't give Slobodan Milosevic to the Hague.
These are all the reasons why America is already criticizing Kostunica,
but
says it'll accept him as someone who believes in legal state and
democratic
procedures. But out of these statements clearly follows that USA will
accept him only for a while and he won't stay in his position for long.
Unless Kostunica manages to defend himself and his position, considering
he
has a wide support of his citizens. And Kostunica is not a new [Czech
President Vaclav] Havel, no matter what USA might think.
Kostunica is also a legalist, trying to use existing legal forms.
The problem is, the rest of DOS, people around him, are not. They're
already forming some "crisis groups" which are illegal institutions, and
which are for example already pressuring certain politicians, certain
directors of enterprises to submit their resignations, so some other
people
chosen arbitrarily by the DOS can take their places. This is completely
anti-constitutional of course.
According to the constitution, the first thing to be done is to
constitute
the Federal parliament. This process is not finished yet, because the
DOS
is arguing 19 mandates of socialists from Kosovo and Metohija. But when
this is settled, and all mandates verified, by my opinion the situation
will be clear that left is in majority there.
At this point we will see how much president Kostunica is indeed a
legalist, because government should be formed by parliament majority.
Kostunica already accepted giving the place of prime minister to someone
from the Montenegro Socialist party, constitutional again. But we
already
have Zoran Djindjic, saying something which is not true - he's in favor
of
a "government of experts." This is hardly for Djindjic to decide, and
parliament will chose what kind of government it wants.
Now, speaking about Serbian republic government, the situation is still
unraveling and we have to wait for the outcome.
Altogether, considering present "double rule" in the country, it is
certain
that, as in any counter-revolution, the DOS will use their present
advantage, triumph on the streets and support of masses, to win crucial
power. By illegal means if must be. But even so, the DOS leaders will
have
to live with great resistance because of those methods precisely.
- The chances of Yugoslavia and its people for resistance to the
dictates
of USA, its centers of might and globalization are far from being spent
yet...and leftist forces will certainly play a role in this fight in
years
to come. What role will that be, and how significant? What is the
immediate
task of socialist now?
As for the leftist forces themselves, it is obvious that now they must
partly start anew, and a new period must begin for them. A period in
which
socialists will have to organize without Milosevic's leading role. Hope
that socialists of Serbia will regroup after recent defeat, renew and be
a
strong
political force, lies first of all in a fact that inner erosion in SPS
will
be stopped. New people will come, avoiding the mistakes done in the past
and now. And again by East European model, socialists will come to power
once again. Real and true ideas never die.
As for the globalization process, this is not a real and true idea. This
is
precisely why it won't last forever. The power-and-money hungry American
empire will crumble down as a tower of cards, as every empire does in
the
end, cause its foundations are rotten to the core.
The resistance block is already building up - and dreadful experience
with
Yugoslav bombing last year contributed to this significantly. American
politics, until the aggression on Yugoslavia, seemed to have much
success
with its "stick and carrot" policy, and to be able to manage fulfilling
its
goals just fine without wars.
But NATO bombing of Yugoslavia scared the world, showing that NWO in a
lot
of things has the same characteristics as fascism.
Russia, China, India, South American and African countries - they're all
sobered up now, wiser, awakened.
- How much did those countries, and the whole anti-imperialist world
lose
now, with change of power in Yugoslavia?
They lost a lot, this is true. For U.S. and NATO it was imperative to
gain
full control over Balkans, so that they would have unhindered
territorial
approach to Middle Asia, to Caspian basin, to territories rich with oil
and
other precious natural resources. Yugoslavia and Serbia were undoubtedly
a
bastion of resistance there, and on their way. NATO lost 10 years with
Serbia. Now, Slobodan Milosevic is out of their way. Vojislav Kostunica
would wish to continue this kind of resistance, but unfortunately will
not
have the support of his collaborators. This is of course an immense
loss,
first of all for Russia.
Nevertheless, forces of resistance to globalization are getting stronger
in
front of our eyes, from minute to minute, and will keep on getting
stronger. And maybe Yugoslavia will still have its place among them in
the
future.
In view of this, the forces of the New World Order have no chance for
final
success.
Tanja Djurovic is a Junge Welt correspondent from Belgrade.
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...
*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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http://www.ecircle.de/ad199827/www.ecircle.it
- You spoke of transition scenario. We all know the consequences of
"transition" in East European countries, as well as its outcome. If we
say
that these elections were a choice between "freedom and slavery," is it
possible that Serbian people voted consciously and willingly for its own
slavery?
Of course it didn't! It just couldn't cope with the pressure anymore,
and
here's the reason why. As I said, Serbian people had put up a 10 year
long
and very persistent resistance, and I said why. And according to me it
would have kept on resisting - if each and everyone suffered the
consequences equally...But ordinary people couldn't take the misery and
suffering anymore, watching a certain number of others growing richer
and
richer, and enjoying the luxury. The discrepancy between left parties'
program and practice was too big. This is why we were defeated in the
end,
by DOS.
And this is not the matter of "Serbian nationalism" or DOS "being
better".
But people who engaged themselves in "the change," and voted for it
under
the supposition "it can't be worse than it is already" will soon see
that
it certainly can. And when Serbian people make sure it can be worse and
will be, when they see the layoffs and selling out of people's wealth,
when
they feel the pressure of debts and when they finally see how we become
a
half-colony of foreign capital and the New World Order, of the USA first
of
all, then here again the conditions will be created for socialists and
for
left forces.
- At this moment, situation in the country is far away from being clear
yet. On one side we have leftist forces, with all their past weaknesses
and
advantages. On the other side we have DOS, executing counter-revolution,
even if it's mostly done behind the stage. When the dust is settled, how
will this situation unravel?
Let's take a look first at DOS, this coalition which presently won "on
the
streets"...On one hand we have here our new President Vojislav
Kostunica,
and on the other, one very colorful grouping of politicians who do not
agree on anything else except in their goal to topple Milosevic. This
goal
achieved, the fight among them is imminent, about everything. We all
know
and saw DOS leaders already, they unified somehow under U.S. pressure,
and
managed to find one single man, the only man among them all for whom it
can
be said that he's honest and non-compromised.
One thing should be clear: there's a big difference between Kostunica
and
the rest of his allies. Kostunica is a man who was always what he is -
anti-Communist, patriot, critical towards American foreign policies. He
was
vehemently against bombing of Yugoslavia last year, and he publicly said
he
won't cooperate with Hague Tribunal for war crimes in ex-Yugoslavia,
because
he considers it not a legal, but a political institution. He publicly
said
he won't give Slobodan Milosevic to the Hague.
These are all the reasons why America is already criticizing Kostunica,
but
says it'll accept him as someone who believes in legal state and
democratic
procedures. But out of these statements clearly follows that USA will
accept him only for a while and he won't stay in his position for long.
Unless Kostunica manages to defend himself and his position, considering
he
has a wide support of his citizens. And Kostunica is not a new [Czech
President Vaclav] Havel, no matter what USA might think.
Kostunica is also a legalist, trying to use existing legal forms.
The problem is, the rest of DOS, people around him, are not. They're
already forming some "crisis groups" which are illegal institutions, and
which are for example already pressuring certain politicians, certain
directors of enterprises to submit their resignations, so some other
people
chosen arbitrarily by the DOS can take their places. This is completely
anti-constitutional of course.
According to the constitution, the first thing to be done is to
constitute
the Federal parliament. This process is not finished yet, because the
DOS
is arguing 19 mandates of socialists from Kosovo and Metohija. But when
this is settled, and all mandates verified, by my opinion the situation
will be clear that left is in majority there.
At this point we will see how much president Kostunica is indeed a
legalist, because government should be formed by parliament majority.
Kostunica already accepted giving the place of prime minister to someone
from the Montenegro Socialist party, constitutional again. But we
already
have Zoran Djindjic, saying something which is not true - he's in favor
of
a "government of experts." This is hardly for Djindjic to decide, and
parliament will chose what kind of government it wants.
Now, speaking about Serbian republic government, the situation is still
unraveling and we have to wait for the outcome.
Altogether, considering present "double rule" in the country, it is
certain
that, as in any counter-revolution, the DOS will use their present
advantage, triumph on the streets and support of masses, to win crucial
power. By illegal means if must be. But even so, the DOS leaders will
have
to live with great resistance because of those methods precisely.
- The chances of Yugoslavia and its people for resistance to the
dictates
of USA, its centers of might and globalization are far from being spent
yet...and leftist forces will certainly play a role in this fight in
years
to come. What role will that be, and how significant? What is the
immediate
task of socialist now?
As for the leftist forces themselves, it is obvious that now they must
partly start anew, and a new period must begin for them. A period in
which
socialists will have to organize without Milosevic's leading role. Hope
that socialists of Serbia will regroup after recent defeat, renew and be
a
strong
political force, lies first of all in a fact that inner erosion in SPS
will
be stopped. New people will come, avoiding the mistakes done in the past
and now. And again by East European model, socialists will come to power
once again. Real and true ideas never die.
As for the globalization process, this is not a real and true idea. This
is
precisely why it won't last forever. The power-and-money hungry American
empire will crumble down as a tower of cards, as every empire does in
the
end, cause its foundations are rotten to the core.
The resistance block is already building up - and dreadful experience
with
Yugoslav bombing last year contributed to this significantly. American
politics, until the aggression on Yugoslavia, seemed to have much
success
with its "stick and carrot" policy, and to be able to manage fulfilling
its
goals just fine without wars.
But NATO bombing of Yugoslavia scared the world, showing that NWO in a
lot
of things has the same characteristics as fascism.
Russia, China, India, South American and African countries - they're all
sobered up now, wiser, awakened.
- How much did those countries, and the whole anti-imperialist world
lose
now, with change of power in Yugoslavia?
They lost a lot, this is true. For U.S. and NATO it was imperative to
gain
full control over Balkans, so that they would have unhindered
territorial
approach to Middle Asia, to Caspian basin, to territories rich with oil
and
other precious natural resources. Yugoslavia and Serbia were undoubtedly
a
bastion of resistance there, and on their way. NATO lost 10 years with
Serbia. Now, Slobodan Milosevic is out of their way. Vojislav Kostunica
would wish to continue this kind of resistance, but unfortunately will
not
have the support of his collaborators. This is of course an immense
loss,
first of all for Russia.
Nevertheless, forces of resistance to globalization are getting stronger
in
front of our eyes, from minute to minute, and will keep on getting
stronger. And maybe Yugoslavia will still have its place among them in
the
future.
In view of this, the forces of the New World Order have no chance for
final
success.
Tanja Djurovic is a Junge Welt correspondent from Belgrade.
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...
*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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Puoi disporre in ogni gruppo di 20 MB
per documenti, file musicali, films e foto.
Condividili con i soci della tua communita!
http://www.ecircle.de/ad199827/www.ecircle.it
From: global reflexion <office@...>
Tuesday, October 17, we have send you the interview 'A counter-revolution,
and not all that velvety', of Junge Welt with Prof. Markovic. We send you
the critic of Jared Israel of Emperors Cloths.
Is Prof. Markovic Applying for a Job?
Prof. Markovic, whose interview was recently posted, is a man with a
mission. He has a grudge against the Yugoslav government in general and the
socialist party leaders in particular. (They expelled him a few years back;
he hasn't forgotten.)
Right now, the most important goal of the West is: turn the huge Socialist
Party into an acceptably loyal opposition, like the Bulgarian socialists,
who share with the (Bulgarian) United Democrats the role of quislings for
NATO: Socialists who administer for the IMF and World Bank, Socialists who
provide the necessary cover while Yugoslavia gets stripped of all its
valuables. A smiling decoy for the big thieves.
