http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m-col.html

ANTIWAR, Thursday, June 26, 2003

Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com

The Serbian Lincoln?

Yugoslavia, Secession and War

Two weeks ago, reporting on the violent arrest of a retired Serbian
army colonel on war crimes charges raised by the Hague Inquisition,
Reuters and other news media referred to the 1991 conflict as the
"Croatian war of independence." That term, however, is false.

Many defenders of Slobodan Milosevic see him as the Serbian Abraham
Lincoln, standing against the illegal secession of Slovenia, Croatia,
Bosnia and Kosovo. Milosevic's own defense at the Inquisition centers
on the claim that he fought to preserve Yugoslavia, not to destroy it.
That argument is also
false.

Oh, it is true enough that Milosevic was not Yugoslavia's destroyer.
Anyone in the Slovenian, Croatian and Bosnian Muslim leadership, NATO,
the European Community/Union, and the United States, had a much greater
hand in dismembering the old SFRY.

But Milosevic did not fight to keep it together, either. Doing so would
have meant denying the right of self-determination to Yugoslavia's
constituent peoples (Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Bosnian
Muslims and Montenegrins), which did not happen. There was no
Lincolnesque attempt to "save" the Yugoslav Union by force. Facts just
don't support such a claim.

Slovenia: No Fort Sumter

On June 27, 1991, the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA) "invaded" Slovenia.
Though Slovenian politicians and western media alike romanticized the
next ten days as a "war," in reality it was a well-organized ambush of
unsuspecting federal troops. The General Staff had believed Slovenians
would back off after a show of force, and sent in only lightly armed,
unprepared
recruits. They even informed the Slovenian leadership of the
"invasion." The ensuing massacre was far worse than the attack on Fort
Sumter, Lincoln's casus belli in 1861.

But Belgrade did not muster a Grand Army, or even launch a second
"invasion," vowing to crush the Slovenian "rebellion," no: instead, the
crumbling federal authorities accepted European mediation and signed
the Brioni Declaration, essentially recognizing the secession of
Slovenia.
Ironically, the Serbian representative in the federal Presidency backed
the YPA withdrawal, while Croatia's representative Stipe Mesic objected.

Leaders of Yugoslav republics also attended the Brioni talks,
reflecting the shifting focus of power away from the federal
institutions. Among them was, of course, Slobodan Milosevic. After the
Declaration was adopted, one of the European Community envoys, Hans Van
den Broek, said:

"I am very pleased after hearing yesterday from Mr. Milosevic that he
is in favor of the right to self-determination, that he accepts that
too, and that, in time it could lead to the secession of certain
republics from Yugoslavia. I was also very pleased to hear that he does
not deny the principle of self-determination, but that he demands that
such conclusion be based on negotiations or a dialogue "

After Brioni, Federal troops began a retreat not only from Slovenia,
but from most of Croatia as well. So much for invasion, then.

The Real Secession Dispute

It is important to realize that no faction in Yugoslavia had a
principled view of secession. According to the prevalent Serb position,
the Yugoslav constitution of 1974 allowed secession under a specific
procedure, which Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia-Herzegovina did not
follow. That much is true.
However, Serbia never challenged secession on those grounds, but
supported instead a "counter-secession" of territories mostly inhabited
by Serbs.
Belgrade invoked the Yugoslav union as the context for secession,
claiming that 2 million Serbs west of the Drina river have a right to
self-determination as well.

On the other hand, the secessionist republics claimed the 1974
Constitution guaranteed their statehood and boundaries, arguing that
self-determination did not apply to people ("narodi"), but only to
administrative units ("republike").

European lawyers' arbitrary decision to legalize the secession of
republics, not nations, led to the double standard in which over 2
million Serbs were overnight turned into second-class citizens,
interlopers in their own towns, villages and homes. Having been victims
of genocide at the hand of Croats and Muslims in World War Two, western
Serbs were determined not to become their subjects again.

