Informazione
Da: Boba <petar@...>
Data: Mar 17 Giu 2003 15:36:16 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: MacLeans// THE BLOODSHED CONTINUES, by Scott Taylor
Dear All:
Enclosed is an article by Scott Taylor. Mr. Taylor knows the situation
in
Kosovo and Metohija very well. He is one of few journalists who tries
to be
as objective as possible. Although there are some objections to the
facts
stated in the article, such as "....one million ethnic Albanians fled
Kosovo
for refugee... [in 1999 ? maybe. but due to NATO bombing and not
Serbian
"oppression"] etc., please write to Maclean's in support of Mr. Taylor
and
his attempt to set the record straight. Boba
Write to Maclean's: letters@...
xxxxxxxxxxxx
http://www.macleans.ca/xta-asp/
storyview.asp?viewtype=search&tpl=search_fram
e&edate=2003/06/23&vpath=/xta-doc1/2003/06/23/world/
61202.shtml&maxrec=11&re
cnum=1&searchtype=BASIC&pg=1&rankbase=176&searchstring=scott+taylor"
World
June 23, 2003
THE BLOODSHED CONTINUES
Four years after NATO's arrival, Serbs and Albanians are still deeply
divided
SCOTT TAYLOR
During the bloody breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, Ottawa
journalist Scott Taylor travelled repeatedly to the region. Later,
during
the 1999 conflict in the Serbian province of Kosovo, he spent 26 days in
Belgrade and Pristina, Kosovo's capital. This year, Taylor returned to
Kosovo in late May, almost four years after the fighting ended. He says
that
despite the presence of thousands of NATO troops, and millions of
dollars in
foreign aid, crime is rampant, while tensions remain between Serbs and
ethnic Albanians -- who make up the majority in Kosovo. Taylor's report:
THE CROWD of Serbs gathered outside the charred remains of a small home
on
the outskirts of Pristina was nervous. Hours earlier, at about 2 a.m. on
June 4, someone crept into the house and beat Slobodan Stolic, 80, his
wife
Radmila, 78, and their son Ljubinko, 53, to death with what police
described
as a blunt instrument, and then torched the house. The brutal message
was
not lost on neighbours, who believe the three were murdered by Albanian
extremists trying to drive the remaining Serbs out of the village. And
it
was a stark reminder that Kosovo is still a violent place, one where the
soldiers who came to protect ethnic Albanians from Serbs in 1999 now
spend
their time trying to shield Serbs from Albanians. "Kosovo," says James
Bissett, Canada's former ambassador to Yugoslavia, "continues to be one
of
the most dangerous places on earth -- with little hope for the future."
In 1999, to escape Serbian forces sent in to suppress them, nearly one
million ethnic Albanians fled Kosovo for refugee camps in neighbouring
Albania and Macedonia (Kosovo's population of 2.2 million was about 90
per
cent Albanian). Most of the refugees have since returned; now, thanks to
nearly $2.7 billion the West has spent on aid, the country seems to be
prospering. But appearances are deceiving. Nearly 18,000 NATO
peacekeepers
patrol Kosovo, and a UN police force, made up of 4,400 officers from
around
the world, tries to enforce the law. Some say they are losing the fight.
Criminal gangs, operating under the guise of Albanian nationalist
militias,
traffic in drugs, weapons, and women for the European sex trade. If it
wasn't for the millions of dollars in foreign aid washing through the
province there would be little work. All this leaves Bissett wondering
what
the West has accomplished. "The justification for NATO's intervention
was to
build a democratic multi-ethnic society," says Bissett. "But little
progress
has been made to establish law and order."
Following the war, over 200,000 Serbs fled the province. The remaining
40,000 live in isolated enclaves along the Serbian border. Nationalist
groups, like the Albanian National Army, are using terror tactics in an
attempt to drive them out. On May 17, in the village of Vrbovac,
41-year-old
Serbian professor Zoran Mirkovic was shot repeatedly in the chest and
head.
Although UN police are still investigating, the ANA, which is made up of
members of the original Kosovo Liberation Army, may have been behind the
killing.
The ANA is one of several militant groups that are determined to make
Kosovo, which is still part of Serbia, an independent state. Like other
militias, they are also involved in organized crime, but still enjoy
wide
public support for their efforts to drive out the remaining Serbs.
Although
police have arrested some key Albanian crime bosses, the problem
persists,
says Derek Chappell, 51, a former constable with the Ottawa Police
Service
who now works with the UN police as chief of public information in
Pristina.
He says because the country was oppressed for so long, the line between
freedom fighter and criminal is often blurred. And whenever the UN makes
high-profile arrests, those apprehended wrap themselves in the flag of
Albanian nationalism, and the streets are suddenly filled with
protestors.
Most Western countries had expected democracy, not the mafia, to thrive
in
Kosovo. And although under the terms of the 1999 ceasefire agreement,
Kosovo
was to remain Serbian territory -- albeit a region with its own
parliament
-- many nations quickly established some measure of diplomatic relations
with the province. Canada was one of the first, when then-foreign
affairs
minister Lloyd Axworthy cut a ceremonial ribbon to open Canada's
offices in
Pristina in November 1999. Since then, the Canadian International
Development Agency has spent more than $100 million in Kosovo on
programs
that include teacher training and helping to rebuild the country's
shattered
infrastructure.