To achieve this wall street needs leaders. Now consider this statement
from the interview with Prof. Markovic:
"<< One of those reasons is that in Serbia already certain necessary
reforms had been carried out. In year 1989 we had reforms of both the
political and economic system. Therefore, what was later chan-
ged in East European countries, in Yugoslavia had been reformed and
changed already, but of course the government was firmly in the hands of
socialist forces. >>
This quiet reference to "necessary reforms" both "political and economic"
in 1989 is most important. Markovic is in fact talking about the
devastating World Bank program which liquidated over a thousand Yugoslav
companies and left Yugoslavia with 2 million people out of work and/or not
getting paid.
With the IMF and World Bank rushing to regain control, this former
Socialist Party leader's strong endorsement of such "necessary reforms"
amounts to a job application.
If the forced liquidation of over a thousand Yugoslav businesses was
necessary, why not continue the process? This makes him an acceptable
candidate for Wall Street and his other talk about how Oct. 5 was really a
counter revolution amounts to window dressing, necessary for someone who
aspires to lead a (tamed) Socialist Party. In the same way, it is necessary
for Kostunica, picked by Fisher and Albright to be the frontman for the
destruction of Yugoslav sovereignty (this happened at a meeting back in
January, according to Der Spiegel) - it is necessary for Kostunica to use a
few nationalist phrases while he tells CBS: "The Serbian forces were guilty
for Srebrenica."
This is what the New World Order offers those who resist: Socialists who
support wall street's deadly economic medicine and nationalists who agree
with David Rohde and Amb. Holbrooke.
Brave New World Order.
Jared Israel
PS. This matter of 1989 is not abstract. It is a real issue in
Yugoslavia. An article by Michel Chossudovsky and me was distributed by all
the pro-Government mass media in Yugoslavia for several days before the
coup. It dealt specifically with of the 1989 forced liquidations (sorry
-"reforms") It showed that contrary to what many on the left might believe,
the IMF/World bank are NOT focused on privatizing, they are focused on
destroying local economies (of whatever type) for the benefit of financial
pirates.
Prof. Markovic is making clear where he stands on these issues, which as I
said were raised in a massive way in Yugoslavia, before Western agents took
control of all the government media on Oct. 5.
To read this article see: "The International Monetary Fund and the
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
Another article also published in all the Yugoslav papers and read aloud
with photographic illustrations repeatedly on TV is "US Arrogance and
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...
*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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Tuesday, October 17, we have send you the interview 'A counter-revolution,
and not all that velvety', of Junge Welt with Prof. Markovic. We send you
the critic of Jared Israel of Emperors Cloths.
Is Prof. Markovic Applying for a Job?
Prof. Markovic, whose interview was recently posted, is a man with a
mission. He has a grudge against the Yugoslav government in general and the
socialist party leaders in particular. (They expelled him a few years back;
he hasn't forgotten.)
Right now, the most important goal of the West is: turn the huge Socialist
Party into an acceptably loyal opposition, like the Bulgarian socialists,
who share with the (Bulgarian) United Democrats the role of quislings for
NATO: Socialists who administer for the IMF and World Bank, Socialists who
provide the necessary cover while Yugoslavia gets stripped of all its
valuables. A smiling decoy for the big thieves.
To achieve this wall street needs leaders. Now consider this statement
from the interview with Prof. Markovic:
"<< One of those reasons is that in Serbia already certain necessary
reforms had been carried out. In year 1989 we had reforms of both the
political and economic system. Therefore, what was later chan-
ged in East European countries, in Yugoslavia had been reformed and
changed already, but of course the government was firmly in the hands of
socialist forces. >>
This quiet reference to "necessary reforms" both "political and economic"
in 1989 is most important. Markovic is in fact talking about the
devastating World Bank program which liquidated over a thousand Yugoslav
companies and left Yugoslavia with 2 million people out of work and/or not
getting paid.
With the IMF and World Bank rushing to regain control, this former
Socialist Party leader's strong endorsement of such "necessary reforms"
amounts to a job application.
If the forced liquidation of over a thousand Yugoslav businesses was
necessary, why not continue the process? This makes him an acceptable
candidate for Wall Street and his other talk about how Oct. 5 was really a
counter revolution amounts to window dressing, necessary for someone who
aspires to lead a (tamed) Socialist Party. In the same way, it is necessary
for Kostunica, picked by Fisher and Albright to be the frontman for the
destruction of Yugoslav sovereignty (this happened at a meeting back in
January, according to Der Spiegel) - it is necessary for Kostunica to use a
few nationalist phrases while he tells CBS: "The Serbian forces were guilty
for Srebrenica."
This is what the New World Order offers those who resist: Socialists who
support wall street's deadly economic medicine and nationalists who agree
with David Rohde and Amb. Holbrooke.
Brave New World Order.
Jared Israel
PS. This matter of 1989 is not abstract. It is a real issue in
Yugoslavia. An article by Michel Chossudovsky and me was distributed by all
the pro-Government mass media in Yugoslavia for several days before the
coup. It dealt specifically with of the 1989 forced liquidations (sorry
-"reforms") It showed that contrary to what many on the left might believe,
the IMF/World bank are NOT focused on privatizing, they are focused on
destroying local economies (of whatever type) for the benefit of financial
pirates.
Prof. Markovic is making clear where he stands on these issues, which as I
said were raised in a massive way in Yugoslavia, before Western agents took
control of all the government media on Oct. 5.
To read this article see: "The International Monetary Fund and the
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/1.htm
Another article also published in all the Yugoslav papers and read aloud
with photographic illustrations repeatedly on TV is "US Arrogance and
Yugoslav Elections" at http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm
---
Bollettino di controinformazione del
Coordinamento Nazionale "La Jugoslavia Vivra'"
> http://digilander.iol.it/lajugoslaviavivra
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente le
opinioni delle realta' che compongono il Coordinamento, ma vengono
fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al solo scopo di
segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only")
Per contributi e segnalazioni: jugocoord@...
*** QUESTO SERVIZIO E' ANCORA IN FASE SPERIMENTALE ***
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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la tua agenda sul web - per te e per i tuoi amici
Organizza on line i tuoi appuntamenti .
E' facile, veloce e gratuito!
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-------- Original Message --------
Oggetto: Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Fall Milosevic'
Data: Sat, 21 Oct 2000 12:25:59 +0200
Da: "RKL" <rkl@...>
A: <rkl@...>
Eine weitere Schlacht verloren, aber den Krieg noch nicht
[Nachstehend veröffentlichen wir einen Teil eines längeren Artikels, der
mit
historischen Rückgriffen die heutige Lage in Jugoslawien untersucht. Der
gesamte Artikel, ein Vorabdruck aus der kommenden Ausgabe Nr. 76 des
Klassenkampfes, kann unter folgender Adresse abgerufen werden:]
www.leninist-current.org/cgi-bin/ilc/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=97212
3176
Die Gründe für den Sturz des antiimperialistischen Regimes
Mehr als ein Jahrzehnt gelang es Milosevic’ SPS nicht nur die Mehrheit
der
Bevölkerung und dabei vor allem die Bauern, die Arbeiter sowie die
ärmsten
Schichten inklusive der nationalen Minderheiten wie den Roma, hinter
sich zu
versammeln, sondern auch die in der JUL organisierte bürokratische
Elite,
die roten Direktoren, die in allen anderen Ländern mit fliegenden Fahnen
zum
Imperialismus übergelaufen waren, an sich zu binden. Hinzu kam eine
geschickte und wechselnde Politik der Bündnisse den mit bürgerlichen
serbisch-nationalistischen Parteien von Draskovic und Seselj, die, um
ihrem
nationalistischen Anspruch gerecht zu werden, sich der nationalen
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus zumindest zeitweilig anschließen
mussten.
Der bürgerliche Opposition, die sich offen mit dem Westen und selbst der
Nato verbunden und ihre Geschicke an diese gebunden hatte, gelang es
unter
diesen Umständen nie in den Massen Fuß zu fassen. Sie blieb bis zum
Schluss
auf die Mafiabourgeoisie und einen Teil der Intelligenz beschränkt. Vor
allem die Eskalation in Form des Nato-Krieges im Frühjahr 1999 drängte
die
Nation nochmals hinter Milosevic zusammen und verurteilten die Versuche
ihn
zu stürzen zum Scheitern.
Doch zehn Jahre des wirtschaftlichen Verfalls zermürbten die Masse der
Bevölkerung, auch wenn viele den Zusammenhang mit den Sanktionen und der
imperialistischen Aggression sahen und weiterhin sehen. Dem stetigen und
unaufhaltsamen Absinken des Lebensniveaus, wenn auch über alle Schichten
verhältnismäßig gleichmäßig und immer wieder mit sozialem Ausgleich für
die
Ärmsten, stand die Korruption und die Bereicherung der Elite gegenüber,
die
paradigmatisch in der Figur des Milosevic-Sohnes Marko zum Ausdruck kam.
Der
soziale Unmut, der durch keinerlei Zukunftsperspektive gedämpft werden
konnte, verband sich mit der Auflehnung durch die bürokratische
Machtkontrolle, gegen eine Form der gepanzerten Demokratie.
Indem die bürgerliche Opposition mit dem Placet des Imperialismus sich
des
Stigmas des Bündnisses mit dem Imperialismus und der fünften Kolonne der
Nato entledigte und mittels Kostunica selbst das Banner des serbischen
Nationalismus aufrichtete, gelang es ihr zum ersten Mal nicht nur in den
untersten Schichten des Volkes und selbst in den Kernbereichen der SPS,
den
Arbeitern und Bauern, Unterstützung zu finden und die Mehrheit der
Bevölkerung hinter sich zu versammeln, sondern sogar eine kräftige
Massenbewegung der Jugend gegen das Regime Milosevic’ auf die Straße zu
bringen und eine Streikbewegung in zentralen Sektoren der Industrie
anzuzetteln, die Milosevic schließlich zum Rücktritt zwangen.
Neben den in jeder Hinsicht für den Widerstand gegen die Neue
Weltordnung
ungünstigen internationalen Kräfteverhältnissen, die bei allen
Gestaltungsvarianten gar keine andere Möglichkeit als militärischen
Rückzug
und wirtschaftlichen Niedergang zulassen, ist die bürokratische Form der
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus der Hauptgrund der Niederlage. Was
waren nun die wichtigsten Fehler des Milosevic-Regimes:
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus muss mit einem
Programm
der sozialen Gerechtigkeit für die Volksmassen und gegen die
kapitalistische
Restauration und die neue Bourgeoisie verbunden werden, die mit dem
Imperialismus unter einer Decke steckt. Das konnte und wollte Milosevic
aber
nicht, denn Teile der Bürokratie waren selbst dabei sich in eine
Kapitalistenklasse umzuwandeln. Man konnte die Privilegien und die
Korruption der neuen Bourgeoisie kaum angreifen, wenn man nicht auch
dabei
jene der alten Bürokratie auf das Korn nahm.
Die Massen selbst müssen mobilisiert und politisch organisiert werden um
diesen Kampf zu führen, der sie schließlich an die Macht bringen soll.
Dazu
dürfen sie über die Situation nicht belogen, sondern es muss ihnen
reiner
Wein eingeschenkt werden, so dass sie die politische Lage und die
Kräfteverhältnisse selbst beurteilen können. Das konnte und wollte
Milosevic
nicht, denn das hätte nicht nur seine Macht, sondern auch die
Privilegien
der Bürokratie in Frage gestellt.
