Informazione
Da "Vesti", quotidiano della diaspora serba,
Francoforte, 2 aprile 2003.
Le avventure amorose del capo dell'UNMIK, tema principale della
cronaca rosa nel Kosovo.
(piu' sotto in lingua italiana)
Ljubavne avanture sefa UNMIK glavan tema kosovskih kuloara.
BUKURIJIN ZAGRLJAJ KOBAN ZA SRBE
Gotovo svi kosovski krugovi tvrde da veza Michaela Steinera sa
Albankom Bukurijom Djonbalaj moze da preraste i u brak. Nisam sigurna
koliko je Steiner u stanju da u Bukurijinom zagrljaju razmislja o
srpskim interesima, kaze poslanik "Povratka" Rada Trajkovic.
Propaganda
Bukurija je poznata po organizovanju propagandnih konvoja u kojima je
okupljala diplomate nevladine organizacije i novinare, i zajedno sa
njima obilazila navodno ugrozene Albance, afirmisuci pritom "borbu
OVK i vecitu teznju kosovskih Albanaca za nezavisnost".
Kumovi Dzejmija Seja
Porodica Djonbalaj poznata je lokalnom auditorijumu, a i sire po
veoma jakim politickim vezama sirom sveta, sto pokazuje cinjenica da
je Bukurijin brat Afrim kum sa Dejmijem Sejom, portparolom NATO u
vreme bombardovanja Jugoslavije. Bukurija je, navodno, zahvaljujuci
tim vezama posle kratkog rada u pristinskom "Koha ditore" presla u
RTV Kosovo, gde se munjevitom
brzinom nasla u bordu direktora.
L'ABBRACCIO DI BUKURIJA FATALE PER I SERBI
Quasi tutti nel giro albanese kosovaro affermano che la relazione di
Michael Steiner con la albanese Bukurija Djonbaliaj può finire
col matrimonio. Non sono sicura di quanto Steiner nell'abbraccio di
Bukurija possa pensare agli interessi serbi, dice la deputata
di "Povratak" (Ritorno), Rada Trajkovic.
Propaganda
Bukurija Djonbaliaj è conosciuta per aver organizzato convogli di
propaganda. Invitando rappresentanti di ONG e giornalisti, visitava i
cosiddetti oppressi albanesi kosovari, promuovendo così "la lotta
dell'UCK e l'insistente richiesta degli albanesi kosovari per
l'indipendenza".
Padrini di Jamie Shea
La famiglia Djonbaliaj è conosciuta all'auditorio locale, ma anche
altrove, per aver forti legami politici nel mondo, il che viene
confermato dal fatto che il fratello di Bukurija, Afrim Djonbaliaj è
padrino di Jamie Shea, il portavoce della NATO durante i
bombardamenti contro la Jugoslavia. Bukurija, sicuramente anche per
questa ragione, dopo un breve periodo di lavoro passato al
quotidiano "Koha ditore" è passata alla RTV Kosovo, e poi,
con una velocità strepitosa, si è trovata nel ruolo di direttrice.
(Traduzione a cura del CNJ)
Francoforte, 2 aprile 2003.
Le avventure amorose del capo dell'UNMIK, tema principale della
cronaca rosa nel Kosovo.
(piu' sotto in lingua italiana)
Ljubavne avanture sefa UNMIK glavan tema kosovskih kuloara.
BUKURIJIN ZAGRLJAJ KOBAN ZA SRBE
Gotovo svi kosovski krugovi tvrde da veza Michaela Steinera sa
Albankom Bukurijom Djonbalaj moze da preraste i u brak. Nisam sigurna
koliko je Steiner u stanju da u Bukurijinom zagrljaju razmislja o
srpskim interesima, kaze poslanik "Povratka" Rada Trajkovic.
Propaganda
Bukurija je poznata po organizovanju propagandnih konvoja u kojima je
okupljala diplomate nevladine organizacije i novinare, i zajedno sa
njima obilazila navodno ugrozene Albance, afirmisuci pritom "borbu
OVK i vecitu teznju kosovskih Albanaca za nezavisnost".
Kumovi Dzejmija Seja
Porodica Djonbalaj poznata je lokalnom auditorijumu, a i sire po
veoma jakim politickim vezama sirom sveta, sto pokazuje cinjenica da
je Bukurijin brat Afrim kum sa Dejmijem Sejom, portparolom NATO u
vreme bombardovanja Jugoslavije. Bukurija je, navodno, zahvaljujuci
tim vezama posle kratkog rada u pristinskom "Koha ditore" presla u
RTV Kosovo, gde se munjevitom
brzinom nasla u bordu direktora.