The UN had hoped that both Serbs and ethnic Albanians would be fairly
represented in the Kosovo Assembly, which was elected under UN
supervision
in November 2001. But many of the resolutions passed by the
Albanian-dominated body have been divisive. On May 15, members approved
a
resolution to celebrate the contribution that KLA fighters made in the
struggle for Kosovo's liberation. Serbian delegates immediately stormed
out,
and within hours, Michael Steiner, the UN's special representative in
Kosovo, reminded the assembly that NATO's intervention was initiated as
a
result of "fundamental human-rights violations," not to liberate
Albanians
from Serbs.
Serbs in Kosovo cannot hope for much help from the Serbian government in
Belgrade. There, criminal gangs also run rampant, and are believed
responsible for the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic on
March
12. Beset by its own problems, Belgrade may be ready to back down on its
claim to Kosovo, which was part of medieval Serbia and contains many
important Orthodox shrines. According to Slobodan Tejic, a member of the
Serbian delegation involved in negotiations with NATO, that may mean
abandoning most of the province and absorbing a number of small Serb
enclaves located along the Serbian border. "These people," said Tejic,
"cannot continue to live in limbo forever."
Kosovo Serbs might be willing to go along, but only if it means they do
not
have to give up even a sliver of their remaining enclaves. That is
certainly
the view in the northern city of Mitrovica, where Serbs have resisted
the
movement of Albanians into their region, which stretches 60 km from the
Serbian border into Kosovo. Mitrovica is divided by the Ibar River;
there, a
group known as the Bridgewatchers, who were backed by Belgrade, often
blocked the passage of Albanians. Under the terms of a recent deal with
Serbia, the UN has now opened the bridge -- and that has raised doubts
among
local Serbs about their future. But most are determined to stay. "Even
if
Belgrade chooses to betray us, we will continue to resist," said Bozovic
Miroljub, a 47-year-old shopkeeper. "We are not prepared to give up our
claim to any of the Serbian enclaves."
Until the issue surrounding the Serb enclaves is settled, ethnic
tensions
will remain. That could mean that NATO and the UN will be bogged down
in the
province for years. A harsh reality -- considering that the West is
currently facing a similar problem in Iraq. Problems could be avoided
there,
says Chappell, if a strong police force were to be created immediately
to
contain crime and ethnic divisions. It is a lesson the West was slow to
learn in Kosovo -- and a mistake that may be in the process of being
repeated in Iraq.
Scott Taylor is publisher of Ottawa-based Esprit de Corps magazine.
Da: Boba <petar@...>
Data: Mer 18 Giu 2003 03:57:26 Europe/Rome
A: letters@...
Oggetto: Letter to Maclean's Magazine
Re: THE BLOODSHED CONTINUES , by Scott Taylor**
MacLean's Magazine, June 23, 2003
I was pleasantly surprised to see Mr. Taylor's article "THE BLOODSHED
CONTINUES" printed in "MacLean's". You should have Scott Taylor write
more
often about Kosovo. This would be the only way for Canadian readers to
get a
real picture of what is going on in this Serbian province.
There are few points, however, that I would like to add.
In the specific case of Kosovo, the train of lies and abuses by the
media
and by some government officials " is so long a thick book would hardly
do
it justice.
After NATO's 78-day air assault in 1999, NATO troops occupied the
Serbian
province of Kosovo, and their KLA [ Kosovo Liberation Army now renamed
to
"Kosovo Protection Force"] allies began a reign of terror that has
continued ever since.
In June 1999 alone, over 250,000 Serbs, Roma, Turks, Muslims, and Jews
were
forced to leave Kosovo, often with little or no property.
Throughout Kosovo, Serbs have retreated into towns and villages that
have
become virtual concentration camps. If they venture outside those areas,
which are guarded by NATO troops and not infrequently cordoned off with
barbed wire, they risk death.
Albanian militants have demolished or desecrated over 110 Serbian
Christian
Orthodox churches, chapels and monasteries. They have destroyed
hundreds of
monuments and even libraries, renamed towns, streets, and the entire
province ("Kosova") in an effort to completely eradicate any
non-Albanian
presence in Kosovo.
Murders of Serbs by Albanians were initially excused as "revenge
attacks,"
implying some sort of "payback" for Serb atrocities. But as the attacks
continued and atrocities accusations became increasingly impossible to
substantiate, a new euphemism was created: "ethnic violence." This
implies
that Serbs and Albanians are attacking each other. Yet no one can cite a
single case of Serbs wantonly attacking and murdering Albanians in these
past four years. Not one! When Albanians suffer violent deaths in Kosovo
these days, it is at the hands of other Albanians - members of crime
syndicates or "former" KLA (often one and the same)." *
Canadian officials have justified allocation of 100 million of dollars
for
Kosovo in order to "bring democracy" and achieve reconciliation and
multi-ethnicity in Kosovo.
What reconciliation? What multi-ethnicity? What democracy and
"resolution of
human rights violation"? What planet do the policy makers for Kosovo
live on?