Die Wirtschaft kann nur durch strenge planwirtschaftliche Lenkung der
zentralen Industrien, der Banken und des Großhandels kombiniert mit dem
Versuch kontrolliert ausländisches Kapital vorzugsweise aus befreundeten
Ländern hereinzuholen, wieder in Gang gebracht werden. Dazu wäre vor
allem
die Eigeninitiative der Massen notwendig, die das Regime weder willens
noch
in der Lage zu mobilisieren war.
Die nationale Verteidigung Serbiens war angesichts des Abfalls der
anderen
jugoslawischen Teilrepubliken und ihrer Umwandlung zu Instrumenten des
Imperialismus eine absolute Pflicht und das Bündnis mit dem serbischen
Nationalismus daher unumgänglich. Dennoch wäre eine klare Abgrenzung vom
bürgerlichen Nationalismus und vor allem von seinen zweifellos
vorhandenen
chauvinistischen Elementen und die Aufrechterhaltung des Angebots an die
anderen Nationalitäten Jugoslawiens und des Balkans, sich gegen den
Imperialismus zu vereinigen, notwendig gewesen, auch wenn die realen
Voraussetzungen für die Verwirklichung eines solchen Bündnisses dazu
heute
nicht gegeben sind. Nur mit dem klaren Bekenntnis zum multinationalen
Charakter Jugoslawiens und Serbiens, sowie der Propagierung der Idee der
Balkanföderation, können innerhalb der zum Imperialismus übergegangenen
Nationen Risse zwischen den Klassen gefördert und antiimperialistische
Bündnispartner angesprochen werden.
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen die Angriffe hätte offensiv geführt
werden
müssen. Die Geschichte zeigte, dass der Krieg mit dem Imperialismus
unvermeidlich war. Je früher und offensiver er geführt worden wäre,
desto
besser wären die Siegeschancen gestanden. Während bei aller Ablehnung
der
Sezessionswunsch der Slowenen und des mehrheitlich kroatisch besiedelten
Gebietes respektiert werden musste (wie es auch tatsächlich geschah)
musste
Ostslawonien, die Krajina und ganz Bosnien (eventuell mit Ausnahme der
Herzegowina) mit allen militärischen Mitteln offensiv verteidigt werden,
um
es im jugoslawischen Staatsverband zu halten. Der Rückzug aus
Ostslawonien,
der Krajina und der Vertrag von Dayton stellen einen Verrat an den
Imperialismus dar, der das gewünschte Appeacement weder brachte noch
bringen
konnte. Ebenso hätte die UCK rücksichtslos ausgerottet werden müssen,
eventuell auch mittels Präventivschlägen gegen ihre Basen in Albanien.
In letzter Konsequenz kann nur die Verbindung mit der internationalen
antiimperialistischen, revolutionären und kommunistischen Bewegung einen
Ausweg für ein isoliertes und vom Imperialismus angegriffenes Land einen
Ausweg bieten (wenn auch auf langfristige Sicht). Daran hatte aber die
SPS
und die JUL wenig Interesse. Sie war mehr auf kurzfristige Lösungen aus,
die
sich aber als unmöglich erwiesen.
Kostunica ist nicht Jelzin
Jelzin kam mit einem Putsch 1991 an die Macht und festigte diese mit
einem
zweiten Putsch 1993. Er unterdrückte den Widerstand eines isolierten
Teils
des Staatsapparates und tauschte seine Spitze durch imperialistische
Handlanger aus. Zwar konnte er den Staatsapparat nicht völlig
zerschlagen
und durch einen neuen ersetzen, wie das in vielen osteuropäischen
Staaten
der Fall war, doch gelang es ihm den Widerstand zumindest für ein
Jahrzehnt
im Schach halten.
In Jugoslawien stehen die Kräfteverhältnisse anders:
Kostunica ist auf der Basis einer Massenbewegung mit einem starken
nationalistischen Element an die Macht gekommen, das potenziell im
Konflikt
mit dem Imperialismus steht. Es existieren in der Bewegung zwar starke
Illusionen in die kapitalistische Marktwirtschaft, doch sind die
sozialen
Forderungen der Volksmassen und die tief verwurzelte Idee der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit deswegen nicht vergessen. Des weiteren besteht eine auf
Erfahrung (sowohl im eigenen Land als auch in Osteuropa) gebaute Skepsis
nicht nur gegenüber den militärischen Instrumenten des Westens, sondern
auch
gegenüber seinen wirtschaftlichen Institutionen wie dem IWF, der
Weltbank
und der WTO. Die offen reaktionäre und proimperialistische Strömung um
Djindjic ist eine kleine Minderheit.
Die SPS hält eine Verankerung bei mindestens einem Drittel der
Bevölkerung,
auch wenn sich diese vorläufig passiv und defensiv verhält. Daher kann
sie
auch nicht verboten werden, so wie es in Russland der Fall war. Der
reaktionäre Straßenterror der Djindjic-Kräfte, der unmittelbar nach dem
Umsturz anhob, fand nicht nur nicht die Unterstützung der Massen, die
vehement gegen den Bürgerkrieg sind, sondern stieß auch auf die
Ablehnung
von Kostunica. Auch die Armeespitze konnte noch nicht ausgetauscht
werden,
so wie viele andere Positionen im Staatsapparat.
Djindjic strebte einen Putsch nach russischem Vorbild an, doch Kostunica
wusste, das dieser angesichts der andersgearteten Kräfteverhältnisse
nicht
möglich war. Er traf sich mit Milosevic and vereinbarte einen – wenn
auch
temporären und brüchigen – Kompromiss. Der verfassungsmäßige Rahmen
wurde
nicht gesprengt, so wie es Djindjic mit dem Sturz aller von ehemaligen
Regierungsblock kontrollierter Institutionen vorhatte. Allerdings musste
auch die serbische Regierung, die unter der Kontrolle von Milosevic
stand,
zurücktreten. Heute stehen wir vor einer Situation des fragilen
Gleichgewichts, in der die antiimperialistischen Kräfte sich jedoch im
Rückzug befinden.
Die offene Frage der nächsten Wochen und Monate bis zu den serbischen
Parlamentswahlen am 23. Dezember ist, ob die SPS dem Druck standhalten
wird
können oder ob sie sich spalten und ein Teil von ihr kapitulieren wird,
so
wie es ihr montenegrinischer Bündnispartner SNP von Momir Bulatovic
bereits
vorexerziert hat.
Der Imperialismus wird Kostunica vorläufig seine Unterstützung geben.
Doch
auf längere Sicht ist der Konflikt vorprogrammiert, denn Kostunica, der
Milosevic wegen nationalen Verrats angeklagt hat, muss Erfolge bei der
Durchsetzung von nationalen serbischen Interessen vorweisen können, die
Zugeständnisse voraussetzen, die der Imperialismus nicht zu machen
bereit
sein wird.
Angesichts der Heterogenität der bürgerlichen DOS, in der sich neben
serbischen Nationalisten wie Kostunica auch die offenen
proimperialistischen
Kräfte sowie eine Autonomie anstrebende Kräfte aus der Vojvodina und aus
dem
Sandschak befinden, würde diese einen solchen Konflikt nicht überleben.
Die
Frage ist nur, ob sich bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt das Kräftegleichgewicht
mit
der SPS halten kann oder ob deren Widerstand und Opposition
zusammenbricht
und sich die Kräfteverhältnisse abermals zugunsten des Imperialismus
verschieben.
Die wirtschaftliche Öffnung und Unterwerfung unter die neoliberale
Globalisierung wird von Kostunica eingeleitet werden. Da diese in der
ersten
Phase Hilfsgelder und dringend nötige Investitionen ins Land bringen
wird,
ist kein unmittelbarer Widerstand dagegen zu erwarten. Erst in dem Maße,
wie
sich zeigt, dass die IWF-Programme nicht die erhofften Verbesserungen
für
die breite Masse bringen werden, ist eine Opposition dagegen
vorstellbar,
doch das kann eine gewisse Zeit dauern – jedenfalls zu lange um der
Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes in Serbien etwas
entgegenzusetzen.
Alles hängt nun von den linken, antiimperialistischen Kräften – unter
anderem auch in der Armee – ab. Sie sind es, die den Ausgleich mit dem
Imperialismus verhindern und den Klassenkonflikt anfachen können. Sind
sie
in der Lage ihre Unterstützung durch einen Teil der Massen zu erhalten
und
weiterhin Widerstand gegen die Inthronisierung eines offen
proimperialistischen Regimes zu leisten oder kapitulieren sie und werden
entweder integriert oder hinweggefegt?
Die Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes ist zwar
keineswegs ausgeschlossen, wird aber sowohl durch die historischen
Unabhängigkeitsbestrebung als auch durch die Traditionen der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit in den serbischen Volksmassen brüchig bleiben. Dennoch,
wenn
ein solches Regime einmal im Sattel sitzt (so wie in Russland), bedarf
es
wesentlich größerer Anstrengungen es wieder zu entfernen.
Daher geht es ummittelbar darum, das Gleichgewicht der Kräfte, das in
gewisser Hinsicht eine Doppelmachtsituation darstellt, und damit die
Positionen in Staatsapparat und Armee zu erhalten, DOS zu spalten und
die
Mittelgruppe um Kostunica zum Lavieren zwischen pro- und
antiimperialistischen Kräften zu zwingen. Es gilt zu verhindern, dass
die
offenen Nato-Schergen wie Djindjic die Macht ergreifen um unter
günstigeren
Umständen wieder in die Offensive gehen zu können.
Antiimperialistische Volksfront
Obwohl die radikale Linke Jugoslawiens bei den vergangenen Wahlen einen
Achtungserfolg erzielte und damit unter Beweis stellte, dass es für sie
eine
Basis gibt, ist sie weder in ihrer titoistischen noch in ihrer
stalinistischen Form in der Lage die wesentlichen Aufgaben dieser
entscheidenden Periode zu erfüllen – weder in organisatorischer noch in
politischer Hinsicht.
Die JUL, die Partei der „roten Direktoren“, der Korruption und der
Privatisierungsgewinner ist nicht nur tot, sie hat den Tod auch
verdient.
Am ehestens ist ein ernsthafter Widerstand vom linken Flügel der SPS
sowie
der Armee zu erwarten, die nicht bereit sind, zehn Jahre
antiimperialistischen Kampf einfach aufzugeben und damit einen
beträchtlichen Teil der Arbeiter, Bauern und vor allem auch Soldaten
repräsentieren.
Um folgendes Programm müssen sich die antiimperialistischen und
kommunistischen Kräfte gruppieren und damit versuchen, den linken Flügel
der
SPS, die titoistischen und stalinistischen Teile der radikalen Linken
sowie
die Volksarmee miteinzubeziehen und mit ihnen eine antiimperialistische
Volksfront zu bilden:
Der Kampf für die soziale Gerechtigkeit und die Interessen der Arbeiter,
Bauern und der ärmsten Teile der Bevölkerung. Mobilisierung gegen die zu
erwartenden IWF-Programme, die verbundene weitere Verarmung der Massen
sowie
die schamlose Bereicherung einer kleinen kapitalistischen Elite. Gegen
die
Privatisierung der zentralen Industrien und deren Verstaatlichung.
Planwirtschaftliche Lenkung dieser durch Machtorgane des Volkes
anknüpfend
an die Tradition der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung. Kontrolle ausländischen
Kapitals durch diese.
