Informazione
1. "Fearsome Muslim warlord eludes Bosnian Serb forces"
(Toronto Star 16/08/1995)
2. Interview with Hakija Meholjic, president of Social Democratic
Party for Srebrenica
(Dani 22/06/1998)
=== 1 ===
Full Text of Reporter's Account of Evening Spent with Commander of
Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica
URL is
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/oric.htm
Join our email list at
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Send the link to this text to a
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==========================================================F
Full Text of Reporter's Account
of Evening Spent with
Commander of Bosnian Muslims
in Srebrenica
[Posted 21 December 2002]
==========================================================
Dear Emperor's Clothes,
Re: "A Rare Glimpse at the
Reality of the Bosnian War "
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/gorazde.htm
Thanks for this little antidote to
the view of the Jugoslavian wars
peddled so assiduously by the
mainstream media! One minor
suggestion: if possible, it would be
nice to have access to the entire
Toronto Star article in which
Nasir Oric boasts about his
"Greatest Hits." That way,
Emperor's Clothes would not
open itself to an accusation of
selective citation....
H. Day
Norway
***
Dear Mr. Day,
The article can be accessed only
on special search engines, those
which archive past news. (E.g.,
Lexis) Therefore, I cannot give a
url. However, here is the full text.
Best regards,
Jared Israel
***
The Toronto Star
July 16, 1995, Sunday, SUNDAY
SECOND EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. A1
LENGTH: 816 words
HEADLINE: Fearsome Muslim
warlord eludes Bosnian Serb
forces
BYLINE: Bill Schiller Toronto
Star
DATELINE: BELGRADE,
Yugoslavia
BODY:
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia - When
Bosnian Serb commander Gen.
Ratko Mladic swept triumphantly
into Srebrenica last week, he not
only wanted to sweep Srebrenica
clean of Muslims - he wanted
Nasir Oric.
In Mladic's view, the powerfully
built Muslim commander had
made life too difficult and too
deadly for Serb communities
nearby.
Even though the Serbs had
Srebrenica surrounded, Oric was
still mounting commando raids by
night against Serb targets.
Oric, as blood-thirsty a warrior as
ever crossed a battlefield, escaped
Srebrenica before it fell. Some
believe he may be leading the
Bosnian Muslim forces in the
nearby enclaves of Zepa and
Gorazde. Last night these forces
seized armored personnel carriers
and other weapons from U.N.
peacekeepers in order to better
protect themselves.
Oric is a fearsome man, and proud
of it.
I met him in January, 1994, in his
own home in Serb-surrounded
Srebrenica.
On a cold and snowy night, I sat in
his living room watching a
shocking video version of what
might have been called Nasir
Oric's Greatest Hits.
There were burning houses, dead
bodies, severed heads, and people
fleeing.
Oric grinned throughout, admiring
his handiwork.
"We ambushed them," he said
when a number of dead Serbs
appeared on the screen.
The next sequence of dead bodies
had been done in by explosives:
"We launched those guys to the
moon," he boasted.
When footage of a bullet-marked
ghost town appeared without any
visible bodies, Oric hastened to
announce: "We killed 114 Serbs
there."
Later there were celebrations,
with singers with wobbly voices
chanting his praises.
These video reminiscences,
apparently, were from what
Muslims regard as Oric's glory
days. That was before most of
eastern Bosnia fell and Srebrenica
became a "safe zone" with U.N.
peacekeepers inside - and Serbs
on the outside.
Lately, however, Oric increased
his hit-and-run attacks at night.
And in Mladic's view, it was far
too successful for a community
that was supposed to be
suppressed.
The Serbs regard Oric, once Serb
President Slobodan Milosevic's
personal bodyguard, as a war
criminal.
But they don't want to send him to
the international war crimes
tribunal in The Hague,
Netherlands. They want to track
him down and kill him.
The only songs they want sung of
Nasir Oric are funeral dirges.
But that hasn't happened.
Srebrenica, surrounded by 3,000
armed Serbs as it was then, was a
strange town. It held a desperate
kind of life - a life in suspended
animation.
People talked about what they
used to do, or used to be. Or about
what they would do or would
become once they were free
again.
Sleeping beneath the sheltering
sky near Tuzla as Srebrenica's
surviving residents did last week
- after having been driven from
their homes - was not in their
catalogue of expectations.
I remember steep streets lined
with snow and, everywhere,
firewood.
Srebrenica, an old silver mining
town, was built to hold 4,500
residents, but was then crammed
with 22,500. And the overall
pocket, some 14 kilometres wide
by 16 kilometres long, had
swelled to 46,000 in all.
It had the look and feel of an
overcrowded, somewhat
dilapidated, ski resort town.
But it was anything but.
Still, people were friendly. The
face of an outsider, an
unexplained newcomer, came as a
pleasant surprise to them and I
was welcomed into their homes,
served tea brewed on makeshift
firewood stoves, and treated with
kindness.
There was, even then, some
tension in the air about our
Canadian peacekeepers there. But
they were still doing a good job -
even an excellent one - despite
extraordinarily high expectations.
I got into Srebrenica by
convincing Bosnian Serb leader
Radovan Karadzic that the time
was right for a journalist to visit.
None had been allowed for more
than 100 days. People were
wondering what was going on
behind the curtain.
In the end, another journalist
asked to come along. He had a
vehicle, and I didn't. It was a good
trade-off.
But what we smelled there,
besides the smoke of thousand and
one cooking fires, was the slow
death of hope.
No one wanted to admit it was a
hopeless situation. They wanted to
believe that someone, something,
perhaps some extraordinary act of
fate, was going to save them and
their town.
They just didn't know what it was.
And that not knowing ate away at
them, just as their thinning food
supplies, having been choked off
by the Serbs, did.
At the very end of the only real
street that led all the way down
into the town and became, in
effect, main street, I'll always
remember dozens of kids taking
turns whizzing across a pool of
sheer ice, their bottoms protected
by worn pieces of thin cardboard.