Boba Borojevic
Data: Mar 17 Giu 2003 15:36:16 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: MacLeans// THE BLOODSHED CONTINUES, by Scott Taylor
Dear All:
Enclosed is an article by Scott Taylor. Mr. Taylor knows the situation
in
Kosovo and Metohija very well. He is one of few journalists who tries
to be
as objective as possible. Although there are some objections to the
facts
stated in the article, such as "....one million ethnic Albanians fled
Kosovo
for refugee... [in 1999 ? maybe. but due to NATO bombing and not
Serbian
"oppression"] etc., please write to Maclean's in support of Mr. Taylor
and
his attempt to set the record straight. Boba
Write to Maclean's: letters@...
xxxxxxxxxxxx
http://www.macleans.ca/xta-asp/
storyview.asp?viewtype=search&tpl=search_fram
e&edate=2003/06/23&vpath=/xta-doc1/2003/06/23/world/
61202.shtml&maxrec=11&re
cnum=1&searchtype=BASIC&pg=1&rankbase=176&searchstring=scott+taylor"
World
June 23, 2003
THE BLOODSHED CONTINUES
Four years after NATO's arrival, Serbs and Albanians are still deeply
divided
SCOTT TAYLOR
During the bloody breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, Ottawa
journalist Scott Taylor travelled repeatedly to the region. Later,
during
the 1999 conflict in the Serbian province of Kosovo, he spent 26 days in
Belgrade and Pristina, Kosovo's capital. This year, Taylor returned to
Kosovo in late May, almost four years after the fighting ended. He says
that
despite the presence of thousands of NATO troops, and millions of
dollars in
foreign aid, crime is rampant, while tensions remain between Serbs and
ethnic Albanians -- who make up the majority in Kosovo. Taylor's report:
THE CROWD of Serbs gathered outside the charred remains of a small home
on
the outskirts of Pristina was nervous. Hours earlier, at about 2 a.m. on
June 4, someone crept into the house and beat Slobodan Stolic, 80, his
wife
Radmila, 78, and their son Ljubinko, 53, to death with what police
described
as a blunt instrument, and then torched the house. The brutal message
was
not lost on neighbours, who believe the three were murdered by Albanian
extremists trying to drive the remaining Serbs out of the village. And
it
was a stark reminder that Kosovo is still a violent place, one where the
soldiers who came to protect ethnic Albanians from Serbs in 1999 now
spend
their time trying to shield Serbs from Albanians. "Kosovo," says James
Bissett, Canada's former ambassador to Yugoslavia, "continues to be one
of
the most dangerous places on earth -- with little hope for the future."
In 1999, to escape Serbian forces sent in to suppress them, nearly one
million ethnic Albanians fled Kosovo for refugee camps in neighbouring
Albania and Macedonia (Kosovo's population of 2.2 million was about 90
per
cent Albanian). Most of the refugees have since returned; now, thanks to
nearly $2.7 billion the West has spent on aid, the country seems to be
prospering. But appearances are deceiving. Nearly 18,000 NATO
peacekeepers
patrol Kosovo, and a UN police force, made up of 4,400 officers from
around
the world, tries to enforce the law. Some say they are losing the fight.
Criminal gangs, operating under the guise of Albanian nationalist
militias,
traffic in drugs, weapons, and women for the European sex trade. If it
wasn't for the millions of dollars in foreign aid washing through the
province there would be little work. All this leaves Bissett wondering
what
the West has accomplished. "The justification for NATO's intervention
was to
build a democratic multi-ethnic society," says Bissett. "But little
progress
has been made to establish law and order."
Following the war, over 200,000 Serbs fled the province. The remaining
40,000 live in isolated enclaves along the Serbian border. Nationalist
groups, like the Albanian National Army, are using terror tactics in an
attempt to drive them out. On May 17, in the village of Vrbovac,
41-year-old
Serbian professor Zoran Mirkovic was shot repeatedly in the chest and
head.
Although UN police are still investigating, the ANA, which is made up of
members of the original Kosovo Liberation Army, may have been behind the
killing.
The ANA is one of several militant groups that are determined to make
Kosovo, which is still part of Serbia, an independent state. Like other
militias, they are also involved in organized crime, but still enjoy
wide
public support for their efforts to drive out the remaining Serbs.
Although
police have arrested some key Albanian crime bosses, the problem
persists,
says Derek Chappell, 51, a former constable with the Ottawa Police
Service
who now works with the UN police as chief of public information in
Pristina.
He says because the country was oppressed for so long, the line between
freedom fighter and criminal is often blurred. And whenever the UN makes
high-profile arrests, those apprehended wrap themselves in the flag of
Albanian nationalism, and the streets are suddenly filled with
protestors.
Most Western countries had expected democracy, not the mafia, to thrive
in
Kosovo. And although under the terms of the 1999 ceasefire agreement,
Kosovo
was to remain Serbian territory -- albeit a region with its own
parliament
-- many nations quickly established some measure of diplomatic relations
with the province. Canada was one of the first, when then-foreign
affairs
minister Lloyd Axworthy cut a ceremonial ribbon to open Canada's
offices in
Pristina in November 1999. Since then, the Canadian International
Development Agency has spent more than $100 million in Kosovo on
programs
that include teacher training and helping to rebuild the country's
shattered
infrastructure.