Croatia: War Begins

The Wars of Yugoslav Succession truly began on Easter 1991, with a
firefight between Croatian state police and local Serb militia at the
resort of Plitvice. Despite accusing Serbia and the YPA of
"aggression," the Croatian government actually fired the first shots.
Within weeks, Serb-inhabited territories within Croatia's
administrative boundaries became battlefields.

In this first phase of the succession wars, the location of
battlefields indicates the nature of the conflict: with only one
exception (Dubrovnik), clashes occurred along Serb-inhabited areas. Had
it been a "war of aggression" or an "invasion," as alleged, there would
have been a push by the YPA towards seizing key Croatian towns. Quite
to the contrary, many YPA
garrisons were caught off guard and besieged by Croatian militia.

The YPA was not fighting to preserve the integrity of the SFRY, or to
prevent Croatia from declaring independence. Yugoslav defense minister,
Army General Veljko Kadijevic, said as much in 1993.

By the end of 1991, the fighting in Croatia was suspended under the
"Vance Plan," a temporary arrangement placing Serb-held territories
under protection of UN peacekeepers, and the YPA retreated again. Over
the next few years, Croat forces launched limited attacks on Serb
pockets, until the all-out offensive in the spring and summer of 1995.

Bosnia: The Sequel

In the spring of 1992, the war moved into Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Responding to parliamentary abuses by the ruling Muslim and Croat
parties, the ruling Serb party set up a separate republic and
threatened secession in case of a unilateral declaration of
independence. The declaration came on April 5, 1992, and so did the war.

By the end of April, the original chaotic melee between Muslim and
Croat militias and Croatian regulars on one side, and Serb militias and
the remnants of the YPA on the other, began taking an organized shape.
Again, this belies the cries of "aggression" from Sarajevo, as all
sides in the conflict suffered from an appalling lack of organization.

The conflict was certainly transformed by the proclamation of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on April 27, 1992. The establishment of
a new Yugoslav state was a clear recognition that the old has met its
demise.
Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia were all implicitly
recognized, even if their borders and governments specifically were
not. But to Zagreb, Sarajevo, and the increasingly interested foreign
governments, that made no difference whatsoever. The conflict dragged
on for three years,
stymied by Serb refusal to accept a unitary Bosnian state and the
Muslim refusal to consider anything but.

Having initially supported the western Serbs in the Wars of Succession,
by 1995 Slobodan Milosevic sold them down the river. Not only did he
ignore the Croatian offensive which displaced over 400,000 people (all
in all), but his negotiating tactic in Dayton consisted of appeasing
both the Muslims and US envoy Richard Holbrooke. He wanted to be known
as a peacemaker, but that desire would be shattered by the looming
specter of Kosovo just three years ahead.

The Real Warmongers

Thanks to modern re-examination, contemporary information indicating
that Lincoln and his lieutenants wanted war is resurfacing. But who was
the Yugoslav warmonger? Again, Milosevic is universally blamed. Yet
both Croat and Muslim leaders did not hide their desire for war.

"There would not have been a war had Croatia not wanted one," said
Franjo Tudjman said in a May 24, 1992 speech in Zagreb's main square.
"We decided that only through war could we win Croatia's sovereignty.
That is why we had a policy of negotiations while we established our
armed forces." The video of this speech was shown during the Milosevic
"trial," and mentioned in the cross-examination of Stipe Mesic, now
president of Croatia.

And on February 27, 1991, Bosnian Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic
declared:
"I would sacrifice peace for a sovereign Bosnia-Herzegovina, but for
that peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty."
(Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation, p.211)

Tudjman and Izetbegovic were well aware that their political goals were
attainable only through war. Tudjman knew his vision of Croatia could
not be put in place while some 600,000 Serbs resided within its
boundaries. Less than 100,000 scattered, poor and elderly Serbs remain
in Croatia today.
Izetbegovic had a vision as well: Bosnia ruled by Islamic law, but he
had little support for such an extreme program. By provoking a
confrontation with the Serbs, Izetbegovic rallied Muslims to his cause
and aimed to neutralize the Serbs as a political and military
impediment to his vision.