We don't use the word "glee"
anymore. But that's what it was
then. Glee on Main Street,
Downtown Srebrenica.
A bit of laughter against the cold.
A bit of glee in the face of
inevitable doom.
(c) The Toronto Star 1992 -
Posted for educational and fair use
only
=======================================
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whole new get-tough policy
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demonizing the Serbian people to
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Milosevic showed at The Hague.
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=== 2 ===
5,000 Muslim Lives for Military Intervention
Dani, Sarajevo, Bosnia-Hercegovina, June 22 1998
Interview with Hakija Meholjic, president of Social Democratic Party
for Srebrenica, by Hasan Hadzic
In your accusations of the state leadership, and particularly of
President Izetbegovic, over a share of the Bosniak blame for the
Srebrenica tragedy, the departure of the Srebrenica delegation to
Sarajevo in September 1993 for talks on the fate of this enclave
cannot be avoided?
The invitation came from President Izetbegovic. At a meeting of the
municipal war presidency we designated the delegation for Sarajevo. We
immediately had some premonition that big issues would be resolved
there because it was the first time we were leaving Srebrenica and we
were provided transport in two helicopters. We exited safely, yet ever
since we had became a demilitarized zone not a single civilian or
military delegation had come to us. It was envisaged that Naser Oric
would be going also, but he did not want to go. We were transported
in armored personnel carriers from Sarajevo airport to the Holiday Inn
hotel. That was the time of the Bosniak Convention, where a decision
was being made on the peace plan and the division of Bosnia. We were
received there by President Izetbegovic, and immediately after the
welcome he asked us: "What do you think about the swap of Srebrenica
for Vogosca [a Sarajevo suburb]?" There was a silence for a while and
then I said: "Mr. President, if this is a done thing, then you should
not have invited us here, because we have to return and face the
people and personally accept the burden of that decision."
So you rejected Izetbegovic's decision?
We rejected it without any discussion. Then he said: "You know, I was
offered by Clinton in April 1993 (after the fall of Cerska and
Konjevic Polje) that the Chetnik forces enter Srebrenica, carry out a
slaughter of 5,000 Muslims, and then there will be a military
intervention." Our delegation was composed of nine people, one among
us was from Bratunac and unfortunately he is the only one not alive
now, but all the others from the delegation are alive and can confirm
this. Since the Convention had started the President entered to
announce us, and when he did it all the present stood up and welcomed
us with an applause as heroes. We had a request, in case the peace
plan was accepted, that Srebrenica be provided a physical link with
Tuzla and not with Gorazde.
Therefore, we asked for Bratunac and Zvornik because a link across the
desolate stretches and mountains did not suit us and we had never been
linked to that area anyway. It was said the President would receive
all delegations, but he accepted them all except ours.
Srebrenica Was Sold
Did you talk to someone else?
Then they somehow judged I was the toughest nut to crack, so Hazim
Rancic, the then chief of the Tuzla police, told me it was the
politicians' stance that I should stay behind for some seven days in
order for us to discuss and agree on something. Then they would
transport me by a helicopter to Zepa and I should then go on foot from
Zepa to Srebrenica. I told them I was to go to Srebrenica because the
people would think I did not want to return. I also told them if they
really wanted it I would go to Zepa from Srebrenica if they would send
a helicopter. Since the people there were already disappointed, during
the trip back we decided not to tell the people we were offered a
swap; otherwise they would understand it as if we were written off. I
can say that, regardless of the mistakes, the municipal presidency was
good and tried to work for the good of the people. We understood
everything clearly. We connected that with the fact that nobody had
organized us for defense since the ruling party surrendered Srebrenica
in April 1992 without resistance. I had been asked then to surrender
weapons because I had organized a unit of my own, but I had refused to
do so. My most difficult moment was when at the departure from
Sarajevo my colleague Adnan Karovic told me: "Hakija, you have been
sold! Please, if Srebrenica does fall, kill my mother, I beg of you.
Just do not let her fall into their hands!"
Even after the fall of Srebrenica in 1995 you had a chance to address
President Izetbegovic?
I requested then that a state commission be formed to examine the
responsibility of the international community, the President, the Army
General Staff, the Second Army corps, our responsibility.... The
people are missing, hey.... He (President Izetbegovic) asked me what I
would achieve with that? Rasim Delic tried to say something, too, but
nobody gave him a chance to speak. I did not interfere, but,
generally, I have a very bad opinion about the majority of the General
Staff members. Never in the history of wars had the people,
"processed" by other armies, been appointed commanders. You spend five
to six months in their prison, then you come through an exchange, and
become a commander. On the second day after Srebrenica fell we heard
on the radio in the woods Rasim Delic calling us to return as the
situation in Srebrenica was normal. That provoked a total confusion.
You had another interesting meeting with the President?
That was immediately after the liberation of Vozuca. I was informed
that the President was waiting in Kozlovac to talk to me. We went
through the complete history of Srebrenica. I told him I was going to
sue him when his power weakens. He asked me again what I was going to
achieve with that. I told him again that an investigation must be
conducted because the people were missing.... He then said: "You know,
these investigations remind me of my own investigation." He meant the
political one he had undergone [1983 trial of Izetbegovic]. I told
him: "There is a difference there, hey, you are an individual, and
there are no more people...."
One of the most puzzling personalities from Srebrenica is the
commander Naser Oric. He has avoided speaking, and the others are
divided in their opinion about him.
I have a normal relationship with Naser. I said that we should all be
held responsible, but as they did not initiate anything that means
Naser is not to blame for anything. All that must be proven. Naser
knows a lot and I told him once he must have been given "something" to
keep quiet. He laughed at that. I told him he would speak sooner or
later. If he was guilty then that should have been proven and he
should have been punished; if not, he should have been kept in the
army or police.... They left the man on the street and now they say he
deals with this or that. Well, he has to do something. Alija is giving
up the people. He is getting rid of the greatest commanders and
fighters.
