Jugoinfo
* Emil Vlajki sulla secessione del Montenegro e l'assassinio di Zugic
* Djukanovic: "L'indipendenza e' piu' vicina che mai"
* Importanti link per documentarsi
===
Fermiamo la guerra civile in Montenegro prima che cominci.
Emil Vlajki 6/7/2000
(Testo originale su The Emperor’s New Clothes: http://www.tenc.net)
Emil Vlajki è Croato; è stato professore di scienze
politiche all’università di Sarajevo; ora insegna
all’università di Ottawa.
1. The deadly picture
Le ultime elezioni in Montenegro rappresentano
certamente una vittoria morale tra le più importanti
per i popoli di questa regione sull’imperialismo degli
Stati Uniti. Centinaia di migliaia di dollari sono
stati iniettati nel Montenegro in questi ultimi due
anni con lo scopo di incoraggiare la popolazione di
questa repubblica jugoslava a votare in favore di una
“sovranità” filo-occidentale. Questo è stato uno
scacco completo, e ciò prova che resta ancora un
posto nel mondo dove è impossibile corrompere il
popolo con grandi quantità di dollari USA. Il
presidente montenegrino, Milo Djukanovic e
l’opposizione serba dovrebbero tenerlo presente.
E' diventato del tutto chiaro che il referendum
sull'indipendenza non può essere vinto da Djukanovic,
a meno che non venga basato su un'immensa frode
elettorale. E' quindi improbabile che questo
referendum venga fatto.
Quali sono le altre opzioni? La "comunità
internazionale" non è un esercito di liberazione e non
è pronta a continuare a dispensare del denaro per
niente. Essendo fallito il tentativo di corruzione,
non resta che un'unica soluzione: applicare il modello
sloveno, croato, bosniaco e kosovaro.
Utilizzando lo scenario già visto, poiché Stati
Uniti, Unione Europea e NATO hanno l'intenzione di
agire manipolando frazioni montenegrine per
l'"indipendenza", ci si può attendere che nei mesi
prossimi abbiano luogo frequenti provocazioni contro
l'esercito jugoslavo. Tutto ciò potrebbe essere fatto
in combinazione, come lo è stato nel caso del mercato
di Sarajevo, con dei reali massacri di montenegrini,
messi in scena dalla "comunità internazionale".
Sicuramente, questo sarebbe sostenuto dalla maggior
parte dei media occidentali, implicando una nuova
demonizzazione dei Serbi e della Serbia. Infine,
applicando lo schema del Kosovo, i Serbi sarebbero
accusati di queste atrocità e la NATO riprenderebbe i
bombardamenti sulla Serbia, fino alla ritirata
dell'esercito jugoslavo da questa repubblica e
l'occupazione della costa montenegrina da parte dei
"peacekeepers" della NATO.
2. Indicazioni di un nuovo genocidio
Coloro che non credono a un tale scenario dovrebbero
considerare gli elementi seguenti.
Durante i dieci anni passati dalla distruzione della
Jugoslavia, la coalizione USA-NATO-UE ha sostenuto
attivamente, in nome della democrazia, tutti i
separatisti jugoslavi dando loro denaro,
riconoscimento internazionale, armi, supporto
logistico e aiutandoli direttamente con interventi
militari.
In tutti gli esempi, i separatisti sono stati trattati
dalla "comunità internazionale" come nobili
combattenti per la libertà, nel mentre che quelli che
volevano mantenere la Jugoslavia erano etichettati
"comunisti", "Nazisti", pro-Milosevic, etc.,
"ultra-nazionalisti", "estremisti".
Tutti i movimenti separatisti jugoslavi hanno
provocato una serie di guerre civili e nella maggior
parte dei casi un intervento militare esterno, seguito
dall'occupazione e la creazione di protettorati
coloniali.
In questo momento in Montenegro si hanno esattamente
gli stessi elementi: sostegno diplomatico dei
separatisti da parte della "comunità internazionale",
iniezioni di denaro, addestramento della polizia
pro-Djukanovic e di truppe paramilitari, azioni
segrete fatte dalla CIA, e frequenti "avvertimenti"
(minacce) della NATO all'esercito jugoslavo e alla
Serbia.
Così, se tutto il resto è identico, la conclusione (la
guerra civile) deve per logica essere inclusa in
questa descrizione. La coalizione USA-UE-NATO non è
molto creativa. Questo scenario "umanitario" è
riuscito nei casi precedenti, e lo spirito pragmatico
dei nuovi padroni del mondo non ha alcuna ragione di
concepire qualcosa di meglio.
3. In apparenza, gli Stati Uniti vogliono
l'indipendenza del Montenegro, ma in realtà preparano
una guerra civile.
Ultimo, ma non meno importante, elemento: secondo
gli standard occidentali il Montenegro è divenuto la
regione più democratica del mondo. I media sono sotto
il controllo di Djukanovic, nessuno si lamenta della
vita parlamentare e delle elezioni, tutti i legami con
la Serbia sono stati praticamente rotti, e l'economia
è completamente indipendente. Il mondo occidentale
dovrebbe essere soddisfatto di questo grado di
"democratizzazione", nella speranza che il resto della
Jugoslavia faccia le stesse cose. Tuttavia la
pressione sul governo federale e la demonizzazione del
ruolo della Serbia in Montenegro non cessa di
crescere. Perché?
La risposta è semplice. Gli Stati Uniti, che dominano
il mondo occidentale, non si preoccupano per niente
dei Serbi, dei Musulmani, dei Croati, degli Albanesi,
dei Montenegrini, etc. Il loro gioco geo-strategico ha
come scopo di impedire l'unificazione dell'Europa
utilizzando tre tattiche complementari:
a) creazione di conflitti permanenti e di guerre nei
Balcani
b) creazione di Stati musulmani in Europa
c) ritorno alla guerra fredda con la Russia
Creando questi "disordini razionali", che hanno già
provocato centinaia di migliaia di vittime, gli Stati
Uniti, che dominano la NATO, impongono le proprie
regole all'Europa.
E adesso viene il punto essenziale di una assurdità
“umanitaria” premeditata. Lo scopo degli Stati Uniti
non è (solamente) di arrivare all’indipendenza del
Montenegro, ma (anche) di provocare una nuova guerra
civile in questa regione.
Per una migliore comprensione di questo tentativo
morboso, bisogna ricordarsi della Croazia e della
Bosnia. In entrambi i casi, dopo lo svolgimento di un
referendum, è scoppiata la guerra civile. Era evidente
che i Serbi, che costituivano la sola nazione della
defunta Jugoslavia senza diritto
all’auto-determinazione, desideravano continuare la
coesistenza dentro uno stesso Stato. La creazione di
nuovi stati che trasformavano i Serbi in minoranza
etnica, in cittadini di second’ordine, conduceva
inevitabilmente alla guerra civile.
La situazione in Montenegro è molto simile. Almeno la
metà dei Montenegrini pensano che i Serbi e loro
stessi formano un solo e unico popolo. Quindi, la
popolazione del Montenegro è divisa in due parti
molto ostili l’una verso l’altra. Referendum o no,
questo fatto non può essere cambiato. Questo significa
che anche se Djukanovic vincesse il referendum, la
divisione del paese avrebbe comunque luogo e
comincerebbe la guerra civile. Gli Stati Uniti lo
sanno. Meglio, ci contano.
Il solo vantaggio di una vittoria al referendum del
movimento filo-occidentale in Montenegro sarebbe
l’illusione dell’esistenza di un presupposto morale
per gli Stati Uniti per iniziare una nuova campagna
di bombardamenti in Serbia.
Sfortunatamente, anche senza una vittoria al
referendum, gli Stati Uniti si sentirebbero
ugualmente obbligati ad attaccare la Serbia, senza
alcuna allusione a una base morale o legale.
L’assenza di legalità o di moralità nel passato non
ha impedito il proseguimento dei loro interventi
militari imperialisti.
In più, la ragione per iniziare una guerra civile in
Montenegro il prossimo autunno è legata alla corsa per
la Presidenza negli Stati Uniti. Vale a dire, quando
un presidente americano si imbarca in una oscura
piccola guerra, la sua quota di popolarità aumenta
bruscamente. Clinton conta su questo, per cercare di
influenzare gli elettori in favore di Al Gore.
4. Menzogne sulla “dittatura ultra-nazionalista” in
Serbia
Molte persone credono che Milosevic sia responsabile
dell’aggressione militare occidentale e della politica
di ostilità verso la Serbia. Milosevic è incolpato
dalla “comunità internazionale” per crimini di guerra
perché avrebbe organizzato la pulizia etnica e i
massacri di Albanesi del Kosovo nel 1998 e 1999.
Eppure:
- non c’é stata pulizia etnica contro gli Albanesi
- durante gli anni 98-99 il numero di persone spostate
e assassinate in Kosovo, Serbi e Albanesi, sono stati
essenzialmente causati dai combattimenti delle
autorità serbe contro i terroristi dell’UCK,
- il “massacro di Racak”, il pretesto per
l’aggressione della NATO nel marzo 1999, è stata una
messa in scena e molto probabilmente fabbricata dai
servizi segreti USA
- la Serbia è una delle comunità più multi-etniche del
mondo
Dunque, Milosevic potrà anche essere responsabile di
molte cose, ma certamente non di ciò di cui la
“comunità internazionale” lo accusa. Al contrario, la
sola pulizia etnica che abbia avuto luogo in Kosovo, è
quella contro i Serbi e i non-Albanesi.
Curiosamente, molte persone sono incapaci di stabilire
una distinzione tra aggressore e vittima. In altre
parole, non è la Serbia che ha attaccato gli Stati
Uniti, la Gran Bretgna, la Germania e gli altri paesi
della NATO, uccidendo i loro civili, in particolare
bambini, distruggendo le installazioni civili, i
ponti, gli edifici della TV, gli ospedali, le
fabbriche ... a colpi di missili Cruise, di bombe a
frammetazione, di uranio impoverito, etc...
Quale tipo di legge internazionale e “umanitaria”
permette alla NATO di distruggere la Jugoslavia? In
nome di quali principi “umanitari” più di 700 bambini
serbi sono stati uccisi durante la campagna di
bombardamenti della NATO? In nome di quali principi
“umanitari” gli Stati Uniti uccidono 1 milione e
mezzo di persone in Irak? In nome di quale principio
“umanitario” gli Stati Uniti hanno ucciso 3 milioni
di persone in Vietnam? In nome di quali principi gli
Stati Uniti hanno fatto circa 400 interventi militari
diretti e innumerevoli azioni segrete nel mondo intero
dopo la seconda guerra mondiale?
E’ dunque chiaro che la distruzione della Jugoslavia e
la guerra civile pianificata in Montenegro non ha
niente a vedere con la “dittatura ultra-nazionalista
di Milosevic”, ma fa evidentemente parte
dell’imperialismo della “comunità internazionale”, che
non ha il minimo rispetto delle leggi internazionali e
umanitarie.
5 Appello: è meglio prevenire che risanare
Se quando è iniziata la distruzione della Jugoslavia
da parte della “comunità internazionale” molte cose
non erano chiare, oggi noi ne sappiamo molto di più
circa le azioni criminali della NATO e tutto indica
che la guerra civile in Montenegro è imminente.
Inoltre, dopo lo scoppio delle guerre nei Balcani
dieci anni orsono, è la prima volta che abbiamo
l’occasione di agire contro il nuovo disastro prima
che le cose accadano.
Per il bene della Jugoslavia e della Serbia, smettiamo
di pensare: “può darsi che questa volta non accada”;
al contrario, facciamo tutto il possibile per evitare
il futuro atteso. I nuovi dirigenti totalitari del
mondo non hanno ne’ compassione ne’ scrupoli. Come
sappiamo, se gli eventi scoppiano, i nostri sforzi
post-mortem di prevenire il dispositivo di distruzione
della NATO, saranno nulli, e l’opinione pubblica sarà
di nuovo schiacciata, manipolata dalla NATO, la CIA,
il Pentagono, e i principali organi della propaganda
occidentale.
Dunque, nei prossimi mesi, focalizziamoci sulla
situazione del Montenegro, spiegando in tutti i modi
possibili all’opinione pubblica mondiale la nuova
aggressione pianificata dalla NATO e denunciando le
prossime menzogne sulla responsabilità della Serbia
nello scoppio della guerra civile attesa.
[un ringraziamento ad Alessandra per averci fornito la traduzione!]
---
The "international community" strikes again
"DEJA VUE" or Here We Go Again!!!
The murder of Goran Zugic, national security adviser of Montenegro,
possibly
indicates the
beginning of violence and civil war in Montenegro
By Emil Vlajki
There is no coincidence in politics, particularly when it is a question
of
deadly deeds of the so-called "international community". During the last
ten
years of the destruction of Yugoslavia, the US-NATO machinery was
provoking
murders and telling lies each time it wanted to achieve some political
goal.
Western secret services were involved in the bread-line massacres in
Sarajevo, they invented "Serb concentration and rape camps" in Bosnia,
arranged "Racak massacre", lied about 100 000 dead ethnic Albanians
"murdered by the Serbs" in Kosovo, etc. And each of these (real or
imaginary) bloody events has led to a higher degree of military and
economic
colonization of the Balkans.
The next step planned by the "international community" is to occupy,
"for
humanitarian purposes", the Montenegrin coast. To achieve this goal it
is
acting in three combined ways:
-It encourages the independence of Montenegro;
-It incites ethnic Albanians to attack the southern Serbian region
(Bujanovac, Presevo, Medvedja);
-It organizes a series of political murders in order to destabilize
Yugoslavia and Serbia.
"Elementary…"
The logic behind these "rational" assassinations, massacres and lies is
quite simple. Because "it is obvious" that Serbs under the rule of
Milosevic
are nothing but "brutal killers", it is "only natural" that their "evil
instincts" push them permanently into committing murders. For example,
in
Sarajevo controlled by Muslims, "it was obvious" that the bread-line
massacres "could not have been committed by anybody but the Serbs". Now
it
is also "clear" that the murder of Goran Zugic, the close friend of
Djukanovic, "was certainly ordered" by Milosevic.
However, considering the political context, this assumption is
completely
erroneous. One week from now, two important local elections (in the
towns of
Podgorica and Hercegnovi) will be held in Montenegro. It is extremely
important for the "international community" to see Djukanovic as a
winner.
If so, it would be proof that billions of dollars recently invested in
this
Yugoslav republic in order to bribe its population, has been justified.
Thus
the referendum on independence could be announced soon. To increase
chances
of electoral victory, the murder of Goran Zugic is quite useful for the
ruling Montenegro establishment. For instance, it could influence the
final
vote of about one to two percent of the still undecided Montenegrins.
They
would think that this murder was committed by Milosevic and, by
protesting
against this brutal policy, they could vote in favor of Djukanovic. That
would be just enough to assure electoral victory.
On the other hand, the pro-Serb tendency in Montenegro, or Milosevic
himself, have no reason to assassinate anybody close to Djukanovic. A
week
before the most crucial election in Podgorica and Hercegnovi, they know
very
well that they would be immediately accused of the murder and would risk
losing an important percentage of voters.
The civil war is knocking on the door
Once again, through the murder of Goran Zugic, it shows how the
"international community" is continuing brutally and shamelessly the
dissolution of Yugoslavia and Serbia. This is only the beginning of what
will probably follow in the autumn (regardless of the referendum): a
deadly
split of the Montenegrin population, provocation of the army, new
arranged
massacres, new lies about the "evil Serbs", renewed bombing of Serbia
and,
finally, the occupation of Montenegro's Adriatic coast by the US-NATO-EC
coalition. I am aware that nobody believes this scenario and I
understand
that it is probably quite human not to do so. I am also aware that when
these tragic events start many people will find again Milosevic
responsible
for the new genocide of the Serbs. Feeling frightened and impotent, they
will not be able to open their eyes and see those ruling the new
totalitarian world through economic and military power, through bombing,
lies, destruction, genocide, occupation and neo-colonial exploitation of
the
poor countries. God have mercy on their bribed and pitiful souls.
===
Montenegro nearer independence than ever-Djukanovic
By Davor Huic
DUBROVNIK, Croatia, July 11 (Reuters) - Montenegrin President Milo
Djukanovic
said on Tuesday his republic was closer than ever to calling a
referendum on
independence and urged the West to help avoid a military conflict with
Serbia.
``Unfortunately, Belgrade's irresponsible behaviour brings us closer to
that
option (of calling a referendum) every day,'' Djukanovic told reporters
after
meeting his counterparts from Croatia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic.
``Today we are closer to becoming an independent state than we were
yesterday,'' he added.
Western leaders have cautioned Montenegro against calling an
independence
referendum, fearful that it could lead to a new conflict in the Balkans.
But the Western-leaning reformist Montenegrin president said the
international community's ``policies and honour'' were at stake over
Montenegro and called for Western help.
Czech President Vaclav Havel urged NATO to stage a show of force to
prevent
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from using his troops to crack
down on
Montenegro.
``Apart from political options, there are alternatives, which consist of
a
demonstration of force,'' he said, adding that he was speaking as a
leader of
a NATO member country.
``The international community looked on events (in former Yugoslavia)
with
surprise and abhorrence and reacted too late. It should not be repeated
a
fifth time,'' he said in reference to bloody conflicts in Slovenia,
Croatia,
Bosnia and Kosovo which followed Yugoslavia's disintegration.
PATIENCE RUNNING OUT
The four presidents, who also included Croatia's Stipe Mesic and
Slovenia's
Milan Kucan, backed the Montenegrin parliament's recent decision to
boycott
federal elections.
Montenegro rejected fresh changes to the Yugoslav constitution under
which
the federal president -- currently Milosevic -- and the upper chamber of
parliament would be directly elected, thereby bypassing Montenegrin
parliament.
The changes would enable Milosevic, indicted for war crimes by a U.N.
tribunal, to extend his rule for another mandate.
Djukanovic told reporters the constitutional changes effectively
destroyed
the Yugoslav federation and Montenegro might now have to fend for
itself.
``We have been patient out of respect for the world's wish not to stir
things
up and because we wanted to democratise the country. But there are
limits to
our patience as well,'' he said.
``Montenegro is not going to sacrifice its future so that the dictator
in
Belgrade can rule forever.''
Djukanovic, who has threatened a referendum for almost a year but held
back
from naming a date, said Montenegro would be ``very careful'' in
choosing the
right moment and would exercise maximum restraint.
``We shall do everything we can to avoid a new conflict, but it is not
only
up to Montenegro...If there is a conflict we shall be able to defend
ourselves.''
The four presidents signed a joint statement saying the latest events in
Yugoslavia were seriously threatening democracy and putting Montenegro
at a
disadvantage within the federation.
The statement also defended Montenegro's right to self-determination.