Die unversöhnliche Verteidigung der nationalen serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Interessen gegen den Imperialismus. Rückgabe des Kosovo, Anschluss der
Republika Srpska inklusive des Korridors von Brcko, Abzug der Nato aus
dem
Kosovo, aus Bosnien und schließlich vom gesamten Balkan. Die
nationalistischen Phrasen von Kostunica und der Opposition müssen als
Lüge
entlarvt werden. Es muss den Massen vor Augen geführt werden, dass die
nationalen Interessen Serbiens nur gegen den Imperialismus und nicht mit
ihm
durchgesetzt werden können. Wer mit dem Imperialismus wirtschaftlich
unter
einer Decke steckt, kann sich nicht gegen ihn verteidigen. Es ist kein
Zufall, dass Kostunica die Kürzung des Militärbudgets angekündigt hat.
Gegenwehr gegen den Terror der konterrevolutionären Djindjic-Kräfte, die
mit
bewaffneten Banden versuchen Positionen in Industrie und Staat zu
besetzen
und die Vertreter des Milosevic-Regimes zu entfernen.
Die Armee muss unter der Kontrolle des Volkes bleiben. Bildung von
Verbindungskomitees zwischen den Garnisonen und den Betrieben (eventuell
durch Gewerkschaften und Organe der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung) und
Wohnvierteln.
Einberufung eines Volkskongresses zur Verteidigung des Landes und der
Interessen der Arbeiter, Bauern und Soldaten, dessen Beschlüsse sich
alle
staatlichen Funktionäre, Parteien und Institutionen, die die Interessen
des
Volkes zu vertreten vorgeben, unterordnen müssen.
Für ein multinationales Serbien und Jugoslawien. Für eine demokratische,
antiimperialistische Balkanföderation.
Einbindung der antiimperialistischen und kommunistischen Kräfte
Jugoslawiens
und Serbiens in die internationale Bewegung, anknüpfend an die weltweite
Solidaritätsbewegung für den jugoslawischen Widerstand gegen die
imperialistische Aggression.
Mit der Machtübernahme Kostunicas haben die serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Massen ein weiteres Rückzugsgefecht verloren (und deren werden noch
einige
folgen), doch im Gegensatz zu den meisten anderen Ländern Osteuropas hat
der
Widerstand des letzten Jahrzehnts Ergebnisse gezeigt und eine
antiimperialistischen Kraft im Volk entstehen lassen. Daher ist die
letzte
Schlacht noch nicht geschlagen und der Krieg noch nicht verloren!
**************************************
Revolutionär Kommunistische Liga (RKL)
(österr. Sektion der Internationalen Leninistischen Strömung - ILS)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
rkl@...
www.leninist-current.org/rkl
www.antiimperialista.com
Konto PSK 92 125 137 BLZ 60000
Oggetto: Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Fall Milosevic'
Data: Sat, 21 Oct 2000 12:25:59 +0200
Da: "RKL" <rkl@...>
A: <rkl@...>
Eine weitere Schlacht verloren, aber den Krieg noch nicht
[Nachstehend veröffentlichen wir einen Teil eines längeren Artikels, der
mit
historischen Rückgriffen die heutige Lage in Jugoslawien untersucht. Der
gesamte Artikel, ein Vorabdruck aus der kommenden Ausgabe Nr. 76 des
Klassenkampfes, kann unter folgender Adresse abgerufen werden:]
www.leninist-current.org/cgi-bin/ilc/news/viewnews.cgi?category=all&id=97212
3176
Die Gründe für den Sturz des antiimperialistischen Regimes
Mehr als ein Jahrzehnt gelang es Milosevic’ SPS nicht nur die Mehrheit
der
Bevölkerung und dabei vor allem die Bauern, die Arbeiter sowie die
ärmsten
Schichten inklusive der nationalen Minderheiten wie den Roma, hinter
sich zu
versammeln, sondern auch die in der JUL organisierte bürokratische
Elite,
die roten Direktoren, die in allen anderen Ländern mit fliegenden Fahnen
zum
Imperialismus übergelaufen waren, an sich zu binden. Hinzu kam eine
geschickte und wechselnde Politik der Bündnisse den mit bürgerlichen
serbisch-nationalistischen Parteien von Draskovic und Seselj, die, um
ihrem
nationalistischen Anspruch gerecht zu werden, sich der nationalen
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus zumindest zeitweilig anschließen
mussten.
Der bürgerliche Opposition, die sich offen mit dem Westen und selbst der
Nato verbunden und ihre Geschicke an diese gebunden hatte, gelang es
unter
diesen Umständen nie in den Massen Fuß zu fassen. Sie blieb bis zum
Schluss
auf die Mafiabourgeoisie und einen Teil der Intelligenz beschränkt. Vor
allem die Eskalation in Form des Nato-Krieges im Frühjahr 1999 drängte
die
Nation nochmals hinter Milosevic zusammen und verurteilten die Versuche
ihn
zu stürzen zum Scheitern.
Doch zehn Jahre des wirtschaftlichen Verfalls zermürbten die Masse der
Bevölkerung, auch wenn viele den Zusammenhang mit den Sanktionen und der
imperialistischen Aggression sahen und weiterhin sehen. Dem stetigen und
unaufhaltsamen Absinken des Lebensniveaus, wenn auch über alle Schichten
verhältnismäßig gleichmäßig und immer wieder mit sozialem Ausgleich für
die
Ärmsten, stand die Korruption und die Bereicherung der Elite gegenüber,
die
paradigmatisch in der Figur des Milosevic-Sohnes Marko zum Ausdruck kam.
Der
soziale Unmut, der durch keinerlei Zukunftsperspektive gedämpft werden
konnte, verband sich mit der Auflehnung durch die bürokratische
Machtkontrolle, gegen eine Form der gepanzerten Demokratie.
Indem die bürgerliche Opposition mit dem Placet des Imperialismus sich
des
Stigmas des Bündnisses mit dem Imperialismus und der fünften Kolonne der
Nato entledigte und mittels Kostunica selbst das Banner des serbischen
Nationalismus aufrichtete, gelang es ihr zum ersten Mal nicht nur in den
untersten Schichten des Volkes und selbst in den Kernbereichen der SPS,
den
Arbeitern und Bauern, Unterstützung zu finden und die Mehrheit der
Bevölkerung hinter sich zu versammeln, sondern sogar eine kräftige
Massenbewegung der Jugend gegen das Regime Milosevic’ auf die Straße zu
bringen und eine Streikbewegung in zentralen Sektoren der Industrie
anzuzetteln, die Milosevic schließlich zum Rücktritt zwangen.
Neben den in jeder Hinsicht für den Widerstand gegen die Neue
Weltordnung
ungünstigen internationalen Kräfteverhältnissen, die bei allen
Gestaltungsvarianten gar keine andere Möglichkeit als militärischen
Rückzug
und wirtschaftlichen Niedergang zulassen, ist die bürokratische Form der
Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus der Hauptgrund der Niederlage. Was
waren nun die wichtigsten Fehler des Milosevic-Regimes:
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen den Imperialismus muss mit einem
Programm
der sozialen Gerechtigkeit für die Volksmassen und gegen die
kapitalistische
Restauration und die neue Bourgeoisie verbunden werden, die mit dem
Imperialismus unter einer Decke steckt. Das konnte und wollte Milosevic
aber
nicht, denn Teile der Bürokratie waren selbst dabei sich in eine
Kapitalistenklasse umzuwandeln. Man konnte die Privilegien und die
Korruption der neuen Bourgeoisie kaum angreifen, wenn man nicht auch
dabei
jene der alten Bürokratie auf das Korn nahm.
Die Massen selbst müssen mobilisiert und politisch organisiert werden um
diesen Kampf zu führen, der sie schließlich an die Macht bringen soll.
Dazu
dürfen sie über die Situation nicht belogen, sondern es muss ihnen
reiner
Wein eingeschenkt werden, so dass sie die politische Lage und die
Kräfteverhältnisse selbst beurteilen können. Das konnte und wollte
Milosevic
nicht, denn das hätte nicht nur seine Macht, sondern auch die
Privilegien
der Bürokratie in Frage gestellt.
Die Wirtschaft kann nur durch strenge planwirtschaftliche Lenkung der
zentralen Industrien, der Banken und des Großhandels kombiniert mit dem
Versuch kontrolliert ausländisches Kapital vorzugsweise aus befreundeten
Ländern hereinzuholen, wieder in Gang gebracht werden. Dazu wäre vor
allem
die Eigeninitiative der Massen notwendig, die das Regime weder willens
noch
in der Lage zu mobilisieren war.
Die nationale Verteidigung Serbiens war angesichts des Abfalls der
anderen
jugoslawischen Teilrepubliken und ihrer Umwandlung zu Instrumenten des
Imperialismus eine absolute Pflicht und das Bündnis mit dem serbischen
Nationalismus daher unumgänglich. Dennoch wäre eine klare Abgrenzung vom
bürgerlichen Nationalismus und vor allem von seinen zweifellos
vorhandenen
chauvinistischen Elementen und die Aufrechterhaltung des Angebots an die
anderen Nationalitäten Jugoslawiens und des Balkans, sich gegen den
Imperialismus zu vereinigen, notwendig gewesen, auch wenn die realen
Voraussetzungen für die Verwirklichung eines solchen Bündnisses dazu
heute
nicht gegeben sind. Nur mit dem klaren Bekenntnis zum multinationalen
Charakter Jugoslawiens und Serbiens, sowie der Propagierung der Idee der
Balkanföderation, können innerhalb der zum Imperialismus übergegangenen
Nationen Risse zwischen den Klassen gefördert und antiimperialistische
Bündnispartner angesprochen werden.
Die nationale Verteidigung gegen die Angriffe hätte offensiv geführt
werden
müssen. Die Geschichte zeigte, dass der Krieg mit dem Imperialismus
unvermeidlich war. Je früher und offensiver er geführt worden wäre,
desto
besser wären die Siegeschancen gestanden. Während bei aller Ablehnung
der
Sezessionswunsch der Slowenen und des mehrheitlich kroatisch besiedelten
Gebietes respektiert werden musste (wie es auch tatsächlich geschah)
musste
Ostslawonien, die Krajina und ganz Bosnien (eventuell mit Ausnahme der
Herzegowina) mit allen militärischen Mitteln offensiv verteidigt werden,
um
es im jugoslawischen Staatsverband zu halten. Der Rückzug aus
Ostslawonien,
der Krajina und der Vertrag von Dayton stellen einen Verrat an den
Imperialismus dar, der das gewünschte Appeacement weder brachte noch
bringen
konnte. Ebenso hätte die UCK rücksichtslos ausgerottet werden müssen,
eventuell auch mittels Präventivschlägen gegen ihre Basen in Albanien.
In letzter Konsequenz kann nur die Verbindung mit der internationalen
antiimperialistischen, revolutionären und kommunistischen Bewegung einen
Ausweg für ein isoliertes und vom Imperialismus angegriffenes Land einen
Ausweg bieten (wenn auch auf langfristige Sicht). Daran hatte aber die
SPS
und die JUL wenig Interesse. Sie war mehr auf kurzfristige Lösungen aus,
die
sich aber als unmöglich erwiesen.
Kostunica ist nicht Jelzin
Jelzin kam mit einem Putsch 1991 an die Macht und festigte diese mit
einem
zweiten Putsch 1993. Er unterdrückte den Widerstand eines isolierten
Teils
des Staatsapparates und tauschte seine Spitze durch imperialistische
Handlanger aus. Zwar konnte er den Staatsapparat nicht völlig
zerschlagen
und durch einen neuen ersetzen, wie das in vielen osteuropäischen
Staaten
der Fall war, doch gelang es ihm den Widerstand zumindest für ein
Jahrzehnt
im Schach halten.