The Role of Ibran Mustafic
An interesting individual in the Srebrenica story, both the wartime
and the postwar one, is Ibran Mustafic. He has accused everybody else
for the tragedy, yet he is being reproached for rescuing himself
through Serb contacts. Then he founded a new party, after which the
authorities denounced him, and then the authorities sent him to
suppress the revolt of the Srebrenica women. What kind of conclusion
should one draw from all that?
As a deputy of the SDA [Party of Democratic Action] Ibran was a "hawk"
in the prewar assembly. He was not in Srebrenica in the beginning of
the war because he was in Sarajevo. When we advanced well, despite all
our internal disputes, suddenly Ibran came, somewhere from the
woods.... Then he started spreading stories that our army was not
good, so bit by bit there was a split among the soldiers. He wanted
power again, so the SDA split into two camps. One evening someone
attacked him, Hamed Salihovic and Hamed Efendic. Salihovic was killed
then. Ibran was wounded and transported to the hospital. I was the
police chief then and we wanted to carry out an inquiry. But Ibran and
Hamed, as eye-witnesses, did not want to give a statement. Then there
was a session of the municipal assembly at which Ibran asked to be
given a radio set to talk to Momcilo Krajisnik so that Krajisnik could
take him out of Srebrenica.
Naturally, he was not allowed to do that. I connected these facts only
later. Ibran came to "wreck" Srebrenica while we advanced as that did
not suit someone's plan, and I assume that was the SDA's plan. When
Srebrenica fell he went straight to Potocari instead of going with all
of us through the forest. It is difficult to explain how he managed to
get out while the others were killed. Later he gave statements in
Bijeljina that we killed one another. Many people who did not have any
clue as to what the SDA was were killed, yet he went out and arrived
in Sarajevo.
Then again in 1996 Alija invited us to a meeting in the SDA main
office where Ibran stood up and recited a poem: "Alija, without you
the Sun will not shine, without you there will be darkness." And he
cried at the same time. Ibran is the President's man. He openly tells
the people not to return to Srebrenica, and the women who are content
are on his side. Those are the women who receive good money from the
SDA in order not to go there, since it is better for them to talk hot
air and halt the traffic here. All that is a scenario. Srebrenica was
first glorified, then mourned, and, in the end, made odious by taking
people to the streets. The goal of the authorities is to discredit us
in the face of other citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina so that they say
we are savages and that the authorities should do to us what they have
been doing.
What is the position of your minister, Adib Djozic?
Before the war Adib Djozic spoke on the Srebrenica radio station
protecting Goran Zekic, a Chetnik leader, who we had denounced as
an organizer of Chetnik training. Upon his arrival to Tuzla in the
beginning of the war Djozic presented himself as a founder of the SDA,
organizer of the uprising, and the like. The best illustration of what
kind of person he is, is one detail regarding the petition that
thousands of Srebrenica people signed against him. He then came to the
premises of the Srebrenica municipality in Tuzla and said: "Dear
people, I was called by President Izetbegovic, who asked me if I could
'wreck' Srebrenica, and if I could, then I would be a minister. I
promised I could." That took place in front of a large number of
witnesses.
You are now in the SDP [Social Democratic Party of Bosnia-Herzegovina]
and in that political framework you have been trying to do something
for the return of refugees. How does it go?
I have a reason to trust the people like Bogic Bogicevic, Nijaz
Durakovic, Zlatko Lagumdzija, Mirsad Djapo, and many others. They
have proved that they are most sincerely for Bosnia-Herzegovina as a
normal state. For me, Bosnia-Herzegovina without my Srebrenica does
not exist and my biggest goal in life is to return. The current
authorities have shown thousand of times so far that they do not want
that.
(Toronto Star 16/08/1995)
2. Interview with Hakija Meholjic, president of Social Democratic
Party for Srebrenica
(Dani 22/06/1998)
=== 1 ===
Full Text of Reporter's Account of Evening Spent with Commander of
Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica
URL is
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/oric.htm
Join our email list at
http://emperor.vwh.net/MailList/index.php
Receive articles from Emperor's
Clothes Website
Send the link to this text to a
friend. If you're reading this in
email, please forward this article
to your friends.
* Looking for a gift? See ad at end
of article for JUDGMENT! video
- the movie shown by Milosevic
at The Hague *
==========================================================F
Full Text of Reporter's Account
of Evening Spent with
Commander of Bosnian Muslims
in Srebrenica
[Posted 21 December 2002]
==========================================================
Dear Emperor's Clothes,
Re: "A Rare Glimpse at the
Reality of the Bosnian War "
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/gorazde.htm
Thanks for this little antidote to
the view of the Jugoslavian wars
peddled so assiduously by the
mainstream media! One minor
suggestion: if possible, it would be
nice to have access to the entire
Toronto Star article in which
Nasir Oric boasts about his
"Greatest Hits." That way,
Emperor's Clothes would not
open itself to an accusation of
selective citation....
H. Day
Norway
***
Dear Mr. Day,
The article can be accessed only
on special search engines, those
which archive past news. (E.g.,
Lexis) Therefore, I cannot give a
url. However, here is the full text.
Best regards,
Jared Israel
***
The Toronto Star
July 16, 1995, Sunday, SUNDAY
SECOND EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. A1
LENGTH: 816 words
HEADLINE: Fearsome Muslim
warlord eludes Bosnian Serb
forces
BYLINE: Bill Schiller Toronto
Star
DATELINE: BELGRADE,
Yugoslavia
BODY:
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia - When
Bosnian Serb commander Gen.
Ratko Mladic swept triumphantly
into Srebrenica last week, he not
only wanted to sweep Srebrenica
clean of Muslims - he wanted
Nasir Oric.
In Mladic's view, the powerfully
built Muslim commander had
made life too difficult and too
deadly for Serb communities
nearby.
Even though the Serbs had
Srebrenica surrounded, Oric was
still mounting commando raids by
night against Serb targets.