09:16 07-11-00
===
IMPORTANTE DOCUMENTAZIONE SUL MONTENEGRO E DINTORNI SECONDO GLI USA
http://www.usip.org/library/regions/montenegro.html
United States Institute of Peace Library
-
Library's Internet Links
Montenegro Web Links
Below are links by topical categories to resources primarily in English
providing information on Montenegro, one of two republics comprising the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. For related web links, see Regional
Resources: Europe. For a comprehensive list of work on the Balkans
produced by the Institute, see The Balkans: In-Depth.
General Resources
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Human Rights and Refugees
Maps and Guides
Media and News Sources
These links complement the USIP Special Report: Montenegro--and more--at
risk in html and PDF (requires Adobe® Acrobat® Reader to view).
General Resources
The sites below collect links to other Internet resources which describe
the background, history politics of Montenegro.
INCORE guide to Internet sources on conflict and ethnicity in Serbia and
Montenegro
A selective collection of annotated links to sources for news, articles
and documents, NGOs, maps, etc. from the Initiative on Conflict
Resolution
& Ethnicity.
International Cultural Center (ICC) Library--Eastern Europe Links:
Montenegro
>From Texas Tech University, annotated links to government, internet search
tools (with automatic searches from three search engines), and other
useful general resources.
Montenegrin Association of America
Links to information on Montenegro covering geography, history,
religion,
politics and other topics.
Slavophilia: Slavic and East European Resources
Web site contains an extensive collection of links, many of them
annotated, accessed through a subject index, country index and search
engine. Yugoslavia links are organized by subject category, with the
language of each external web site (Bosnian, English, etc.) identified.
Sources on the Balkan Peninsula: Yugoslavia
A collection of links compiled by the Hellenic Resources Institute and
posted on their network, covering news sources, agencies, organizations,
political parties, and lists of links from commercial search engines
such
as Yahoo! and Alta Vista.
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Facts about Montenegro
Information on the assembly, president and government of the Republic of
Montenegro from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia.
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Official Web Site
News, information and press statements from the Secretariat of
Information, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Web site of the OSCE includes news, a newsletter, journals, press
releases, and a documents archive. Includes a link to Montenegro under
the
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, describing the
action
plan for 2000.
United Nations
United Nations Resolution 1207 (1998)
Security Council Resolution 1207 (1998) on the Letters from the
President
of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to the President
of the Security Council, adopted by the Security Council at its 3944th
meeting, on 17 November 1998.
United States
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
A search for "montenegro" on the web site for USAID yields a January 31,
2000 press release on a grant to Montenegro and a Serbia and Montenegro
Situation Report from the Office of Transition Initiatives dated
September
27, 1999, among other documents.
U.S. Department of State, International Information Programs: Washington
File Archives
A keyword search on "montenegro" yields documents from the Public
Diplomacy Query (PDQ) database, including State Department press
briefings
and travel warnings, White House statements and a wide-range of U.S.
agency-produced documents.
U.S. Department of State: Serbia and Montenegro
U.S.Department of State's site to official statements and press
briefings
on Serbia and Montenegro, including specific statements on Secretary
Albright meeting Prime Minister Vujanovic from February 3, 2000 and
stability in Montenegro from March 30, 1999.
U.S. European Command: Serbia and Montenegro
United States European Command links to country information, briefings
and
statements from the Dept. of State, the White House, NATO, and other
groups, and a link to the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade, among others.
Includes
a description of the Synthetic Environments for National Security
Estimates (SENSE) exercise with Montengro, February 22-26, 1999.
Human Rights and Refugees
Annual Report 1999: Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and
Montenegro)
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this
comprehensive report focuses on Serbia, Kosovo and Montengro, with
sections on independence of the judiciary, protection of minorities and
accountability for war crimes.
Montenegrin Helsinki Committee for Human Rights
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this web page
provides background information, contacts and a description of current
projects.
Refugees in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the refugee problem in the FRY with reference to Annex
VII of the Dayton Agreement.
1999 Country Report on Human Rights Practices :Serbia-Montenegro
Extensive report from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
of
the U.S. Department of State.
Yugoslavia Human Rights
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the rights of the members of national minorities, the
constitutional and legal regulations, and international treaties, with
reference to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Maps and Guides
CIA Factbook: Serbia and Montenegro
Basic facts on Serbia and Montenegro prepared by the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency.
Political Map of Serbia
Maps detailing political, ethnic, economic, etc. terrain in Serbia,
prepared by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Part of the larger
Balkans Regional Atlas, which also covers Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia
and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Serbia Maps
Maps from the Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection of the University
of
Texas at Austin. These maps were produced by the U.S. Central
Intelligence
Agency and the Defense Mapping Agency.
Media and News Sources
Radio B92
Radio B92 was closed down and sealed off April 2, 1999 by the Serbian
authorities. The English language service on the web site has been
suspended. The web site links to the latest English bulletin before the
ban and and archives in Real Audio, HTML text or PDF. Includes
information
in English and Serbian.
Balkan Media & Policy Monitor
The Balkan Media & Policy Monitor is a digest, culling artcles from
other
publications, with links to full text in cited publications.
Eurasia Research Center Balkan News Page: Montenegro
Good links to selected news sources and search engines which perform an
automated search for news stories on Montenegro.
Montenegro Journal of Foreign Policy
Published by the Association for the Study of Foreign Policy in Kotor,
Montenegro, coverage includes foreign policy research on Southeastern
Europe, with links to full text articles.
Radio Antena M
Radio Antena M, independent radio network and described as "the free
voice
of Montenegro." Requires Real Player.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
The RFE/RL Newsline for Southeastern Europe, a daily report of
developments in the region, contains news covering Montenegro.
Subscription through e-mail is also avaiable.
REECA Web: Electronic Resources on the Balkans
Links to several Serbian and Montenegrin newspapers, journal and
magazines.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
* Djukanovic: "L'indipendenza e' piu' vicina che mai"
* Importanti link per documentarsi
===
Fermiamo la guerra civile in Montenegro prima che cominci.
Emil Vlajki 6/7/2000
(Testo originale su The Emperor’s New Clothes: http://www.tenc.net)
Emil Vlajki è Croato; è stato professore di scienze
politiche all’università di Sarajevo; ora insegna
all’università di Ottawa.
1. The deadly picture
Le ultime elezioni in Montenegro rappresentano
certamente una vittoria morale tra le più importanti
per i popoli di questa regione sull’imperialismo degli
Stati Uniti. Centinaia di migliaia di dollari sono
stati iniettati nel Montenegro in questi ultimi due
anni con lo scopo di incoraggiare la popolazione di
questa repubblica jugoslava a votare in favore di una
“sovranità” filo-occidentale. Questo è stato uno
scacco completo, e ciò prova che resta ancora un
posto nel mondo dove è impossibile corrompere il
popolo con grandi quantità di dollari USA. Il
presidente montenegrino, Milo Djukanovic e
l’opposizione serba dovrebbero tenerlo presente.
E' diventato del tutto chiaro che il referendum
sull'indipendenza non può essere vinto da Djukanovic,
a meno che non venga basato su un'immensa frode
elettorale. E' quindi improbabile che questo
referendum venga fatto.
Quali sono le altre opzioni? La "comunità
internazionale" non è un esercito di liberazione e non
è pronta a continuare a dispensare del denaro per
niente. Essendo fallito il tentativo di corruzione,
non resta che un'unica soluzione: applicare il modello
sloveno, croato, bosniaco e kosovaro.
Utilizzando lo scenario già visto, poiché Stati
Uniti, Unione Europea e NATO hanno l'intenzione di
agire manipolando frazioni montenegrine per
l'"indipendenza", ci si può attendere che nei mesi
prossimi abbiano luogo frequenti provocazioni contro
l'esercito jugoslavo. Tutto ciò potrebbe essere fatto
in combinazione, come lo è stato nel caso del mercato
di Sarajevo, con dei reali massacri di montenegrini,
messi in scena dalla "comunità internazionale".
Sicuramente, questo sarebbe sostenuto dalla maggior
parte dei media occidentali, implicando una nuova
demonizzazione dei Serbi e della Serbia. Infine,
applicando lo schema del Kosovo, i Serbi sarebbero
accusati di queste atrocità e la NATO riprenderebbe i
bombardamenti sulla Serbia, fino alla ritirata
dell'esercito jugoslavo da questa repubblica e
l'occupazione della costa montenegrina da parte dei
"peacekeepers" della NATO.
2. Indicazioni di un nuovo genocidio
Coloro che non credono a un tale scenario dovrebbero
considerare gli elementi seguenti.
Durante i dieci anni passati dalla distruzione della
Jugoslavia, la coalizione USA-NATO-UE ha sostenuto
attivamente, in nome della democrazia, tutti i
separatisti jugoslavi dando loro denaro,
riconoscimento internazionale, armi, supporto
logistico e aiutandoli direttamente con interventi
militari.
In tutti gli esempi, i separatisti sono stati trattati
dalla "comunità internazionale" come nobili
combattenti per la libertà, nel mentre che quelli che
volevano mantenere la Jugoslavia erano etichettati
"comunisti", "Nazisti", pro-Milosevic, etc.,
"ultra-nazionalisti", "estremisti".
Tutti i movimenti separatisti jugoslavi hanno
provocato una serie di guerre civili e nella maggior
parte dei casi un intervento militare esterno, seguito
dall'occupazione e la creazione di protettorati
coloniali.
In questo momento in Montenegro si hanno esattamente
gli stessi elementi: sostegno diplomatico dei
separatisti da parte della "comunità internazionale",
iniezioni di denaro, addestramento della polizia
pro-Djukanovic e di truppe paramilitari, azioni
segrete fatte dalla CIA, e frequenti "avvertimenti"
(minacce) della NATO all'esercito jugoslavo e alla
Serbia.
Così, se tutto il resto è identico, la conclusione (la
guerra civile) deve per logica essere inclusa in
questa descrizione. La coalizione USA-UE-NATO non è
molto creativa. Questo scenario "umanitario" è
riuscito nei casi precedenti, e lo spirito pragmatico
dei nuovi padroni del mondo non ha alcuna ragione di
concepire qualcosa di meglio.
3. In apparenza, gli Stati Uniti vogliono
l'indipendenza del Montenegro, ma in realtà preparano
una guerra civile.
Ultimo, ma non meno importante, elemento: secondo
gli standard occidentali il Montenegro è divenuto la
regione più democratica del mondo. I media sono sotto
il controllo di Djukanovic, nessuno si lamenta della
vita parlamentare e delle elezioni, tutti i legami con
la Serbia sono stati praticamente rotti, e l'economia
è completamente indipendente. Il mondo occidentale
dovrebbe essere soddisfatto di questo grado di
"democratizzazione", nella speranza che il resto della
Jugoslavia faccia le stesse cose. Tuttavia la
pressione sul governo federale e la demonizzazione del
ruolo della Serbia in Montenegro non cessa di
crescere. Perché?
La risposta è semplice. Gli Stati Uniti, che dominano
il mondo occidentale, non si preoccupano per niente
dei Serbi, dei Musulmani, dei Croati, degli Albanesi,
dei Montenegrini, etc. Il loro gioco geo-strategico ha
come scopo di impedire l'unificazione dell'Europa
utilizzando tre tattiche complementari:
a) creazione di conflitti permanenti e di guerre nei
Balcani
b) creazione di Stati musulmani in Europa
c) ritorno alla guerra fredda con la Russia
Creando questi "disordini razionali", che hanno già
provocato centinaia di migliaia di vittime, gli Stati
Uniti, che dominano la NATO, impongono le proprie
regole all'Europa.
E adesso viene il punto essenziale di una assurdità
“umanitaria” premeditata. Lo scopo degli Stati Uniti
non è (solamente) di arrivare all’indipendenza del
Montenegro, ma (anche) di provocare una nuova guerra
civile in questa regione.
Per una migliore comprensione di questo tentativo
morboso, bisogna ricordarsi della Croazia e della
Bosnia. In entrambi i casi, dopo lo svolgimento di un
referendum, è scoppiata la guerra civile. Era evidente
che i Serbi, che costituivano la sola nazione della
defunta Jugoslavia senza diritto
all’auto-determinazione, desideravano continuare la
coesistenza dentro uno stesso Stato. La creazione di
nuovi stati che trasformavano i Serbi in minoranza
etnica, in cittadini di second’ordine, conduceva
inevitabilmente alla guerra civile.
La situazione in Montenegro è molto simile. Almeno la
metà dei Montenegrini pensano che i Serbi e loro
stessi formano un solo e unico popolo. Quindi, la
popolazione del Montenegro è divisa in due parti
molto ostili l’una verso l’altra. Referendum o no,
questo fatto non può essere cambiato. Questo significa
che anche se Djukanovic vincesse il referendum, la
divisione del paese avrebbe comunque luogo e
comincerebbe la guerra civile. Gli Stati Uniti lo
sanno. Meglio, ci contano.
Il solo vantaggio di una vittoria al referendum del
movimento filo-occidentale in Montenegro sarebbe
l’illusione dell’esistenza di un presupposto morale
per gli Stati Uniti per iniziare una nuova campagna
di bombardamenti in Serbia.
Sfortunatamente, anche senza una vittoria al
referendum, gli Stati Uniti si sentirebbero
ugualmente obbligati ad attaccare la Serbia, senza
alcuna allusione a una base morale o legale.
L’assenza di legalità o di moralità nel passato non
ha impedito il proseguimento dei loro interventi
militari imperialisti.
In più, la ragione per iniziare una guerra civile in
Montenegro il prossimo autunno è legata alla corsa per
la Presidenza negli Stati Uniti. Vale a dire, quando
un presidente americano si imbarca in una oscura
piccola guerra, la sua quota di popolarità aumenta
bruscamente. Clinton conta su questo, per cercare di
influenzare gli elettori in favore di Al Gore.
4. Menzogne sulla “dittatura ultra-nazionalista” in
Serbia
Molte persone credono che Milosevic sia responsabile
dell’aggressione militare occidentale e della politica
di ostilità verso la Serbia. Milosevic è incolpato
dalla “comunità internazionale” per crimini di guerra
perché avrebbe organizzato la pulizia etnica e i
massacri di Albanesi del Kosovo nel 1998 e 1999.
Eppure:
- non c’é stata pulizia etnica contro gli Albanesi
- durante gli anni 98-99 il numero di persone spostate
e assassinate in Kosovo, Serbi e Albanesi, sono stati
essenzialmente causati dai combattimenti delle
autorità serbe contro i terroristi dell’UCK,
- il “massacro di Racak”, il pretesto per
l’aggressione della NATO nel marzo 1999, è stata una
messa in scena e molto probabilmente fabbricata dai
servizi segreti USA
- la Serbia è una delle comunità più multi-etniche del
mondo
Dunque, Milosevic potrà anche essere responsabile di
molte cose, ma certamente non di ciò di cui la
“comunità internazionale” lo accusa. Al contrario, la
sola pulizia etnica che abbia avuto luogo in Kosovo, è
quella contro i Serbi e i non-Albanesi.
Curiosamente, molte persone sono incapaci di stabilire
una distinzione tra aggressore e vittima. In altre
parole, non è la Serbia che ha attaccato gli Stati
Uniti, la Gran Bretgna, la Germania e gli altri paesi
della NATO, uccidendo i loro civili, in particolare
bambini, distruggendo le installazioni civili, i
ponti, gli edifici della TV, gli ospedali, le
fabbriche ... a colpi di missili Cruise, di bombe a
frammetazione, di uranio impoverito, etc...
Quale tipo di legge internazionale e “umanitaria”
permette alla NATO di distruggere la Jugoslavia? In
nome di quali principi “umanitari” più di 700 bambini
serbi sono stati uccisi durante la campagna di
bombardamenti della NATO? In nome di quali principi
“umanitari” gli Stati Uniti uccidono 1 milione e
mezzo di persone in Irak? In nome di quale principio
“umanitario” gli Stati Uniti hanno ucciso 3 milioni
di persone in Vietnam? In nome di quali principi gli
Stati Uniti hanno fatto circa 400 interventi militari
diretti e innumerevoli azioni segrete nel mondo intero
dopo la seconda guerra mondiale?
E’ dunque chiaro che la distruzione della Jugoslavia e
la guerra civile pianificata in Montenegro non ha
niente a vedere con la “dittatura ultra-nazionalista
di Milosevic”, ma fa evidentemente parte
dell’imperialismo della “comunità internazionale”, che
non ha il minimo rispetto delle leggi internazionali e
umanitarie.
5 Appello: è meglio prevenire che risanare
Se quando è iniziata la distruzione della Jugoslavia
da parte della “comunità internazionale” molte cose
non erano chiare, oggi noi ne sappiamo molto di più
circa le azioni criminali della NATO e tutto indica
che la guerra civile in Montenegro è imminente.
Inoltre, dopo lo scoppio delle guerre nei Balcani
dieci anni orsono, è la prima volta che abbiamo
l’occasione di agire contro il nuovo disastro prima
che le cose accadano.
Per il bene della Jugoslavia e della Serbia, smettiamo
di pensare: “può darsi che questa volta non accada”;
al contrario, facciamo tutto il possibile per evitare
il futuro atteso. I nuovi dirigenti totalitari del
mondo non hanno ne’ compassione ne’ scrupoli. Come
sappiamo, se gli eventi scoppiano, i nostri sforzi
post-mortem di prevenire il dispositivo di distruzione
della NATO, saranno nulli, e l’opinione pubblica sarà
di nuovo schiacciata, manipolata dalla NATO, la CIA,
il Pentagono, e i principali organi della propaganda
occidentale.
Dunque, nei prossimi mesi, focalizziamoci sulla
situazione del Montenegro, spiegando in tutti i modi
possibili all’opinione pubblica mondiale la nuova
aggressione pianificata dalla NATO e denunciando le
prossime menzogne sulla responsabilità della Serbia
nello scoppio della guerra civile attesa.
[un ringraziamento ad Alessandra per averci fornito la traduzione!]
---
The "international community" strikes again
"DEJA VUE" or Here We Go Again!!!
The murder of Goran Zugic, national security adviser of Montenegro,
possibly
indicates the
beginning of violence and civil war in Montenegro
By Emil Vlajki
There is no coincidence in politics, particularly when it is a question
of
deadly deeds of the so-called "international community". During the last
ten
years of the destruction of Yugoslavia, the US-NATO machinery was
provoking
murders and telling lies each time it wanted to achieve some political
goal.
Western secret services were involved in the bread-line massacres in
Sarajevo, they invented "Serb concentration and rape camps" in Bosnia,
arranged "Racak massacre", lied about 100 000 dead ethnic Albanians
"murdered by the Serbs" in Kosovo, etc. And each of these (real or
imaginary) bloody events has led to a higher degree of military and
economic
colonization of the Balkans.
The next step planned by the "international community" is to occupy,
"for
humanitarian purposes", the Montenegrin coast. To achieve this goal it
is
acting in three combined ways:
-It encourages the independence of Montenegro;
-It incites ethnic Albanians to attack the southern Serbian region
(Bujanovac, Presevo, Medvedja);
-It organizes a series of political murders in order to destabilize
Yugoslavia and Serbia.