Both leaders counted on foreign military intervention to aid their
endeavors, and predicated their political and propaganda activities
upon that assumption. Tudjman was eventually successful, while
Izetbegovic found his goals somewhat disrupted by the constraints of
Dayton.

No Lincoln

Joseph Sobran wrote recently that Abraham Lincoln's style, in both law
and politics, was to yield so many points as to seem reasonable, then
insist on the issue crucial to him. He couched his intransigence in
conciliatory language. Slobodan Milosevic was the exact opposite: he
talked hard, but conceded everything. His record is that of surrender:
Brioni (1991), the
Vance Plan (1992), Vance-Owen and Owen-Stoltenberg plans (1993), the
Contact Group (1994), Dayton (1995), the "Holbrooke Agreement" (1998)
and finally Kumanovo (1999).

So, Slobodan Milosevic was definitely no Lincoln. Whether Milosevic
should have been a Lincoln is another issue. Given Lincoln's politics,
definitely not. Furthermore, he would have failed even if he tried to
be. The 1991 Yugoslavia did not resemble the 1861 United States in
almost any regard. But that is a topic for another day. Ironically,
Milosevic is accused of acting like Lincoln by some of Lincoln's
fiercest worshippers. Quod licet Iovi, non licet bovi, as the Romans
would say.

If all this screams "revisionist history," so be it. At a time when
everything seems based on deception, the world needs all the
revisionism it can get.

After all, truth liberates.
 

Questo testo in italiano:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2575

Dieser Text auf Deutsch:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2576

An abstract of this text in English:
...We don't have any illusions that our little demonstration will free him =
[Milosevic]
from there [the Hague].  We wish to simply show that we haven't forgoten.  =
We haven't
forgoten the prisoners.  We haven't forgoten Yugoslavia.  Above all: We hav=
en't
forgotten ourselves.  We know that there are still free [prison] cells for =
us.  Of this we
are proud.  It proves: we are still alive.  They are afraid: we will come a=
gain.  [They are
afraid of] us, the Yugoslavs of all countries....

---

Junge Welt: IMA JOS SLOBODNIH CELIJA

 http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/izbor/jugoslavija/2003-06-24.html

Slobodan Milosevic je prvi ratni zarobljenik Novog svetskog poretka

Autor: Jirgen Elzeser
Berlin, 18 juna 2003. godine
Prevela: Gordana Milanovic-Kovacevic

Napomena redakcije: tekst je posvecen demonstracijama koje ce se odrzati u =
Hagu
28. juna 2003. godine, na Vidovdan.

Ratni zlocinac, kakvog se samo u knjigama moze naci: Samo u jednoj jedinoj =
godini
njegovi razbojnici su poubijali 1027 ljudi i kidnapovali 945 drugih. U isto=
j godini - da
se dobro razumemo: u godini mira, bez vojnih rasprava - od strane njegovih =

specijalnih komandosa proterano je, po podacima Medjunarodnog Crvenog Krsta=
,
180 000 ljudi. Den Hag raspolaze dokumentima po kojima su njegove ubice
likvidirale samo sest politickih protivnika. U njegovom glavnom gradu nesta=
lo je samo
u jednom mesecu 100 mladih zena i devojcica - seks robinja za trgovinu meso=
m.
Dobro je, da se ovakvom jednom kriminalcu konacno sudi? Bilo bi lepo.
Navedeni se zove Hasim Taci, sef kosovo-albanske gerile OVK.
Navedene zlocine pocinio je posle nadiranja 40 000 vojnika " krsnih Mirovni=
h trupa"
NATO-a u julu 1999.god. U glavnom gradu Pristini njegovi revolverasi kontro=
lisu sve.
" Od svake snicle koju ovde jedem Taci dobije 50 feninga", izvestavao je je=
dan
nemacki UN-policajac za Hamburski Abendblat marta 2000.god.
Nista bolje ne ilustruje privrzenost takozvanog Tribunala za ratne zlocine =
u Den Hagu
od cinjenice, da taj isti Taci zivi i dalje na slobodi i na Kosovu vodi gla=
vnu rec.
Takodje i druge banditske poglavice nisu kaznjene, kao Franjo Tudjman i nje=
gov
bosansko-muslimanski kolega Alija Izetbegovic, sa svim svojim vojnim vodjam=
a. Sa
srpske strane,
nasuprot, su vec tri nekadasnja drzavna poglavara zavrsila u haskim celijam=
a -
bosansko-srpska predsednica Biljana Plavsic, srpski predsednik Milan Miluti=
novic i
jugoslovenski predsednik Slobodan Milosevic. Za predhodnikom Plavsiceve
Radovanom Karadzicem i vrhovnim zapovednikom bosansko-srpske Armije Ratkom =