Oric, as blood-thirsty a warrior as
ever crossed a battlefield, escaped
Srebrenica before it fell. Some
believe he may be leading the
Bosnian Muslim forces in the
nearby enclaves of Zepa and
Gorazde. Last night these forces
seized armored personnel carriers
and other weapons from U.N.
peacekeepers in order to better
protect themselves.
Oric is a fearsome man, and proud
of it.
I met him in January, 1994, in his
own home in Serb-surrounded
Srebrenica.
On a cold and snowy night, I sat in
his living room watching a
shocking video version of what
might have been called Nasir
Oric's Greatest Hits.
There were burning houses, dead
bodies, severed heads, and people
fleeing.
Oric grinned throughout, admiring
his handiwork.
"We ambushed them," he said
when a number of dead Serbs
appeared on the screen.
The next sequence of dead bodies
had been done in by explosives:
"We launched those guys to the
moon," he boasted.
When footage of a bullet-marked
ghost town appeared without any
visible bodies, Oric hastened to
announce: "We killed 114 Serbs
there."
Later there were celebrations,
with singers with wobbly voices
chanting his praises.
These video reminiscences,
apparently, were from what
Muslims regard as Oric's glory
days. That was before most of
eastern Bosnia fell and Srebrenica
became a "safe zone" with U.N.
peacekeepers inside - and Serbs
on the outside.
Lately, however, Oric increased
his hit-and-run attacks at night.
And in Mladic's view, it was far
too successful for a community
that was supposed to be
suppressed.
The Serbs regard Oric, once Serb
President Slobodan Milosevic's
personal bodyguard, as a war
criminal.
But they don't want to send him to
the international war crimes
tribunal in The Hague,
Netherlands. They want to track
him down and kill him.
The only songs they want sung of
Nasir Oric are funeral dirges.
But that hasn't happened.
Srebrenica, surrounded by 3,000
armed Serbs as it was then, was a
strange town. It held a desperate
kind of life - a life in suspended
animation.
People talked about what they
used to do, or used to be. Or about
what they would do or would
become once they were free
again.
Sleeping beneath the sheltering
sky near Tuzla as Srebrenica's
surviving residents did last week
- after having been driven from
their homes - was not in their
catalogue of expectations.
I remember steep streets lined
with snow and, everywhere,
firewood.
Srebrenica, an old silver mining
town, was built to hold 4,500
residents, but was then crammed
with 22,500. And the overall
pocket, some 14 kilometres wide
by 16 kilometres long, had
swelled to 46,000 in all.
It had the look and feel of an
overcrowded, somewhat
dilapidated, ski resort town.
But it was anything but.
Still, people were friendly. The
face of an outsider, an
unexplained newcomer, came as a
pleasant surprise to them and I
was welcomed into their homes,
served tea brewed on makeshift
firewood stoves, and treated with
kindness.
There was, even then, some
tension in the air about our
Canadian peacekeepers there. But
they were still doing a good job -
even an excellent one - despite
extraordinarily high expectations.
I got into Srebrenica by
convincing Bosnian Serb leader
Radovan Karadzic that the time
was right for a journalist to visit.
None had been allowed for more
than 100 days. People were
wondering what was going on
behind the curtain.
In the end, another journalist
asked to come along. He had a
vehicle, and I didn't. It was a good
trade-off.
But what we smelled there,
besides the smoke of thousand and
one cooking fires, was the slow
death of hope.
No one wanted to admit it was a
hopeless situation. They wanted to
believe that someone, something,
perhaps some extraordinary act of
fate, was going to save them and
their town.
They just didn't know what it was.
And that not knowing ate away at
them, just as their thinning food
supplies, having been choked off
by the Serbs, did.
At the very end of the only real
street that led all the way down
into the town and became, in
effect, main street, I'll always
remember dozens of kids taking
turns whizzing across a pool of
sheer ice, their bottoms protected
by worn pieces of thin cardboard.
We don't use the word "glee"
anymore. But that's what it was
then. Glee on Main Street,
Downtown Srebrenica.
A bit of laughter against the cold.
A bit of glee in the face of
inevitable doom.
(c) The Toronto Star 1992 -
Posted for educational and fair use
only
=======================================
'JUDGMENT!' - The Video
Shown As Evidence at The Hague
Tribunal!
{It can now be shipped gift
wrapped...Order details after text}
=======================================
September 26 was the first day of
the Bosnian part of the Hague trial
against Slobodan Milosevic. That
day Mr. Milosevic showed
excerpts from a video which
demonstrates how the British TV
station, ITN, fabricated evidence
of Serbian death camps in Bosnia.
The video, co-produced by
Emperor's Clothes and reporters
from Serbian Television, is called
'JUDGMENT!' It demonstrates
that the famous Bosnian pictures,
especially the tall, seemingly
starved man behind barbed wire in
a death camp, were a hoax. It was
not a death camp. The Muslim
men were not behind barbed wire.
This is eminently clear from video
footage shot that day and
reproduced in 'JUDGMENT!'
The movie shows step-by-step
how the phony pictures were
created.
The Bosnian pictures had a huge
impact in 1992. Twenty minutes
after they were shown on TV on
August 6th, George Bush Sr. held
a press conference to proclaim a
whole new get-tough policy
against the Bosnian Serbs. This
was followed by a worldwide
media campaign - all based on the
Bosnian pictures.
If we at Emperor's Clothes are
right that these pictures were a
fraud, then the implications are
staggering: the pictures were
staged to justify a coordinated
US/European policy of
demonizing the Serbian people to
justify war. The press conference
was planned to coincide with the
release of the pictures. The
worldwide press campaign against
the Bosnian Serbs was planned in
advance.
You can view the same video Mr.
Milosevic showed at The Hague.
If you conclude that we are not
telling the truth, send the video
back and we'll refund the
purchase price in full. You don't
risk a penny.