L'ABBRACCIO DI BUKURIJA FATALE PER I SERBI
Quasi tutti nel giro albanese kosovaro affermano che la relazione di
Michael Steiner con la albanese Bukurija Djonbaliaj può finire
col matrimonio. Non sono sicura di quanto Steiner nell'abbraccio di
Bukurija possa pensare agli interessi serbi, dice la deputata
di "Povratak" (Ritorno), Rada Trajkovic.
Propaganda
Bukurija Djonbaliaj è conosciuta per aver organizzato convogli di
propaganda. Invitando rappresentanti di ONG e giornalisti, visitava i
cosiddetti oppressi albanesi kosovari, promuovendo così "la lotta
dell'UCK e l'insistente richiesta degli albanesi kosovari per
l'indipendenza".
Padrini di Jamie Shea
La famiglia Djonbaliaj è conosciuta all'auditorio locale, ma anche
altrove, per aver forti legami politici nel mondo, il che viene
confermato dal fatto che il fratello di Bukurija, Afrim Djonbaliaj è
padrino di Jamie Shea, il portavoce della NATO durante i
bombardamenti contro la Jugoslavia. Bukurija, sicuramente anche per
questa ragione, dopo un breve periodo di lavoro passato al
quotidiano "Koha ditore" è passata alla RTV Kosovo, e poi,
con una velocità strepitosa, si è trovata nel ruolo di direttrice.
(Traduzione a cura del CNJ)
"La violenza e' l'arma delle persone deboli ed immorali"
Faccio seguito alle accuse non veritiere e disgustose rivolte contro
di me, nell'ambito delle ritorsioni in atto contro gli avversari
politici.
Naturalmente non ho niente a che fare con i crimini commessi in
Jugoslavia. Ne' tantomeno ho a che fare con alcuna attività criminale
in assoluto. Non sono mai stata in conflitto con le leggi del mio
paese, e questo quelli che mi accusano lo sanno perfettamente. Le
accuse contro di me sono motivate solamente dal desiderio di colpire
mio marito all'Aia e di mettere in ombra la sua brillante autodifesa.
Le accuse contro di me sono una ritorsione, una punizione per
l'atteggiamento di Slobodan Milosevic, bello, dignitoso, intelligente
e forte dinanzi alla corte dell'Aia. E' lui che vogliono uccidere,
proprio perche' si comporta cosi'.
Loro tentano di esaurirlo fisicamente e psichicamente a tal punto che
egli non possa comparire dinanzi alla Corte o muoia dallo stress.
Contro di lui stanno commettendo un crimine dinanzi agli occhi del
mondo intero. A questo proposito io scrivo e scrivo e scrivo e parlo,
ovunque posso.
L'altro modo per combattere contro di lui sono io. Le pressioni su di
me mirano a colpire lui, così che il dolore a causa dell'ingiustizia
nei miei confronti gli leghi le mani.
Chi ha avuto una simile idea e chi l'ha messa in pratica è qualcuno
che non ha alcuna dignità ne' alcuna morale, è un bastardo nel seno
del popolo serbo e di tutta la specie umana.
Gli attacchi contro di me e l'intenzione di liquidarmi sono motivati
da un fine ulteriore, basso e misero: qualcuno nel governo di destra
mi vede come una avversaria politica piuttosto capace, e perciò
pericolosa. Siccome non possono controbattermi politicamente, a loro
sembra più facile bollarmi come criminale e rimuovermi in questa
maniera dalla scena pubblica.
Chi non possiede parole, chi ha una mente scarsa ed un cuore piccolo,
adotta la violenza. La violenza è l'arma delle persone deboli ed
immorali.
Ho lasciato Belgrado per ragioni personali e di famiglia.
Professoressa Mira Markovic
Dichiarazione letta alla conferenza stampa della JUL, a Belgrado il
31 marzo 2003
Faccio seguito alle accuse non veritiere e disgustose rivolte contro
di me, nell'ambito delle ritorsioni in atto contro gli avversari
politici.
Naturalmente non ho niente a che fare con i crimini commessi in
Jugoslavia. Ne' tantomeno ho a che fare con alcuna attività criminale
in assoluto. Non sono mai stata in conflitto con le leggi del mio
paese, e questo quelli che mi accusano lo sanno perfettamente. Le
accuse contro di me sono motivate solamente dal desiderio di colpire
mio marito all'Aia e di mettere in ombra la sua brillante autodifesa.
Le accuse contro di me sono una ritorsione, una punizione per
l'atteggiamento di Slobodan Milosevic, bello, dignitoso, intelligente
e forte dinanzi alla corte dell'Aia. E' lui che vogliono uccidere,
proprio perche' si comporta cosi'.
Loro tentano di esaurirlo fisicamente e psichicamente a tal punto che
egli non possa comparire dinanzi alla Corte o muoia dallo stress.