In Jugoslawien stehen die Kräfteverhältnisse anders:
Kostunica ist auf der Basis einer Massenbewegung mit einem starken
nationalistischen Element an die Macht gekommen, das potenziell im
Konflikt
mit dem Imperialismus steht. Es existieren in der Bewegung zwar starke
Illusionen in die kapitalistische Marktwirtschaft, doch sind die
sozialen
Forderungen der Volksmassen und die tief verwurzelte Idee der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit deswegen nicht vergessen. Des weiteren besteht eine auf
Erfahrung (sowohl im eigenen Land als auch in Osteuropa) gebaute Skepsis
nicht nur gegenüber den militärischen Instrumenten des Westens, sondern
auch
gegenüber seinen wirtschaftlichen Institutionen wie dem IWF, der
Weltbank
und der WTO. Die offen reaktionäre und proimperialistische Strömung um
Djindjic ist eine kleine Minderheit.
Die SPS hält eine Verankerung bei mindestens einem Drittel der
Bevölkerung,
auch wenn sich diese vorläufig passiv und defensiv verhält. Daher kann
sie
auch nicht verboten werden, so wie es in Russland der Fall war. Der
reaktionäre Straßenterror der Djindjic-Kräfte, der unmittelbar nach dem
Umsturz anhob, fand nicht nur nicht die Unterstützung der Massen, die
vehement gegen den Bürgerkrieg sind, sondern stieß auch auf die
Ablehnung
von Kostunica. Auch die Armeespitze konnte noch nicht ausgetauscht
werden,
so wie viele andere Positionen im Staatsapparat.
Djindjic strebte einen Putsch nach russischem Vorbild an, doch Kostunica
wusste, das dieser angesichts der andersgearteten Kräfteverhältnisse
nicht
möglich war. Er traf sich mit Milosevic and vereinbarte einen – wenn
auch
temporären und brüchigen – Kompromiss. Der verfassungsmäßige Rahmen
wurde
nicht gesprengt, so wie es Djindjic mit dem Sturz aller von ehemaligen
Regierungsblock kontrollierter Institutionen vorhatte. Allerdings musste
auch die serbische Regierung, die unter der Kontrolle von Milosevic
stand,
zurücktreten. Heute stehen wir vor einer Situation des fragilen
Gleichgewichts, in der die antiimperialistischen Kräfte sich jedoch im
Rückzug befinden.
Die offene Frage der nächsten Wochen und Monate bis zu den serbischen
Parlamentswahlen am 23. Dezember ist, ob die SPS dem Druck standhalten
wird
können oder ob sie sich spalten und ein Teil von ihr kapitulieren wird,
so
wie es ihr montenegrinischer Bündnispartner SNP von Momir Bulatovic
bereits
vorexerziert hat.
Der Imperialismus wird Kostunica vorläufig seine Unterstützung geben.
Doch
auf längere Sicht ist der Konflikt vorprogrammiert, denn Kostunica, der
Milosevic wegen nationalen Verrats angeklagt hat, muss Erfolge bei der
Durchsetzung von nationalen serbischen Interessen vorweisen können, die
Zugeständnisse voraussetzen, die der Imperialismus nicht zu machen
bereit
sein wird.
Angesichts der Heterogenität der bürgerlichen DOS, in der sich neben
serbischen Nationalisten wie Kostunica auch die offenen
proimperialistischen
Kräfte sowie eine Autonomie anstrebende Kräfte aus der Vojvodina und aus
dem
Sandschak befinden, würde diese einen solchen Konflikt nicht überleben.
Die
Frage ist nur, ob sich bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt das Kräftegleichgewicht
mit
der SPS halten kann oder ob deren Widerstand und Opposition
zusammenbricht
und sich die Kräfteverhältnisse abermals zugunsten des Imperialismus
verschieben.
Die wirtschaftliche Öffnung und Unterwerfung unter die neoliberale
Globalisierung wird von Kostunica eingeleitet werden. Da diese in der
ersten
Phase Hilfsgelder und dringend nötige Investitionen ins Land bringen
wird,
ist kein unmittelbarer Widerstand dagegen zu erwarten. Erst in dem Maße,
wie
sich zeigt, dass die IWF-Programme nicht die erhofften Verbesserungen
für
die breite Masse bringen werden, ist eine Opposition dagegen
vorstellbar,
doch das kann eine gewisse Zeit dauern – jedenfalls zu lange um der
Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes in Serbien etwas
entgegenzusetzen.
Alles hängt nun von den linken, antiimperialistischen Kräften – unter
anderem auch in der Armee – ab. Sie sind es, die den Ausgleich mit dem
Imperialismus verhindern und den Klassenkonflikt anfachen können. Sind
sie
in der Lage ihre Unterstützung durch einen Teil der Massen zu erhalten
und
weiterhin Widerstand gegen die Inthronisierung eines offen
proimperialistischen Regimes zu leisten oder kapitulieren sie und werden
entweder integriert oder hinweggefegt?
Die Installierung eines offen proimperialistischen Regimes ist zwar
keineswegs ausgeschlossen, wird aber sowohl durch die historischen
Unabhängigkeitsbestrebung als auch durch die Traditionen der sozialen
Gerechtigkeit in den serbischen Volksmassen brüchig bleiben. Dennoch,
wenn
ein solches Regime einmal im Sattel sitzt (so wie in Russland), bedarf
es
wesentlich größerer Anstrengungen es wieder zu entfernen.
Daher geht es ummittelbar darum, das Gleichgewicht der Kräfte, das in
gewisser Hinsicht eine Doppelmachtsituation darstellt, und damit die
Positionen in Staatsapparat und Armee zu erhalten, DOS zu spalten und
die
Mittelgruppe um Kostunica zum Lavieren zwischen pro- und
antiimperialistischen Kräften zu zwingen. Es gilt zu verhindern, dass
die
offenen Nato-Schergen wie Djindjic die Macht ergreifen um unter
günstigeren
Umständen wieder in die Offensive gehen zu können.
Antiimperialistische Volksfront
Obwohl die radikale Linke Jugoslawiens bei den vergangenen Wahlen einen
Achtungserfolg erzielte und damit unter Beweis stellte, dass es für sie
eine
Basis gibt, ist sie weder in ihrer titoistischen noch in ihrer
stalinistischen Form in der Lage die wesentlichen Aufgaben dieser
entscheidenden Periode zu erfüllen – weder in organisatorischer noch in
politischer Hinsicht.
Die JUL, die Partei der „roten Direktoren“, der Korruption und der
Privatisierungsgewinner ist nicht nur tot, sie hat den Tod auch
verdient.
Am ehestens ist ein ernsthafter Widerstand vom linken Flügel der SPS
sowie
der Armee zu erwarten, die nicht bereit sind, zehn Jahre
antiimperialistischen Kampf einfach aufzugeben und damit einen
beträchtlichen Teil der Arbeiter, Bauern und vor allem auch Soldaten
repräsentieren.
Um folgendes Programm müssen sich die antiimperialistischen und
kommunistischen Kräfte gruppieren und damit versuchen, den linken Flügel
der
SPS, die titoistischen und stalinistischen Teile der radikalen Linken
sowie
die Volksarmee miteinzubeziehen und mit ihnen eine antiimperialistische
Volksfront zu bilden:
Der Kampf für die soziale Gerechtigkeit und die Interessen der Arbeiter,
Bauern und der ärmsten Teile der Bevölkerung. Mobilisierung gegen die zu
erwartenden IWF-Programme, die verbundene weitere Verarmung der Massen
sowie
die schamlose Bereicherung einer kleinen kapitalistischen Elite. Gegen
die
Privatisierung der zentralen Industrien und deren Verstaatlichung.
Planwirtschaftliche Lenkung dieser durch Machtorgane des Volkes
anknüpfend
an die Tradition der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung. Kontrolle ausländischen
Kapitals durch diese.
Die unversöhnliche Verteidigung der nationalen serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Interessen gegen den Imperialismus. Rückgabe des Kosovo, Anschluss der
Republika Srpska inklusive des Korridors von Brcko, Abzug der Nato aus
dem
Kosovo, aus Bosnien und schließlich vom gesamten Balkan. Die
nationalistischen Phrasen von Kostunica und der Opposition müssen als
Lüge
entlarvt werden. Es muss den Massen vor Augen geführt werden, dass die
nationalen Interessen Serbiens nur gegen den Imperialismus und nicht mit
ihm
durchgesetzt werden können. Wer mit dem Imperialismus wirtschaftlich
unter
einer Decke steckt, kann sich nicht gegen ihn verteidigen. Es ist kein
Zufall, dass Kostunica die Kürzung des Militärbudgets angekündigt hat.
Gegenwehr gegen den Terror der konterrevolutionären Djindjic-Kräfte, die
mit
bewaffneten Banden versuchen Positionen in Industrie und Staat zu
besetzen
und die Vertreter des Milosevic-Regimes zu entfernen.
Die Armee muss unter der Kontrolle des Volkes bleiben. Bildung von
Verbindungskomitees zwischen den Garnisonen und den Betrieben (eventuell
durch Gewerkschaften und Organe der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung) und
Wohnvierteln.
Einberufung eines Volkskongresses zur Verteidigung des Landes und der
Interessen der Arbeiter, Bauern und Soldaten, dessen Beschlüsse sich
alle
staatlichen Funktionäre, Parteien und Institutionen, die die Interessen
des
Volkes zu vertreten vorgeben, unterordnen müssen.
Für ein multinationales Serbien und Jugoslawien. Für eine demokratische,
antiimperialistische Balkanföderation.
Einbindung der antiimperialistischen und kommunistischen Kräfte
Jugoslawiens
und Serbiens in die internationale Bewegung, anknüpfend an die weltweite
Solidaritätsbewegung für den jugoslawischen Widerstand gegen die
imperialistische Aggression.
Mit der Machtübernahme Kostunicas haben die serbischen und
jugoslawischen
Massen ein weiteres Rückzugsgefecht verloren (und deren werden noch
einige
folgen), doch im Gegensatz zu den meisten anderen Ländern Osteuropas hat
der
Widerstand des letzten Jahrzehnts Ergebnisse gezeigt und eine
antiimperialistischen Kraft im Volk entstehen lassen. Daher ist die
letzte
Schlacht noch nicht geschlagen und der Krieg noch nicht verloren!
**************************************
Revolutionär Kommunistische Liga (RKL)
(österr. Sektion der Internationalen Leninistischen Strömung - ILS)
PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Österreich
Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10
rkl@...
www.leninist-current.org/rkl
www.antiimperialista.com
Konto PSK 92 125 137 BLZ 60000
-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Prof. R.K.Kent:DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL
AND "VINDICATED" ( CORRECTED TEXT )
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 23:27:50 -0400
From: "minja m." <minja@...>
Reply-To: minja@...
( CORRECTED TEXT )
DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL AND "VINDICATED"
How Madeleine got to Bomb the Serbs
R.K.Kent
A most revealing informtion comes out of two sources about the air war
for Kosovo. . Both merit attention and close reading. One is a former
United States Air Attache at London, Alan J. Parrington. The other is
James F. Rubin, Madeleine Albright_s closest State Department associate.
Parrington was on duty in London just before, during and after the
bombings (24 March 1999 through 5th June, officially 10th June 1999). In
his own words:
"I saw a war of underlying motives, missed
diplomatic opportunities,
misguided military strategies and questionable
outcomes. Worst of
all, the war never need happened: Milosevic
conceded major U.S.
demands two weeks before the war began."
(Colorado Sorings Gazette,
October 12, 2000, reported by Ben Works).