Mladicem tragaju vec godinama tesko naoruzani komandosi-psi tragaci po cita=
vom
Balkanu. Ovaj posebni prilog "Junge Welt"-a ne zeli da ubedi da je na pr. M=
ilosevic
nevin. To na osam strana ne bi ni bilo moguce. Pre svega: bilo bi uobrazeno=
da se ovo
bas iz nemackog ugla prosudjuje. Nemacka koja je u zadnjem veku tri puta na=
srnula
na Srbiju i Jugoslaviju nije pravo mesto na kome bi trebalo donositi sud o =

zlostavljanima, cak ni publicisticki. To je stvar samo onih koji su ziveli =
sa i pod
Milosevicem i zadnjih trinaest godina preziveli neopisivo. Srbi, hrvati i m=
uslimani koji
su danas i pored svojih suprotnosti ujedinjeni u svojoj tuzi, svojoj bedi i=
svojoj
bezpravnosti moci ce bolje od nas da utvrde ko snosi krivicu za ovu situaci=
ju: Drzavni
neprijatelj br. 1 ili oni koji su Jugoslaviju izvana unistili.
Jedna maltikulturalna drzava, najjaca privredna sila Pokreta nesvrstanih, j=
edan
atraktivan mesovit sistem kapitalizma i socijalizma preobrazen je u roku od=
samo
nekoliko godina u borbeno polje, etnozooloski vrt, pustinju neoliberalne ko=
lonijalne
vladavine. Na kraju su bili i oni prevareni koji su sa zapadnim pobednicima=
radili istu
stvar.
"Hrvatski novac u hrvatske dzepove i hrvatska puska na hrvatskom ramenu" bi=
o je
slogan zagrebackih secesionista pocetkom devedesetih godina. Danas je hrvat=
ski
novac u nemackim dzepovima, a na hrvatskim ramenima se nose americke puske.=

Prvi ratni zlocinac koji bi trebao da se pojavi pred nekim tribunalom je ne=
macki
Ministar za spoljne poslove Hans Ditrih Gencer, rekao je britanski novinar =
David
Binder vec 1992.god. u ARD-preseklubu.
Nemacka vlada je diplomatskim priznavanjem i maksimalnim vojnim naoruzanjem=