You can purchase a copy of
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=== 2 ===
5,000 Muslim Lives for Military Intervention
Dani, Sarajevo, Bosnia-Hercegovina, June 22 1998
Interview with Hakija Meholjic, president of Social Democratic Party
for Srebrenica, by Hasan Hadzic
In your accusations of the state leadership, and particularly of
President Izetbegovic, over a share of the Bosniak blame for the
Srebrenica tragedy, the departure of the Srebrenica delegation to
Sarajevo in September 1993 for talks on the fate of this enclave
cannot be avoided?
The invitation came from President Izetbegovic. At a meeting of the
municipal war presidency we designated the delegation for Sarajevo. We
immediately had some premonition that big issues would be resolved
there because it was the first time we were leaving Srebrenica and we
were provided transport in two helicopters. We exited safely, yet ever
since we had became a demilitarized zone not a single civilian or
military delegation had come to us. It was envisaged that Naser Oric
would be going also, but he did not want to go. We were transported
in armored personnel carriers from Sarajevo airport to the Holiday Inn
hotel. That was the time of the Bosniak Convention, where a decision
was being made on the peace plan and the division of Bosnia. We were
received there by President Izetbegovic, and immediately after the
welcome he asked us: "What do you think about the swap of Srebrenica
for Vogosca [a Sarajevo suburb]?" There was a silence for a while and
then I said: "Mr. President, if this is a done thing, then you should
not have invited us here, because we have to return and face the
people and personally accept the burden of that decision."
So you rejected Izetbegovic's decision?
We rejected it without any discussion. Then he said: "You know, I was
offered by Clinton in April 1993 (after the fall of Cerska and
Konjevic Polje) that the Chetnik forces enter Srebrenica, carry out a
slaughter of 5,000 Muslims, and then there will be a military
intervention." Our delegation was composed of nine people, one among
us was from Bratunac and unfortunately he is the only one not alive
now, but all the others from the delegation are alive and can confirm
this. Since the Convention had started the President entered to
announce us, and when he did it all the present stood up and welcomed
us with an applause as heroes. We had a request, in case the peace
plan was accepted, that Srebrenica be provided a physical link with
Tuzla and not with Gorazde.
Therefore, we asked for Bratunac and Zvornik because a link across the
desolate stretches and mountains did not suit us and we had never been
linked to that area anyway. It was said the President would receive
all delegations, but he accepted them all except ours.
Srebrenica Was Sold
Did you talk to someone else?
Then they somehow judged I was the toughest nut to crack, so Hazim
Rancic, the then chief of the Tuzla police, told me it was the
politicians' stance that I should stay behind for some seven days in
order for us to discuss and agree on something. Then they would
transport me by a helicopter to Zepa and I should then go on foot from
Zepa to Srebrenica. I told them I was to go to Srebrenica because the
people would think I did not want to return. I also told them if they
really wanted it I would go to Zepa from Srebrenica if they would send
a helicopter. Since the people there were already disappointed, during
the trip back we decided not to tell the people we were offered a
swap; otherwise they would understand it as if we were written off. I
can say that, regardless of the mistakes, the municipal presidency was
good and tried to work for the good of the people. We understood
everything clearly. We connected that with the fact that nobody had
organized us for defense since the ruling party surrendered Srebrenica
in April 1992 without resistance. I had been asked then to surrender
weapons because I had organized a unit of my own, but I had refused to
do so. My most difficult moment was when at the departure from
Sarajevo my colleague Adnan Karovic told me: "Hakija, you have been
sold! Please, if Srebrenica does fall, kill my mother, I beg of you.
Just do not let her fall into their hands!"
Even after the fall of Srebrenica in 1995 you had a chance to address
President Izetbegovic?
I requested then that a state commission be formed to examine the
responsibility of the international community, the President, the Army
General Staff, the Second Army corps, our responsibility.... The
people are missing, hey.... He (President Izetbegovic) asked me what I
would achieve with that? Rasim Delic tried to say something, too, but
nobody gave him a chance to speak. I did not interfere, but,
generally, I have a very bad opinion about the majority of the General
Staff members. Never in the history of wars had the people,
"processed" by other armies, been appointed commanders. You spend five
to six months in their prison, then you come through an exchange, and
become a commander. On the second day after Srebrenica fell we heard
on the radio in the woods Rasim Delic calling us to return as the
situation in Srebrenica was normal. That provoked a total confusion.
You had another interesting meeting with the President?
That was immediately after the liberation of Vozuca. I was informed
that the President was waiting in Kozlovac to talk to me. We went
through the complete history of Srebrenica. I told him I was going to
sue him when his power weakens. He asked me again what I was going to
achieve with that. I told him again that an investigation must be
conducted because the people were missing.... He then said: "You know,
these investigations remind me of my own investigation." He meant the
political one he had undergone [1983 trial of Izetbegovic]. I told
him: "There is a difference there, hey, you are an individual, and
there are no more people...."
One of the most puzzling personalities from Srebrenica is the
commander Naser Oric. He has avoided speaking, and the others are
divided in their opinion about him.
I have a normal relationship with Naser. I said that we should all be
held responsible, but as they did not initiate anything that means
Naser is not to blame for anything. All that must be proven. Naser
knows a lot and I told him once he must have been given "something" to
keep quiet. He laughed at that. I told him he would speak sooner or
later. If he was guilty then that should have been proven and he
should have been punished; if not, he should have been kept in the
army or police.... They left the man on the street and now they say he
deals with this or that. Well, he has to do something. Alija is giving
up the people. He is getting rid of the greatest commanders and
fighters.
The Role of Ibran Mustafic
An interesting individual in the Srebrenica story, both the wartime
and the postwar one, is Ibran Mustafic. He has accused everybody else
for the tragedy, yet he is being reproached for rescuing himself
through Serb contacts. Then he founded a new party, after which the
authorities denounced him, and then the authorities sent him to
suppress the revolt of the Srebrenica women. What kind of conclusion
should one draw from all that?