The UN had hoped that both Serbs and ethnic Albanians would be fairly
represented in the Kosovo Assembly, which was elected under UN
supervision
in November 2001. But many of the resolutions passed by the
Albanian-dominated body have been divisive. On May 15, members approved
a
resolution to celebrate the contribution that KLA fighters made in the
struggle for Kosovo's liberation. Serbian delegates immediately stormed
out,
and within hours, Michael Steiner, the UN's special representative in
Kosovo, reminded the assembly that NATO's intervention was initiated as
a
result of "fundamental human-rights violations," not to liberate
Albanians
from Serbs.
Serbs in Kosovo cannot hope for much help from the Serbian government in
Belgrade. There, criminal gangs also run rampant, and are believed
responsible for the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic on
March
12. Beset by its own problems, Belgrade may be ready to back down on its
claim to Kosovo, which was part of medieval Serbia and contains many
important Orthodox shrines. According to Slobodan Tejic, a member of the
Serbian delegation involved in negotiations with NATO, that may mean
abandoning most of the province and absorbing a number of small Serb
enclaves located along the Serbian border. "These people," said Tejic,
"cannot continue to live in limbo forever."
Kosovo Serbs might be willing to go along, but only if it means they do
not
have to give up even a sliver of their remaining enclaves. That is
certainly
the view in the northern city of Mitrovica, where Serbs have resisted
the
movement of Albanians into their region, which stretches 60 km from the
Serbian border into Kosovo. Mitrovica is divided by the Ibar River;
there, a
group known as the Bridgewatchers, who were backed by Belgrade, often
blocked the passage of Albanians. Under the terms of a recent deal with
Serbia, the UN has now opened the bridge -- and that has raised doubts
among
local Serbs about their future. But most are determined to stay. "Even
if
Belgrade chooses to betray us, we will continue to resist," said Bozovic
Miroljub, a 47-year-old shopkeeper. "We are not prepared to give up our
claim to any of the Serbian enclaves."
Until the issue surrounding the Serb enclaves is settled, ethnic
tensions
will remain. That could mean that NATO and the UN will be bogged down
in the
province for years. A harsh reality -- considering that the West is
currently facing a similar problem in Iraq. Problems could be avoided
there,
says Chappell, if a strong police force were to be created immediately
to
contain crime and ethnic divisions. It is a lesson the West was slow to
learn in Kosovo -- and a mistake that may be in the process of being
repeated in Iraq.
Scott Taylor is publisher of Ottawa-based Esprit de Corps magazine.
Da: Boba <petar@...>
Data: Mer 18 Giu 2003 03:57:26 Europe/Rome
A: letters@...
Oggetto: Letter to Maclean's Magazine
Re: THE BLOODSHED CONTINUES , by Scott Taylor**
MacLean's Magazine, June 23, 2003
I was pleasantly surprised to see Mr. Taylor's article "THE BLOODSHED
CONTINUES" printed in "MacLean's". You should have Scott Taylor write
more
often about Kosovo. This would be the only way for Canadian readers to
get a
real picture of what is going on in this Serbian province.
There are few points, however, that I would like to add.
In the specific case of Kosovo, the train of lies and abuses by the
media
and by some government officials " is so long a thick book would hardly
do
it justice.
After NATO's 78-day air assault in 1999, NATO troops occupied the
Serbian
province of Kosovo, and their KLA [ Kosovo Liberation Army now renamed
to
"Kosovo Protection Force"] allies began a reign of terror that has
continued ever since.
In June 1999 alone, over 250,000 Serbs, Roma, Turks, Muslims, and Jews
were
forced to leave Kosovo, often with little or no property.
Throughout Kosovo, Serbs have retreated into towns and villages that
have
become virtual concentration camps. If they venture outside those areas,
which are guarded by NATO troops and not infrequently cordoned off with
barbed wire, they risk death.
Albanian militants have demolished or desecrated over 110 Serbian
Christian
Orthodox churches, chapels and monasteries. They have destroyed
hundreds of
monuments and even libraries, renamed towns, streets, and the entire
province ("Kosova") in an effort to completely eradicate any
non-Albanian
presence in Kosovo.
Murders of Serbs by Albanians were initially excused as "revenge
attacks,"
implying some sort of "payback" for Serb atrocities. But as the attacks
continued and atrocities accusations became increasingly impossible to
substantiate, a new euphemism was created: "ethnic violence." This
implies
that Serbs and Albanians are attacking each other. Yet no one can cite a
single case of Serbs wantonly attacking and murdering Albanians in these
past four years. Not one! When Albanians suffer violent deaths in Kosovo
these days, it is at the hands of other Albanians - members of crime
syndicates or "former" KLA (often one and the same)." *
Canadian officials have justified allocation of 100 million of dollars
for
Kosovo in order to "bring democracy" and achieve reconciliation and
multi-ethnicity in Kosovo.