secesionista eskalirala krizu u rat. Ali o tome ne treba vise diskutovati. =
Kriv je samo
Milosevic, pars pro toto za sve Srbe. A oni koji su ranije imali primedbe i=
li najmanje
postavljali pitanja su stalno prinudjeni na nove rasprave i istroseni su: 1=
999.god.
demonstrirali smo nemocni protiv bombardovanja Jugoslavije, 2001. protiv ra=
tnog
pohoda na Avganistan, 2003. protiv okupacije Iraka.
Krvavi tocak istorije se sve brze okrece: od juce Nemacku treba braniti u H=
indukusu,
danas Evro-Armija marsira u Kongo, za sutra SAD najavljuju preventivni rat =
protiv
Irana i Severne Koreje.
Trebamo li se sada pripremiti za Ramsfeldovu propagandu da se u Pjenjangu s=
prema
novi 11. septembar i da mule postavljaju bombe na dresdensku glavnu zelezni=
cku
stanicu? Kuda god mirni zec potrci, ratnicki raspolozeni jez je vec tamo.
"Ko vlada prosloscu, vlada buducnoscu", moto je Big Brother-a u Orvelovoj "=
1984".
Dakle, ne smemo imperijumu dozvoliti da ima vlast razlucivanja nad proslosc=
u.
Proslost Novog svetskog poretka - je unistenje Jugoslavije. Tako je sve poc=
elo. Rat
1999.god. vodjen bez UN-mandata bio je matrica za sve sledece ratove. Tamni=
ce Den
Haga, sacinjene od strane Saveta bezbednosti nasuprot njegovim ovlastenjima=
iz
Statuta UN predstavlja model za medjunarodno pravno protivno kaznjavanje sv=
ih
kriticara.
Tamo zavrsavaju svu oni koji nisu spremni da svoju narodnu privredu otvore =
za velike
zapadnjacke koncerne. Pod Milosevicem je bio zakon da osoblje jednog preduz=
eca
samo odlucuje o tome, da li ce se isto prodati i kome. To se suprotstavlja =
najvaznijem
ljudskom pravu Novog svetskog poretka, ljudskom pravu na
iznudjivanje(iskoristavanje). Radi toga jugoslovenski predsednik sedi u Den=
Hagu.
Za optimizam nema razloga. Sto se Milosevic bolje brani utoliko sigurnije c=
e camiti u
celiji.
Nemamo ilizije da ce nasa mala demonstracija njega odande izbaviti. Zelimo =
samo da
pokazemo da nismo zaboravili. Nismo zaboravili zatvorenike. Nismo zaboravil=
i
Jugoslaviju. Pre svega: Nas nismo zaboravili.
Mi znamo da su za nas jos celije slobodne. Mi smo ponosni na to. To dokazuj=
e: mi
smo jos zivi. Oni se boje:mi cemo doci opet.
Mi, Jugosloveni svih zemalja.

VIDOVDAN in Belgrade, Moscow, New York, THE HAGUE !

The following documents have been sent to us by the Association
SLOBODA, Belgrade:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/

===

*VIDOVDAN COMES TO BELGRADE EARLIER
Major rally in Belgrade will take place at noon, on June 25, at Nikola
Pasic square and is called by the trade unions.
This will be the major possible mobilization at the moment in Belgrade.
With broken economy, more than half of adult population unemployed and
live expenses 2,5 times bigger than in September 2000, the workers and
unemployed will decide the destiny of the colonial regime. All this as
a result of the national treason which sent President Milosevic to the
Hague. Catastrophic worsening of the situation in the country is in
direct proportion with the degree of "cooperation" with The Hague.
Durring the whole June there were workers protests and strikes. None of
the workers' demands, in spite of the moderate behavior of the trade
union's leadership has been fullfiled. For tomorrow, as announced, all
the demands will transform into one: Down with the government, forward
with early elections.
All the opposition parties (at least in words) support the workers.
SLOBODA called all its supporters and all honest people to join.

HAŠKI MEDIJSKI DEBAKL

http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-06-25_2.html

Pise: Goran Matic
Udruženje ''Sloboda''