"Elementary…"
The logic behind these "rational" assassinations, massacres and lies is
quite simple. Because "it is obvious" that Serbs under the rule of
Milosevic
are nothing but "brutal killers", it is "only natural" that their "evil
instincts" push them permanently into committing murders. For example,
in
Sarajevo controlled by Muslims, "it was obvious" that the bread-line
massacres "could not have been committed by anybody but the Serbs". Now
it
is also "clear" that the murder of Goran Zugic, the close friend of
Djukanovic, "was certainly ordered" by Milosevic.
However, considering the political context, this assumption is
completely
erroneous. One week from now, two important local elections (in the
towns of
Podgorica and Hercegnovi) will be held in Montenegro. It is extremely
important for the "international community" to see Djukanovic as a
winner.
If so, it would be proof that billions of dollars recently invested in
this
Yugoslav republic in order to bribe its population, has been justified.
Thus
the referendum on independence could be announced soon. To increase
chances
of electoral victory, the murder of Goran Zugic is quite useful for the
ruling Montenegro establishment. For instance, it could influence the
final
vote of about one to two percent of the still undecided Montenegrins.
They
would think that this murder was committed by Milosevic and, by
protesting
against this brutal policy, they could vote in favor of Djukanovic. That
would be just enough to assure electoral victory.
On the other hand, the pro-Serb tendency in Montenegro, or Milosevic
himself, have no reason to assassinate anybody close to Djukanovic. A
week
before the most crucial election in Podgorica and Hercegnovi, they know
very
well that they would be immediately accused of the murder and would risk
losing an important percentage of voters.
The civil war is knocking on the door
Once again, through the murder of Goran Zugic, it shows how the
"international community" is continuing brutally and shamelessly the
dissolution of Yugoslavia and Serbia. This is only the beginning of what
will probably follow in the autumn (regardless of the referendum): a
deadly
split of the Montenegrin population, provocation of the army, new
arranged
massacres, new lies about the "evil Serbs", renewed bombing of Serbia
and,
finally, the occupation of Montenegro's Adriatic coast by the US-NATO-EC
coalition. I am aware that nobody believes this scenario and I
understand
that it is probably quite human not to do so. I am also aware that when
these tragic events start many people will find again Milosevic
responsible
for the new genocide of the Serbs. Feeling frightened and impotent, they
will not be able to open their eyes and see those ruling the new
totalitarian world through economic and military power, through bombing,
lies, destruction, genocide, occupation and neo-colonial exploitation of
the
poor countries. God have mercy on their bribed and pitiful souls.
===
Montenegro nearer independence than ever-Djukanovic
By Davor Huic
DUBROVNIK, Croatia, July 11 (Reuters) - Montenegrin President Milo
Djukanovic
said on Tuesday his republic was closer than ever to calling a
referendum on
independence and urged the West to help avoid a military conflict with
Serbia.
``Unfortunately, Belgrade's irresponsible behaviour brings us closer to
that
option (of calling a referendum) every day,'' Djukanovic told reporters
after
meeting his counterparts from Croatia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic.
``Today we are closer to becoming an independent state than we were
yesterday,'' he added.
Western leaders have cautioned Montenegro against calling an
independence
referendum, fearful that it could lead to a new conflict in the Balkans.
But the Western-leaning reformist Montenegrin president said the
international community's ``policies and honour'' were at stake over
Montenegro and called for Western help.
Czech President Vaclav Havel urged NATO to stage a show of force to
prevent
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic from using his troops to crack
down on
Montenegro.
``Apart from political options, there are alternatives, which consist of
a
demonstration of force,'' he said, adding that he was speaking as a
leader of
a NATO member country.
``The international community looked on events (in former Yugoslavia)
with
surprise and abhorrence and reacted too late. It should not be repeated
a
fifth time,'' he said in reference to bloody conflicts in Slovenia,
Croatia,
Bosnia and Kosovo which followed Yugoslavia's disintegration.
PATIENCE RUNNING OUT
The four presidents, who also included Croatia's Stipe Mesic and
Slovenia's
Milan Kucan, backed the Montenegrin parliament's recent decision to
boycott
federal elections.
Montenegro rejected fresh changes to the Yugoslav constitution under
which
the federal president -- currently Milosevic -- and the upper chamber of
parliament would be directly elected, thereby bypassing Montenegrin
parliament.
The changes would enable Milosevic, indicted for war crimes by a U.N.
tribunal, to extend his rule for another mandate.
Djukanovic told reporters the constitutional changes effectively
destroyed
the Yugoslav federation and Montenegro might now have to fend for
itself.
``We have been patient out of respect for the world's wish not to stir
things
up and because we wanted to democratise the country. But there are
limits to
our patience as well,'' he said.
``Montenegro is not going to sacrifice its future so that the dictator
in
Belgrade can rule forever.''
Djukanovic, who has threatened a referendum for almost a year but held
back
from naming a date, said Montenegro would be ``very careful'' in
choosing the
right moment and would exercise maximum restraint.
``We shall do everything we can to avoid a new conflict, but it is not
only
up to Montenegro...If there is a conflict we shall be able to defend
ourselves.''
The four presidents signed a joint statement saying the latest events in
Yugoslavia were seriously threatening democracy and putting Montenegro
at a
disadvantage within the federation.
The statement also defended Montenegro's right to self-determination.
09:16 07-11-00
===
IMPORTANTE DOCUMENTAZIONE SUL MONTENEGRO E DINTORNI SECONDO GLI USA
http://www.usip.org/library/regions/montenegro.html
United States Institute of Peace Library
-
Library's Internet Links
Montenegro Web Links
Below are links by topical categories to resources primarily in English
providing information on Montenegro, one of two republics comprising the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. For related web links, see Regional
Resources: Europe. For a comprehensive list of work on the Balkans
produced by the Institute, see The Balkans: In-Depth.
General Resources
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Human Rights and Refugees
Maps and Guides
Media and News Sources
These links complement the USIP Special Report: Montenegro--and more--at
risk in html and PDF (requires Adobe® Acrobat® Reader to view).
General Resources
The sites below collect links to other Internet resources which describe
the background, history politics of Montenegro.
INCORE guide to Internet sources on conflict and ethnicity in Serbia and
Montenegro
A selective collection of annotated links to sources for news, articles
and documents, NGOs, maps, etc. from the Initiative on Conflict
Resolution
& Ethnicity.
International Cultural Center (ICC) Library--Eastern Europe Links:
Montenegro
>From Texas Tech University, annotated links to government, internet search
tools (with automatic searches from three search engines), and other
useful general resources.
Montenegrin Association of America
Links to information on Montenegro covering geography, history,
religion,
politics and other topics.
Slavophilia: Slavic and East European Resources
Web site contains an extensive collection of links, many of them
annotated, accessed through a subject index, country index and search
engine. Yugoslavia links are organized by subject category, with the
language of each external web site (Bosnian, English, etc.) identified.
Sources on the Balkan Peninsula: Yugoslavia
A collection of links compiled by the Hellenic Resources Institute and
posted on their network, covering news sources, agencies, organizations,
political parties, and lists of links from commercial search engines
such
as Yahoo! and Alta Vista.
Government Agencies and International Organizations
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro
Text of the Constitution from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Facts about Montenegro
Information on the assembly, president and government of the Republic of
Montenegro from the Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia.
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Official Web Site
News, information and press statements from the Secretariat of
Information, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Web site of the OSCE includes news, a newsletter, journals, press
releases, and a documents archive. Includes a link to Montenegro under
the
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, describing the
action
plan for 2000.
United Nations
United Nations Resolution 1207 (1998)
Security Council Resolution 1207 (1998) on the Letters from the
President
of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to the President
of the Security Council, adopted by the Security Council at its 3944th
meeting, on 17 November 1998.
United States
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
A search for "montenegro" on the web site for USAID yields a January 31,
2000 press release on a grant to Montenegro and a Serbia and Montenegro
Situation Report from the Office of Transition Initiatives dated
September
27, 1999, among other documents.
U.S. Department of State, International Information Programs: Washington
File Archives
A keyword search on "montenegro" yields documents from the Public
Diplomacy Query (PDQ) database, including State Department press
briefings
and travel warnings, White House statements and a wide-range of U.S.
agency-produced documents.
U.S. Department of State: Serbia and Montenegro
U.S.Department of State's site to official statements and press
briefings
on Serbia and Montenegro, including specific statements on Secretary
Albright meeting Prime Minister Vujanovic from February 3, 2000 and
stability in Montenegro from March 30, 1999.
U.S. European Command: Serbia and Montenegro
United States European Command links to country information, briefings
and
statements from the Dept. of State, the White House, NATO, and other
groups, and a link to the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade, among others.
Includes
a description of the Synthetic Environments for National Security
Estimates (SENSE) exercise with Montengro, February 22-26, 1999.
Human Rights and Refugees
Annual Report 1999: Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and
Montenegro)
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this
comprehensive report focuses on Serbia, Kosovo and Montengro, with
sections on independence of the judiciary, protection of minorities and
accountability for war crimes.
Montenegrin Helsinki Committee for Human Rights
>From the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, this web page
provides background information, contacts and a description of current
projects.
Refugees in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the refugee problem in the FRY with reference to Annex
VII of the Dayton Agreement.
1999 Country Report on Human Rights Practices :Serbia-Montenegro
Extensive report from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
of
the U.S. Department of State.
Yugoslavia Human Rights
Contains statements from the Secretariat of Information, Federal
Republic
of Yugoslavia on the rights of the members of national minorities, the
constitutional and legal regulations, and international treaties, with
reference to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Maps and Guides
CIA Factbook: Serbia and Montenegro
Basic facts on Serbia and Montenegro prepared by the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency.
Political Map of Serbia
Maps detailing political, ethnic, economic, etc. terrain in Serbia,
prepared by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Part of the larger
Balkans Regional Atlas, which also covers Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia
and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Serbia Maps
Maps from the Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection of the University
of
Texas at Austin. These maps were produced by the U.S. Central
Intelligence
Agency and the Defense Mapping Agency.
Media and News Sources
Radio B92
Radio B92 was closed down and sealed off April 2, 1999 by the Serbian
authorities. The English language service on the web site has been
suspended. The web site links to the latest English bulletin before the
ban and and archives in Real Audio, HTML text or PDF. Includes
information
in English and Serbian.
Balkan Media & Policy Monitor
The Balkan Media & Policy Monitor is a digest, culling artcles from
other
publications, with links to full text in cited publications.
Eurasia Research Center Balkan News Page: Montenegro
Good links to selected news sources and search engines which perform an
automated search for news stories on Montenegro.
Montenegro Journal of Foreign Policy
Published by the Association for the Study of Foreign Policy in Kotor,
Montenegro, coverage includes foreign policy research on Southeastern
Europe, with links to full text articles.
Radio Antena M
Radio Antena M, independent radio network and described as "the free
voice
of Montenegro." Requires Real Player.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
The RFE/RL Newsline for Southeastern Europe, a daily report of
developments in the region, contains news covering Montenegro.
Subscription through e-mail is also avaiable.
REECA Web: Electronic Resources on the Balkans
Links to several Serbian and Montenegrin newspapers, journal and
magazines.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
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Per il testo italiano, inglese e francese si veda:
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/310?&start=301
KOSOVO, da ne padne u zaborav
Apel iz Brisela
U prolece 1999. Brisel je u svojstvu sedista Nato bio izvrsni i centar u
kome su zemlje clanice te organizacije odlucivale o bombardovanju
Jugoslavije u ime humanitarnog prava. Mi, penzionisani ili aktivni
profesori prava, smatramo da prva godisnjica tog opakog cina ne sme
nezapazeno promaci, vec da naprotiv, primereno ulogu u igri, svakog
gradjanina mora navesti da duboko razamisli.
Rat je pripreman, odlucen i sproveden tako sto su pogazeni najosnovniji
principi medjunarodnog prava.
Nato je u akciju stupio nakon propalih pregovora u Rambujeu, medjutim,
na tim pregovorima su bili zabelezeni znatni uspesi u resavanju sukoba
politickim putem, a onda su, u poslednjem trenutku, srpskoj strani
postanlljeni neprihvatljivi uslovi i sve je otislo u propast.
Drugim recima, rat.
Izazivanjem rata zgazena je Povelja Ujedinjenih Nacija, koja ne
predvidja primenu sile osim izuzetno u slucaju legitimne odbrane ili
kada to odobri Savet bezbednosti, sto nije bio slucaj.
Pa i sam nacin bombardovanja protivan je pravilima medjunarodnog prava
koja uredjuju odvijanje neprijateljstava. Uopsteno gledano,
sistematsko razaranje privrednih infrastruktura i sredstava za
komunikaciju, sracunatih na to da se zaplasi stanovnistvo i izazove
pobuna,
nespojivo je sa humanitarnim principima kojima su ta razaranja pravdana.
Imajuci to u vidu, zelimo da pojasnimo da svojom bezrezervnom osudom
takvog cina Nato, niukoliko ne odobravamo niti podrzavamo vlasti u
Beogradu a pogotovo ne nacin na koji resava pitanje manjina. Slicno
tome, nasa nepokolebljiva osuda pravno neosnovanog i upornog
bombardovanja Iraka i nametnutog mu embarga, ne sme nikako biti tumacena
kao podredjenost rezimu u Bagdadu.
Ratnom strategijom kojom je razorena Jugoslavija i onemogucen zivot na
Kosovu, proizvedeno je vise izbeglica i zrtava nego bilo kojom drugom
kombinacijom sile i diplomatije, da je primenjena. Zato takva strategija
mora biti osporena i politicki i moralno. Ona je bila usaglasavana sa
medijskom kampanjom neumornog legitimizovanja tekucih operacija.
Kada je bombardovanje prekinuto, sve je podeseno tako da se medjunarodna
pomoc stavi u funkciju rezultata izbora u Jugoslaviji kao i da se ta
pomoc rasporedjuje gradjanima prema tome kako je ko od njih glasao, sto
nije nimalo castan nacim politickog uplitanja u unutrasnje stvari trecih
zemajla. Sto se Kosova tice, pod upravom UN stvorene posle Nato
agresije, ono je gotovo postalo mono-etnicko a nealbanski zivalj, bilo
da je rec o Srbima, Romima, Slovenima, muslimanima, Jevrejima, Turcima
ili Hrvatima, bio je prinudjen da bezi od oruzanih napada
ili da nadje utociste u getu.
Zelimo jos napomenuti da rat protiv Jugoslavije daleko prevazilazi
granice te zemlje. Zapravo, Nato intervencija na Kosovu, pod vodjstvom
Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava, deo je niza poteza koje povlaci jedina
velesila na svetu. Golemi vojni budjet, opredeljenje da se
Nato odrzi uprkos raspustanju Varsavskog Ugovora i nepostojanju SSSR-a,
pa cak i prosiri na Istocnu Evropu, projektovanje oruzane sile
na svetskoj areni uz nipodastavanje medjunarodnih institucija, odbijanje
da ratifikuje sporazum o zabrani nuklearnih proba, razvijanje sistema
za protivraketnu odbranu i, prema najnovijim saznanjima, globalnog
sistema prisluskivanja privatnih i sluzbenih komunikacija, samo su
najupecatljivija obelezja novog modela vladavine zamisljenog u
Vasingtonu, modela cija legitimnost jedino pociva na posedovanju i
primeni svaki put celishodnijih sredstava prisile.
Zbog svega toga, pozivamo sve one koji sirom svet dele nasu uznemirenost
i koji ne pristaju na bombe kao alternativu za medjunarodno pravo, za
pregovore i demokratski dijalog, da potpisu ovaj apel i da ucine da se
on ovaploti u moralni otpor novom planetarnom "poretku" koji se pomalja.
potpisnici:
Olivier CORTEN prof., Centar za Medjunarodno pravo, Université libre,
Brisel (ULB); Eric DAVID prof. ULB; Barbara DELCOURT
clan Instituta za evropske studije, prof. ULB; François HOUTART pocasni
prof. Katolickog Univerziteta Luve (UCL); Pierre KLEIN
Prof. ULB; Paulette PIERSON-MATHY prof. ULB; Yves ROGISTER istrazivac,
CADOP, Univerzitet u Lijezu; Fraçois RIGAUX p.prof.
UCL, nekadasnji rektor Pravnog fakulteta; Jean SALMON p.prof. ULB; Eric
SUY p.prof. KUL bivsi generalni sekretar UN.
potpise mozete slati na e-mail: action-kosovo@... fax: 010 45
08 31 52
na adresu: François Houtart, CETRI 5, avenue Sainte Gertrude B-1348
LOUVAIN LA NEUVE
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/310?&start=301
KOSOVO, da ne padne u zaborav
Apel iz Brisela
U prolece 1999. Brisel je u svojstvu sedista Nato bio izvrsni i centar u
kome su zemlje clanice te organizacije odlucivale o bombardovanju
Jugoslavije u ime humanitarnog prava. Mi, penzionisani ili aktivni
profesori prava, smatramo da prva godisnjica tog opakog cina ne sme
nezapazeno promaci, vec da naprotiv, primereno ulogu u igri, svakog
gradjanina mora navesti da duboko razamisli.
Rat je pripreman, odlucen i sproveden tako sto su pogazeni najosnovniji
principi medjunarodnog prava.
Nato je u akciju stupio nakon propalih pregovora u Rambujeu, medjutim,
na tim pregovorima su bili zabelezeni znatni uspesi u resavanju sukoba
politickim putem, a onda su, u poslednjem trenutku, srpskoj strani
postanlljeni neprihvatljivi uslovi i sve je otislo u propast.
Drugim recima, rat.
Izazivanjem rata zgazena je Povelja Ujedinjenih Nacija, koja ne
predvidja primenu sile osim izuzetno u slucaju legitimne odbrane ili
kada to odobri Savet bezbednosti, sto nije bio slucaj.
Pa i sam nacin bombardovanja protivan je pravilima medjunarodnog prava
koja uredjuju odvijanje neprijateljstava. Uopsteno gledano,
sistematsko razaranje privrednih infrastruktura i sredstava za
komunikaciju, sracunatih na to da se zaplasi stanovnistvo i izazove
pobuna,
nespojivo je sa humanitarnim principima kojima su ta razaranja pravdana.
Imajuci to u vidu, zelimo da pojasnimo da svojom bezrezervnom osudom
takvog cina Nato, niukoliko ne odobravamo niti podrzavamo vlasti u
Beogradu a pogotovo ne nacin na koji resava pitanje manjina. Slicno
tome, nasa nepokolebljiva osuda pravno neosnovanog i upornog
bombardovanja Iraka i nametnutog mu embarga, ne sme nikako biti tumacena
kao podredjenost rezimu u Bagdadu.
Ratnom strategijom kojom je razorena Jugoslavija i onemogucen zivot na
Kosovu, proizvedeno je vise izbeglica i zrtava nego bilo kojom drugom
kombinacijom sile i diplomatije, da je primenjena. Zato takva strategija
mora biti osporena i politicki i moralno. Ona je bila usaglasavana sa
medijskom kampanjom neumornog legitimizovanja tekucih operacija.