Contro di lui stanno commettendo un crimine dinanzi agli occhi del
mondo intero. A questo proposito io scrivo e scrivo e scrivo e parlo,
ovunque posso.
L'altro modo per combattere contro di lui sono io. Le pressioni su di
me mirano a colpire lui, così che il dolore a causa dell'ingiustizia
nei miei confronti gli leghi le mani.
Chi ha avuto una simile idea e chi l'ha messa in pratica è qualcuno
che non ha alcuna dignità ne' alcuna morale, è un bastardo nel seno
del popolo serbo e di tutta la specie umana.
Gli attacchi contro di me e l'intenzione di liquidarmi sono motivati
da un fine ulteriore, basso e misero: qualcuno nel governo di destra
mi vede come una avversaria politica piuttosto capace, e perciò
pericolosa. Siccome non possono controbattermi politicamente, a loro
sembra più facile bollarmi come criminale e rimuovermi in questa
maniera dalla scena pubblica.
Chi non possiede parole, chi ha una mente scarsa ed un cuore piccolo,
adotta la violenza. La violenza è l'arma delle persone deboli ed
immorali.
Ho lasciato Belgrado per ragioni personali e di famiglia.
Professoressa Mira Markovic
Dichiarazione letta alla conferenza stampa della JUL, a Belgrado il
31 marzo 2003
From: Vladimir Krsljanin (01/04/2003 23:22)
HAGUE PROSECUTION DETERMINES THE DESTINY OF SERBIA
Below we give the transcript of the additional remarks President
Milosevic made yesterday at The Hague. Except of stressing the destiny
of his associates arrested in Belgrade, he also spoke about his
health, exposing some more manipulations of ICTY. But in the first
place, he underlined the connection between the prosecution and the
events in Belgrade. To that, one can add a couple of points. The big
actual "Red Berets" story started about a month ago when the Hague
prosecution (while questioning Captain Dragan) had shown a video about
the visit of President Milosevic to their base in the town of Kula.
Somebody perhaps wanted to create a picture in which they feel as a
Hague target. Two other curious facts appeared immediately after the
campaign against President Milosevic's family and arrests of his
associates started: The Presidency of DOS (Serbian ruling coalition)
decided to propose changes to the Law on cooperation with the ICTY
which would annul all restrictions for the extradition of the
indictees. The very next day, a spokeswoman of the prosecution told
the press about a plan to make 35 new indictments, mostly against
prominent Serb politicians and generals. But how can all of them be
convicted if Milosevic is so successful?
Richard May
Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
President Slobodan Milosevic
Since we are again at the open session and the new witness has not
come yet, can I get the floor in relation to my requests?
Richard May
Yes.
President Slobodan Milosevic
So, first of all I repeat my request to allow my questioning and to
make it possible to be in public, since it is related to the media
campaign that is going on publicly. The retaliation against one's wife
and children is something we remember from the darkest days of the
last century, from the darkest years of the last century! I also
demand an investigation about the involvement of this illegal
prosecution in the fabrication of untruths that are being launched.
Besides that...
Richard May
Mr. Milosevic, I have stopped you already once. The events in Belgrade
are not something that this court deals with. If that would have any
direct influence to this trial, than we would take it into
consideration, but nothing you have said up to now shows that it has
any influence. You wanted to say something about your health. That's
what we would like to hear.
President Slobodan Milosevic
I will tell you about the health, but direct influence is in their aim
to prevent my wife to give me her assistance and support. And above
that, I want to inform you that they have arrested several members of
the National Committee for my defense "SLOBODA" ("Freedom"), in spite
they have no ground for that. Accordingly, we deal here with an
orchestrated attempt to put pressure on me and my family since this
false Prosecution suffers a fiasco here every day. I consider as your
duty to establish the degree of their involvement.
Richard May
That is only your comment. There is absolutely no evidence to support
what you are saying. Maybe there are good reasons for some people to
be arrested. However, in this moment we will not deal with such
allegations. Do you want to say something about your health?
President Slobodan Milosevic
Regarding my health - I have got these papers you've discussed last
Tuesday in my absence. My first objection is that discussion about me
in my absence. Second, it is written here, I will read it to you:
"Having in mind that the accused has refused to take the increased
dose of the medications recommended by the cardiologist...". So you
have created in the discussion here the impression that I refuse to
take medications and that by that I deliberately have worsen my health
condition, which is a notorious lie. I have discussed, in presence of
the director of the prison, with the only medical employee here the
fact that I have never refused to take medications. Every medication
that has been prescribed to me, I had taken. And the fact that I have
drawn the doctors attention to the negative side effects of the
medication I've been receiving and requested it to be replaced by some
more adequate - that was a normal conversation between the doctor and
patient - which belongs to duties of a doctor and I guess also to the
rights of a patient. I've got also the references proving that the
medication that has been given to me to lower the blood pressure
causes, among other things, two very serious consequences, the
symptoms which I had all the time. One consequence is dazedness and
another is insomnia.