As a deputy of the SDA [Party of Democratic Action] Ibran was a "hawk"
in the prewar assembly. He was not in Srebrenica in the beginning of
the war because he was in Sarajevo. When we advanced well, despite all
our internal disputes, suddenly Ibran came, somewhere from the
woods.... Then he started spreading stories that our army was not
good, so bit by bit there was a split among the soldiers. He wanted
power again, so the SDA split into two camps. One evening someone
attacked him, Hamed Salihovic and Hamed Efendic. Salihovic was killed
then. Ibran was wounded and transported to the hospital. I was the
police chief then and we wanted to carry out an inquiry. But Ibran and
Hamed, as eye-witnesses, did not want to give a statement. Then there
was a session of the municipal assembly at which Ibran asked to be
given a radio set to talk to Momcilo Krajisnik so that Krajisnik could
take him out of Srebrenica.
Naturally, he was not allowed to do that. I connected these facts only
later. Ibran came to "wreck" Srebrenica while we advanced as that did
not suit someone's plan, and I assume that was the SDA's plan. When
Srebrenica fell he went straight to Potocari instead of going with all
of us through the forest. It is difficult to explain how he managed to
get out while the others were killed. Later he gave statements in
Bijeljina that we killed one another. Many people who did not have any
clue as to what the SDA was were killed, yet he went out and arrived
in Sarajevo.
Then again in 1996 Alija invited us to a meeting in the SDA main
office where Ibran stood up and recited a poem: "Alija, without you
the Sun will not shine, without you there will be darkness." And he
cried at the same time. Ibran is the President's man. He openly tells
the people not to return to Srebrenica, and the women who are content
are on his side. Those are the women who receive good money from the
SDA in order not to go there, since it is better for them to talk hot
air and halt the traffic here. All that is a scenario. Srebrenica was
first glorified, then mourned, and, in the end, made odious by taking
people to the streets. The goal of the authorities is to discredit us
in the face of other citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina so that they say
we are savages and that the authorities should do to us what they have
been doing.
What is the position of your minister, Adib Djozic?
Before the war Adib Djozic spoke on the Srebrenica radio station
protecting Goran Zekic, a Chetnik leader, who we had denounced as
an organizer of Chetnik training. Upon his arrival to Tuzla in the
beginning of the war Djozic presented himself as a founder of the SDA,
organizer of the uprising, and the like. The best illustration of what
kind of person he is, is one detail regarding the petition that
thousands of Srebrenica people signed against him. He then came to the
premises of the Srebrenica municipality in Tuzla and said: "Dear
people, I was called by President Izetbegovic, who asked me if I could
'wreck' Srebrenica, and if I could, then I would be a minister. I
promised I could." That took place in front of a large number of
witnesses.
You are now in the SDP [Social Democratic Party of Bosnia-Herzegovina]
and in that political framework you have been trying to do something
for the return of refugees. How does it go?
I have a reason to trust the people like Bogic Bogicevic, Nijaz
Durakovic, Zlatko Lagumdzija, Mirsad Djapo, and many others. They
have proved that they are most sincerely for Bosnia-Herzegovina as a
normal state. For me, Bosnia-Herzegovina without my Srebrenica does
not exist and my biggest goal in life is to return. The current
authorities have shown thousand of times so far that they do not want
that.
[Note: even if we don't agree with the conservative, anticommunist
standpoint of Antiwar.com, we think some articles - like the following
- are worth reading. CNJ]
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m-col.html
December 19, 2002
More Dirty Lies
Courtesy of The Hague Inquisition
Just recently, this column examined the many facets of falsifying
history, noting in passing the role of the Hague Inquisition in
currently the largest such effort in the world. Indeed, the ICTY is an
endeavor more massive even than the current campaign to conjure a
reason for invading Iraq, and it seeks not merely to modify history,
but to rewrite it wholesale.
Lubyanka, not Nuremberg
Its main thesis, that Slobodan Milosevic and other Serb leaders
organized a vast conspiracy, a "joint criminal enterprise," to murder,
expel or conquer other Balkan peoples and "defy the West" in the
process, is a transparent attempt to recast Balkans actors as
modern-day Axis and Allies. In this production, Slobodan Milosevic is
starring as Hitler, his fellow Serbs as Nazis, and Albanians, Croats
and Bosnian Muslims as their innocent victims, while the ICTY invokes
the spirit of Nuremberg.
Apart from this being a deeply ironic role reversal from the original
production, which ran in blood from 1941 to 1945, the "Tribunal?s"
methods and practices reflect far more the Soviet show trials of the
Stalin era. It doesn't help that the accused are presumed guilty until
proven innocent, just like those in Lubyanka, or that its "holding
facilities" in Scheveningen were used by the Nazis to imprison Dutch
patriots.
For almost a year, however, Milosevic has been making a mockery of the
prosecutors' efforts to railroad him. He has successfully demolished
every witness and every argument brought out against him, while
refusing to recognize either the Inquisition's authority or its rules.
Milosevic's outspoken defense made a striking contrast to the
conquered Balkans, where the Empire had managed to silence virtually
all the voices of dissent and resistance.
Beria's Heirs
Having failed in a head-on confrontation, despite playing with heavily
loaded dice, the Inquisitors tried a different route. In September,
they managed to extort a confession from a former Bosnian Serb leader,
Biljana Plavsic, in which she not only admitted to participating in
the planning of atrocities, but also implicated Milosevic and other
Serb dignitaries.
Bits of Plavsic's plea cited by the media sound like they were written
by the prosecutors:
[She] acknowledged she covered up crimes, ignored widespread
allegations of criminal acts and "publicly rationalized and justified
the ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs" in a document setting out facts
underpinning her guilty plea.
"Mrs. Plavsic embraced and supported the objective of ethnic
separation by force and contributed to achieving it," said the
document admitting her role in killings, expulsions and cruelty
inflicted by Bosnian Serbs on non-Serbs in 1992. (Reuters)
It's as if the Inquisitors took lessons in purging "traitors to the
Party" directly from Lavrenti Beria's NKVD. Such extorted confessions
are part and parcel of any show trial, but even the ICTY has not been
this blatant before.