What reconciliation? What multi-ethnicity? What democracy and
"resolution of
human rights violation"? What planet do the policy makers for Kosovo
live on?
Boba Borojevic
(La versione italiana del seguente appello, pervenutoci dal Nuovo Partito Comunista
della Jugoslavia, e' reperibile alla URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2568 )
---
NOVA KOMUNISTICKA PARTIJA JUGOSLAVIJE
Beograd, Nemanjina 34, tel.fax 00381 11 642985, 467867, 591211
Nova komunisticka partija Jugoslavije je jedina komunisticka partija na
prostorima bivse Jugoslavije. Ona deluje u svih 6 bivsih jugoslovenskih
republika. U Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji je u ilegali, jer zbog naziva (mozda i
programa) odiju da je registruju. U Bosni mi ne priznajemo "Dejtonski
sporazum", jer smatramo da je to akt kojim se sankcionise okupacija Bosne
od strane imperijalista i sstoga tamo ne ucestvujemo na izborima.
NKPJ je marksisticko-lenjinisticka partija. Sve ostale "partije" na
prostorima bivse SFRJ su fakticki malobrojne grupe socijal-demokratske
orijentacije.
Mi smo svojevremeno podrzavali antiiperijalisticki i patriotski kurs
Socijalisticke partije Jugoslavije, ali smo izricito bili i ostali protiv
njihove politike restauracije kapitalizma u Jugoslaviji. Socijalisti su se
formalno odnosili korektno prema nama, ali su svim silama nastojali da nas
sprece da udjemo u Parlament. Pored toga, do sada, su nam sedam puta
otimali poslanicka mesta u Zrenjaninu, Peci, Pozarevcu na najbrutalniji
nacin. Jednostavno im je cilj bio da ne dozvole afirmaciju Komunisticke
partije iz unutrasnjih i spoljnih razloga. Istovremeno, nastojali su da
koriste nase veze sa drugim komunistickim partijama u svetu (vecina
predstavnika tih partija dolazila je na njihove kongrese zahvaljujuci NKPJ,
a za nase posredovanje molili su nas socijalisti), kao i da sse ne zamere
tim partijama zbog eventualnog progona komunista.
Posle kontrarevolucije od 5. oktobra 2000. god. NKPJ se nasla u veoma
teskoj situaciji, jer nam je nova vlast nametnula razne finacijske i
administrativne obaveze.
NKPJ je smestena u prostorijama koje pripadaju drzavi. Nova vlast ns je
nametnula, za nase uslove, izuzetno veliku stanarinu i niz drugih
finansijskih obaveza. Deo nasih prostorija, kompjuteri i partijska tehnika
unisteni ssu u noci izmedju 5. i 6. oktobra od strane huligana iz
desnicarskih partija. Spaljen nam je citav inventar, vrata, prozori, ormani
i sve ostalo. Sutradan je policija konstatovala stetu, a potom su to
ucinili i nadlezni drzavni organi. Mi smo morali da renoviramo prostorije i
zatrazili da nam drzava kompenzira ulozeni novac. Ali drzava je to usmeno
obecala i nikada nije izvrsila.
U medjuvremenu se. svakako ne slucajno, na nase elektricno brojilo prikacio
ilegalno "nepoznati" korisnik i za godinu dana nam napravio stetu od oko 6
hiljada evra. Nije nam dozvoljeno da kopamo po zidovima da bi ustanovili ko
je taj "nepoznati", ali smo struju, koja je desetorostruko veca od naseg
utroska, morali da platimo. Izmisljene su nam razne kazne, itd.
Nije nam dozvoljeno da ucestvujemo na republickim izborima 2000., niti na
predsednickim 2002., mada smo mi imali kandidata i potpise.. Medjutim
sudovi (izuzimajuci delimicno sud u Beogradu) nisu hteli da odrede
sluzbenike koji bi potpise (uz znacajno placanje) overavali, jer navodno,
nemaju dovoljno sudskih sluzbenika.
Sada se priprema nova preregistracija politickih partija, uz placanje
poprilicne takse za svakog clana koji se registruje pred sudom.
Drzava nam je postavila ultimatum da do 15. juna platimo sve obaveze i
visoke kamate inace ce nas izbaciti iz postojecih prostorija i brisati iz
spiska politickih partija.
Mi smo na putu da prikupimo odredjeni novac ali ce nam nedostajati 5 -6
hiljada evra. Zbog dugotrajne blokade, bombardovanja i niza drugih razloga
nasa zemlja je u poslednjih 10 godina veoma osiromasila, a njeni stanovnici
(posebno radnici, studenti i sluzbenici) jedva sastavljaju kraj s krajem.
Stoga molimo da nam svaka od navedenih partija pozajmi na godinu dana
onoliko novca koliko moze. Istovremeno, mi pozivamo predstavike navedenih
partija da nas posete, da se upoznaju sa situacijom u Jugoslaviji, da odrze
predavanja (ili imaju razgovor) sa partijskim aktivom Beograda. Ukoliko je
potrebno mozemo poslati odgovarajuce pozive predstavnicima tih partija.