You would have to admit, gentlemen, that dazedness requires from me
additional efforts, additional engagement, additional exhaustion in
order to fulfill the job I have to fulfill here. On the other hand,
insomnia prevents me to get even a minimum of rest. So I stressed that
and I also got references, which I am submitting to you here. The
references of the international experts' institutions underlying these
negative side effects. But you have been holding your discussion here
as I refuse to receive the medication. And on that very day when you
were discussing and expressing the totally untruth allegations, on
that very day doctor Vandajham (?), having all this in mind, decided
to change my therapy.
Two days after the change of the therapy was the first night when I've
been able to sleep. That shows that the doctor was right to change the
therapy and that your whole discussion here on my alleged refusal to
take medications was completely groundless and even in a very evil way
interpreted by Mr. Nice. I also have here a signed letter from my
doctor, in which he says: vertigo, insomnia, dazedness and gives
references. In addition to that he told me - we can even send it to
Houston and they will confirm that it is correct. And I think that one
needs no better confirmation than the fact that since last Tuesday
when you had your discussion here and my therapy was changed - my
blood pressure has been settled after two days. And also after two
days I have been able to sleep normally.
For tomorrow, Wednesday, April 2nd, the ICTY has scheduled another
session on "administrative issues". Again, one of them will be the
health of President Milosevic. Another two we know will be discussions
on the insistence of the prosecution that witnesses according to the
so-called Rule 92bis (those who testify in written) should not appear
in the court room for cross-examination and on the demand from the
prosecution to significantly prolong the time for its case. One can
suppose that President Milosevic would insist on the link between the
political repression in Belgrade and The Hague prosecution - the
question the judges yesterday avoided to accept as legitimate.
---
STOP THE POLITICAL REPRESSION IN SERBIA!
STOP THE EVIL CAMPAIGN AGAINST PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC, HIS FAMILY AND
ASSOCIATES!
RELEASE BOGOLJUB BJELICA AND OTHER POLITICAL PRISONERS!
SEND PROTESTS AND APPEALS TO YUGOSLAV EMBASSIES! -find their
addresses at http://www.mfa.gov.yu/Worldframe.htm
SLOBODA/Freedom Association
HAGUE PROSECUTION DETERMINES THE DESTINY OF SERBIA
Below we give the transcript of the additional remarks President
Milosevic made yesterday at The Hague. Except of stressing the destiny
of his associates arrested in Belgrade, he also spoke about his
health, exposing some more manipulations of ICTY. But in the first
place, he underlined the connection between the prosecution and the
events in Belgrade. To that, one can add a couple of points. The big
actual "Red Berets" story started about a month ago when the Hague
prosecution (while questioning Captain Dragan) had shown a video about
the visit of President Milosevic to their base in the town of Kula.
Somebody perhaps wanted to create a picture in which they feel as a
Hague target. Two other curious facts appeared immediately after the
campaign against President Milosevic's family and arrests of his
associates started: The Presidency of DOS (Serbian ruling coalition)
decided to propose changes to the Law on cooperation with the ICTY
which would annul all restrictions for the extradition of the
indictees. The very next day, a spokeswoman of the prosecution told
the press about a plan to make 35 new indictments, mostly against
prominent Serb politicians and generals. But how can all of them be
convicted if Milosevic is so successful?
Richard May
Yes, Mr. Milosevic.
President Slobodan Milosevic
Since we are again at the open session and the new witness has not
come yet, can I get the floor in relation to my requests?
Richard May
Yes.
President Slobodan Milosevic
So, first of all I repeat my request to allow my questioning and to
make it possible to be in public, since it is related to the media
campaign that is going on publicly. The retaliation against one's wife
and children is something we remember from the darkest days of the
last century, from the darkest years of the last century! I also
demand an investigation about the involvement of this illegal
prosecution in the fabrication of untruths that are being launched.
Besides that...
Richard May
Mr. Milosevic, I have stopped you already once. The events in Belgrade
are not something that this court deals with. If that would have any
direct influence to this trial, than we would take it into
consideration, but nothing you have said up to now shows that it has
any influence. You wanted to say something about your health. That's
what we would like to hear.
President Slobodan Milosevic
I will tell you about the health, but direct influence is in their aim
to prevent my wife to give me her assistance and support. And above
that, I want to inform you that they have arrested several members of
the National Committee for my defense "SLOBODA" ("Freedom"), in spite
they have no ground for that. Accordingly, we deal here with an
orchestrated attempt to put pressure on me and my family since this
false Prosecution suffers a fiasco here every day. I consider as your
duty to establish the degree of their involvement.