Parrington went on to relate how, on 11th March 1999, he was approached
at a British Diplomatic reception by the Yugoslav Defense Attache to
the Court of St.James,. The Attache, a Serb Colonel, told him that
Milosevic is allowing international and even NATO troops into Kosovo but
must "first have a letter from Clinton explaining the benefit Yugoslavia
will receive in exchange." At first, Parrington was taken aback because
the stationing of foreign troops in Kosovo was the "sticking point in
negotiations." The" benefits" expected finally came down to
"three things Yugoslavia must have." Yugoslavia must retain sovereignty
over Kosovo. The Kosovo Liberation Army must be disarmed. The
independence referendum must be "removed."
According to Parrington this was "apparently too much for the Clinton
Administration to accept." In the end, after eleven weeks of bombing:
"the Administration, running short of
precision weapons and
faced with the prospect of a bloody ground
war, abandoned the
bombing strategy and asked the Russians to
broker a deal based
ON MILOSEVIC’S ANTEBELLUM OFFER" (caps added
for emphasis).
Parrington concluded that the war achieved nothing beyond what Milosevic
had proposed beforehand and "only inflamed ethnic passions for
generations to come." De jure, Kosovo remains a part of Yugoslavia, no
referendum on independence as such is scheduled but the KLA has been
only marginally disarmed. Parrington quotes a KLA leader speaking to him
personally, "one day, the Serbs will be selling us guns to shoot at
NATO."
Clearly there was no need to go to war and, just as clearly, what was
unacceptable fourteen weeks earlier became even "useful" after the war
had spent itself. From a purely psychological point of view one could
say that the war took off to ratify the prerogative of superior power
to
react punitively and even with vengeance when its will is thwarted.
While , despite the NATO framework, the "air war" was primarily an
endeavor of the Clinton Administration, the real driving, dominat
force in it was Madeleine Albright. It is virtually certain that
without her around a diplomatic solution would have prevailed. Rubin
states that NATO_s violent advent into the ex-Yugoslav space "had
become a very personal war for Albright." Rubin joined her in this
respect, struggling to persuade "the West" to halt Serb "genocide" in
Bosnia. Rubin adds that
"by 1995, Albright’s views were
vindicated when NATO’s
air strikes forced the Serbs to the
bargaining table and a
Bosnian peace accord was finally reached
that automn ."
There are two items of disinformation in the quote. NATO’s air strikes
against Bosnian Serb positions did not "bring" the Serbs to the
negotiating table. In fact, they had been asking reapetedly for
negotiations but Alija Izetbegovic refused until NATO assured him of
an Air Force for the Bosnian Muslim side. Secondly, it is very easy to
advance"genocide" as a documented sin that cannot be left unpunished.
Its glib use immediately evokes the Holocaust (1939-1945)and is meant
to inflame to the point when no furher questions need be asked. A srtict
definition of genocide would exclude forcible expulsions of groups
regarded as inimical. What did happen in Bosnia fits "ethnic cleansing"
but not planned physical exterminations of entire groups of people.
Neither the Serbs nor the Croats palnned to exterminate two million
Bosnian Muslims, nor did the Bosnian Muslims plan to exterminate all of
the Serbs and Croats inside Bosnia since, combined, they accounted for
roughly half of Bosnia’s total population.
Be that as it may, Madeleine was hardly "vindicated" (a claim now being
repeated for the 78 days of bombing Serbia itself). It is not well known
that she was actually opposed to Holbrooke’s dealing with "Milosevic"
at Dayton. It is even less known that she once threatened all of the
U.N. Security Council Ambassadors with the severing of relations with
her U.S. Mission if any of them received a Yugoslav (Serb) minister of
state invited to come for talks. It would have been humiliating for the
U.S. had there been an "Ambassadorial Revolt" proposing to stop the
Council’s proceeding pending an apology for such an auto da fe but,
fortunately, the French and Chinese Ambassadors simply disregarded
Madeleine_s ulimatum. To return to Rubin’s account, in order to get her
personal war going, Madeleine had to overcome several hard obstacles.
The first one was Europe’s general reluctance and, in some cases,
outright opposition to bombing Serbia.
Rubin is very clear on this point. He relates how difficult it was to
"galvanize the West" to act in unison before 1999. While the Clinton
Administration was "deeply divided" within itsself:
"Nearly all our allies, including the
British, put roadblocks in
the way of decisive action prior to the
Rambouillet peace confernce
"in 1999. And during Rambouillet, the
French and the
Italians acted in ways that could have
derailed the Admini-
stration’s effort to unite against the
Belgrade regime."
Some Europeans did not wish to side with the KLA. In Rubin_s version
the Russian and German foreign ministers regarded the KLA as a terrorist
group. The "rebels were unknown figures raising money illegaly through
smugling, or worse." Such reservations did not even phase Madeleine
although some people in the State Department did not dismiss them
entirely. The Europeans even made "crude jokes about Albanian immigrants
and criminal gangs." Other European ministers did not wish to break
International Law, requiring prior U.N. Security Council action. They
defended this position on legal advice. Madeleine retorted "change the
laweyrs." It is obvious that she could not care less for International
Law and the U.N. Charter provisions if these interfered with an ardent
desire to" bomb the Serbs." Some months after the bombing of Serbia,
Secretary Albright claimed formally in the New York Times that she
honors the U.N. Charter ("which we helped write"). At the time, however,
the Europeans were not sufficiently "motivated" to go to war against
Serbia, espacially not on behalf of the KLA.
What was needed to push them over the point of no return? It should be
recalled here that the NATO bombing of Bosnian Serbs took place just
hours after the so-called "third marketplace massacre at Sarajevo." A
U.N. Report in situ and quite "fresh" exculpated the Serbs nonetheless.
U.N. Ambassador Albright immediately demanded that this Report be kept
secret as it is to-date. The political value of yet another "massacre,"
this time of "Kosovars" by the"Serb butchers," was hardly out of sight.
It came at a place in Kosovo called Racak, according to Rubin , on
January 15, 1999, over the radio. This date is interesting because the
first claim of a "massacre at Racak" came on 16th January 1999 but,
there is no doubt how it was used to "galvanize" the "international
Community" into action. The "Racak massacre" has all the elements of
staging and circumstances that cannot be really explained in any other
way.
The first item of circumstantial evidence resides in the quick ad hoc
posting to Kosovo of William Walker as the Administration’s Special
Envoy. One would assume some Balkan diplomatic pedigree here. Instead,
Mr. Walker had headed the U.S.Embassy’s Political Section in Salvador,
1974-1977. He was posted to Honduras (l980-1982) when arms were being
funnelled via Honduras to the Contras in Nicaragua. He spent another
four years (1988-1992} as Ambassador to Salvador just when the local
death squads were liquidating anyone close to humanitarian concern,
including a Roman Catholic Bishop. A French source once described Mr.
Walker as the "control" of a "government of assassins which used its
last days in power before the end of civil war to _rub out_ all oif its
opponents." Threre can be no doubt that Mr. Walker had close relations
with the CIA. Why he came to Kosovo will become apparent with what
follows.
On 16th January 1999, the SERB police INFORMED "Ambassador" Walker that
an attack was being prepared against Racak, a KLA stronghold. Suddenly,
an open-mass grave with 47 bodies came into view as Walker was GUIDED to
it with a host of journalists and a TV crew. "It’s a massacre" said
Walker. It’s a "massacre" repetaed the journalists and the media
throughout the world in minutes and hours. There were no spent cartrages
at the grave site and no one even bothered to ask two key questions.
With an obvious international support for the KLA why would the Serb
Police inform Walker of their attack on Racak and then massacre what
looked like civilians? Why would the Serb Police furthermore not try to
hide its would -be crime by re-burying the bodies, practice the Serbs
had been consistenly accused of for some four years before Kosovo? A
week before the start of the "air war," on 17 March 1999, the medical
investigator, Dr. Helena Ranta of Finland, submitted a report (21
kilograms and 3,000 photos)plus a five-page resume yet unable to
confirm the instant, ersatz verdict of William Walker. There is,
however, no doubt in respect to one result. His statement, reproduced
everywhere fast, "galvanized," as Madeleine Albright put it, the
"International Community."Racak of January led to Rambouillet in
February. Rambouillet led, in turn, to the air war in late March
1999.Part One of the "galvanizing process" took place in Washington.
During the week of January l7th 1999, Madeleine Albright spent her time
in intensive pursuit of a green light to go to war with the Serbs. Her
working group consisted of Secretary Cohen, National Security Adviser
Sanford Berger, CIA Director George Tenet and General Shelton, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. A collective decision was made in a few
days and "the speed reflected the meeting of minds that had developed
between Albright and the President"She "worked" President Clinton by
pounding on his "indecision in Bosnia." With the
"wag-the-dog""possibility in the air(and posterity, no doubt, watching
his Legacy)the President took Madeleine’s door which allowed, at the
same time, an entry and an exit. Having thus gotten his "nod"she used
it then to "pass on" as the President’s "own" inclination to go into
action..Thereafter came "Galvanizing II." as she --in Rubin’s words--
"began to work the Europeans." By February 1999 Rambouillet was on.
The talks at Rambouillet were decidedly not going Madeleine’s way. She
expected the Serbs to reject the "Peace Plan." She even asked all the
NATO Members’ Foreign Ministers, according to Rubin, "to instruct"
their "ambassadors in Brussels to support air strikes should the Serbs
be responsible for a breakdown in the talks." The Ministers agreed but
"only after securing the pledge to punish the Albanian side in the event
the KLA caused a breakdown." The Serbs, who were supposed to reject
the granting of Autonomy to Kosovo and thus give her the pretext to
bomb, actually agreed to restore it, allowing foreign troops under the
U.N. but not yet under NATO. But, the KLA political leader Hashim
Thaci, unexpectedly, would not sign the "Peace Plan." He did not want
Autonomy. He stuck to the demand for Independence instead. Neither
Madeleine’s "charm" nor threats of losing U.S. support (an admission
that the U.S. was supporting the KLA in the field as well despite"
denials") could persuade Thachi to budge form his position. Apparently,
Madeleine mentioned nothing of "pledge" to Thaci despite an added
European demand that the Albanians defer the issue of Independence.
The "unity of the Europeans was cracking," as Rubin assessed the
situation. The French proved to be least prone to play according to
Madeleine’s game plan. "We knew the critical factor for the KLA was the
prospect of air strikes and NATO ground troops. So we had arranged for
NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander, General Wesley Clark, to come to the
castle to brief them on NATO military plans and help win them over in
the final hours of the conference." The French woul not alllow the
"formidable figure" of General Clark to enter Rambouillet, "arguing
that his NATO role would somehow upset the diplomatic balance with the
Serbs." But, "Albright finally convinced Hubert Vedrine, the (French)
foreign minister to allow four KLA members to leave the castle for a
briefing with Clark at a military airfield." The formula was the same
as in the NATO air war over Serb Bosnian positions years earlier. Give
the KLA NATO’s planes and misssiles, show them exactly in a secret
military briefing, how you plan to "hit the Serbs." Hint to them that
the action is worth a "slight postponement" of Independence, along with
an eventual support for it, promise clandestinely that Kosovo will be
turned over to KLA at the exclusion of "moderate" Ibrahim Rugova, and
the result came out just the way Madeleine wanted it. Thaci would sign.
Since the Serbs, however, had just about accepted the major sticking
point of foreign troops, including NATOs, along with Autonomy for
Kosovo, the final pretext for bombs was still missing. Serbs had to be
MADE to reject the "Peace Plan."
The idea was brilliant in its evil banality. Someone recalled the 1914
ten-point ultimatum to Serbia by Austriua in 1914, after the
assassination of Archduke Ferdinand at Sarajevo. Two Appendices added
overnight to the previous text of the "Peace Plan." One of the two,
Appendix B, spelled out in great detail that Serbs must agree to an
immediate occupation of all of Yugoslavia, including Belgrade, by NATO
troops which not only had a total freedom of movement and acrtioin but
which would be a prioro immune from prosecution for any types of crime.