Kada je bombardovanje prekinuto, sve je podeseno tako da se medjunarodna
pomoc stavi u funkciju rezultata izbora u Jugoslaviji kao i da se ta
pomoc rasporedjuje gradjanima prema tome kako je ko od njih glasao, sto
nije nimalo castan nacim politickog uplitanja u unutrasnje stvari trecih
zemajla. Sto se Kosova tice, pod upravom UN stvorene posle Nato
agresije, ono je gotovo postalo mono-etnicko a nealbanski zivalj, bilo
da je rec o Srbima, Romima, Slovenima, muslimanima, Jevrejima, Turcima
ili Hrvatima, bio je prinudjen da bezi od oruzanih napada
ili da nadje utociste u getu.
Zelimo jos napomenuti da rat protiv Jugoslavije daleko prevazilazi
granice te zemlje. Zapravo, Nato intervencija na Kosovu, pod vodjstvom
Sjedinjenih Americkih Drzava, deo je niza poteza koje povlaci jedina
velesila na svetu. Golemi vojni budjet, opredeljenje da se
Nato odrzi uprkos raspustanju Varsavskog Ugovora i nepostojanju SSSR-a,
pa cak i prosiri na Istocnu Evropu, projektovanje oruzane sile
na svetskoj areni uz nipodastavanje medjunarodnih institucija, odbijanje
da ratifikuje sporazum o zabrani nuklearnih proba, razvijanje sistema
za protivraketnu odbranu i, prema najnovijim saznanjima, globalnog
sistema prisluskivanja privatnih i sluzbenih komunikacija, samo su
najupecatljivija obelezja novog modela vladavine zamisljenog u
Vasingtonu, modela cija legitimnost jedino pociva na posedovanju i
primeni svaki put celishodnijih sredstava prisile.
Zbog svega toga, pozivamo sve one koji sirom svet dele nasu uznemirenost
i koji ne pristaju na bombe kao alternativu za medjunarodno pravo, za
pregovore i demokratski dijalog, da potpisu ovaj apel i da ucine da se
on ovaploti u moralni otpor novom planetarnom "poretku" koji se pomalja.
potpisnici:
Olivier CORTEN prof., Centar za Medjunarodno pravo, Université libre,
Brisel (ULB); Eric DAVID prof. ULB; Barbara DELCOURT
clan Instituta za evropske studije, prof. ULB; François HOUTART pocasni
prof. Katolickog Univerziteta Luve (UCL); Pierre KLEIN
Prof. ULB; Paulette PIERSON-MATHY prof. ULB; Yves ROGISTER istrazivac,
CADOP, Univerzitet u Lijezu; Fraçois RIGAUX p.prof.
UCL, nekadasnji rektor Pravnog fakulteta; Jean SALMON p.prof. ULB; Eric
SUY p.prof. KUL bivsi generalni sekretar UN.
potpise mozete slati na e-mail: action-kosovo@... fax: 010 45
08 31 52
na adresu: François Houtart, CETRI 5, avenue Sainte Gertrude B-1348
LOUVAIN LA NEUVE
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
(La puntata precedente su
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/266?&start=265 )
* Teitelbaum contro Dal Ponte
* La signora Dal Ponte non deve piu' mettere piede in Jugoslavia
(Tanjug)
* Il Tribunale dell'Aia visto "da dentro" (C. Stone - link)
===
LES "ERREURS INVOLONTAIRES" DE L'OTAN SELON MME CARLA DEL PONTE
Vendredi 2 juin 2000 la Procureur du Tribunal pénal
international
pour l'ex-Yougoslavia, Mme Carla del Ponte a déclaré devant le Conseil
de
Sécurité qu'elle avait reçu plusieurs plaintes de différentes sources
accompagnées d'une abondante documentation avec des allégations que des
crimes de guerre auraient été commis par le personnel et les dirigeants
de
l'OTAN pendant la campagne aérienne contre la République de Yougoslavie.
Mme del Ponte a ajouté que, après un examen soigneux de la
documentation,
elle est arrivée à la ferme conviction que si l'OTAN avait commis
quelques
erreurs, elle n'avait par contre attaqué de façon délibérée objectifs
civils ou militaires prohibés pendant la campagne aérienne. (UN
NEWSERVICE,
2 juin 2000, www.un.org).
Le Bureau du Procureur du Tribunal pénal international pour
l'ex-Yougoslavia a reçu en effet plusieurs plaintes contre les leaders
de
l'OTAN, parmi elles, le 7 mai 1999 celle de l'Association Américaine de
Juristes et d'un groupe de professeurs canadiens. Quelques-uns des
signataires de la plainte ont eu des réunions, d'abord avec l'ancien
Procureur, Mme Louise Arbour et après avec Mme del Ponte.
Outre qu'elle dénonçait l'attaque lancée par l'OTAN comme
constituant en soi une violation de la Charte des Nations Unies, la
plainte
faisait valoir entre autres les arguments légaux suivants :
1) La stratégie adoptée par l'OTAN, consistant en attaquer à partir de
bases très éloignées (missiles) ou d'avions volant à 5000 mètres
d'altitude, n'ont pas permis de prendre les "Précautions dans l'attaque"
prévues à l'article 57 du Protocole I aux Conventions de Genève et
violent
la "Règle fondamentale" de l'article 48 de ce même Protocole : en tout
temps faire la distinction entre la population civile et les combattants
ainsi qu'entre les biens de caractère civil et les objectifs militaires
et,
par conséquent, ne diriger leurs opérations que contre des objectifs
militaires. Bien que les dommages interdits par les Conventions de
Genève
étaient prévisibles, il a été décidé (C'EST À DIRE IL A EU DÉLIBÉRATION
ET
DÉCISION) de faire usage de cette stratégie. Il y a eu donc
responsabilité
pénale puisqu'il y a dol éventuel : l'auteur des faits sait que les
dommages interdits peuvent se produire (représentation du résultat), et
néanmoins il agit.
2) L'attaque générale lancée DÉLIBÉRÉMENT contre l'infrastructure civile
et
particulièrement contre des centrales électriques, les sources et les
conduites d'eau potable viole l'article 54, al. 2 du Protocole I :
Interdiction de mettre hors d'usage des biens indispensables à la survie
de
la population civile.
Cette stratégie d'attaque à distance et de destruction massive
d'objectifs
civils N'A PAS ÉTÉ DES ERREURS OU DU SIMPLE HASARD. Dans un documentaire
sur la guerre contre la Yougoslavie émis par la chaîne de TV franco
allemande ARTE le 25/11/99, un général de l'armée des Etats-Unis,
faisant
partie selon lui des responsables chargés de choisir les objectifs à
bombarder, disait que ces objectifs ont été choisis en fonction des
considérations politiques plutôt que militaires : il s'agit, disait-il,
plutôt que d'annihiler les forces armées ennemies, d'affaiblir le
gouvernement ennemi, rendant insupportable la vie à la population
civile.
Cela n'était pas un avis personnel du général : c'est la doctrine
militaire
officielle en vigueur depuis plusieurs années dans les forces armées des
Etats-Unis, et mise déjà en exécution dans l'invasion du Panama et
pendant
la guerre du Golfe. Cette doctrine est manifestement violatoire de la
lettre et l'esprit des Conventions de Genève. Dans le même
documentaire,
le Ministre d'affaires étrangères de l'Allemagne, Joshka Fischer,
affirma
que les décisions sur les objectifs à attaquer étaient prises à
Washington.
Cela n'exempte pas de responsabilité des membres de l'OTAN autres que
les
Etats-Unis, puisque, selon le "NATO handbook", part 1, points 5 et 7, à
l'OTAN les décisions sont prises par consensus au Conseil de
l'organisation. S'il n'y a pas eu d'opposition aux
décisions prises à Washington cela équivaut au consensus et, en
conséquence, le partage des responsabilités.
3) Il y a eu aussi des attaques DÉLIBERÉS contre civils dans des
conditions
particulièrement odieuses: par exemple le deuxième bombardement d'un
pont
sur lequel il y avait des civils en train de secourir à des victimes,
eux
aussi civils, du premier bombardement.
4) L'utilisation des bombes à dispersion (cluster bombs), censées
détruire des objectifs "mous" (et donc causer la mort sans
discrimination
du plus grand nombre possible de personnes), de projectiles à uranium
appauvri (qui causent des dommages étendus et durables) et le
bombardement
d'usines
chimiques, qui entraîne la dispersion des produits toxiques dans
l'environnement (dommages étendus et éventuellement durables), violent
les
dispositions de l'article 35, al. 2 du Protocole I : interdiction
d'employer des projectiles et des matières, ainsi que des méthodes de
guerre de nature à causer des maux superflus, et de l'alinéa 3 du même
article: interdiction d'employer des méthodes et des moyens de guerre
qui
sont conçus pour causer, ou dont on peut attendre qu'ils causeront, des
dommages étendus, durables et graves à l'environnement naturel; de
l'article 36: armes nouvelles qui sont ou pourraient être interdites par
le
Protocole ou par toute autre règle de droit international (les petites
bombes qui se trouvent à l'intérieur des bombes à dispersion et qui
restent
au sol sans exploser ont le même effet que les mines antipersonnel,
interdites par la Convention d'Ottawa de 1997, en vigueur depuis le 1er.
Mars 1999) et violent aussi les dispositions de l'art. 55 du même
Protocole
I : "La guerre sera conduite en veillant à protéger l'environnement
naturel
contre des dommages étendus, durables et graves".
Ces agissements soigneusement planifiés et mises en oeuvre par
l'OTAN en Yougoslavie ont été reconnus par les responsables, ont été
l'objet d'innombrables témoignages et ont été qualifiées de crimes de
guerre par de nombreux juristes et par des personnalités comme Ramsay
Clark, ancien Procureur de la Cour Suprême des Etats-Unis.
Monsieur Luc Hafner, colonel de justice militaire et Président
du
Tribunal Militaire de Division I de Suisse, dans un article publié dans
le
quotidien suisse Le Temps, le 31 mai 1999, estima que la stratégie
générale utilisée par l'OTAN lors des attaques aériennes contre la
Yougoslavie viole les Conventions de Genève et qu'il y aurait lieu
d'instruire un procès pour crimes de guerre contre ses dirigeants.
Une information de l'agence espagnole EFE, à Londres, du 13
juillet
1999, rapporte les déclarations de l'ex-commandant en chef des forces
armées de l'ONU en Bosnie, le Général britannique Michael Rose,
formulées
par la BBC : "Pendant onze semaines, fut lancée la campagne aérienne la
plus intense de l'histoire bellique et nous eûmes des troupes
stationnées
qui voyaient des
milliers de personnes être assassinées brutalement et plus d'un million
expulsées de leur domicile"...
"Elle (l'OTAN) aurait dû mener une guerre humanitaire", signala. Il
ajouta
qu'en poussant la limite de la hauteur de vol à plus de 15 000 pieds
(4575
m.) et à "ne pas garantir que les objectifs qu'ils attaquaient étaient
militaires », les pays impliqués dans l'opération "se risquaient à
violer
les
protocoles de La Haye et de Genève qui engagent à sauvegarder la vie des
civils."
Ces faits ont été répertoriés dans des documents officiels de
l'ONU. Ainsi le Rapporteur spécial sur l'ex Yougoslavie, M. Jiri
Dientsbier
dans son rapport à l'Assemblé Générale [A/54/396-S/1999/1000(24/9/99)]
mentionne des violations aux lois de la guerre dans les paragraphes 91
(emploi de munitions à uranium appauvri, de bombes à dispersion), 94 et
103
(destructions et
dommages ainsi que mort de civils causées par les frappes aériennes de
l'OTAN), 102 (dommages causés à l'environnement).
Dans son additif A/54/396/Add.1-S/1999/1000/Add. 1(3/11/99) M.
Dientsbier décrit les violations des droits de l'homme qui sont encore
commises au Kosovo (par. 26, 27 et 28) et dans le par. 34 il ajoute
qu'"il
est tragique que cela se produise actuellement en présence de la MINUK,
de
la KFOR et de l'OSCE". AU PARAGRAPHE 29 DE CET ADDITIF, LE RAPPORTEUR
SPÉCIAL CONSTATE LA PASSIVITÉ DU TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR L'EX
YOUGOSLAVIE DEVANT CES VIOLATIONS. Dans ces violations il y a aussi une
responsabilité e l'OTAN, comme occupant qui a le contrôle effectif du
territoire, et en vertu de l'article 2 de la IV Convention de Genève, du
"Military Technical Agreement", Annexe A.1, du 9 juin 1999 et du
paragraphe
9 de la résolution 1244 (1999) du Conseil de Sécurité.
Les leaders de l'OTAN sont aussi responsables des crimes commis
par
l'Armée de libération de Kosovo (ALK) transformée en "force civile"
(TMK)
et agissant sous la tutelle de la KFOR, si on applique la jurisprudence
du
même Tribunal pour l'ex Yougoslavie: voir "TADIC", sentence du 15/7/99,
par. 133: citant la Cour Internationale de Justice: ..."Iran was held
internationally responsible
for failing to prevent the attack on the United States diplomatic
premises"...même si les etudiants iraniens ont agi d'abord de façon
autonome. Il suffit de faire le parallèle entre les autorités iraniennes
et
la KFOR et entre les étudiants iraniens et l'ALK.
Dans la sentence "BLASKIC" du 3/3/00, le Tribunal a retenu
comme
fondement de responsabilité la négligence du condamné dans
l'accomplissement des ses devoirs.
Cette notion est applicable aux soi-disants "erreurs" de l'OTAN
pendant les bombardements et aux crimes commis actuellement au Kosovo,
qui
se trouve sous le contrôle de la KFOR.
Mais la Procureur du Tribunal à choisi tout simplement
d'ignorer
les crimes commis en Kosovo depuis son occupation par les forces de
l'OTAN.
Pendant les 78 jours de bombardements contre la Yougoslavie ont
été
commis de façon reiterée des crimes de guerre, tels que définis par les
Conventions de Genève de 1949, leurs Protocoles facultatifs de 1977 et
les
Conventions de la Haye de 1889 et 1907 et son Règlement annexe. Sont
crimes
de guerre parce que sont infractions graves commis INTENTIONNELLEMENT
(art.
85, par. 5 du Protocole I) et les responsables doivent être punis (arts.
146 et 147 de la IV Convention de Genève). Mais la Procureur Mme del
Ponte
les califie avec une incroyable légèreté, suivant à la lettre la version
de
l'OTAN, comme des "erreurs non déliberés" qu'à son avis ne méritent même
pas l'ouverture d'une enquête.
Des crimes de guerre d'une telle gravité qui pourraient aussi
être
qualifiées de crimes contre l'humanité (art. 6, al. C du Statut du
Tribunal
militaire international de Nuremberg et art. 5 du Statut du Tribunal
pour
l'ex Yougoslavie).
Bien que l'initiative de l'accusation appartienne exclusivement
à
la Procureur, reste à savoir si les juges du Tribunal pour l'ex
Yougoslavie, mettant en question sa réputation personnelle comme
juristes
et entamant le peu de crédibilité qui reste au Tribunal, vont avaliser
avec
son silence et sa passivité le mépris de Mme del Ponte pour les faits,
le
droit applicable, la jurisprudence du même Tribunal et son manque aux
devoirs inhérents à sa fonction de Procureur.
L'enjeu est de taille et la responsabilité des membres du
Tribunal
est historique. La passivité du TIPY facilitera la tâche entamée par les
grandes puissances de démolition de plus d'un siècle de laborieuse
construction du droit international humanitaire et ouvrira grandes les
portes à la loi de la
jungle à échelle internationale.
----------------
Alejandro Teitelbaum
Avocat
Représentant permanent à Genève de l'Association Américaine de Juristes.
Lyon, 6 juin 2000
------------------------------
NOTE: Le colloque sur "L'apport de la jurisprudence du Tribunal pénal
pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie au droit international", qui aura lieu del 15 juin à
l'Université de Genève (salle B-106 UNI-Bastions, 3 rue de Candolle),
avec
la participation, parmi d'autres juristes, de l'ancien juge du Tribunal
professeur Antonio Cassese, et des juges du MM. Mohamed Bennouna et
Almiro
Rodríguez, du Président du Tribunal M. Claude Jorda et de la Procureur,
Mme
Carla del Ponte, peut être pourrait permettre voir un peu plus clair à
ce
sujet, en posant des questions aux participants.
Pour plus d'information sur le colloque (et peut être pour poser des
questions par courrier aux participants), s'adresser au: Dpt. de droit
international public- Faculté de droit - Université de Genève. Tél: 41
22
705 8542/47, Fax: 41 22 705-8543, email:
villalp4@...
===
===============================
DEL PONTE HAS "NO PERMISSION TO
VISIT ANY PART OF YUGOSLAVIA"
===============================
BELGRADE, June 19, 2000 (Tanjug)
Carla Del Ponte is "an employee of the NATO
administration and as such does not have permission
of the authorized Yugoslav organs or a visa to visit
any part of the sovereign territory of Yugoslavia",
the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry said on Friday.
"Those who receive her and allow her to enter
sovereign Yugoslav territory continue courting NATO
and the U.S. administration, violate the Yugoslav
Constitution and laws, desecrate the victims of the
NATO aggression, and take on responsibility before
their own people", the ministry statement said.
===
Samizdat 2000
An Insider's View of the International War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague
by Christine Stone
7/7/00
http://www.antiwar.com/stone/stone-col.html
Christine Stone practised at the English Bar as a lawyer specializing in
crime and civil liberties before setting up the British Helsinki Human
Rights Group with a number of academic and journalist colleagues in
1992. She has written for a number of publications including The
Spectator and Wall Street Journal on Eastern Europe and the Former
Soviet Union. Her column now appears Thursdays on Antiwar.com.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/266?&start=265 )
* Teitelbaum contro Dal Ponte
* La signora Dal Ponte non deve piu' mettere piede in Jugoslavia
(Tanjug)
* Il Tribunale dell'Aia visto "da dentro" (C. Stone - link)
===
LES "ERREURS INVOLONTAIRES" DE L'OTAN SELON MME CARLA DEL PONTE
Vendredi 2 juin 2000 la Procureur du Tribunal pénal
international
pour l'ex-Yougoslavia, Mme Carla del Ponte a déclaré devant le Conseil
de
Sécurité qu'elle avait reçu plusieurs plaintes de différentes sources
accompagnées d'une abondante documentation avec des allégations que des
crimes de guerre auraient été commis par le personnel et les dirigeants
de
l'OTAN pendant la campagne aérienne contre la République de Yougoslavie.
Mme del Ponte a ajouté que, après un examen soigneux de la
documentation,
elle est arrivée à la ferme conviction que si l'OTAN avait commis
quelques
erreurs, elle n'avait par contre attaqué de façon délibérée objectifs
civils ou militaires prohibés pendant la campagne aérienne. (UN
NEWSERVICE,
2 juin 2000, www.un.org).