Mi trazimo zajam, a ne poklon. Danas ce oni eventualno nas pomoci, a mozda
cemo sutra pomoci mi njih. Takodje mislimo da je proleterski
interbnacionalizam uvek konkretna stvar i da se ne sastoji samo u verbalnim
podrskama. NKPJ se nalazi u veoma delikatnoj situaciji i ocekujemo
razumevanje italijanskih komunista.
Zbog najbrutalnije diktature u zemlji fakticki je danas pasiviziran
milionski auditorijum stanovnistva. Uz postojanje elementarne propagande
smatramo da bi se komunistima pridruzio znacajan deo stanovnistva, jer jos
uvek bar 30 - 40% naroda zali za socijalizmom, pa ma kakvih imao mana. Ipak
je za ogromnu vecinu naroda u Jugoslaviji on bio neuporedivo bolji od
kolonijalnog kapitalizma koji nam se korak po korak, tacnije uz uzurbane
korake namece.
Nas najpouzdaniji fax 467867
Srdacan pozdrav
Generalni sekretar NKPJ,
Branko Kitanovic
Beograd 26.5.2003.
della Jugoslavia, e' reperibile alla URL:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2568 )
---
NOVA KOMUNISTICKA PARTIJA JUGOSLAVIJE
Beograd, Nemanjina 34, tel.fax 00381 11 642985, 467867, 591211
Nova komunisticka partija Jugoslavije je jedina komunisticka partija na
prostorima bivse Jugoslavije. Ona deluje u svih 6 bivsih jugoslovenskih
republika. U Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji je u ilegali, jer zbog naziva (mozda i
programa) odiju da je registruju. U Bosni mi ne priznajemo "Dejtonski
sporazum", jer smatramo da je to akt kojim se sankcionise okupacija Bosne
od strane imperijalista i sstoga tamo ne ucestvujemo na izborima.
NKPJ je marksisticko-lenjinisticka partija. Sve ostale "partije" na
prostorima bivse SFRJ su fakticki malobrojne grupe socijal-demokratske
orijentacije.
Mi smo svojevremeno podrzavali antiiperijalisticki i patriotski kurs
Socijalisticke partije Jugoslavije, ali smo izricito bili i ostali protiv
njihove politike restauracije kapitalizma u Jugoslaviji. Socijalisti su se
formalno odnosili korektno prema nama, ali su svim silama nastojali da nas
sprece da udjemo u Parlament. Pored toga, do sada, su nam sedam puta
otimali poslanicka mesta u Zrenjaninu, Peci, Pozarevcu na najbrutalniji
nacin. Jednostavno im je cilj bio da ne dozvole afirmaciju Komunisticke
partije iz unutrasnjih i spoljnih razloga. Istovremeno, nastojali su da
koriste nase veze sa drugim komunistickim partijama u svetu (vecina
predstavnika tih partija dolazila je na njihove kongrese zahvaljujuci NKPJ,
a za nase posredovanje molili su nas socijalisti), kao i da sse ne zamere
tim partijama zbog eventualnog progona komunista.
Posle kontrarevolucije od 5. oktobra 2000. god. NKPJ se nasla u veoma
teskoj situaciji, jer nam je nova vlast nametnula razne finacijske i
administrativne obaveze.
NKPJ je smestena u prostorijama koje pripadaju drzavi. Nova vlast ns je
nametnula, za nase uslove, izuzetno veliku stanarinu i niz drugih
finansijskih obaveza. Deo nasih prostorija, kompjuteri i partijska tehnika
unisteni ssu u noci izmedju 5. i 6. oktobra od strane huligana iz
desnicarskih partija. Spaljen nam je citav inventar, vrata, prozori, ormani
i sve ostalo. Sutradan je policija konstatovala stetu, a potom su to
ucinili i nadlezni drzavni organi. Mi smo morali da renoviramo prostorije i
zatrazili da nam drzava kompenzira ulozeni novac. Ali drzava je to usmeno
obecala i nikada nije izvrsila.
U medjuvremenu se. svakako ne slucajno, na nase elektricno brojilo prikacio
ilegalno "nepoznati" korisnik i za godinu dana nam napravio stetu od oko 6
hiljada evra. Nije nam dozvoljeno da kopamo po zidovima da bi ustanovili ko
je taj "nepoznati", ali smo struju, koja je desetorostruko veca od naseg
utroska, morali da platimo. Izmisljene su nam razne kazne, itd.
Nije nam dozvoljeno da ucestvujemo na republickim izborima 2000., niti na
predsednickim 2002., mada smo mi imali kandidata i potpise.. Medjutim
sudovi (izuzimajuci delimicno sud u Beogradu) nisu hteli da odrede
sluzbenike koji bi potpise (uz znacajno placanje) overavali, jer navodno,
nemaju dovoljno sudskih sluzbenika.
Sada se priprema nova preregistracija politickih partija, uz placanje
poprilicne takse za svakog clana koji se registruje pred sudom.
Drzava nam je postavila ultimatum da do 15. juna platimo sve obaveze i
visoke kamate inace ce nas izbaciti iz postojecih prostorija i brisati iz
spiska politickih partija.