Richard May
That is only your comment. There is absolutely no evidence to support
what you are saying. Maybe there are good reasons for some people to
be arrested. However, in this moment we will not deal with such
allegations. Do you want to say something about your health?
President Slobodan Milosevic
Regarding my health - I have got these papers you've discussed last
Tuesday in my absence. My first objection is that discussion about me
in my absence. Second, it is written here, I will read it to you:
"Having in mind that the accused has refused to take the increased
dose of the medications recommended by the cardiologist...". So you
have created in the discussion here the impression that I refuse to
take medications and that by that I deliberately have worsen my health
condition, which is a notorious lie. I have discussed, in presence of
the director of the prison, with the only medical employee here the
fact that I have never refused to take medications. Every medication
that has been prescribed to me, I had taken. And the fact that I have
drawn the doctors attention to the negative side effects of the
medication I've been receiving and requested it to be replaced by some
more adequate - that was a normal conversation between the doctor and
patient - which belongs to duties of a doctor and I guess also to the
rights of a patient. I've got also the references proving that the
medication that has been given to me to lower the blood pressure
causes, among other things, two very serious consequences, the
symptoms which I had all the time. One consequence is dazedness and
another is insomnia.
You would have to admit, gentlemen, that dazedness requires from me
additional efforts, additional engagement, additional exhaustion in
order to fulfill the job I have to fulfill here. On the other hand,
insomnia prevents me to get even a minimum of rest. So I stressed that
and I also got references, which I am submitting to you here. The
references of the international experts' institutions underlying these
negative side effects. But you have been holding your discussion here
as I refuse to receive the medication. And on that very day when you
were discussing and expressing the totally untruth allegations, on
that very day doctor Vandajham (?), having all this in mind, decided
to change my therapy.
Two days after the change of the therapy was the first night when I've
been able to sleep. That shows that the doctor was right to change the
therapy and that your whole discussion here on my alleged refusal to
take medications was completely groundless and even in a very evil way
interpreted by Mr. Nice. I also have here a signed letter from my
doctor, in which he says: vertigo, insomnia, dazedness and gives
references. In addition to that he told me - we can even send it to
Houston and they will confirm that it is correct. And I think that one
needs no better confirmation than the fact that since last Tuesday
when you had your discussion here and my therapy was changed - my
blood pressure has been settled after two days. And also after two
days I have been able to sleep normally.
For tomorrow, Wednesday, April 2nd, the ICTY has scheduled another
session on "administrative issues". Again, one of them will be the
health of President Milosevic. Another two we know will be discussions
on the insistence of the prosecution that witnesses according to the
so-called Rule 92bis (those who testify in written) should not appear
in the court room for cross-examination and on the demand from the
prosecution to significantly prolong the time for its case. One can
suppose that President Milosevic would insist on the link between the
political repression in Belgrade and The Hague prosecution - the
question the judges yesterday avoided to accept as legitimate.
---
STOP THE POLITICAL REPRESSION IN SERBIA!
STOP THE EVIL CAMPAIGN AGAINST PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC, HIS FAMILY AND
ASSOCIATES!
RELEASE BOGOLJUB BJELICA AND OTHER POLITICAL PRISONERS!
SEND PROTESTS AND APPEALS TO YUGOSLAV EMBASSIES! -find their
addresses at http://www.mfa.gov.yu/Worldframe.htm
SLOBODA/Freedom Association
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m032703.html
[NOTA: A causa del suo carattere volontario, anzi volontaristico - e
probabilmente anche velleitario, visto il silenzio d'intorno nel quale
regolarmente cade e si perde - il nostro sforzo di controinformazione
non riesce spesso ad essere sufficiente e non ci consente di
riprodurre questi testi in lingua italiana. Chi fosse in grado di
farci avere rapidamente la traduzione di questo come anche degli altri
articoli non ancora tradotti sara' il benvenuto. (Per il CNJ: Andrea)]
---
Serbia Under Martial Law
by Nebojsa Malic
March 27, 2003
Two weeks ago, Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was shot and
killed by a sniper bullet. His successors immediately declared a
"state of emergency" - in effect, martial law - of undetermined
duration, and launched a massive police operation to crack down on
alleged crime syndicates suspected of Djindjic's murder. Djindjic was
given a full state funeral and numerous eulogies in the Western press,
before news of His Most Democratic Majesty's invasion of Iraq pushed
Serbia out of the limelight.
As Imperial forces, confident after terror-bombing Serbia into
submission in 1999, fought against unexpectedly stiff Iraqi
resistance, Djindjic's successors reaffirmed Serbia's vassal status by
expelling Iraqi diplomats. Meanwhile, at home, they reveled in power
over their citizens even the Emperor would envy.
A different war
Under the leadership of Djindjic's party comrade Zoran Zivkovic, who
was appointed Prime Minister on March 17, the new government launched
a "war on organized crime."