Le Bureau du Procureur du Tribunal pénal international pour
l'ex-Yougoslavia a reçu en effet plusieurs plaintes contre les leaders
de
l'OTAN, parmi elles, le 7 mai 1999 celle de l'Association Américaine de
Juristes et d'un groupe de professeurs canadiens. Quelques-uns des
signataires de la plainte ont eu des réunions, d'abord avec l'ancien
Procureur, Mme Louise Arbour et après avec Mme del Ponte.
Outre qu'elle dénonçait l'attaque lancée par l'OTAN comme
constituant en soi une violation de la Charte des Nations Unies, la
plainte
faisait valoir entre autres les arguments légaux suivants :
1) La stratégie adoptée par l'OTAN, consistant en attaquer à partir de
bases très éloignées (missiles) ou d'avions volant à 5000 mètres
d'altitude, n'ont pas permis de prendre les "Précautions dans l'attaque"
prévues à l'article 57 du Protocole I aux Conventions de Genève et
violent
la "Règle fondamentale" de l'article 48 de ce même Protocole : en tout
temps faire la distinction entre la population civile et les combattants
ainsi qu'entre les biens de caractère civil et les objectifs militaires
et,
par conséquent, ne diriger leurs opérations que contre des objectifs
militaires. Bien que les dommages interdits par les Conventions de
Genève
étaient prévisibles, il a été décidé (C'EST À DIRE IL A EU DÉLIBÉRATION
ET
DÉCISION) de faire usage de cette stratégie. Il y a eu donc
responsabilité
pénale puisqu'il y a dol éventuel : l'auteur des faits sait que les
dommages interdits peuvent se produire (représentation du résultat), et
néanmoins il agit.
2) L'attaque générale lancée DÉLIBÉRÉMENT contre l'infrastructure civile
et
particulièrement contre des centrales électriques, les sources et les
conduites d'eau potable viole l'article 54, al. 2 du Protocole I :
Interdiction de mettre hors d'usage des biens indispensables à la survie
de
la population civile.
Cette stratégie d'attaque à distance et de destruction massive
d'objectifs
civils N'A PAS ÉTÉ DES ERREURS OU DU SIMPLE HASARD. Dans un documentaire
sur la guerre contre la Yougoslavie émis par la chaîne de TV franco
allemande ARTE le 25/11/99, un général de l'armée des Etats-Unis,
faisant
partie selon lui des responsables chargés de choisir les objectifs à
bombarder, disait que ces objectifs ont été choisis en fonction des
considérations politiques plutôt que militaires : il s'agit, disait-il,
plutôt que d'annihiler les forces armées ennemies, d'affaiblir le
gouvernement ennemi, rendant insupportable la vie à la population
civile.
Cela n'était pas un avis personnel du général : c'est la doctrine
militaire
officielle en vigueur depuis plusieurs années dans les forces armées des
Etats-Unis, et mise déjà en exécution dans l'invasion du Panama et
pendant
la guerre du Golfe. Cette doctrine est manifestement violatoire de la
lettre et l'esprit des Conventions de Genève. Dans le même
documentaire,
le Ministre d'affaires étrangères de l'Allemagne, Joshka Fischer,
affirma
que les décisions sur les objectifs à attaquer étaient prises à
Washington.
Cela n'exempte pas de responsabilité des membres de l'OTAN autres que
les
Etats-Unis, puisque, selon le "NATO handbook", part 1, points 5 et 7, à
l'OTAN les décisions sont prises par consensus au Conseil de
l'organisation. S'il n'y a pas eu d'opposition aux
décisions prises à Washington cela équivaut au consensus et, en
conséquence, le partage des responsabilités.
3) Il y a eu aussi des attaques DÉLIBERÉS contre civils dans des
conditions
particulièrement odieuses: par exemple le deuxième bombardement d'un
pont
sur lequel il y avait des civils en train de secourir à des victimes,
eux
aussi civils, du premier bombardement.
4) L'utilisation des bombes à dispersion (cluster bombs), censées
détruire des objectifs "mous" (et donc causer la mort sans
discrimination
du plus grand nombre possible de personnes), de projectiles à uranium
appauvri (qui causent des dommages étendus et durables) et le
bombardement
d'usines
chimiques, qui entraîne la dispersion des produits toxiques dans
l'environnement (dommages étendus et éventuellement durables), violent
les
dispositions de l'article 35, al. 2 du Protocole I : interdiction
d'employer des projectiles et des matières, ainsi que des méthodes de
guerre de nature à causer des maux superflus, et de l'alinéa 3 du même
article: interdiction d'employer des méthodes et des moyens de guerre
qui
sont conçus pour causer, ou dont on peut attendre qu'ils causeront, des
dommages étendus, durables et graves à l'environnement naturel; de
l'article 36: armes nouvelles qui sont ou pourraient être interdites par
le
Protocole ou par toute autre règle de droit international (les petites
bombes qui se trouvent à l'intérieur des bombes à dispersion et qui
restent
au sol sans exploser ont le même effet que les mines antipersonnel,
interdites par la Convention d'Ottawa de 1997, en vigueur depuis le 1er.
Mars 1999) et violent aussi les dispositions de l'art. 55 du même
Protocole
I : "La guerre sera conduite en veillant à protéger l'environnement
naturel
contre des dommages étendus, durables et graves".
Ces agissements soigneusement planifiés et mises en oeuvre par
l'OTAN en Yougoslavie ont été reconnus par les responsables, ont été
l'objet d'innombrables témoignages et ont été qualifiées de crimes de
guerre par de nombreux juristes et par des personnalités comme Ramsay
Clark, ancien Procureur de la Cour Suprême des Etats-Unis.
Monsieur Luc Hafner, colonel de justice militaire et Président
du
Tribunal Militaire de Division I de Suisse, dans un article publié dans
le
quotidien suisse Le Temps, le 31 mai 1999, estima que la stratégie
générale utilisée par l'OTAN lors des attaques aériennes contre la
Yougoslavie viole les Conventions de Genève et qu'il y aurait lieu
d'instruire un procès pour crimes de guerre contre ses dirigeants.
Une information de l'agence espagnole EFE, à Londres, du 13
juillet
1999, rapporte les déclarations de l'ex-commandant en chef des forces
armées de l'ONU en Bosnie, le Général britannique Michael Rose,
formulées
par la BBC : "Pendant onze semaines, fut lancée la campagne aérienne la
plus intense de l'histoire bellique et nous eûmes des troupes
stationnées
qui voyaient des
milliers de personnes être assassinées brutalement et plus d'un million
expulsées de leur domicile"...
"Elle (l'OTAN) aurait dû mener une guerre humanitaire", signala. Il
ajouta
qu'en poussant la limite de la hauteur de vol à plus de 15 000 pieds
(4575
m.) et à "ne pas garantir que les objectifs qu'ils attaquaient étaient
militaires », les pays impliqués dans l'opération "se risquaient à
violer
les
protocoles de La Haye et de Genève qui engagent à sauvegarder la vie des
civils."
Ces faits ont été répertoriés dans des documents officiels de
l'ONU. Ainsi le Rapporteur spécial sur l'ex Yougoslavie, M. Jiri
Dientsbier
dans son rapport à l'Assemblé Générale [A/54/396-S/1999/1000(24/9/99)]
mentionne des violations aux lois de la guerre dans les paragraphes 91
(emploi de munitions à uranium appauvri, de bombes à dispersion), 94 et
103
(destructions et
dommages ainsi que mort de civils causées par les frappes aériennes de
l'OTAN), 102 (dommages causés à l'environnement).
Dans son additif A/54/396/Add.1-S/1999/1000/Add. 1(3/11/99) M.
Dientsbier décrit les violations des droits de l'homme qui sont encore
commises au Kosovo (par. 26, 27 et 28) et dans le par. 34 il ajoute
qu'"il
est tragique que cela se produise actuellement en présence de la MINUK,
de
la KFOR et de l'OSCE". AU PARAGRAPHE 29 DE CET ADDITIF, LE RAPPORTEUR
SPÉCIAL CONSTATE LA PASSIVITÉ DU TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR L'EX
YOUGOSLAVIE DEVANT CES VIOLATIONS. Dans ces violations il y a aussi une
responsabilité e l'OTAN, comme occupant qui a le contrôle effectif du
territoire, et en vertu de l'article 2 de la IV Convention de Genève, du
"Military Technical Agreement", Annexe A.1, du 9 juin 1999 et du
paragraphe
9 de la résolution 1244 (1999) du Conseil de Sécurité.
Les leaders de l'OTAN sont aussi responsables des crimes commis
par
l'Armée de libération de Kosovo (ALK) transformée en "force civile"
(TMK)
et agissant sous la tutelle de la KFOR, si on applique la jurisprudence
du
même Tribunal pour l'ex Yougoslavie: voir "TADIC", sentence du 15/7/99,
par. 133: citant la Cour Internationale de Justice: ..."Iran was held
internationally responsible
for failing to prevent the attack on the United States diplomatic
premises"...même si les etudiants iraniens ont agi d'abord de façon
autonome. Il suffit de faire le parallèle entre les autorités iraniennes
et
la KFOR et entre les étudiants iraniens et l'ALK.
Dans la sentence "BLASKIC" du 3/3/00, le Tribunal a retenu
comme
fondement de responsabilité la négligence du condamné dans
l'accomplissement des ses devoirs.
Cette notion est applicable aux soi-disants "erreurs" de l'OTAN
pendant les bombardements et aux crimes commis actuellement au Kosovo,
qui
se trouve sous le contrôle de la KFOR.
Mais la Procureur du Tribunal à choisi tout simplement
d'ignorer
les crimes commis en Kosovo depuis son occupation par les forces de
l'OTAN.
Pendant les 78 jours de bombardements contre la Yougoslavie ont
été
commis de façon reiterée des crimes de guerre, tels que définis par les
Conventions de Genève de 1949, leurs Protocoles facultatifs de 1977 et
les
Conventions de la Haye de 1889 et 1907 et son Règlement annexe. Sont
crimes
de guerre parce que sont infractions graves commis INTENTIONNELLEMENT
(art.
85, par. 5 du Protocole I) et les responsables doivent être punis (arts.
146 et 147 de la IV Convention de Genève). Mais la Procureur Mme del
Ponte
les califie avec une incroyable légèreté, suivant à la lettre la version
de
l'OTAN, comme des "erreurs non déliberés" qu'à son avis ne méritent même
pas l'ouverture d'une enquête.
Des crimes de guerre d'une telle gravité qui pourraient aussi
être
qualifiées de crimes contre l'humanité (art. 6, al. C du Statut du
Tribunal
militaire international de Nuremberg et art. 5 du Statut du Tribunal
pour
l'ex Yougoslavie).
Bien que l'initiative de l'accusation appartienne exclusivement
à
la Procureur, reste à savoir si les juges du Tribunal pour l'ex
Yougoslavie, mettant en question sa réputation personnelle comme
juristes
et entamant le peu de crédibilité qui reste au Tribunal, vont avaliser
avec
son silence et sa passivité le mépris de Mme del Ponte pour les faits,
le
droit applicable, la jurisprudence du même Tribunal et son manque aux
devoirs inhérents à sa fonction de Procureur.
L'enjeu est de taille et la responsabilité des membres du
Tribunal
est historique. La passivité du TIPY facilitera la tâche entamée par les
grandes puissances de démolition de plus d'un siècle de laborieuse
construction du droit international humanitaire et ouvrira grandes les
portes à la loi de la
jungle à échelle internationale.
----------------
Alejandro Teitelbaum
Avocat
Représentant permanent à Genève de l'Association Américaine de Juristes.
Lyon, 6 juin 2000
------------------------------
NOTE: Le colloque sur "L'apport de la jurisprudence du Tribunal pénal
pour
l'ex-Yougoslavie au droit international", qui aura lieu del 15 juin à
l'Université de Genève (salle B-106 UNI-Bastions, 3 rue de Candolle),
avec
la participation, parmi d'autres juristes, de l'ancien juge du Tribunal
professeur Antonio Cassese, et des juges du MM. Mohamed Bennouna et
Almiro
Rodríguez, du Président du Tribunal M. Claude Jorda et de la Procureur,
Mme
Carla del Ponte, peut être pourrait permettre voir un peu plus clair à
ce
sujet, en posant des questions aux participants.
Pour plus d'information sur le colloque (et peut être pour poser des
questions par courrier aux participants), s'adresser au: Dpt. de droit
international public- Faculté de droit - Université de Genève. Tél: 41
22
705 8542/47, Fax: 41 22 705-8543, email:
villalp4@...
===
===============================
DEL PONTE HAS "NO PERMISSION TO
VISIT ANY PART OF YUGOSLAVIA"
===============================
BELGRADE, June 19, 2000 (Tanjug)
Carla Del Ponte is "an employee of the NATO
administration and as such does not have permission
of the authorized Yugoslav organs or a visa to visit
any part of the sovereign territory of Yugoslavia",
the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry said on Friday.
"Those who receive her and allow her to enter
sovereign Yugoslav territory continue courting NATO
and the U.S. administration, violate the Yugoslav
Constitution and laws, desecrate the victims of the
NATO aggression, and take on responsibility before
their own people", the ministry statement said.
===
Samizdat 2000
An Insider's View of the International War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague
by Christine Stone
7/7/00
http://www.antiwar.com/stone/stone-col.html
Christine Stone practised at the English Bar as a lawyer specializing in
crime and civil liberties before setting up the British Helsinki Human
Rights Group with a number of academic and journalist colleagues in
1992. She has written for a number of publications including The
Spectator and Wall Street Journal on Eastern Europe and the Former
Soviet Union. Her column now appears Thursdays on Antiwar.com.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
"NULLA E' PER SEMPRE"
Intervista all'ambasciatore statunitense Warren Zimmerman
sul giornale croato "Danas", 12 gennaio 1992
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm
The URL for printable version is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing2.htm
NOTHING IS FOREVER
U.S. Ambassador Warren Zimmerman's interview, Jan. 12, 1992, in the
Croatian
daily 'Danas' ('Today')
Translated by www.emperors-clothes.com (6-1-00)
"We are aiming for a dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states
peacefully." (Warren Zimmerman, US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Jan., 1992)
The following interview is important. Many have argued that the U.S.
opposed
the breakup of Yugoslavia. Warren Zimmerman was US Ambassador to
Yugoslavia
during the key period, when Slovenia and Croatia were fighting to
secede. In
this interview he makes the real U.S. position quite clear.
A week before the interview a key event occurred. Europe recognized
secessionist Croatia and Slovenia as independent states. Balkans scholar
Raju
Thomas refers to this as "a new method of aggression: Diplomatic
Recognition."
"Surely then the real aggression in Yugoslavia began with the western
recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. The territorial integrity of a
state
[Yugoslavia] that was voluntarily created and which had existed since
December 1918 was swept aside. In 1991, new state recognition policy
proved
to be an inventive method of destroying long-standing sovereign
independent
states. When several rich and powerful states decide to take a sovereign
independent state apart through the policy of recognition, how is this
state
supposed to defend itself? There can be no deterrence or defense against
this
form of destruction." (Raju Thomas, "Nationalism, Secession and
Conflict:
Legacies from the Former Yugoslavia.")
The U.S. did not immediately endorse the European move. Does this mean
the
U.S. opposed secession? I think the U.S. policy was two-faced. The U.S.
government paid lip service to peaceful solutions and withheld
recognition of
Slovenia and Croatia, but at the same time, US officials and covert
agencies
worked to dismember Yugoslavia in a manner aimed at producing a Bosnian
nation-state run by Islamic Fundamentalist proxies under the thumb of
the US.
Zimmerman's interview in 'Danas' supports this view. Is the interview
accurate? If an Ambassador is seriously misquoted he would respond in
order
to correct the record; but Zimmerman never denied or corrected any part
of
the interview. There is no known reason to question its accuracy.
Moreover, subsequent US actions dovetail with the views expressed here.
For
example, consider this from Zimmerman:
"It appears to us that he [Bosnian Islamic Fundamentalist leader
Izetbegovic]
needs help in his effort to resist the partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
and I
believe it would be tragic if someone from the Croatian side would try
cooperating with Serbia in the dismemberment of Bosnia-Herzegovina."
Later, when the Bosnian Islamist leader Izetbegovic signed an agreement
with
Croatian and Serbian leaders to peacefully partition Bosnia, Zimmerman
met
with Izetbegovic and 'helped' by persuading him to renege on the deal
and
demand instead a unitary Bosnian state under Islamist control.
Izetbegovic
did renege, as Zimmerman asked, and this launched the Bosnian civil war.
It is important to remember when reading this interview that Zimmerman
was
speaking for the most world's only Superpower. Whatever Zimmerman said
would
be read carefully by all sides. He used the interview to encourage
Croatian
chauvinism, Kosovo Albanian secessionism and Islamic Fundamentalism, the
very
forces that Nazi Germany relied on in Yugoslavia in World War II.
Zimmerman said he was against destabilization but talk is cheap and
every
diplomat knew that a united Yugoslavia was the key to stability in the
Balkans. He said pretty things about peace but he unleashed the forces
of war.
Here's the interview.
'DANAS', 21 January 1992
NOTHING IS FOREVER
An Interview with Warren Zimmerman
Zimmerman: First of all, I have to point out that the US and the
American
people exceptionally appreciate the Croatian people and sympathize with
you
for all you have been through in the past few months. We know you have
been a
victim of a Serbian and Army aggression, and in that situation you
reacted
with great courage and dignity. I am not saying this as a compliment to
the
fighting abilities of Croatia - though they are considerable - but I
wish to
point out that a great deal of restraint was demanded of Croatia. I
refer to
the lifting of the siege of military barracks, which was in our opinion
one
of the keys to the possibility of a stable peace. This also goes for
honoring
the cease-fires, which is always a critical issue. I would also point
out the
agreement to the UN peace plan, which all the sides have accepted. In
all
these matters, the people and government of Croatia showed its
extraordinary
worth.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's reference to the secessionists' "restraint"
is
false. While pretending to observe a cease fire, the secessionists
provoked
and attacked Yugoslav troops in their barracks. Zimmerman lies
throughout the
interview. His words are best read not as honest reporting but as
evidence of
US intentions.
DANAS: Still, everyone wonders why the recognition has been delayed?
Zimmerman: I have to admit that at this moment the recognition of
Croatia is
not on our agenda. But this does not mean that this temporary American
approach will be around forever. We have always tried to approach
recognition
in a way that would contribute most to a permanent peace, and that same
approach has been taken by Cyrus Vance and Lord Carrington.
Jared comments: Obviously he is promising US recognition - just not yet.
DANAS: What does that mean in terms of time?