Mi smo na putu da prikupimo odredjeni novac ali ce nam nedostajati 5 -6
hiljada evra. Zbog dugotrajne blokade, bombardovanja i niza drugih razloga
nasa zemlja je u poslednjih 10 godina veoma osiromasila, a njeni stanovnici
(posebno radnici, studenti i sluzbenici) jedva sastavljaju kraj s krajem.
Stoga molimo da nam svaka od navedenih partija pozajmi na godinu dana
onoliko novca koliko moze. Istovremeno, mi pozivamo predstavike navedenih
partija da nas posete, da se upoznaju sa situacijom u Jugoslaviji, da odrze
predavanja (ili imaju razgovor) sa partijskim aktivom Beograda. Ukoliko je
potrebno mozemo poslati odgovarajuce pozive predstavnicima tih partija.
Mi trazimo zajam, a ne poklon. Danas ce oni eventualno nas pomoci, a mozda
cemo sutra pomoci mi njih. Takodje mislimo da je proleterski
interbnacionalizam uvek konkretna stvar i da se ne sastoji samo u verbalnim
podrskama. NKPJ se nalazi u veoma delikatnoj situaciji i ocekujemo
razumevanje italijanskih komunista.
Zbog najbrutalnije diktature u zemlji fakticki je danas pasiviziran
milionski auditorijum stanovnistva. Uz postojanje elementarne propagande
smatramo da bi se komunistima pridruzio znacajan deo stanovnistva, jer jos
uvek bar 30 - 40% naroda zali za socijalizmom, pa ma kakvih imao mana. Ipak
je za ogromnu vecinu naroda u Jugoslaviji on bio neuporedivo bolji od
kolonijalnog kapitalizma koji nam se korak po korak, tacnije uz uzurbane
korake namece.
Nas najpouzdaniji fax 467867
Srdacan pozdrav
Generalni sekretar NKPJ,
Branko Kitanovic
Beograd 26.5.2003.
Le prigioni croate di Blair
(da Il manifesto del 17/6/2003)
Pronto il primo campo dove deportare gli esuli approdati in Inghilterra =
Progettato in segreto, il campo costruito vicino a Zagabria nelle intenzion=
i dovrebbe
essere il primo di una «rete europea». Ma nessuno l'ha mai deciso. Blair: n=
on è vero
niente
ORSOLA CASAGRANDE
LONDRA
La sottosegretaria all'immigrazione Beverly Hughes l'aveva promesso: «Entro=
la fine
dell'anno costruiremo il primo centro di detenzione non-europeo». Anche se =
in
segreto, sembra che il governo Blair abbia anticipato i tempi. Il settimana=
le The
Observer racconta che il primo centro di custodia è quasi ultimato: si trov=
a in Croazia,
a Trstenik (30 km da Zagabria), è costato (alla Commissione europea) un mil=
ione di
sterline ed è attrezzato per rinchiudere ottocento persone. Ma non si tratt=
erà di
clandestini arrestati in Croazia: il nuovo centro ospiterà una parte di asy=
lum seekers
(provenienti dall'est) che avranno chiesto asilo politico in Gran Bretagna.=
Dal Regno
unito verranno deportati in Croazia in attesa di sapere se la loro richiest=
a è accolta o
no. Ieri il ministero degli interni ha smentito categoricamente che quel ce=
ntro croato
«abbia a che fare con il nostro paese. Non abbiamo notizia di un simile cen=
tro - ha
detto una portavoce del ministero - e nessuna decisione è stata presa per a=
vviare un
progetto di quel genere in Croazia». Eppure l'articolo dell'Observer non so=
lo racconta
che il centro è ormai quasi ultimato, ma cita il sito internet della delega=
zione della
Commissione europea in Croazia in cui si parla della gara d'appalto per le =
fognature,
il sistema idrico e quello elettrico per il «centro per immigrati di Trsten=
ik».
In realtà la notizia che il governo inglese sia già impegnato nella realiz=
zazione di
questi centri non sorprende, così come che le trattative e i lavori siano p=
ortati avanti
in gran segreto. Il premier Tony Blair del resto sta assistendo al crollo d=
ella sua
popolarità. C'è una cosa che l'opinione pubblica non gli perdona: le bugie =
che
continua a raccontare. Ieri il portavoce dei Liberaldemocratici ha chiesto =
«chiarimenti
urgenti: è intollerabile - ha aggiunto - che il governo porti avanti proget=
ti di questo
genere nella totale segretezza».
Se la paternità inglese del campo croato verrà confermata vorrà sempliceme=
nte dire
che il governo del new Labour ha deciso di portare avanti la sua personalis=
sima
politica sull'immigrazione da solo. Cioè senza preoccuparsi di riferire in =
parlamento e
forse senza nemmeno preoccuparsi di attendere il via libera delle Nazioni u=
nite.
L'obiettivo del governo è dimezzare il numero dei richiedenti asilo entro s=
ettembre.