With uncanny speed, they blamed Djindjic's death on the "Zemun clan,"
allegedly a crime syndicate based near Belgrade. Suddenly, the police
that could not solve any capital murder cases in the past two years
knew everything, and everyone responsible. On March 18, the government
said it had arrested 750 people. Two days later, the number rose to
over 1000, and by the 23rd, stood at 2700! By March 17, Belgrade
prisons were full, and the arrested had to be sent elsewhere.
While Serbia is certainly ridden with organized crime, as are all
post-Communist countries, there are valid concerns that the government
crackdown is not really aimed at destroying the mafia altogether. For
example, though the little-known 'Zemun clan' is a target, the much
better-known 'Surcin clan,' whose boss let Djindjic travel in his
private jets, has not been mentioned at all.
One of the alleged 'Zemun clan' kingpins, known as "Legija," used to
command a Special Operations Unit of the Interior Ministry. Djindjic
enlisted Legija's help in 2000 to seize power, and in 2001 to seize
Milosevic. There are indications he was about to deliver Legija's head
to the Hague Inquisition, just before he was killed.
The following facts need mention as well. Zivkovic was minister of
police in the Yugoslav government until it was dissolved last month.
Djindjic was killed on his watch - yet he got promoted! Dusan
Mihajlovic, Serbia's minister of police (and thus even more
responsible than Zivkovic) remained in his post. Legija's former unit,
the "Red Berets," has been directly subordinated to Mihajlovic since
early 2002. (It was disbanded two days ago, just as some pro-Imperial
elements advised.)
There are numerous indications that the state of emergency and the
'war on crime' are actually aimed at the government's political
opponents and dissenters in general. "War is the health of the state,"
Randolph Bourne famously said. State-launched 'wars' on social
problems serve that purpose just as well.
Let the purges begin
Thanks to the emergency, the police do not need search or arrest
warrants, but simply to barge into houses and offices of suspects.
Property of the suspects can be confiscated or destroyed, as was the
case with an office building owned by the alleged leader of the "Zemun
clan." Under emergency powers, suspects can be held for 30 days
without charges.
And since Serbia kept the Communist system of criminal justice, all
suspects are pretty much presumed guilty until proven innocent.
Djindjic's murder has been blamed on "remnants of the Milosevic
regime", both by the Serbian government and the Imperial press. It is
hard to say exactly who claimed it first, though the accusations
seemed to appear in American papers sooner than in official Serbian
statements. It wouldn't be the first time that Serbia takes its cue
from the Empire. As early as March 16, a friend of Djindjic's wrote a
commentary for the Washington Post, openly blaming Slobodan Milosevic
for the hit.
Prime Minister Zivkovic also blamed "politically affiliate groups,"
and pledged he would "clean Serbia with an iron broom." A prominent
member of the Djindjic regime opined that the PM's tragic death could
be used as an "inspiration" to make Serbia into a democracy.
If so, Serbia's leaders have a mighty odd definition of "democracy."
Does it mean censorship? Yes. Emergency powers provided for a full
media crackdown, limiting the news to official statements only. This
supposedly extends only to the causes of the emergency, but since the
government interprets what does and what does not apply, in practice
this means censorship of everything. Several publications and TV
stations have already been banned. A Serbian government consultant,
posing as an independent journalist, tried to excuse the censorship by
claiming that 'those targeted are mainly low-quality tabloids,
notorious for their unverified reports, invasions of privacy and
reliance on rumour and even lies.' But that describes most of the
media in the Balkans! Besides, any persecution first targets the
unpopular, so by the time it gets around to others, they have no way
to resist.
Last week, the government purged the judiciary, creating the
opportunity to 'pack' the courts with its supporters. Nenad Canak, a
lunatic fringe politician who figures prominently in the DOS
coalition, advocated a ban on certain political parties. There was
even a hint of 'culture wars' as the authorities arrested Ceca
Raznatovic, neo-folk singer and widow of militia leader Arkan.
Allegedly connected to the 'Zemun clan,' Raznatovic and her music are
considered a "vulgar celebration of Serbia's criminal class," as Time
magazine famously put it last summer. Also, head of the military
counter-intelligence was recently sacked by the pro-Djindjic
government of the Serbia-Montenegro union, suggesting that a purge in
the military is going on as well.
The alleged hitman himself was arrested on Monday, but the police
haven't said how they "know" he was the shooter. In today's Serbia,
their word cannot be questioned.
Faking a martyr
Though the people in Serbia in general have been conditioned to, if
not trust, then at least obey the government unconditionally, many see
the state of emergency for what it is: a naked power grab, using
Djindjic's body as the proverbial 'bloody shirt'.