Zimmerman: I cannot tell you the exact date. But that is certainly
something
to be kept in mind, and something we are thinking of, but we are also
always
wondering what kind of benefit that would bring Croatia while the war is
still going on and while Croatia is still being occupied by enemy
troops. We
thought the best way for the JNA [Yugoslav Army] to leave Croatia was
the one
proposed by the UN, as it specifically states that the JNA must leave
Croatia. We also believe that we can do the most to make this plan work
is if
we keep the possibility to pressure Serbia, Serbian and JNA leadership
as
much as possible. We are doing that decisively, and I believe we are in
a
much better position to do that now, as we have not recognized Croatia
yet.
That way, we have preserved authority and credibility with Serbia and
the
Army that we would not have if we had followed Germany and recognized
Croatia. I believe what we are doing is beneficial to achieving true
Croatian
independence.
Jared comments: The US was withholding formal recognition not out of a
desire
to hold Yugoslavia together but out of a desire to destroy it in the
most
efficient and profitable way.
DANAS: So you wish to preserve your influence?
Zimmerman: Yes, but I also want to add that this does not mean in any
way
that Serbia or the JNA have any right of veto in the American
recognition
policy. This is not the case.
DANAS: Many claim that you generally support Europe, but at the same
time
aren't too confident about the European policy?
Zimmerman: I wouldn't say so. I know that Lord Carrington believes that
recognition of Yugoslav republics that have requested it could be
premature
in these circumstances. We have tried to clear a path that I believe
could
lead to the result you want, which is a truly independent Croatia, free
of
occupation and enemy forces.
Jared's comments: Zimmerman refers to the Army of Yugoslavia, a country
to
whom he was U.S. Ambassador, a country which included Croatia, as an
enemy
force. Amazing.
The "enemy" Army did not invade Croatia. It was present in Croatia just
as it
was present in other parts of Yugoslavia. It was just as illegal for
Croatia
to secede from Yugoslavia as it was for the southern states to secede
from
the U.S. 140 years ago. The JNA would have been justified in waging
total
war, just as President Abraham Lincoln waged total war; but the JNA did
not.
Zimmerman: We very decisively told the Serbian and Army leadership that
they
have to honor the obligations they accepted and completely leave
Croatia. We
also said - and I think we have been able to do it with more authority
since
we have not recognized Croatia - that the recognition of Croatia by
European
countries cannot be the reason for Serbia or the Army to try reversing
Croatia's independence or imposing solutions on Croatia by force.
DANAS: This is maybe a personal question. You are the American
Ambassador,
but it is hard to say which country you are the Ambassador to. Does
Yugoslavia still exist?
Zimmerman: That is a very good question, and a question that is very
hard to
answer. We are now precisely in that situation where a world is dying
and
another, different world is struggling to be born. In other words, it is
a
transition and as I said many times before, our main concern in it is
peace.
While these changes are going on, our foremost task is to contribute
that
they happen in a peaceful, rather than violent, environment.
Jared comments: As subsequent events demonstrated, 'Peace' meant the US
and
its proxy forces could do whatever they liked but the Yugoslav Army was
not
allowed to fight back.
Zimmerman: It is inevitable that these changes are accompanied with
uncertainties. I am an Ambassador accredited with the government of
Yugoslavia. But at the same time, it is completely clear that we do not
recognize Branko Kostic, who usurped the right to speak on behalf of the
Yugoslav Presidency. Since he made that attempt I have not had any
contacts
with him, nor do I intend to ever contact him. Most of the duties I
perform
in Belgrade and Yugoslavia are reduced to relations with the Republics,
which
my government considers extremely useful. There are many gray areas from
a
legal standpoint, but this is natural in times of transition.
DANAS: Are you encountering the same difficulties while meeting with the
military leaders?
Zimmerman: I recently met with General Adzic, and I met with General
Kadijevic right before he resigned. I believe it is exceptionally
important
to maintain contact with the Yugoslav military leadership, as they have
to
know our position. And our position is clear: we believe that the Army
is
primarily responsible for the war in Croatia.
Hence they have an enormous obligation to honor the UN peace plan, and
to
show restraint in Croatia. And in Bosnia-Herzegovina as well, which is
turning into a dangerous place. If we weren’t talking to them, we would
not
be able to tell them all these things.
DANAS: Many unconfirmed stories indicate that you prevented total war on
several occasions, using this type of influence?
Zimmerman: There is exaggeration in that. But I can say that the US has
always used the measure of influence it has to promote peace, not war.
That
is why I say that we are most concerned with the possibility of a war
breaking out in Bosnia-Herzegovina. We think it would be a horrible
tragedy
which could have consequences on the situation in Croatia, which at the
present time looks promising.
DANAS: Does that mean you support Izetbegovic’s plan?
Zimmerman: Let me try to elaborate on our policy towards
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
We firmly believe that the territorial integrity of every republic must
be
preserved, and we clearly said to the Serbian government and the Army
leadership that we will never recognize any conquest in Croatia. Equally
important is the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is
most
threatened at this moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is
attempting
to tear away a piece of it. We consider that extremely dangerous, and we
said
so to the Army and the Serbian leadership.
Jared comments: Note how Zimmerman places matters upside down.
He speaks of maintaining the integrity of 'Bosnia' as if it were a
national
entity. But historically a country called 'Bosnia' never existed. An
administrative unit called 'Bosnia' (similar to Rhode Island or South
Dakota)
was created by the Tito government. That's it.
With this in mind, consider his statement that the US supports "the
territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is most threatened at
this
moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is attempting to tear away
a
piece of it."
In fact, the Islamic Fundamentalist forces in Bosnia were trying to tear
a
piece away from a real nation, recognized for 70 years - Yugoslavia.
This
violated international law. The Islamists wanted to justify their
secession
(that is, theft of territory) by holding a referendum. The Serbs
boycotted
the referendum. The Islamists held it anyway, and won; but this violated
the
Yugoslav constitution which required the approval of the three major
ethnic
groups before extreme action could be taken. Moreover the secessionist
movement only existed based on foreign intrigue, personified by Mr.
Zimmerman. The Islamists would never have dared to push for secession
without
the promise of outside (U.S.) help and in practice Mr. Zimmerman prodded
Islamist leader Izetbegovic into starting the Bosnian civil war.
The Bosnian Serbs had had grim experience with Islamic Fundamentalism
during
W.W. II. Islamic Fundamentalists were important supporters of the Nazis
in
Bosnia. They formed their own SS Division. They helped slaughter
hundreds of
thousands of Serbs. The Islamist leader Elija Izetbegovic was a pro-Nazi
Islamic Fundamentalist youth organizer during the War.
Knowing the horror that would follow if foreign-backed Islamists once
again
ruled Bosnia, the local Serbs wanted to stay with Yugoslavia. These
Serbs,
mainly farmers, owned the majority of land in Bosnia. The Serbs wanted
to
make sure that if Bosnian Islamists seceded the Serbs would not be
forced to
live under their rule.
Zimmerman: As for Mr. Izetbegovic, we heard that some call him a Muslim
fundamentalist. We know what fundamentalism really does, as we were its
victims in Iran. That is why we do not believe that Izetbegovic is some
sort
of fundamentalist. Actually, it seems like he is a moderate politician
who is
trying to do the best in a difficult situation.
Jared's comments:The reasoning here is charmingly ostrich-like: Proof by
Rejection of Negative Consequence. 1) Fundamentalists are terrible. 2)
It
would be terrible if Izetbegovic were a fundamentalist. 3) Therefore
Izetbegovic is not a fundamentalist.
Fortunately Izetbegovic wrote a book about his beliefs. It is called
"The
Islamic Declaration" ("Islamska deklaracija"). Here's an excerpt:
"... The first and foremost of such conclusions is surely the one on the
incompatibility of Islam and non-Islamic systems. There can be no peace
or
coexistence between the "Islamic faith" and non-Islamic societies and
political institutions. ... Islam clearly excludes the right and
possibility
of activity of any strange ideology on its own turf. Therefore, there is
no
question of any laicistic principles, and the state should be an
expression
and should support the moral concepts of the religion. ..." (p. 22)
It is ironic that Zimmerman uses Iran as the example of what Izetbegovic
is
not. Actually, Izetbegovic was especially fond of the Iranian
Fundamentalists. Moreover, the US encouraged Iran to smuggle arms and
terrorist trainers into Bosnia during the fighting, despite an embargo
on
importing arms. When challenged about this at a Congressional hearing,
Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith confirmed that the US had indeed
approved the shipments.
Zimmerman: It appears to us that he needs help in his effort to resist
the
partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and I believe it would be tragic if
someone
from the Croatian side would try cooperating with Serbia in the
dismemberment
of Bosnia-Herzegovina. That would mean that Croatia is destroying the
very
principle on the basis of which it won international support for its
struggle.
DANAS: There are some very clear desires to that extent in Croatia.
Zimmerman: I read some hints to that effect in the Croatian press, so I
have
to say that the dismemberment of Bosnia – no matter who does it – cannot
win
the support of the United States. We would consider that a policy of
destabilization and a violation of international principles that could
lead
to very unpleasant consequences in our relations.
Jared's comments:This is Theater of the Absurd. International law says
nothing about alteration of borders within a state. It only forbids the
destabilization inherent in altering national boundaries - which is
precisely
what Zimmerman is supporting by insisting on the unimpeded creation of a
new
state of Bosnia.
Zimmerman: I believe, therefore, that if there is a tendency in Croatia
to
team up with Serbia in a break-up of Bosnia, that tendency must be
overcome.
DANAS: American foreign policy is often based on two interlocking
principles
– a carrot and a stick. What would be a carrot and what would be the
stick in
this situation?
Zimmerman: That is a good question, and I will try to give a very
specific
answer in regard to the war in Croatia. When the war is over and when
Croatia
restores its full sovereignty upon the Army’s withdrawal, that carrot
and
that stick have to exist for the other side as well.
Jared comments: This is one of the best examples of the Orwellian
rewriting
of reality, a special feature of the New World Order of which Zimmerman
was a
key architect. Croatia had 'full sovereignty' only one time in history:
that
was as the (Fascist-Clerical) Independent State of Croatia during the
German
occupation of Yugoslavia.
Zimmerman: The stick would be that the United States or any other
Western
country - to the best of my knowledge – will never recognize any
violation of
Croatia’s territorial integrity. In other words, the Croatian borders
will
remain as they were before the war, there will be no changes of borders
by
conquest. That stick would also be what I mentioned a moment ago. No one
will
support any violent re-establishment of Yugoslavia.
Jared comments: Does this sound like the man is opposing the breakup of
Yugoslavia?
DANAS: Any Yugoslavia?
Zimmerman: Any kind of Yugoslavia.
DANAS: Even the smallest one?
Zimmerman: We told Serbia and the Army clearly that we will not
recognize
Serbia as Yugoslavia’s successor, that we will not recognize any
so-called
Yugoslav government that is in fact just another Serb government.
That is why I do not wish to have any contact with Mr. Kostic, and why
the
American government challenged the credentials of the Yugoslav
delegation a
few days ago at the OSCE conference in Prague. But allow me to finish my
previous answer about sticks. Carrots are important, too, they form a
part of
this reality. There are some problems with the rights of the Serb
population
in Croatia. We do not think the way Serbia and the Army approached those
issues was justified, they went about it in a completely wrong way. But
the
problem exists and I think that Croatia, if it wants a stable peace,
should
be ready to grant a significant political autonomy to the Serb areas in
Croatia. We welcome as a good sign the fact that the Croatian assembly
passed
the Minority Law, which is a great step along that road. I hope that
Croatian
government will continue being so flexible, as it seems to me that a
maximum
degree of political autonomy on the local level in Serb-inhabited areas
will
be necessary. This is already a part of the UN peace plan on a
provisional
basis, as well as Lord Carrington’s plan, which counts on a longer time
frame. We think that every Serb leadership needs to be able to say that
Serb
rights in Croatia are completely protected with international
guarantees.
That would be in the interest of Croatia as well, as it would take a
significant problem off the agenda.
Jared comments: A number of points about this.
First, as we shall see below, the Croatian regime had launched a massive
campaign of terror against Serbian residents. Zimmerman is suggesting
that
Serbia be induced to accept the breakup of Yugoslavia by dangling the
carrot
of less violence towards Serbs in Croatia.
Second, Zimmerman avoids a discussion of the actual, day to day terror
that
was being directed against Serbs in Croatia. Instead he expresses
concern and
wishes and hopes for better treatment. The value of such US expressions
of
concern became clear three years later when the US planned, led and
provided
air cover for the eviction, carried out by the Croatian Army, of over
250,000
Serbs, mainly farmers, from the Krajina, which was claimed by Croatia.
This
was the worst act of genocide in Europe since W.W.II.
To get an idea of the anti-Serb hatred whipped up by the Croatian
government
throughout this period, read the following excerpt from a speech
delivered by
Croatian President Tudjman after the anti-Serb campaign culminated in
the
violent eviction of the Serbian population of the Krajina section.
Here's
Tudjman:
"There can be no return to the past, to the times when [Serbs] were
spreading
cancer in the heart of Croatia, a cancer that was destroying the
Croatian
national being." He [that is, Tudjman] then went on to speak of the
"ignominious disappearance" of the Serbs from Krajina "so it is as if
they
have never lived here... They didn't even have time to take with them
their
filthy money or their filthy underwear!" (From 'The invasion of Serbian
Krajina' by Greg Elich)
DANAS: Washington used to firmly advocate human rights in Kosovo, but
now
there is only mention of Croatia.
Jared comments: This is hyperbole. Washington's real concern about
Croatia
was that it not work against the Islamists in Bosnia. Indeed, Washington
hired the MPRI, a semi-private military outfit made up of 'retired'
officers
and CIA types to train the Croatian army which continued to be used
primarily
against Serbian civilians.
Zimmerman: I am glad you asked that question, so I can clarify things.
The
violation of rights of Albanians in Kosovo in my opinion is the worst
violation of human rights, and at this moment, there is none worse in
Europe.
It was somewhat peaceful in Kosovo last year, but the basic colonial
nature
of Serbian control has not changed. We have not lost interest in that
issue,
and we will not lose interest until it is solved. I cannot imagine a
final
political solution coming out of The Hague and Brussels that would only
deal
with Croatia. It has to encompass the rights of everyone; thus also the
problems in Kosovo.
Jared comments: Zimmerman was the Ambassador to Yugoslavia. Coming from
him,
this is a clear statement of support for Kosovo secessionism. Why?
Because a)
there was a strong secessionist movement in Kosovo at the time; b)
international law, expressed the Helsinki Accords, forbade the redrawing
of
national borders. However, international law did allow for
self-determination
for colonies. So by calling Kosovo a colony Zimmerman was making a
sneaky
argument for secession.
In fact, Zimmerman's statement is nonsense.
First, Albanians were not oppressed in Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanian
unrest was
based on beliefs: they wanted to recreate the World War II entity,
Greater
Albania, and they wanted Kosovo to be Serb-and-"Gypsy"-free. In this
sense
their attitude had much in common with some whites in the segregationist
south. Many news articles during the 1980s report that it was Serbs, not
Albanians, who were oppressed in pre-1989 Kosovo. (2)
Colonialism means exploitation: the Colony is organized to serve the
needs of
the Imperial Power. Thus in the African colonies, railroad lines were
built
fanning out from coastal ports so that raw materials could easily be
taken
out of the country. Everything is best in the Imperial country.
Everything is
worst in the Colony.
This was dramatically not the case in Kosovo; Kosovo was poor, but not
due to
exploitation. As engineers Tika Jankovic and Petar Makara point out, the
engineering school in Pristina (Kosovo) had the finest modern equipment,
whereas the engineering school in Belgrade (inner Serbia) had to make do
with
pre-World War II equipment as late as the 1970s. (3)
Such anecdotal evidence is supported by the NY Times. The following was
written in 1984, before the Times adopted an anti-Serbian policy:
"Yugoslavia's Albanians: Poor, Proud and Prolific
By Michael T. Kaufman
..."The thrust toward republic status, for example, is in large measure
motivated by the clause in the Yugoslav Constitution that technically
permits
any republic to secede.
"As explained by a knot of [Albanian] students in Pristina, this right
to
withdraw could pave way for creating a greater Albania, linking Kosovo
with
the present Albania... with the capital shifting from Tirana to
Pristina...
"The students had no answers as to how such a nation could support
itself...
"[U]nder the complicated transfer arrangement, Kosovo receives
70 percent of its budget from the richer components of the Yugoslav
union...." ('New York Times', October 5, 1984)
DANAS: Croatia and Slovenia offered a year ago the confederacy solution
akin
to what Izetbegovic is proposing today. But the clock cannot be turned
back.
Zimmerman: Obviously, it is too late for that now. We are aiming for a
dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states peacefully, and when
any
new union is constructed – if it is constructed – it would have to be
founded
on sovereign decisions. In other words, it has to be built from the
bottom
up, rather than from top to the bottom.
DANAS: All Croatian politicians agree that it is necessary first to
secure
independence and sovereignty, and only then decide on future links.
Zimmerman: I recall the words of Pierre Lavalle, prime minister of the
Vichy
government who made a tremendous mistake by collaborating with the
Germans
but still said something very wise: "Governments come and go, but the
geography is eternal. France will forever remain Germany’s neighbor."
Croatia
will remain a neighbor of Serbia, and I hope it will be possible to soon
normalize the relations that geography makes inevitable.
DANAS: De Gaulle thought otherwise. Many were surprised by the news that
you
spent the New Year’s eve at a peace demonstration with the Serbian
opposition. Some said immediately that this is the sign that both sides
– the
UN and the US – want a different Serbia and different Serbian leaders.
Zimmerman: I went to this vigil to show our strong support to cessation
of
hostilities, and I think Mr. Vance had the same reasons. The peace
movement
in Serbia is a sort of an opposition. It does not accept war. It opposes
the
government responsible for that war. We support them in their demands
for
peace. We consider it especially important – not only in Serbia - that
the
political opposition is free to act. But in Serbia, this is not the
case.
Opposition leader Vuk Draskovic was just indicted for some things that
happened at the March 9 demonstrations last year. The media, especially
television, are hostile to all opponents of the government, and that
will
have to change if Serbia has any aspirations towards democracy. On that
occasion, we did not support any specific party [except for being
against the
one chosen by the people – PM] but we advocated democratic norms and
values,
values of peace and free press.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's support for Vuk Draskovic is interesting.
Before
the Croatian and Slovenian secession, Draskovic was a Tarzan Nationalist
- a
real chest beater and it was in this guise that he opposed Milosevich
who was
for the continuation of Yugoslavia. But then Draskovic advocated a
policy of
non-resistance when the Yugoslav Army was attacked in its barracks, and
when
Serbs were attacked as well.
Note also how Zimmerman uses his continued presence in Belgrade: he
encourages the breakup of Yugoslavia and threatens Belgrade if it tries
to
stop it.
DANAS: Your statements have been frequently attacked in Belgrade and in
Croatia...
Zimmerman: And Slovenia and Montenegro...
DANAS: But which one of your critical remarks would you say again in
regard
to Croatia?