Why Plavsic confessed is a mystery. She claims it was remorse, and
that Serbs committed crimes out of fear, but both explanations sound
more pathetic than reasonable. She does have a strong dislike for
Milosevic, and she enthusiastically collaborated with Bosnia's NATO
occupiers between 1996 and 1998. Plavsic's true motives may be an
enigma, but the Inquisition's are not. They have seized upon the
confession to re-launch allegations of Nazi-like conduct by the Serbs,
while "rewarding" Plavsic with a "lenient" sentence of life
imprisonment.
'Nazi' Slander Resurrected
The assault came this week, at Plavsic's sentencing hearings. One of
the Inquisitors' star witnesses was no other than Madeleine Albright.
The former U.S. Secretary of State has never tried to hide her
Serbophobia, nor has she ever expressed an ounce of remorse for
masterminding the criminal act of NATO aggression in 1999, which led
to the present occupation of Kosovo. In fact, she has been outright
proud of it, as well as of her support in establishing the
Inquisition.
Albright was supposed to testify to Plavsic's willingness to
collaborate with the NATO occupiers, but also to provide the
association between the alleged Serb crimes and the Holocaust. Events
in Bosnia were "reminiscent of pictures that reminded one of World War
II," she said, adding, "We saw pictures of people being taken into
what could only be labeled as concentration camps."
Reinforcing the Nazi analogy further was Holocaust celebrity Elie
Wiesel. Even during the war, Wiesel sided with the Bosnian Muslim
campaign to depict their side as the victim of "Serb Nazis," despite
the fact that many Muslims joined the actual Nazis sixty years ago.
Since he neither knew Plavsic or possessed intimate knowledge of the
alleged atrocities in Bosnia, Wiesel's testimony was intended purely
for emotional value in absence of real arguments.
In case anyone missed the point, the prosecutors then showed the
pictures of emaciated Muslims in Serb "death camps," recycling that
1992 canard long after its expiration date. The photo, actually
depicting a tuberculosis-ridden Muslim standing in front of a
chicken-wire fence with barbed-wire top, was debunked as a malicious
camera trick by 1997.
Trotting Albright to the stand, invoking Wiesel's fame and recycling
trashy propaganda photos only goes to show that, while the
Inquisition's vitriolic assault on Serbs as "genocidal Nazis" shows no
sign of slowdown, the actual case against Plavsic - or Milosevic, for
that matter - is pretty much nonexistent. The only "joint criminal
enterprise" is between them, NATO and the Empire.
Champions of Falsehood
But that is not all. Having long since collapsed into itself under the
burden of lies and fabrications, like a black hole, the ICTY attracts
ever more such material from all over the world. The following two
cases come from the UK, but there is plenty of hypocrisy to go around.
As the Plavsic hearings unfolded and the Milosevic trial continued,
the London Guardian published a tear-jerking piece by Jadranka Cigelj,
a "rape victim" of a "Serb death camp." Cigelj's passionate diatribe
is a masterpiece of propaganda. It blames Milosevic for horrendous
atrocities without a shred of evidence, while also damning the "West"
for its supposed inability to stop him then, or punish him now.
Though an author of a book about her alleged ordeal (for it was never
proven in court), and a prominently featured celebrity victim,
Jadranka Cigelj is also a high official of the Croatian Democratic
Union (HDZ), party of the late Croatian president, ardent Serbophobe
and Holocaust revisionist Franjo Tudjman. She also worked for the
Croatian Information Center, a propaganda arm of the HDZ aimed at
Western reporters, and single-handedly provided most of the "evidence"
for stories of mass rape and genocide in Bosnia, none of which have
ever been proven. In other words, Ms. Cigelj is a professional
propagandist and a committed Croatian national-socialist. Her story,
however tempting, ought to be taken with healthy skepticism.
Speaking of accomplished propagandists, one cannot ignore the real
champion in the category, the London-based Institute for War and Peace
Reporting. Their take on reporting about the Inquisition simply reeks
of falsehoods. They dare use such terms as "hate speech,"
"misconceptions" and "negative propaganda," even as their own
coverage is nothing but. One look at their Balkans report page is
enough: tabloid-style headlines heading columns of malicious drivel.
Lascivious services of media hacks have been a powerful factor in the
rise of the modern repressive State, but IWPR has taken shameless
prostitution of journalism to a whole new level.
Truth? You Can't Handle the Truth!
It is disturbing to see the ease with which outlandish concepts such
as the "Tribunal" itself and the outrageous lies it peddles are
accepted by the general public in the Empire and elsewhere. But the
sad fact of human nature is that violations of truth and justice are
seen as somehow less despicable the more they are committed.
The sheer gall of the violators seems to know no bounds. One of the
Inquisitors actually said, "It is only through the establishment of
the truth that the unhealthy shackles of revisionism that debilitate
the former Yugoslavia and that foster suspicion, ethnic hatred and
civil unrest can be broken."
Everything in this sentence is a lie. The Inquisition does not
establish truth, but rather forges those very shackles of revisionism,
making sure that the debilitating miseries of former Yugoslavia are
perpetuated!
Burden of Fiction
Since its illegal inception in 1993, the "International Criminal
Tribunal" has faithfully pursued its one and only purpose: to serve
the Empire's interests in the Balkans. It has done so in part by
usurping the authority of sovereign states and subverting
international treaties and accords, but its focus has been on
fabricating a recent history of the Balkans that would justify
Imperial intervention, occupation and war.
What makes the ICTY's lies and hypocrisy so hard to swallow is the
fact that many Balkans atrocities they claim to be prosecuting
actually happened - but not in the way they present them, and not to
the degree alleged by the combatants or the media. By manipulating
very real crimes into false history, the Hague Inquisition is
poisoning the well of collective memory for generations to come.