The Empire is certainly treating Djindjic like "a martyr to the cause
of a liberal, democratic Serbia" (Tod Lindberg, The Washington Times).
In the weeks following his demise, The Toronto Star called him 'a true
patriot,' London's noxious IWPR lamented Serbia's interrupted road to
"full Euro-Atlantic integration," and the New York Times editorialized
that though the Empire was absolutely right in all its demands, and
Djindjic did right by obeying them, he should have received more
support to deal with the opposition.
A rare voice of dissent came from Neil Clark in the London Guardian,
who called Djindjic "The quisling of Belgrade." Said Clark, "When a
man has sold his country's assets, its ex-president and his main
political rivals, what else is there to sell? Only the country
itself."
And Steven Erlanger of the New York Times noted, in a March 16 piece,
that Djindjic had links with the criminal syndicates that supposedly
killed him, even as he again claimed Djindjic was hated for obeying
the fully justified Western demands.
IWPR, a loathsome purveyor of transnational statism, deemed the
martial law as an "opportunity" to rid Serbia of organized crime, with
a perfunctory caution that it could lead to a dictatorship. The
government crackdown was also supported unequivocally by the
enthusiastically Imperial ICG. The Christian Science Monitor quoted
ICG's Belgrade bureau chief, James Lyon, as saying, "If they can keep
this up for another two weeks, I am optimistic that Djindjic's death
will be seen as the spark that gave Serbia a democratic future."
Meanwhile, ICG panicked over the possibility that the future Serbia
won't be as obedient and pliant as Djindjic made it, and demanded of
the Empire not to relax any of its pressure on Belgrade. The people of
Serbia, of course, knew nothing of it.
Under the emergency powers, mention of this report would result in a
ban...
Nebojsa Malic
[NOTA: A causa del suo carattere volontario, anzi volontaristico - e
probabilmente anche velleitario, visto il silenzio d'intorno nel quale
regolarmente cade e si perde - il nostro sforzo di controinformazione
non riesce spesso ad essere sufficiente e non ci consente di
riprodurre questi testi in lingua italiana. Chi fosse in grado di
farci avere rapidamente la traduzione di questo come anche degli altri
articoli non ancora tradotti sara' il benvenuto. (Per il CNJ: Andrea)]
---
Serbia Under Martial Law
by Nebojsa Malic
March 27, 2003
Two weeks ago, Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was shot and
killed by a sniper bullet. His successors immediately declared a
"state of emergency" - in effect, martial law - of undetermined
duration, and launched a massive police operation to crack down on
alleged crime syndicates suspected of Djindjic's murder. Djindjic was
given a full state funeral and numerous eulogies in the Western press,
before news of His Most Democratic Majesty's invasion of Iraq pushed
Serbia out of the limelight.
As Imperial forces, confident after terror-bombing Serbia into
submission in 1999, fought against unexpectedly stiff Iraqi
resistance, Djindjic's successors reaffirmed Serbia's vassal status by
expelling Iraqi diplomats. Meanwhile, at home, they reveled in power
over their citizens even the Emperor would envy.
A different war
Under the leadership of Djindjic's party comrade Zoran Zivkovic, who
was appointed Prime Minister on March 17, the new government launched
a "war on organized crime."
With uncanny speed, they blamed Djindjic's death on the "Zemun clan,"
allegedly a crime syndicate based near Belgrade. Suddenly, the police
that could not solve any capital murder cases in the past two years
knew everything, and everyone responsible. On March 18, the government
said it had arrested 750 people. Two days later, the number rose to
over 1000, and by the 23rd, stood at 2700! By March 17, Belgrade
prisons were full, and the arrested had to be sent elsewhere.
While Serbia is certainly ridden with organized crime, as are all
post-Communist countries, there are valid concerns that the government
crackdown is not really aimed at destroying the mafia altogether. For
example, though the little-known 'Zemun clan' is a target, the much
better-known 'Surcin clan,' whose boss let Djindjic travel in his
private jets, has not been mentioned at all.
One of the alleged 'Zemun clan' kingpins, known as "Legija," used to
command a Special Operations Unit of the Interior Ministry. Djindjic
enlisted Legija's help in 2000 to seize power, and in 2001 to seize
Milosevic. There are indications he was about to deliver Legija's head
to the Hague Inquisition, just before he was killed.
The following facts need mention as well. Zivkovic was minister of
police in the Yugoslav government until it was dissolved last month.
Djindjic was killed on his watch - yet he got promoted! Dusan
Mihajlovic, Serbia's minister of police (and thus even more
responsible than Zivkovic) remained in his post. Legija's former unit,
the "Red Berets," has been directly subordinated to Mihajlovic since
early 2002. (It was disbanded two days ago, just as some pro-Imperial
elements advised.)