Beograd, 25. juni 2003. godine


Haški ''proces stoleca'', pretvorio se vec u startu u Haški ''debakl
stoleca''. To se nastavilo i u daljem toku sudenja. Dok svetski mediji,
nakon svedocenja Zorana Lilica, i prvog suocavanja dva bivša
predsednika iste države, izveštavaju o ''unakrsnom nadovezivanju'',
umesto ''unakrsnog ispitivanja'', i o još jednom strateškom promašaju
tužioca Najsa, domaci mediji pokušavaju da daju potpuno drugi ton. Na
primer, ''Blic'' je svedocenje sveo na navodnu recenicu koju je svedok
cuo od pokojnog ministra unutrašnjih poslova. Citaoci su ostali
uskraceni za realan tok i karakter višednevnog ispitivanja i kompletno
i dokumentovano odbacivanje optužnice od strane ovog svedoka.
Ali nisu uskraceni za objektivno izveštavanje samo citaoci ovog lista.
Višegodišnje gromoglasno najavljivano ''haško suocavanje sa
prošlošcu'', vec posle prvih prizora iz sudnice, organizovanom akcijom
vlasti i medija, uklonjeno je iz javnosti. Cuveno ''zaustavite
Rojters'', prvo je, na planu globalnih svetskih medija, primenio CNN, i
to prilikom prikazivanja civilnih žrtava bombardovanja SRJ, prekidajuci
prenos. To kao da je bio signal i za domace državne medije. Kao da 'ima
neka tajna veza''. Osim TV B92, ostali mediji su orijentisani na
išcekivanje da poneki zašticeni, anonimni svedok da licni doprinos
haškoj optužnici, sa lažima koje ''padnu'' u sudnici, a osvanu u
medijima kao dokaz optužnice.
Panicno ukidanje prenosa na državnoj televiziji, u prvim sedmicama
prenosa, i definisanje medijske strategije u odnosu na haški proces,
ukazuje da je vlast svesna koliko je za njih opasan ''pakleni teror
cinjenica''. Oni koji su se popeli na vlast višegodišnjom
manipulativnom propagandom o ''zlocinackom režimu'' i ''srpskim
zlocinima'', iskazuju strah od istine. Zato i pokušavaju da stave pod
kontrolu medijsku sliku iz Haga. Jer ''haški proces'' je sastavni deo
njihove vlasti, kao što je i njihova vlast, sastavni deo ''haškog
tužilaštva''.
Sve se svodi na to da je gradanima Srbije dozvoljeno da se suoce sa
sopstvenom prošlošcu iskljucivo uz tutorisanje antisrpskih posrednika.
Gradane Srbije sa prošlošcu suocavaju nosioci agresije na SRJ, Solanini
predstavnici okupacione vlasti u zemlji i emisari tzv. nevladinih
organizacija koje finansiraju zainteresovane vlade.

Zašto nema TV prenosa ''haškog suocavanja sa prošlošcu''

a) Uznemirenje javnosti

-zašto je javnost uznemirena direktnim prenosom

- uznemirenje javnosti je zbog ociglednog, izraženog antisrpskog
karaktera sudjenjasudi se narodu i njegovim nacionalnim institucijama a
ne pojedincu

- sudi se demokratskom pravu srpskog naroda na nacionalno
samoopredeljenje - istom onom pravu koje je medunarodno priznato drugim
narodima prethodne Jugoslavije

- zato što je suocavanje sa prošlošcu i zlocinima, postalo suocavanje
sa zlocinima protiv Srba, sa etnickim cišcenjem Srba i agresijom protiv
Srbije i SRJ, koja još uvek traje

- zbog pojavljivanja razbijaca prethodne Jugoslavije i etnickih cistaca
Srba, kao svedoka i to sa medijskim oreolom humanista i demokrata

- zbog potpunijeg sagledavanje istine o tome kakve bi državno-politicke
i materijalne posledice za državu i sve gradjane imala tendenciozna
presuda, odnosno osuda


b) Falsifikovanje istine i prekrajanje istorije

-ometanje procesa utvdjivanje istine o konkretnim dogadjajima

- javno sudjenje uz direktan TV prenos ometa falsifikovanje nepobitnih
istorijskih cinjenica iz dalje i bliže prošlosti

- težnja tužilaštva da se po svaku cenu proizvede kompromitujuce
podatke protiv Slobodana Miloševica, pretvorila se u otvorenu i javnu
kompromitaciju istine

- javno sudjenje je preduslov za definisanje istine, a samim tim i za
uspešnost odbrane

- uskracivanje prenosa onemogucava gradjane koji imaju jasna i
neposredna saznanja o odredjenim dogadjajima i svedocima, da to
primete, da reaguju i da se jave sa istinitim informacijama i pomognu
odbranu

sakrivanje procesa od javnosti treba da podigne moral lažnim svedocima
i nosiocima lažnog svedocenja, koji su u dosadašnjem toku sudjenja
doživeli javni fijasko

- strah aktuelne vlasti da se ne vidi njihova uloga i neposredno ucešce
u montiranju lažnih dokaza i regrutovanju lažnih svedoka, protiv
Slobodana Miloševica i drugih optuženih Srba