Anche per questo il ministero degli interni britannico ha chiesto l'approva=
zione (con
procedura d'urgenza) del progetto di centri di detenzione pilota da costrui=
re al di
fuori dei paesi della Ue dove poter scaricare (perché di questo si tratta) =
il più alto
numero possibile di cittadini stranieri in fuga verso una vita migliore. Il=
via libera a
questo progetto pilota potrebbe arrivare già questa settimana, anche se
l'organizzazione per i rifugiati dell'Onu ha espresso molti dubbi sulla pro=
posta
britannica di creare «zone sicure» in paesi extra-europei. Ma Londra non se=
mbra
disposta a tornare sui suoi passi, né sull'idea dei centri di custodia fuor=
i della Ue (si
parla di Albania, Romania, Ucraina, Russia), né su quella delle «zone prote=
tte» nei
paesi che «producono» più profughi (Iraq, Africa, Afghanistan) o in paesi c=
onfinanti. Si
tratterebbe di campi profughi, gestiti possibilmente dall'Onu. Un progetto =
che spiega
anche la nonchalance con cui il governo Blair ha decretato che è arrivato i=
l momento
di «rivedere e riformare» la convenzione Onu sui rifugiati del 1951: out of=
date, fuori
moda.
(da Il manifesto del 17/6/2003)
Pronto il primo campo dove deportare gli esuli approdati in Inghilterra =
Progettato in segreto, il campo costruito vicino a Zagabria nelle intenzion=
i dovrebbe
essere il primo di una «rete europea». Ma nessuno l'ha mai deciso. Blair: n=
on è vero
niente
ORSOLA CASAGRANDE
LONDRA
La sottosegretaria all'immigrazione Beverly Hughes l'aveva promesso: «Entro=
la fine
dell'anno costruiremo il primo centro di detenzione non-europeo». Anche se =
in
segreto, sembra che il governo Blair abbia anticipato i tempi. Il settimana=
le The
Observer racconta che il primo centro di custodia è quasi ultimato: si trov=
a in Croazia,
a Trstenik (30 km da Zagabria), è costato (alla Commissione europea) un mil=
ione di
sterline ed è attrezzato per rinchiudere ottocento persone. Ma non si tratt=
erà di
clandestini arrestati in Croazia: il nuovo centro ospiterà una parte di asy=
lum seekers
(provenienti dall'est) che avranno chiesto asilo politico in Gran Bretagna.=
Dal Regno
unito verranno deportati in Croazia in attesa di sapere se la loro richiest=
a è accolta o
no. Ieri il ministero degli interni ha smentito categoricamente che quel ce=
ntro croato
«abbia a che fare con il nostro paese. Non abbiamo notizia di un simile cen=
tro - ha
detto una portavoce del ministero - e nessuna decisione è stata presa per a=
vviare un
progetto di quel genere in Croazia». Eppure l'articolo dell'Observer non so=
lo racconta
che il centro è ormai quasi ultimato, ma cita il sito internet della delega=
zione della
Commissione europea in Croazia in cui si parla della gara d'appalto per le =
fognature,
il sistema idrico e quello elettrico per il «centro per immigrati di Trsten=
ik».
In realtà la notizia che il governo inglese sia già impegnato nella realiz=
zazione di
questi centri non sorprende, così come che le trattative e i lavori siano p=
ortati avanti
in gran segreto. Il premier Tony Blair del resto sta assistendo al crollo d=
ella sua
popolarità. C'è una cosa che l'opinione pubblica non gli perdona: le bugie =
che
continua a raccontare. Ieri il portavoce dei Liberaldemocratici ha chiesto =
«chiarimenti
urgenti: è intollerabile - ha aggiunto - che il governo porti avanti proget=
ti di questo
genere nella totale segretezza».
Se la paternità inglese del campo croato verrà confermata vorrà sempliceme=
nte dire
che il governo del new Labour ha deciso di portare avanti la sua personalis=
sima
politica sull'immigrazione da solo. Cioè senza preoccuparsi di riferire in =
parlamento e
forse senza nemmeno preoccuparsi di attendere il via libera delle Nazioni u=
nite.
L'obiettivo del governo è dimezzare il numero dei richiedenti asilo entro s=
ettembre.
Anche per questo il ministero degli interni britannico ha chiesto l'approva=
zione (con
procedura d'urgenza) del progetto di centri di detenzione pilota da costrui=
re al di
fuori dei paesi della Ue dove poter scaricare (perché di questo si tratta) =
il più alto
numero possibile di cittadini stranieri in fuga verso una vita migliore. Il=
via libera a
questo progetto pilota potrebbe arrivare già questa settimana, anche se
l'organizzazione per i rifugiati dell'Onu ha espresso molti dubbi sulla pro=
posta
britannica di creare «zone sicure» in paesi extra-europei. Ma Londra non se=
mbra
disposta a tornare sui suoi passi, né sull'idea dei centri di custodia fuor=
i della Ue (si
parla di Albania, Romania, Ucraina, Russia), né su quella delle «zone prote=
tte» nei
paesi che «producono» più profughi (Iraq, Africa, Afghanistan) o in paesi c=
onfinanti. Si
tratterebbe di campi profughi, gestiti possibilmente dall'Onu. Un progetto =
che spiega
anche la nonchalance con cui il governo Blair ha decretato che è arrivato i=
l momento
di «rivedere e riformare» la convenzione Onu sui rifugiati del 1951: out of=
date, fuori
moda.