Zimmerman: Croatia is a democratic state, but it is a young democracy
tempted
by war.
Jared comments: This is amazing.
This new 'democratic' state was a conscious imitation of the Independent
State of Croatia, notorious in World War II for creating Jasenovac, the
first
death camp, in which about a million Serbs, 'Gypsies', Jews and
antifascists
were killed using the most horrifying methods.
The new Independent State of Croatia, under Franjo Tudjman, a holocaust
denier, brought back the Fascist Croatian flag, the currency, the army
uniforms, and the straight-arm salute. It renamed streets after leaders
of
the Ustashi fascists; its constitution defined Croatia as a racial state
(a
state of ethnic Croats, not, like Serbia, a state of all its citizens,
regardless of ethnicity.)
The 'democratic elections' took place in an atmosphere of terror and
with
vast sums pumped in from Germany and other Western sources and from
pro-fascist Croatians abroad. The HOS (Croatian Military Group) harassed
and
killed Serbs and opponents of the regime. The method of identification
was
straightforward. First, everyone was ordered to sign a pledge of
allegiance.
Serbs and antifascists who refused to sign this pledge to the
resurrected
Ustashi state were first fired from their jobs, then fired at.
The loyalty oath did not ferret out all the undesirable elements. So the
HOS
ordered everyone to display the Croatian (fascist) checkerboard flag in
their
window. This flag is the Croatian equivalent of the swastika. Then the
HOS
went from street to street and harassed or beat up or killed those
(whether
Serbian or Croatian) who refused to display the flag.
The HOS dynamited the homes of undesirables, often with the people
inside.
Jews lived in fear. Tens of thousands of Serbs were driven out - perhaps
300,000 even before the forced exodus from the Krajina in 1995.
By referring to this terrorized territory as a "young democratic state"
Zimmerman made perfectly clear that he approved of the HOS actions. His
mild
rebukes were cosmetic: made for the sake of appearance.
The American media suppressed the the news about Croatia. Most people
never
learned there was an anti-Serbian terror.
There were a few exceptions to the press blackout. One was an article in
the
'New York Times' which I have posted after the interview. It appeared
rather
late, in 1997, well after Croatia had finished purging 600,000 Serbs.
The
article is a bit odd. The writer, Chris Hedges, suggests that fascists
were
just then becoming powerful in Croatia, whereas this had actually
happened
years earlier, in 1990, '91 and '92. Perhaps Hedges wrote the article in
the
early 1990s and the Times editors held it back until the fascists had
completed their Western-assigned tasks: declaring independence and
driving
out the Serbs. In the article Hedges fails to mention the 600,000 or so
Serbs
driven out of Croatia during the first half of the decade. An oversight.
Most of these people live as destitute refugees in Serbia.
Take a look at the pictures I've posted below and then we'll return to
Zimmerman and see how he offers criticisms which whitewash Croatia's
terrorist purge of Serbs and government critics.
[Note: A picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Above is Ante Pavelic, Ustashi [Fascist-Clerical] leader of
World
War II Nazi Croatia shown with his Fascist flag `
[A second picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Here is the committee that ruled Croatia at the time Zimmerman
gave
his interview. Notice that the old Ustashi flag is above them, on the
left,
and the re-issue is on the right. The men are: General Josip Boljkovac;
General Martin Spegelj, who made the remark that "[The Serbian city of]
Knin
must be butchered...including children in the cradle;" Stipe Mesic, whom
the
European Community imposed on Yugoslavia as its last President. (Though
Mesic
was part of Franjo Tudjman's fascist machine, he has been recycled as
the
much hailed "liberal" President of Croatia. His uncle was SS Officer
Marko
Mesic) and General Franjo Tudjman, then President of neo-fascist
Croatia.
Tudjman's book 'Wasteland' suggested that Jews, not the Ustashi,
slaughtered
the Serbs at the Jasenovac concentration camp complex.
In 1943 Tito, head of the Yugoslav partisans, proclaimed an unusual
policy:
any Croatian Ustashi (Fascist) officer who came over to the Partisan
side
would keep his rank. Seeing that Italy had crumbled and that their
beloved
Nazi Germany was destined to lose, large numbers of Ustashi made the
switch
to the Partisans between 1943 and 1945, thus joining the winning side.
There
is evidence that Franjo Tudjman forged papers, making it appear that he
had
been an anti-fascist during the war, when in fact he was a fascist, from
a
fascist family.
Now back to Zimmerman.
Zimmerman: That is why it is difficult to be overtly critical. But as
you
will soon become a universally recognized state, it seems that the
issues of
free press, political opposition and minority rights will come under
closer
scrutiny than they have been until now. War can be an excuse for
limiting the
freedom of expression, though I personally think it is hard to find
circumstances that would justify such actions. Once the war is over,
that
excuse will no longer exist, and it will be very important for Croatia
to
re-examine all its standards against the international and European
principles and then firmly adhere to them. Allow me to mention two
examples
where I was disappointed. It seems that a certain number of Serbs living
in
Zagreb and Croatia are leaving the city and the country, including those
who
have advocated moderate policies and were not nationalists. They could
be a
significant part of Croatian democracy, and if they are leaving due to
intolerance I hope that will soon be overcome. The other case has
already
been solved, but I mention it because it was very important both to me
and to
Cyrus Vance. It regards the siege of the barracks, when the families of
JNA
soldiers were treated in an unfair manner. But personally, I have full
confidence that the Croatian democracy will grow and expand. The United
States has a very positive opinion about the current developments.
Jared comments: So after the fascist regime has done its job - driven
out the
Serbs and intimidated pro-Yugoslav forces - it will have to adopt a
slicker
appearance so as to fit the look of European 'democracies.' But as for
1992:
"The United States has a very positive opinion about the current
developments." That says it all.
DANAS: You mentioned Mr. Cyrus Vance. He was a US Secretary of State, so
some
claim he is only the extended arm of Washington right now.
Zimmerman: He is, of course, a representative of the UN
Secretary-General,
but also a very respectable American and a former official of the
American
government, which I think all the leaders of the Republics that he had
met
understand very well. This does not sound like a bad thing to me.
DANAS: Some sort of dual guarantee?
Zimmerman: I wouldn’t use that term, but I would say that the US
government
completely supports everything Vance does on behalf of the UN. The
Yugoslav
crisis is a great challenge for the UN. If the peacekeepers come – and
we
hope they will – that would be the largest endeavor the UN have ever
undertaken. I don’t even have to mention the challenges and complexities
they
will face. Let us hope this endeavor will be successful, but in order
for
that to happen, all sides must honor their obligations.
***
(1) The invasion of Serbian Krajina by Greg Elich at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/elich/krajina.html
(2) Kosovo Before 1989 - What Really Happened? at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/tika.htm
(3) 1980's news stories about Kosovo at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/benworks/1980news.html
(4) The 'NY Times' article on Croatia is posted after the fund-raising
appeal.
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--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------
Intervista all'ambasciatore statunitense Warren Zimmerman
sul giornale croato "Danas", 12 gennaio 1992
The URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm
The URL for printable version is
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing2.htm
NOTHING IS FOREVER
U.S. Ambassador Warren Zimmerman's interview, Jan. 12, 1992, in the
Croatian
daily 'Danas' ('Today')
Translated by www.emperors-clothes.com (6-1-00)
"We are aiming for a dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states
peacefully." (Warren Zimmerman, US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Jan., 1992)
The following interview is important. Many have argued that the U.S.
opposed
the breakup of Yugoslavia. Warren Zimmerman was US Ambassador to
Yugoslavia
during the key period, when Slovenia and Croatia were fighting to
secede. In
this interview he makes the real U.S. position quite clear.
A week before the interview a key event occurred. Europe recognized
secessionist Croatia and Slovenia as independent states. Balkans scholar
Raju
Thomas refers to this as "a new method of aggression: Diplomatic
Recognition."
"Surely then the real aggression in Yugoslavia began with the western
recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. The territorial integrity of a
state
[Yugoslavia] that was voluntarily created and which had existed since
December 1918 was swept aside. In 1991, new state recognition policy
proved
to be an inventive method of destroying long-standing sovereign
independent
states. When several rich and powerful states decide to take a sovereign
independent state apart through the policy of recognition, how is this
state
supposed to defend itself? There can be no deterrence or defense against
this
form of destruction." (Raju Thomas, "Nationalism, Secession and
Conflict:
Legacies from the Former Yugoslavia.")
The U.S. did not immediately endorse the European move. Does this mean
the
U.S. opposed secession? I think the U.S. policy was two-faced. The U.S.
government paid lip service to peaceful solutions and withheld
recognition of
Slovenia and Croatia, but at the same time, US officials and covert
agencies
worked to dismember Yugoslavia in a manner aimed at producing a Bosnian
nation-state run by Islamic Fundamentalist proxies under the thumb of
the US.
Zimmerman's interview in 'Danas' supports this view. Is the interview
accurate? If an Ambassador is seriously misquoted he would respond in
order
to correct the record; but Zimmerman never denied or corrected any part
of
the interview. There is no known reason to question its accuracy.
Moreover, subsequent US actions dovetail with the views expressed here.
For
example, consider this from Zimmerman:
"It appears to us that he [Bosnian Islamic Fundamentalist leader
Izetbegovic]
needs help in his effort to resist the partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
and I
believe it would be tragic if someone from the Croatian side would try
cooperating with Serbia in the dismemberment of Bosnia-Herzegovina."
Later, when the Bosnian Islamist leader Izetbegovic signed an agreement
with
Croatian and Serbian leaders to peacefully partition Bosnia, Zimmerman
met
with Izetbegovic and 'helped' by persuading him to renege on the deal
and
demand instead a unitary Bosnian state under Islamist control.
Izetbegovic
did renege, as Zimmerman asked, and this launched the Bosnian civil war.
It is important to remember when reading this interview that Zimmerman
was
speaking for the most world's only Superpower. Whatever Zimmerman said
would
be read carefully by all sides. He used the interview to encourage
Croatian
chauvinism, Kosovo Albanian secessionism and Islamic Fundamentalism, the
very
forces that Nazi Germany relied on in Yugoslavia in World War II.
Zimmerman said he was against destabilization but talk is cheap and
every
diplomat knew that a united Yugoslavia was the key to stability in the
Balkans. He said pretty things about peace but he unleashed the forces
of war.
Here's the interview.
'DANAS', 21 January 1992
NOTHING IS FOREVER
An Interview with Warren Zimmerman
Zimmerman: First of all, I have to point out that the US and the
American
people exceptionally appreciate the Croatian people and sympathize with
you
for all you have been through in the past few months. We know you have
been a
victim of a Serbian and Army aggression, and in that situation you
reacted
with great courage and dignity. I am not saying this as a compliment to
the
fighting abilities of Croatia - though they are considerable - but I
wish to
point out that a great deal of restraint was demanded of Croatia. I
refer to
the lifting of the siege of military barracks, which was in our opinion
one
of the keys to the possibility of a stable peace. This also goes for
honoring
the cease-fires, which is always a critical issue. I would also point
out the
agreement to the UN peace plan, which all the sides have accepted. In
all
these matters, the people and government of Croatia showed its
extraordinary
worth.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's reference to the secessionists' "restraint"
is
false. While pretending to observe a cease fire, the secessionists
provoked
and attacked Yugoslav troops in their barracks. Zimmerman lies
throughout the
interview. His words are best read not as honest reporting but as
evidence of
US intentions.
DANAS: Still, everyone wonders why the recognition has been delayed?
Zimmerman: I have to admit that at this moment the recognition of
Croatia is
not on our agenda. But this does not mean that this temporary American
approach will be around forever. We have always tried to approach
recognition
in a way that would contribute most to a permanent peace, and that same
approach has been taken by Cyrus Vance and Lord Carrington.
Jared comments: Obviously he is promising US recognition - just not yet.
DANAS: What does that mean in terms of time?
Zimmerman: I cannot tell you the exact date. But that is certainly
something
to be kept in mind, and something we are thinking of, but we are also
always
wondering what kind of benefit that would bring Croatia while the war is
still going on and while Croatia is still being occupied by enemy
troops. We
thought the best way for the JNA [Yugoslav Army] to leave Croatia was
the one
proposed by the UN, as it specifically states that the JNA must leave
Croatia. We also believe that we can do the most to make this plan work
is if
we keep the possibility to pressure Serbia, Serbian and JNA leadership
as
much as possible. We are doing that decisively, and I believe we are in
a
much better position to do that now, as we have not recognized Croatia
yet.
That way, we have preserved authority and credibility with Serbia and
the
Army that we would not have if we had followed Germany and recognized
Croatia. I believe what we are doing is beneficial to achieving true
Croatian
independence.
Jared comments: The US was withholding formal recognition not out of a
desire
to hold Yugoslavia together but out of a desire to destroy it in the
most
efficient and profitable way.
DANAS: So you wish to preserve your influence?
Zimmerman: Yes, but I also want to add that this does not mean in any
way
that Serbia or the JNA have any right of veto in the American
recognition
policy. This is not the case.
DANAS: Many claim that you generally support Europe, but at the same
time
aren't too confident about the European policy?
Zimmerman: I wouldn't say so. I know that Lord Carrington believes that
recognition of Yugoslav republics that have requested it could be
premature
in these circumstances. We have tried to clear a path that I believe
could
lead to the result you want, which is a truly independent Croatia, free
of
occupation and enemy forces.
Jared's comments: Zimmerman refers to the Army of Yugoslavia, a country
to
whom he was U.S. Ambassador, a country which included Croatia, as an
enemy
force. Amazing.
The "enemy" Army did not invade Croatia. It was present in Croatia just
as it
was present in other parts of Yugoslavia. It was just as illegal for
Croatia
to secede from Yugoslavia as it was for the southern states to secede
from
the U.S. 140 years ago. The JNA would have been justified in waging
total
war, just as President Abraham Lincoln waged total war; but the JNA did
not.
Zimmerman: We very decisively told the Serbian and Army leadership that
they
have to honor the obligations they accepted and completely leave
Croatia. We
also said - and I think we have been able to do it with more authority
since
we have not recognized Croatia - that the recognition of Croatia by
European
countries cannot be the reason for Serbia or the Army to try reversing
Croatia's independence or imposing solutions on Croatia by force.
DANAS: This is maybe a personal question. You are the American
Ambassador,
but it is hard to say which country you are the Ambassador to. Does
Yugoslavia still exist?
Zimmerman: That is a very good question, and a question that is very
hard to
answer. We are now precisely in that situation where a world is dying
and
another, different world is struggling to be born. In other words, it is
a
transition and as I said many times before, our main concern in it is
peace.
While these changes are going on, our foremost task is to contribute
that
they happen in a peaceful, rather than violent, environment.
Jared comments: As subsequent events demonstrated, 'Peace' meant the US
and
its proxy forces could do whatever they liked but the Yugoslav Army was
not
allowed to fight back.
Zimmerman: It is inevitable that these changes are accompanied with
uncertainties. I am an Ambassador accredited with the government of
Yugoslavia. But at the same time, it is completely clear that we do not
recognize Branko Kostic, who usurped the right to speak on behalf of the
Yugoslav Presidency. Since he made that attempt I have not had any
contacts
with him, nor do I intend to ever contact him. Most of the duties I
perform
in Belgrade and Yugoslavia are reduced to relations with the Republics,
which
my government considers extremely useful. There are many gray areas from
a
legal standpoint, but this is natural in times of transition.
DANAS: Are you encountering the same difficulties while meeting with the
military leaders?
Zimmerman: I recently met with General Adzic, and I met with General
Kadijevic right before he resigned. I believe it is exceptionally
important
to maintain contact with the Yugoslav military leadership, as they have
to
know our position. And our position is clear: we believe that the Army
is
primarily responsible for the war in Croatia.
Hence they have an enormous obligation to honor the UN peace plan, and
to
show restraint in Croatia. And in Bosnia-Herzegovina as well, which is
turning into a dangerous place. If we weren’t talking to them, we would
not
be able to tell them all these things.
DANAS: Many unconfirmed stories indicate that you prevented total war on
several occasions, using this type of influence?
Zimmerman: There is exaggeration in that. But I can say that the US has
always used the measure of influence it has to promote peace, not war.
That
is why I say that we are most concerned with the possibility of a war
breaking out in Bosnia-Herzegovina. We think it would be a horrible
tragedy
which could have consequences on the situation in Croatia, which at the
present time looks promising.
DANAS: Does that mean you support Izetbegovic’s plan?
Zimmerman: Let me try to elaborate on our policy towards
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
We firmly believe that the territorial integrity of every republic must
be
preserved, and we clearly said to the Serbian government and the Army
leadership that we will never recognize any conquest in Croatia. Equally
important is the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is
most
threatened at this moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is
attempting
to tear away a piece of it. We consider that extremely dangerous, and we
said
so to the Army and the Serbian leadership.
Jared comments: Note how Zimmerman places matters upside down.
He speaks of maintaining the integrity of 'Bosnia' as if it were a
national
entity. But historically a country called 'Bosnia' never existed. An
administrative unit called 'Bosnia' (similar to Rhode Island or South
Dakota)
was created by the Tito government. That's it.
With this in mind, consider his statement that the US supports "the
territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is most threatened at
this
moment by the Bosnian Serb leadership, which is attempting to tear away
a
piece of it."
In fact, the Islamic Fundamentalist forces in Bosnia were trying to tear
a
piece away from a real nation, recognized for 70 years - Yugoslavia.
This
violated international law. The Islamists wanted to justify their
secession
(that is, theft of territory) by holding a referendum. The Serbs
boycotted
the referendum. The Islamists held it anyway, and won; but this violated
the
Yugoslav constitution which required the approval of the three major
ethnic
groups before extreme action could be taken. Moreover the secessionist
movement only existed based on foreign intrigue, personified by Mr.
Zimmerman. The Islamists would never have dared to push for secession
without
the promise of outside (U.S.) help and in practice Mr. Zimmerman prodded
Islamist leader Izetbegovic into starting the Bosnian civil war.
The Bosnian Serbs had had grim experience with Islamic Fundamentalism
during
W.W. II. Islamic Fundamentalists were important supporters of the Nazis
in
Bosnia. They formed their own SS Division. They helped slaughter
hundreds of
thousands of Serbs. The Islamist leader Elija Izetbegovic was a pro-Nazi
Islamic Fundamentalist youth organizer during the War.
Knowing the horror that would follow if foreign-backed Islamists once
again
ruled Bosnia, the local Serbs wanted to stay with Yugoslavia. These
Serbs,
mainly farmers, owned the majority of land in Bosnia. The Serbs wanted
to
make sure that if Bosnian Islamists seceded the Serbs would not be
forced to
live under their rule.
Zimmerman: As for Mr. Izetbegovic, we heard that some call him a Muslim
fundamentalist. We know what fundamentalism really does, as we were its
victims in Iran. That is why we do not believe that Izetbegovic is some
sort
of fundamentalist. Actually, it seems like he is a moderate politician
who is
trying to do the best in a difficult situation.