There are numerous indications that the state of emergency and the
'war on crime' are actually aimed at the government's political
opponents and dissenters in general. "War is the health of the state,"
Randolph Bourne famously said. State-launched 'wars' on social
problems serve that purpose just as well.
Let the purges begin
Thanks to the emergency, the police do not need search or arrest
warrants, but simply to barge into houses and offices of suspects.
Property of the suspects can be confiscated or destroyed, as was the
case with an office building owned by the alleged leader of the "Zemun
clan." Under emergency powers, suspects can be held for 30 days
without charges.
And since Serbia kept the Communist system of criminal justice, all
suspects are pretty much presumed guilty until proven innocent.
Djindjic's murder has been blamed on "remnants of the Milosevic
regime", both by the Serbian government and the Imperial press. It is
hard to say exactly who claimed it first, though the accusations
seemed to appear in American papers sooner than in official Serbian
statements. It wouldn't be the first time that Serbia takes its cue
from the Empire. As early as March 16, a friend of Djindjic's wrote a
commentary for the Washington Post, openly blaming Slobodan Milosevic
for the hit.
Prime Minister Zivkovic also blamed "politically affiliate groups,"
and pledged he would "clean Serbia with an iron broom." A prominent
member of the Djindjic regime opined that the PM's tragic death could
be used as an "inspiration" to make Serbia into a democracy.
If so, Serbia's leaders have a mighty odd definition of "democracy."
Does it mean censorship? Yes. Emergency powers provided for a full
media crackdown, limiting the news to official statements only. This
supposedly extends only to the causes of the emergency, but since the
government interprets what does and what does not apply, in practice
this means censorship of everything. Several publications and TV
stations have already been banned. A Serbian government consultant,
posing as an independent journalist, tried to excuse the censorship by
claiming that 'those targeted are mainly low-quality tabloids,
notorious for their unverified reports, invasions of privacy and
reliance on rumour and even lies.' But that describes most of the
media in the Balkans! Besides, any persecution first targets the
unpopular, so by the time it gets around to others, they have no way
to resist.
Last week, the government purged the judiciary, creating the
opportunity to 'pack' the courts with its supporters. Nenad Canak, a
lunatic fringe politician who figures prominently in the DOS
coalition, advocated a ban on certain political parties. There was
even a hint of 'culture wars' as the authorities arrested Ceca
Raznatovic, neo-folk singer and widow of militia leader Arkan.
Allegedly connected to the 'Zemun clan,' Raznatovic and her music are
considered a "vulgar celebration of Serbia's criminal class," as Time
magazine famously put it last summer. Also, head of the military
counter-intelligence was recently sacked by the pro-Djindjic
government of the Serbia-Montenegro union, suggesting that a purge in
the military is going on as well.
The alleged hitman himself was arrested on Monday, but the police
haven't said how they "know" he was the shooter. In today's Serbia,
their word cannot be questioned.
Faking a martyr
Though the people in Serbia in general have been conditioned to, if
not trust, then at least obey the government unconditionally, many see
the state of emergency for what it is: a naked power grab, using
Djindjic's body as the proverbial 'bloody shirt'.
The Empire is certainly treating Djindjic like "a martyr to the cause
of a liberal, democratic Serbia" (Tod Lindberg, The Washington Times).
In the weeks following his demise, The Toronto Star called him 'a true
patriot,' London's noxious IWPR lamented Serbia's interrupted road to
"full Euro-Atlantic integration," and the New York Times editorialized
that though the Empire was absolutely right in all its demands, and
Djindjic did right by obeying them, he should have received more
support to deal with the opposition.
A rare voice of dissent came from Neil Clark in the London Guardian,
who called Djindjic "The quisling of Belgrade." Said Clark, "When a
man has sold his country's assets, its ex-president and his main
political rivals, what else is there to sell? Only the country
itself."
And Steven Erlanger of the New York Times noted, in a March 16 piece,
that Djindjic had links with the criminal syndicates that supposedly
killed him, even as he again claimed Djindjic was hated for obeying
the fully justified Western demands.
IWPR, a loathsome purveyor of transnational statism, deemed the
martial law as an "opportunity" to rid Serbia of organized crime, with
a perfunctory caution that it could lead to a dictatorship. The
government crackdown was also supported unequivocally by the
enthusiastically Imperial ICG. The Christian Science Monitor quoted
ICG's Belgrade bureau chief, James Lyon, as saying, "If they can keep
this up for another two weeks, I am optimistic that Djindjic's death
will be seen as the spark that gave Serbia a democratic future."
Meanwhile, ICG panicked over the possibility that the future Serbia
won't be as obedient and pliant as Djindjic made it, and demanded of
the Empire not to relax any of its pressure on Belgrade. The people of
Serbia, of course, knew nothing of it.
Under the emergency powers, mention of this report would result in a
ban...
Nebojsa Malic