- strah aktuelne vlasti da se ne vidi njihova realna uloga i ponašanje
u prethodnom periodu

- težnja uticajnih krugova u medjunarodnoj zajednici da sklone od ociju
javnosti svoje zakulisne politicke, diplomatske i obaveštajne igre
usmerene na geopoliticko prekrajanje Balkana


c) Jacanje podrške Slobodanu Miloševicu

- prikrivanje herojske odbrane Slobodana Miloševica

- budjenje i razvijanje nacionalne svesti i nacionalnog dostojanstva,
kroz pracenje odbrane Slobodana Miloševica

- razvijanje svesti o potrebi izgradnje politike nacionalnog jedinstva
u cilju opstanka države i duštva

- razvijanje svesti o okupatorskom karakteru aktuelne vlasti i njenom
podanickom odnosu prema cinovnicima medjunarodne zajednice

- sakrivanje istine o mirovnim naporima i aktivnostima koju iznosi
Slobodan Miloševic, a koje kljucni predstavnici sadašnje vlasti
pripisuju sebi, iako su bili protiv Dejtonskog i drugih mirovnih planova


d) Strah od istine

-zašto se sadašnja vlast boji suocavanja sa istinom o zlocinima

- na sva zvona najavljivani ''proces stoleca'' koji ce otvoreno i javno
progovoriti o srpskim zlocinima, i koji su u pocetku prenosili domaci
mediji, pretvorio se u ''debakl stoleca''

- nalog, da se obustave prenosi, najpre u državnim medijima a zatim i u
ostalim, predstavlja izraz politicke volje koja pokušava da onemoguci
gradjane Srbije da vide finale velike borbe protiv decenijske politicke
i medijske satanizacije srpskog naroda i SRJ

- pitanje je zašto se aktuelna vlast boji da gradjani vide pravu istinu
i dokaze o velikim politickim i medijskim manipulacijama sa ''srpskim
zlocinima''

- aktuelna vlast cak i za zlocine nad Srbima, širom prethodne
Jugoslavije, pokušava da ucini odgovornom prethodnu vlast, i sada ne
sme da dozvoli da gradjani vide istinu o tome, da su kreatori i
sponzori tih zlocina bili isti oni koji su ih doveli na vlast

- gradjani SRJ mogu da prate sudjenje samo preko tendecioznih komentara
i citiranih izjava lažnih svedoka i nosilaca antisrpske kampanje, bez
mogucnosti da saznaju i da vide, kako je sve to Slobodan Miloševic
razoblicio i porazio na procesu

- zajednicka kampanja del Ponteove, Artmanove, Kandicke, Liht, Biserko,
Pavicevicke, kao i osovine Dimitrijevic-Svilanovic i slicnih, postala
je osnov za tretman haškog procesa u domacim medijima

- gradjani Srbije mogu da budu informisani o sopstvenoj prošlosti, ali
samo u okviru ideoloških konstrukcija decenijske antisrpske kampanje o
''srpskoj krivici'', za koju je politicke i medijske uslove u zemlji,
obezbedila sadašnja vlast uz pratecu podršku ''nevladinog sektora''


Zakljucak -prenosa nema jer:

- Uspeh tužilaštva u dokazivanju haške optužnice je istovremeno i uspeh
aktuelne vlasti, dok je propast haške optužnice i njihova propast
- Uspeh aktuelne vlasti je njihovo pozicioniranje kod nosilaca politike
pritisaka, sankcija i agresije prilikom razbijanja prethodne
Jugoslavije, kao i organizatora i nalogodavaca bombardovanja SRJ
- Uspeh sadašnje vlasti je afirmacija politike ''srpske krivice'', kao
opravdanja za sprovodenje naloga za razbijanjem SRJ i daljeg komadanja
države Srbije, na liniji dobro poznate politike atomiziranja Balkana
- Sa objektivnim prenosom i medijskim prikazom sudjenja, to bi svima
definitivno postalo jasno
- Bez TV prenosa i objektivnog prikaza to ce postati svima jasno, ali
tek posle velike, možda i nenadoknadive štete po nacionalne interese