Jared's comments:The reasoning here is charmingly ostrich-like: Proof by
Rejection of Negative Consequence. 1) Fundamentalists are terrible. 2)
It
would be terrible if Izetbegovic were a fundamentalist. 3) Therefore
Izetbegovic is not a fundamentalist.
Fortunately Izetbegovic wrote a book about his beliefs. It is called
"The
Islamic Declaration" ("Islamska deklaracija"). Here's an excerpt:
"... The first and foremost of such conclusions is surely the one on the
incompatibility of Islam and non-Islamic systems. There can be no peace
or
coexistence between the "Islamic faith" and non-Islamic societies and
political institutions. ... Islam clearly excludes the right and
possibility
of activity of any strange ideology on its own turf. Therefore, there is
no
question of any laicistic principles, and the state should be an
expression
and should support the moral concepts of the religion. ..." (p. 22)
It is ironic that Zimmerman uses Iran as the example of what Izetbegovic
is
not. Actually, Izetbegovic was especially fond of the Iranian
Fundamentalists. Moreover, the US encouraged Iran to smuggle arms and
terrorist trainers into Bosnia during the fighting, despite an embargo
on
importing arms. When challenged about this at a Congressional hearing,
Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith confirmed that the US had indeed
approved the shipments.
Zimmerman: It appears to us that he needs help in his effort to resist
the
partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and I believe it would be tragic if
someone
from the Croatian side would try cooperating with Serbia in the
dismemberment
of Bosnia-Herzegovina. That would mean that Croatia is destroying the
very
principle on the basis of which it won international support for its
struggle.
DANAS: There are some very clear desires to that extent in Croatia.
Zimmerman: I read some hints to that effect in the Croatian press, so I
have
to say that the dismemberment of Bosnia – no matter who does it – cannot
win
the support of the United States. We would consider that a policy of
destabilization and a violation of international principles that could
lead
to very unpleasant consequences in our relations.
Jared's comments:This is Theater of the Absurd. International law says
nothing about alteration of borders within a state. It only forbids the
destabilization inherent in altering national boundaries - which is
precisely
what Zimmerman is supporting by insisting on the unimpeded creation of a
new
state of Bosnia.
Zimmerman: I believe, therefore, that if there is a tendency in Croatia
to
team up with Serbia in a break-up of Bosnia, that tendency must be
overcome.
DANAS: American foreign policy is often based on two interlocking
principles
– a carrot and a stick. What would be a carrot and what would be the
stick in
this situation?
Zimmerman: That is a good question, and I will try to give a very
specific
answer in regard to the war in Croatia. When the war is over and when
Croatia
restores its full sovereignty upon the Army’s withdrawal, that carrot
and
that stick have to exist for the other side as well.
Jared comments: This is one of the best examples of the Orwellian
rewriting
of reality, a special feature of the New World Order of which Zimmerman
was a
key architect. Croatia had 'full sovereignty' only one time in history:
that
was as the (Fascist-Clerical) Independent State of Croatia during the
German
occupation of Yugoslavia.
Zimmerman: The stick would be that the United States or any other
Western
country - to the best of my knowledge – will never recognize any
violation of
Croatia’s territorial integrity. In other words, the Croatian borders
will
remain as they were before the war, there will be no changes of borders
by
conquest. That stick would also be what I mentioned a moment ago. No one
will
support any violent re-establishment of Yugoslavia.
Jared comments: Does this sound like the man is opposing the breakup of
Yugoslavia?
DANAS: Any Yugoslavia?
Zimmerman: Any kind of Yugoslavia.
DANAS: Even the smallest one?
Zimmerman: We told Serbia and the Army clearly that we will not
recognize
Serbia as Yugoslavia’s successor, that we will not recognize any
so-called
Yugoslav government that is in fact just another Serb government.
That is why I do not wish to have any contact with Mr. Kostic, and why
the
American government challenged the credentials of the Yugoslav
delegation a
few days ago at the OSCE conference in Prague. But allow me to finish my
previous answer about sticks. Carrots are important, too, they form a
part of
this reality. There are some problems with the rights of the Serb
population
in Croatia. We do not think the way Serbia and the Army approached those
issues was justified, they went about it in a completely wrong way. But
the
problem exists and I think that Croatia, if it wants a stable peace,
should
be ready to grant a significant political autonomy to the Serb areas in
Croatia. We welcome as a good sign the fact that the Croatian assembly
passed
the Minority Law, which is a great step along that road. I hope that
Croatian
government will continue being so flexible, as it seems to me that a
maximum
degree of political autonomy on the local level in Serb-inhabited areas
will
be necessary. This is already a part of the UN peace plan on a
provisional
basis, as well as Lord Carrington’s plan, which counts on a longer time
frame. We think that every Serb leadership needs to be able to say that
Serb
rights in Croatia are completely protected with international
guarantees.
That would be in the interest of Croatia as well, as it would take a
significant problem off the agenda.
Jared comments: A number of points about this.
First, as we shall see below, the Croatian regime had launched a massive
campaign of terror against Serbian residents. Zimmerman is suggesting
that
Serbia be induced to accept the breakup of Yugoslavia by dangling the
carrot
of less violence towards Serbs in Croatia.
Second, Zimmerman avoids a discussion of the actual, day to day terror
that
was being directed against Serbs in Croatia. Instead he expresses
concern and
wishes and hopes for better treatment. The value of such US expressions
of
concern became clear three years later when the US planned, led and
provided
air cover for the eviction, carried out by the Croatian Army, of over
250,000
Serbs, mainly farmers, from the Krajina, which was claimed by Croatia.
This
was the worst act of genocide in Europe since W.W.II.
To get an idea of the anti-Serb hatred whipped up by the Croatian
government
throughout this period, read the following excerpt from a speech
delivered by
Croatian President Tudjman after the anti-Serb campaign culminated in
the
violent eviction of the Serbian population of the Krajina section.
Here's
Tudjman:
"There can be no return to the past, to the times when [Serbs] were
spreading
cancer in the heart of Croatia, a cancer that was destroying the
Croatian
national being." He [that is, Tudjman] then went on to speak of the
"ignominious disappearance" of the Serbs from Krajina "so it is as if
they
have never lived here... They didn't even have time to take with them
their
filthy money or their filthy underwear!" (From 'The invasion of Serbian
Krajina' by Greg Elich)
DANAS: Washington used to firmly advocate human rights in Kosovo, but
now
there is only mention of Croatia.
Jared comments: This is hyperbole. Washington's real concern about
Croatia
was that it not work against the Islamists in Bosnia. Indeed, Washington
hired the MPRI, a semi-private military outfit made up of 'retired'
officers
and CIA types to train the Croatian army which continued to be used
primarily
against Serbian civilians.
Zimmerman: I am glad you asked that question, so I can clarify things.
The
violation of rights of Albanians in Kosovo in my opinion is the worst
violation of human rights, and at this moment, there is none worse in
Europe.
It was somewhat peaceful in Kosovo last year, but the basic colonial
nature
of Serbian control has not changed. We have not lost interest in that
issue,
and we will not lose interest until it is solved. I cannot imagine a
final
political solution coming out of The Hague and Brussels that would only
deal
with Croatia. It has to encompass the rights of everyone; thus also the
problems in Kosovo.
Jared comments: Zimmerman was the Ambassador to Yugoslavia. Coming from
him,
this is a clear statement of support for Kosovo secessionism. Why?
Because a)
there was a strong secessionist movement in Kosovo at the time; b)
international law, expressed the Helsinki Accords, forbade the redrawing
of
national borders. However, international law did allow for
self-determination
for colonies. So by calling Kosovo a colony Zimmerman was making a
sneaky
argument for secession.
In fact, Zimmerman's statement is nonsense.
First, Albanians were not oppressed in Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanian
unrest was
based on beliefs: they wanted to recreate the World War II entity,
Greater
Albania, and they wanted Kosovo to be Serb-and-"Gypsy"-free. In this
sense
their attitude had much in common with some whites in the segregationist
south. Many news articles during the 1980s report that it was Serbs, not
Albanians, who were oppressed in pre-1989 Kosovo. (2)
Colonialism means exploitation: the Colony is organized to serve the
needs of
the Imperial Power. Thus in the African colonies, railroad lines were
built
fanning out from coastal ports so that raw materials could easily be
taken
out of the country. Everything is best in the Imperial country.
Everything is
worst in the Colony.
This was dramatically not the case in Kosovo; Kosovo was poor, but not
due to
exploitation. As engineers Tika Jankovic and Petar Makara point out, the
engineering school in Pristina (Kosovo) had the finest modern equipment,
whereas the engineering school in Belgrade (inner Serbia) had to make do
with
pre-World War II equipment as late as the 1970s. (3)
Such anecdotal evidence is supported by the NY Times. The following was
written in 1984, before the Times adopted an anti-Serbian policy:
"Yugoslavia's Albanians: Poor, Proud and Prolific
By Michael T. Kaufman
..."The thrust toward republic status, for example, is in large measure
motivated by the clause in the Yugoslav Constitution that technically
permits
any republic to secede.
"As explained by a knot of [Albanian] students in Pristina, this right
to
withdraw could pave way for creating a greater Albania, linking Kosovo
with
the present Albania... with the capital shifting from Tirana to
Pristina...
"The students had no answers as to how such a nation could support
itself...
"[U]nder the complicated transfer arrangement, Kosovo receives
70 percent of its budget from the richer components of the Yugoslav
union...." ('New York Times', October 5, 1984)
DANAS: Croatia and Slovenia offered a year ago the confederacy solution
akin
to what Izetbegovic is proposing today. But the clock cannot be turned
back.
Zimmerman: Obviously, it is too late for that now. We are aiming for a
dissolution of Yugoslavia into independent states peacefully, and when
any
new union is constructed – if it is constructed – it would have to be
founded
on sovereign decisions. In other words, it has to be built from the
bottom
up, rather than from top to the bottom.
DANAS: All Croatian politicians agree that it is necessary first to
secure
independence and sovereignty, and only then decide on future links.
Zimmerman: I recall the words of Pierre Lavalle, prime minister of the
Vichy
government who made a tremendous mistake by collaborating with the
Germans
but still said something very wise: "Governments come and go, but the
geography is eternal. France will forever remain Germany’s neighbor."
Croatia
will remain a neighbor of Serbia, and I hope it will be possible to soon
normalize the relations that geography makes inevitable.
DANAS: De Gaulle thought otherwise. Many were surprised by the news that
you
spent the New Year’s eve at a peace demonstration with the Serbian
opposition. Some said immediately that this is the sign that both sides
– the
UN and the US – want a different Serbia and different Serbian leaders.
Zimmerman: I went to this vigil to show our strong support to cessation
of
hostilities, and I think Mr. Vance had the same reasons. The peace
movement
in Serbia is a sort of an opposition. It does not accept war. It opposes
the
government responsible for that war. We support them in their demands
for
peace. We consider it especially important – not only in Serbia - that
the
political opposition is free to act. But in Serbia, this is not the
case.
Opposition leader Vuk Draskovic was just indicted for some things that
happened at the March 9 demonstrations last year. The media, especially
television, are hostile to all opponents of the government, and that
will
have to change if Serbia has any aspirations towards democracy. On that
occasion, we did not support any specific party [except for being
against the
one chosen by the people – PM] but we advocated democratic norms and
values,
values of peace and free press.
Jared comments: Zimmerman's support for Vuk Draskovic is interesting.
Before
the Croatian and Slovenian secession, Draskovic was a Tarzan Nationalist
- a
real chest beater and it was in this guise that he opposed Milosevich
who was
for the continuation of Yugoslavia. But then Draskovic advocated a
policy of
non-resistance when the Yugoslav Army was attacked in its barracks, and
when
Serbs were attacked as well.
Note also how Zimmerman uses his continued presence in Belgrade: he
encourages the breakup of Yugoslavia and threatens Belgrade if it tries
to
stop it.
DANAS: Your statements have been frequently attacked in Belgrade and in
Croatia...
Zimmerman: And Slovenia and Montenegro...
DANAS: But which one of your critical remarks would you say again in
regard
to Croatia?
Zimmerman: Croatia is a democratic state, but it is a young democracy
tempted
by war.
Jared comments: This is amazing.
This new 'democratic' state was a conscious imitation of the Independent
State of Croatia, notorious in World War II for creating Jasenovac, the
first
death camp, in which about a million Serbs, 'Gypsies', Jews and
antifascists
were killed using the most horrifying methods.
The new Independent State of Croatia, under Franjo Tudjman, a holocaust
denier, brought back the Fascist Croatian flag, the currency, the army
uniforms, and the straight-arm salute. It renamed streets after leaders
of
the Ustashi fascists; its constitution defined Croatia as a racial state
(a
state of ethnic Croats, not, like Serbia, a state of all its citizens,
regardless of ethnicity.)
The 'democratic elections' took place in an atmosphere of terror and
with
vast sums pumped in from Germany and other Western sources and from
pro-fascist Croatians abroad. The HOS (Croatian Military Group) harassed
and
killed Serbs and opponents of the regime. The method of identification
was
straightforward. First, everyone was ordered to sign a pledge of
allegiance.
Serbs and antifascists who refused to sign this pledge to the
resurrected
Ustashi state were first fired from their jobs, then fired at.
The loyalty oath did not ferret out all the undesirable elements. So the
HOS
ordered everyone to display the Croatian (fascist) checkerboard flag in
their
window. This flag is the Croatian equivalent of the swastika. Then the
HOS
went from street to street and harassed or beat up or killed those
(whether
Serbian or Croatian) who refused to display the flag.
The HOS dynamited the homes of undesirables, often with the people
inside.
Jews lived in fear. Tens of thousands of Serbs were driven out - perhaps
300,000 even before the forced exodus from the Krajina in 1995.
By referring to this terrorized territory as a "young democratic state"
Zimmerman made perfectly clear that he approved of the HOS actions. His
mild
rebukes were cosmetic: made for the sake of appearance.
The American media suppressed the the news about Croatia. Most people
never
learned there was an anti-Serbian terror.
There were a few exceptions to the press blackout. One was an article in
the
'New York Times' which I have posted after the interview. It appeared
rather
late, in 1997, well after Croatia had finished purging 600,000 Serbs.
The
article is a bit odd. The writer, Chris Hedges, suggests that fascists
were
just then becoming powerful in Croatia, whereas this had actually
happened
years earlier, in 1990, '91 and '92. Perhaps Hedges wrote the article in
the
early 1990s and the Times editors held it back until the fascists had
completed their Western-assigned tasks: declaring independence and
driving
out the Serbs. In the article Hedges fails to mention the 600,000 or so
Serbs
driven out of Croatia during the first half of the decade. An oversight.
Most of these people live as destitute refugees in Serbia.
Take a look at the pictures I've posted below and then we'll return to
Zimmerman and see how he offers criticisms which whitewash Croatia's
terrorist purge of Serbs and government critics.
[Note: A picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Above is Ante Pavelic, Ustashi [Fascist-Clerical] leader of
World
War II Nazi Croatia shown with his Fascist flag `
[A second picture goes here. It cannot be duplicated in this email post,
but
you can check it out at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/nothing.htm ]
CAPTION: Here is the committee that ruled Croatia at the time Zimmerman
gave
his interview. Notice that the old Ustashi flag is above them, on the
left,
and the re-issue is on the right. The men are: General Josip Boljkovac;
General Martin Spegelj, who made the remark that "[The Serbian city of]
Knin
must be butchered...including children in the cradle;" Stipe Mesic, whom
the
European Community imposed on Yugoslavia as its last President. (Though
Mesic
was part of Franjo Tudjman's fascist machine, he has been recycled as
the
much hailed "liberal" President of Croatia. His uncle was SS Officer
Marko
Mesic) and General Franjo Tudjman, then President of neo-fascist
Croatia.
Tudjman's book 'Wasteland' suggested that Jews, not the Ustashi,
slaughtered
the Serbs at the Jasenovac concentration camp complex.
In 1943 Tito, head of the Yugoslav partisans, proclaimed an unusual
policy:
any Croatian Ustashi (Fascist) officer who came over to the Partisan
side
would keep his rank. Seeing that Italy had crumbled and that their
beloved
Nazi Germany was destined to lose, large numbers of Ustashi made the
switch
to the Partisans between 1943 and 1945, thus joining the winning side.
There
is evidence that Franjo Tudjman forged papers, making it appear that he
had
been an anti-fascist during the war, when in fact he was a fascist, from
a
fascist family.
Now back to Zimmerman.
Zimmerman: That is why it is difficult to be overtly critical. But as
you
will soon become a universally recognized state, it seems that the
issues of
free press, political opposition and minority rights will come under
closer
scrutiny than they have been until now. War can be an excuse for
limiting the
freedom of expression, though I personally think it is hard to find
circumstances that would justify such actions. Once the war is over,
that
excuse will no longer exist, and it will be very important for Croatia
to
re-examine all its standards against the international and European
principles and then firmly adhere to them. Allow me to mention two
examples
where I was disappointed. It seems that a certain number of Serbs living
in
Zagreb and Croatia are leaving the city and the country, including those
who
have advocated moderate policies and were not nationalists. They could
be a
significant part of Croatian democracy, and if they are leaving due to
intolerance I hope that will soon be overcome. The other case has
already
been solved, but I mention it because it was very important both to me
and to
Cyrus Vance. It regards the siege of the barracks, when the families of
JNA
soldiers were treated in an unfair manner. But personally, I have full
confidence that the Croatian democracy will grow and expand. The United
States has a very positive opinion about the current developments.
Jared comments: So after the fascist regime has done its job - driven
out the
Serbs and intimidated pro-Yugoslav forces - it will have to adopt a
slicker
appearance so as to fit the look of European 'democracies.' But as for
1992:
"The United States has a very positive opinion about the current
developments." That says it all.
DANAS: You mentioned Mr. Cyrus Vance. He was a US Secretary of State, so
some
claim he is only the extended arm of Washington right now.
Zimmerman: He is, of course, a representative of the UN
Secretary-General,
but also a very respectable American and a former official of the
American
government, which I think all the leaders of the Republics that he had
met
understand very well. This does not sound like a bad thing to me.
DANAS: Some sort of dual guarantee?
Zimmerman: I wouldn’t use that term, but I would say that the US
government
completely supports everything Vance does on behalf of the UN. The
Yugoslav
crisis is a great challenge for the UN. If the peacekeepers come – and
we
hope they will – that would be the largest endeavor the UN have ever
undertaken. I don’t even have to mention the challenges and complexities
they
will face. Let us hope this endeavor will be successful, but in order
for
that to happen, all sides must honor their obligations.
***
(1) The invasion of Serbian Krajina by Greg Elich at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/elich/krajina.html
(2) Kosovo Before 1989 - What Really Happened? at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/tika.htm
(3) 1980's news stories about Kosovo at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/benworks/1980news.html
(4) The 'NY Times' article on Croatia is posted after the fund-raising
appeal.
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