Colonial "Capitulations" come to mind, delivered with supreme arrogance.
When the Serb delegation walked out of Rambouillet, Albright spread the
word. "The SERBS have REJECTED the Peace Plan." She would quip after the
air war, that "we raised (at Rambouillet)the bar so Milosevich could not
jump over it. Yugoslavia needed a little bombing."
By the beginning of June 1999, thanks to the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright , Serbia’s infrastructure was taken out to the tune of over
$100 billion. Hospitals ,factories,churches (even a Synagogue at Nis),
schools, soccer fields, shopping malls, generators, a TV station, even
the Chinese Embassy, were hit. Some 3,000 Serb civilians were killed
with about three times that many of the wounded, more or less seriously.
Serbia’s (and Kosovo’s) air, soil and water were polluted with chemical
toxins of all kinds, with depleted uranium and graphite, assuring
mutation of genes yet to come. Thousands of the internationally banned
cluster bombs were dropped and
are still killing both Serb and Albaniuan children who find them esily
because of their colors. General Clark certainly knew what he was doing.
Before becoming a Vice-Presidential Candidate, Senator Lieberamn
proclaimed that the Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was "fighting
for American values." Vice-President Al Gore has been going around the
country telling the American People about "our" "victory" at Kosovo.
Following the fall of Milosevic, the main scribal media at home went
into overdrive about the "vindication" of Madeleine Albright. General
Wesley Clark went even further. He claimed on Public Television that the
eleven weeks of NATO bombings in Serbia and Kosovo brought Milosevic
down.
Since NATO "liberated Kosovo" from "Serb oppression" unadulterated
day-to-day realities have turned Senator Lieberman_s claim into a
tragic joke. At Kosovo, the "ex-KLA" members are engaged in organized
white slavery and prostitution, drug dealing, kidnapping, beatings and
murder. Just recently, KFOR with British Marines arrested an entire KLA
clan involved in such activities. Albanian piecemeal terror, on a daily
basis (and long after the advent of NATO) has "cleansed" some 300,000
non Albanians (mainly Serbs but also half a dozen other minorities).
Actual results reveal that there was no struggle for "liberation" but
for power, a struggle induced from outside of Kosovo and bankrolled by a
drug cartel seeking a free zone for huge profits. It wanted to replace
the constraints of State in favor of an acephalous area dominated by
Albanian clans engaged in criminal enterprise. Among thousands of
refugees in the post-NATO era there are Albanians who fled to
Serbia. The U.S. deliberately turned Kosovo over to its "air war"
ally, the KLA and its political head Hashim Thachi, dropping support for
of the only true leader of Kosovo_s Albanians, the poet Ibrahim Rugova.
The architect of this stunning success was the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright. To get to bomb the Serbs she would have made a pact with the
Devil. Only one major and intriguing question remains.Was her
Serbophobia driven by some deeply hidden demons or was it merely
grafted on some geopolitical strategies pushed on the makers of foriegn
policy by Madeleine’s mentor, Zbigniew Brzezinski?
It would appear from all the gloating about who did Milosevic in,
about the "Victory at Kosovo," that nothing has been learned at the
top. It is very likely that a similar NATO intervention will never come
about in Europe. NATO in present-day Europe is an oxymoron.
It has no one to "defend" or attack on"humanitarian" grounds unless it
wishes to hit the French over Corsica, Spaniards over their Basque
problem and the English over their Colonialism in Ireland. Its
peace-keeping mission in Bosnia and Kosovo has not really settled
anything fundamental. The .U.S., if not alone, has been a major part of
the bloody problems in ex-Yugoslavia. It killed two viable peace
treaties in 1992 and in 1993. It sided with anyone who was against the
Serbs, arming and training the Croat Army to ethnically cleanse Krajina
of its long-time resident Serbs, some 250,000 of them. It allowed Shiite
Muslim extermists and arms into Bosnia and it has taken the side of
Kosovo’s Muslim Albanians under entirely false pretexts.
Assisted by the main media, the gross and continuous disinformation of
the current U.S. Government, about the realities on the ground in
Kosovo, meant to secure the support of the American People, reveal with
dramatic force that an American Government, claiming to act in the
National Interest, is manipulating our Democracy, silencing informed
criticism, and acting against its own People. Its arrogance abroad, and
especially, against the small Serb people, has taken the Imperial Mask
off the New Uncle Sam’s face. It cannot grasp that the use of its
military might (without loss of a single American soldier), the economic
conquests in the globe and the cultural flooding out of other
societies, coupled with obvious arrogance ( do read Chalmer Johnston’s
book "Blowback")and propensity to lecture everyone(reflected beautifully
in Al Gore’s public posturing for the election) --that all of this
combined is fanning the latent fires of universal hate against the New
World Order and its Global Master. The Republican Presidential Candidate
has recognized the problem of arrogance and is promoting the need for
"humility." It may already be too late unless the Amewrican People take
foreign policy from the hands of experts, "hawks" out to "punish" and
"teach" the rest of the world about Democracy while losing it at home.
Subject: Prof. R.K.Kent:DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL
AND "VINDICATED" ( CORRECTED TEXT )
Date: Mon, 23 Oct 2000 23:27:50 -0400
From: "minja m." <minja@...>
Reply-To: minja@...
( CORRECTED TEXT )
DR. STRANGELOVE IS ALIVE, WELL AND "VINDICATED"
How Madeleine got to Bomb the Serbs
R.K.Kent
A most revealing informtion comes out of two sources about the air war
for Kosovo. . Both merit attention and close reading. One is a former
United States Air Attache at London, Alan J. Parrington. The other is
James F. Rubin, Madeleine Albright_s closest State Department associate.
Parrington was on duty in London just before, during and after the
bombings (24 March 1999 through 5th June, officially 10th June 1999). In
his own words:
"I saw a war of underlying motives, missed
diplomatic opportunities,
misguided military strategies and questionable
outcomes. Worst of
all, the war never need happened: Milosevic
conceded major U.S.
demands two weeks before the war began."
(Colorado Sorings Gazette,
October 12, 2000, reported by Ben Works).
Parrington went on to relate how, on 11th March 1999, he was approached
at a British Diplomatic reception by the Yugoslav Defense Attache to
the Court of St.James,. The Attache, a Serb Colonel, told him that
Milosevic is allowing international and even NATO troops into Kosovo but
must "first have a letter from Clinton explaining the benefit Yugoslavia
will receive in exchange." At first, Parrington was taken aback because
the stationing of foreign troops in Kosovo was the "sticking point in
negotiations." The" benefits" expected finally came down to
"three things Yugoslavia must have." Yugoslavia must retain sovereignty
over Kosovo. The Kosovo Liberation Army must be disarmed. The
independence referendum must be "removed."
According to Parrington this was "apparently too much for the Clinton
Administration to accept." In the end, after eleven weeks of bombing:
"the Administration, running short of
precision weapons and
faced with the prospect of a bloody ground
war, abandoned the
bombing strategy and asked the Russians to
broker a deal based
ON MILOSEVIC’S ANTEBELLUM OFFER" (caps added
for emphasis).
Parrington concluded that the war achieved nothing beyond what Milosevic
had proposed beforehand and "only inflamed ethnic passions for
generations to come." De jure, Kosovo remains a part of Yugoslavia, no
referendum on independence as such is scheduled but the KLA has been
only marginally disarmed. Parrington quotes a KLA leader speaking to him
personally, "one day, the Serbs will be selling us guns to shoot at
NATO."
Clearly there was no need to go to war and, just as clearly, what was
unacceptable fourteen weeks earlier became even "useful" after the war
had spent itself. From a purely psychological point of view one could
say that the war took off to ratify the prerogative of superior power
to
react punitively and even with vengeance when its will is thwarted.
While , despite the NATO framework, the "air war" was primarily an
endeavor of the Clinton Administration, the real driving, dominat
force in it was Madeleine Albright. It is virtually certain that
without her around a diplomatic solution would have prevailed. Rubin
states that NATO_s violent advent into the ex-Yugoslav space "had
become a very personal war for Albright." Rubin joined her in this
respect, struggling to persuade "the West" to halt Serb "genocide" in
Bosnia. Rubin adds that
"by 1995, Albright’s views were
vindicated when NATO’s
air strikes forced the Serbs to the
bargaining table and a
Bosnian peace accord was finally reached
that automn ."
There are two items of disinformation in the quote. NATO’s air strikes
against Bosnian Serb positions did not "bring" the Serbs to the
negotiating table. In fact, they had been asking reapetedly for
negotiations but Alija Izetbegovic refused until NATO assured him of
an Air Force for the Bosnian Muslim side. Secondly, it is very easy to
advance"genocide" as a documented sin that cannot be left unpunished.
Its glib use immediately evokes the Holocaust (1939-1945)and is meant
to inflame to the point when no furher questions need be asked. A srtict
definition of genocide would exclude forcible expulsions of groups
regarded as inimical. What did happen in Bosnia fits "ethnic cleansing"
but not planned physical exterminations of entire groups of people.
Neither the Serbs nor the Croats palnned to exterminate two million
Bosnian Muslims, nor did the Bosnian Muslims plan to exterminate all of
the Serbs and Croats inside Bosnia since, combined, they accounted for
roughly half of Bosnia’s total population.
Be that as it may, Madeleine was hardly "vindicated" (a claim now being
repeated for the 78 days of bombing Serbia itself). It is not well known
that she was actually opposed to Holbrooke’s dealing with "Milosevic"
at Dayton. It is even less known that she once threatened all of the
U.N. Security Council Ambassadors with the severing of relations with
her U.S. Mission if any of them received a Yugoslav (Serb) minister of
state invited to come for talks. It would have been humiliating for the
U.S. had there been an "Ambassadorial Revolt" proposing to stop the
Council’s proceeding pending an apology for such an auto da fe but,
fortunately, the French and Chinese Ambassadors simply disregarded
Madeleine_s ulimatum. To return to Rubin’s account, in order to get her
personal war going, Madeleine had to overcome several hard obstacles.
The first one was Europe’s general reluctance and, in some cases,
outright opposition to bombing Serbia.
Rubin is very clear on this point. He relates how difficult it was to
"galvanize the West" to act in unison before 1999. While the Clinton
Administration was "deeply divided" within itsself:
"Nearly all our allies, including the
British, put roadblocks in
the way of decisive action prior to the
Rambouillet peace confernce
"in 1999. And during Rambouillet, the
French and the
Italians acted in ways that could have
derailed the Admini-
stration’s effort to unite against the
Belgrade regime."
Some Europeans did not wish to side with the KLA. In Rubin_s version
the Russian and German foreign ministers regarded the KLA as a terrorist
group. The "rebels were unknown figures raising money illegaly through
smugling, or worse." Such reservations did not even phase Madeleine
although some people in the State Department did not dismiss them
entirely. The Europeans even made "crude jokes about Albanian immigrants
and criminal gangs." Other European ministers did not wish to break
International Law, requiring prior U.N. Security Council action. They
defended this position on legal advice. Madeleine retorted "change the
laweyrs." It is obvious that she could not care less for International
Law and the U.N. Charter provisions if these interfered with an ardent
desire to" bomb the Serbs." Some months after the bombing of Serbia,
Secretary Albright claimed formally in the New York Times that she
honors the U.N. Charter ("which we helped write"). At the time, however,
the Europeans were not sufficiently "motivated" to go to war against
Serbia, espacially not on behalf of the KLA.
What was needed to push them over the point of no return? It should be
recalled here that the NATO bombing of Bosnian Serbs took place just
hours after the so-called "third marketplace massacre at Sarajevo." A
U.N. Report in situ and quite "fresh" exculpated the Serbs nonetheless.
U.N. Ambassador Albright immediately demanded that this Report be kept
secret as it is to-date. The political value of yet another "massacre,"
this time of "Kosovars" by the"Serb butchers," was hardly out of sight.
It came at a place in Kosovo called Racak, according to Rubin , on
January 15, 1999, over the radio. This date is interesting because the
first claim of a "massacre at Racak" came on 16th January 1999 but,
there is no doubt how it was used to "galvanize" the "international
Community" into action. The "Racak massacre" has all the elements of
staging and circumstances that cannot be really explained in any other
way.
The first item of circumstantial evidence resides in the quick ad hoc
posting to Kosovo of William Walker as the Administration’s Special
Envoy. One would assume some Balkan diplomatic pedigree here. Instead,
Mr. Walker had headed the U.S.Embassy’s Political Section in Salvador,
1974-1977. He was posted to Honduras (l980-1982) when arms were being
funnelled via Honduras to the Contras in Nicaragua. He spent another
four years (1988-1992} as Ambassador to Salvador just when the local
death squads were liquidating anyone close to humanitarian concern,
including a Roman Catholic Bishop. A French source once described Mr.
Walker as the "control" of a "government of assassins which used its
last days in power before the end of civil war to _rub out_ all oif its
opponents." Threre can be no doubt that Mr. Walker had close relations
with the CIA. Why he came to Kosovo will become apparent with what
follows.
On 16th January 1999, the SERB police INFORMED "Ambassador" Walker that
an attack was being prepared against Racak, a KLA stronghold. Suddenly,
an open-mass grave with 47 bodies came into view as Walker was GUIDED to
it with a host of journalists and a TV crew. "It’s a massacre" said
Walker. It’s a "massacre" repetaed the journalists and the media
throughout the world in minutes and hours. There were no spent cartrages
at the grave site and no one even bothered to ask two key questions.
With an obvious international support for the KLA why would the Serb
Police inform Walker of their attack on Racak and then massacre what
looked like civilians? Why would the Serb Police furthermore not try to
hide its would -be crime by re-burying the bodies, practice the Serbs
had been consistenly accused of for some four years before Kosovo? A
week before the start of the "air war," on 17 March 1999, the medical
investigator, Dr. Helena Ranta of Finland, submitted a report (21
kilograms and 3,000 photos)plus a five-page resume yet unable to
confirm the instant, ersatz verdict of William Walker. There is,
however, no doubt in respect to one result. His statement, reproduced
everywhere fast, "galvanized," as Madeleine Albright put it, the
"International Community."Racak of January led to Rambouillet in
February. Rambouillet led, in turn, to the air war in late March
1999.Part One of the "galvanizing process" took place in Washington.
During the week of January l7th 1999, Madeleine Albright spent her time
in intensive pursuit of a green light to go to war with the Serbs. Her
working group consisted of Secretary Cohen, National Security Adviser
Sanford Berger, CIA Director George Tenet and General Shelton, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. A collective decision was made in a few
days and "the speed reflected the meeting of minds that had developed
between Albright and the President"She "worked" President Clinton by
pounding on his "indecision in Bosnia." With the
"wag-the-dog""possibility in the air(and posterity, no doubt, watching
his Legacy)the President took Madeleine’s door which allowed, at the
same time, an entry and an exit. Having thus gotten his "nod"she used
it then to "pass on" as the President’s "own" inclination to go into
action..Thereafter came "Galvanizing II." as she --in Rubin’s words--
"began to work the Europeans." By February 1999 Rambouillet was on.
The talks at Rambouillet were decidedly not going Madeleine’s way. She
expected the Serbs to reject the "Peace Plan." She even asked all the
NATO Members’ Foreign Ministers, according to Rubin, "to instruct"
their "ambassadors in Brussels to support air strikes should the Serbs
be responsible for a breakdown in the talks." The Ministers agreed but
"only after securing the pledge to punish the Albanian side in the event
the KLA caused a breakdown." The Serbs, who were supposed to reject
the granting of Autonomy to Kosovo and thus give her the pretext to
bomb, actually agreed to restore it, allowing foreign troops under the
U.N. but not yet under NATO. But, the KLA political leader Hashim
Thaci, unexpectedly, would not sign the "Peace Plan." He did not want
Autonomy. He stuck to the demand for Independence instead. Neither
Madeleine’s "charm" nor threats of losing U.S. support (an admission
that the U.S. was supporting the KLA in the field as well despite"
denials") could persuade Thachi to budge form his position. Apparently,
Madeleine mentioned nothing of "pledge" to Thaci despite an added
European demand that the Albanians defer the issue of Independence.
The "unity of the Europeans was cracking," as Rubin assessed the
situation. The French proved to be least prone to play according to
Madeleine’s game plan. "We knew the critical factor for the KLA was the
prospect of air strikes and NATO ground troops. So we had arranged for
NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander, General Wesley Clark, to come to the
castle to brief them on NATO military plans and help win them over in
the final hours of the conference." The French woul not alllow the
"formidable figure" of General Clark to enter Rambouillet, "arguing
that his NATO role would somehow upset the diplomatic balance with the
Serbs." But, "Albright finally convinced Hubert Vedrine, the (French)
foreign minister to allow four KLA members to leave the castle for a
briefing with Clark at a military airfield." The formula was the same
as in the NATO air war over Serb Bosnian positions years earlier. Give
the KLA NATO’s planes and misssiles, show them exactly in a secret
military briefing, how you plan to "hit the Serbs." Hint to them that
the action is worth a "slight postponement" of Independence, along with
an eventual support for it, promise clandestinely that Kosovo will be
turned over to KLA at the exclusion of "moderate" Ibrahim Rugova, and
the result came out just the way Madeleine wanted it. Thaci would sign.
Since the Serbs, however, had just about accepted the major sticking
point of foreign troops, including NATOs, along with Autonomy for
Kosovo, the final pretext for bombs was still missing. Serbs had to be
MADE to reject the "Peace Plan."
The idea was brilliant in its evil banality. Someone recalled the 1914
ten-point ultimatum to Serbia by Austriua in 1914, after the
assassination of Archduke Ferdinand at Sarajevo. Two Appendices added
overnight to the previous text of the "Peace Plan." One of the two,
Appendix B, spelled out in great detail that Serbs must agree to an
immediate occupation of all of Yugoslavia, including Belgrade, by NATO
troops which not only had a total freedom of movement and acrtioin but
which would be a prioro immune from prosecution for any types of crime.
Colonial "Capitulations" come to mind, delivered with supreme arrogance.
When the Serb delegation walked out of Rambouillet, Albright spread the
word. "The SERBS have REJECTED the Peace Plan." She would quip after the
air war, that "we raised (at Rambouillet)the bar so Milosevich could not
jump over it. Yugoslavia needed a little bombing."
By the beginning of June 1999, thanks to the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright , Serbia’s infrastructure was taken out to the tune of over
$100 billion. Hospitals ,factories,churches (even a Synagogue at Nis),
schools, soccer fields, shopping malls, generators, a TV station, even
the Chinese Embassy, were hit. Some 3,000 Serb civilians were killed
with about three times that many of the wounded, more or less seriously.
Serbia’s (and Kosovo’s) air, soil and water were polluted with chemical
toxins of all kinds, with depleted uranium and graphite, assuring
mutation of genes yet to come. Thousands of the internationally banned
cluster bombs were dropped and
are still killing both Serb and Albaniuan children who find them esily
because of their colors. General Clark certainly knew what he was doing.
Before becoming a Vice-Presidential Candidate, Senator Lieberamn
proclaimed that the Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was "fighting
for American values." Vice-President Al Gore has been going around the
country telling the American People about "our" "victory" at Kosovo.
Following the fall of Milosevic, the main scribal media at home went
into overdrive about the "vindication" of Madeleine Albright. General
Wesley Clark went even further. He claimed on Public Television that the
eleven weeks of NATO bombings in Serbia and Kosovo brought Milosevic
down.
Since NATO "liberated Kosovo" from "Serb oppression" unadulterated
day-to-day realities have turned Senator Lieberman_s claim into a
tragic joke. At Kosovo, the "ex-KLA" members are engaged in organized
white slavery and prostitution, drug dealing, kidnapping, beatings and
murder. Just recently, KFOR with British Marines arrested an entire KLA
clan involved in such activities. Albanian piecemeal terror, on a daily
basis (and long after the advent of NATO) has "cleansed" some 300,000
non Albanians (mainly Serbs but also half a dozen other minorities).
Actual results reveal that there was no struggle for "liberation" but
for power, a struggle induced from outside of Kosovo and bankrolled by a
drug cartel seeking a free zone for huge profits. It wanted to replace
the constraints of State in favor of an acephalous area dominated by
Albanian clans engaged in criminal enterprise. Among thousands of
refugees in the post-NATO era there are Albanians who fled to
Serbia. The U.S. deliberately turned Kosovo over to its "air war"
ally, the KLA and its political head Hashim Thachi, dropping support for
of the only true leader of Kosovo_s Albanians, the poet Ibrahim Rugova.
The architect of this stunning success was the "vindicated" Madeleine
Albright. To get to bomb the Serbs she would have made a pact with the
Devil. Only one major and intriguing question remains.Was her
Serbophobia driven by some deeply hidden demons or was it merely
grafted on some geopolitical strategies pushed on the makers of foriegn
policy by Madeleine’s mentor, Zbigniew Brzezinski?
It would appear from all the gloating about who did Milosevic in,
about the "Victory at Kosovo," that nothing has been learned at the
top. It is very likely that a similar NATO intervention will never come
about in Europe. NATO in present-day Europe is an oxymoron.
It has no one to "defend" or attack on"humanitarian" grounds unless it
wishes to hit the French over Corsica, Spaniards over their Basque
problem and the English over their Colonialism in Ireland. Its
peace-keeping mission in Bosnia and Kosovo has not really settled
anything fundamental. The .U.S., if not alone, has been a major part of
the bloody problems in ex-Yugoslavia. It killed two viable peace
treaties in 1992 and in 1993. It sided with anyone who was against the
Serbs, arming and training the Croat Army to ethnically cleanse Krajina
of its long-time resident Serbs, some 250,000 of them. It allowed Shiite
Muslim extermists and arms into Bosnia and it has taken the side of
Kosovo’s Muslim Albanians under entirely false pretexts.
Assisted by the main media, the gross and continuous disinformation of
the current U.S. Government, about the realities on the ground in
Kosovo, meant to secure the support of the American People, reveal with
dramatic force that an American Government, claiming to act in the
National Interest, is manipulating our Democracy, silencing informed
criticism, and acting against its own People. Its arrogance abroad, and
especially, against the small Serb people, has taken the Imperial Mask
off the New Uncle Sam’s face. It cannot grasp that the use of its
military might (without loss of a single American soldier), the economic
conquests in the globe and the cultural flooding out of other
societies, coupled with obvious arrogance ( do read Chalmer Johnston’s
book "Blowback")and propensity to lecture everyone(reflected beautifully
in Al Gore’s public posturing for the election) --that all of this
combined is fanning the latent fires of universal hate against the New
World Order and its Global Master. The Republican Presidential Candidate
has recognized the problem of arrogance and is promoting the need for
"humility." It may already be too late unless the Amewrican People take
foreign policy from the hands of experts, "hawks" out to "punish" and
"teach" the rest of the world about Democracy while losing it at home.