Driven by their demented obsession to falsify facts by casting Serbs
(and sometimes others, for the sake of "diversity" and political
expedience) as evil incarnate, the Inquisition and its patrons have
come to willfully ignore reality. And in reality, their actions have
disastrous consequences, perfectly exemplified in the recent terrorist
attack on Pristina's Bill Clinton Avenue, and the situation in Kosovo
in general.
Those who seek to control things that by nature cannot be controlled
are doomed to fail. When the truth finally emerges, and it has a nasty
habit of doing so when least expected, there will be Hell to pay.
Nebojsa Malic
standpoint of Antiwar.com, we think some articles - like the following
- are worth reading. CNJ]
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m-col.html
December 19, 2002
More Dirty Lies
Courtesy of The Hague Inquisition
Just recently, this column examined the many facets of falsifying
history, noting in passing the role of the Hague Inquisition in
currently the largest such effort in the world. Indeed, the ICTY is an
endeavor more massive even than the current campaign to conjure a
reason for invading Iraq, and it seeks not merely to modify history,
but to rewrite it wholesale.
Lubyanka, not Nuremberg
Its main thesis, that Slobodan Milosevic and other Serb leaders
organized a vast conspiracy, a "joint criminal enterprise," to murder,
expel or conquer other Balkan peoples and "defy the West" in the
process, is a transparent attempt to recast Balkans actors as
modern-day Axis and Allies. In this production, Slobodan Milosevic is
starring as Hitler, his fellow Serbs as Nazis, and Albanians, Croats
and Bosnian Muslims as their innocent victims, while the ICTY invokes
the spirit of Nuremberg.
Apart from this being a deeply ironic role reversal from the original
production, which ran in blood from 1941 to 1945, the "Tribunal?s"
methods and practices reflect far more the Soviet show trials of the
Stalin era. It doesn't help that the accused are presumed guilty until
proven innocent, just like those in Lubyanka, or that its "holding
facilities" in Scheveningen were used by the Nazis to imprison Dutch
patriots.
For almost a year, however, Milosevic has been making a mockery of the
prosecutors' efforts to railroad him. He has successfully demolished
every witness and every argument brought out against him, while
refusing to recognize either the Inquisition's authority or its rules.
Milosevic's outspoken defense made a striking contrast to the
conquered Balkans, where the Empire had managed to silence virtually
all the voices of dissent and resistance.
Beria's Heirs
Having failed in a head-on confrontation, despite playing with heavily
loaded dice, the Inquisitors tried a different route. In September,
they managed to extort a confession from a former Bosnian Serb leader,
Biljana Plavsic, in which she not only admitted to participating in
the planning of atrocities, but also implicated Milosevic and other
Serb dignitaries.
Bits of Plavsic's plea cited by the media sound like they were written
by the prosecutors:
[She] acknowledged she covered up crimes, ignored widespread
allegations of criminal acts and "publicly rationalized and justified
the ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs" in a document setting out facts
underpinning her guilty plea.
"Mrs. Plavsic embraced and supported the objective of ethnic
separation by force and contributed to achieving it," said the
document admitting her role in killings, expulsions and cruelty
inflicted by Bosnian Serbs on non-Serbs in 1992. (Reuters)
It's as if the Inquisitors took lessons in purging "traitors to the
Party" directly from Lavrenti Beria's NKVD. Such extorted confessions
are part and parcel of any show trial, but even the ICTY has not been
this blatant before.
Why Plavsic confessed is a mystery. She claims it was remorse, and
that Serbs committed crimes out of fear, but both explanations sound
more pathetic than reasonable. She does have a strong dislike for
Milosevic, and she enthusiastically collaborated with Bosnia's NATO
occupiers between 1996 and 1998. Plavsic's true motives may be an
enigma, but the Inquisition's are not. They have seized upon the
confession to re-launch allegations of Nazi-like conduct by the Serbs,
while "rewarding" Plavsic with a "lenient" sentence of life
imprisonment.
'Nazi' Slander Resurrected
The assault came this week, at Plavsic's sentencing hearings. One of
the Inquisitors' star witnesses was no other than Madeleine Albright.
The former U.S. Secretary of State has never tried to hide her
Serbophobia, nor has she ever expressed an ounce of remorse for
masterminding the criminal act of NATO aggression in 1999, which led
to the present occupation of Kosovo. In fact, she has been outright
proud of it, as well as of her support in establishing the
Inquisition.
Albright was supposed to testify to Plavsic's willingness to
collaborate with the NATO occupiers, but also to provide the
association between the alleged Serb crimes and the Holocaust. Events
in Bosnia were "reminiscent of pictures that reminded one of World War
II," she said, adding, "We saw pictures of people being taken into
what could only be labeled as concentration camps."
Reinforcing the Nazi analogy further was Holocaust celebrity Elie
Wiesel. Even during the war, Wiesel sided with the Bosnian Muslim
campaign to depict their side as the victim of "Serb Nazis," despite
the fact that many Muslims joined the actual Nazis sixty years ago.
Since he neither knew Plavsic or possessed intimate knowledge of the
alleged atrocities in Bosnia, Wiesel's testimony was intended purely
for emotional value in absence of real arguments.
In case anyone missed the point, the prosecutors then showed the
pictures of emaciated Muslims in Serb "death camps," recycling that
1992 canard long after its expiration date. The photo, actually
depicting a tuberculosis-ridden Muslim standing in front of a
chicken-wire fence with barbed-wire top, was debunked as a malicious
camera trick by 1997.
Trotting Albright to the stand, invoking Wiesel's fame and recycling
trashy propaganda photos only goes to show that, while the
Inquisition's vitriolic assault on Serbs as "genocidal Nazis" shows no
sign of slowdown, the actual case against Plavsic - or Milosevic, for
that matter - is pretty much nonexistent. The only "joint criminal
enterprise" is between them, NATO and the Empire.
Champions of Falsehood
But that is not all. Having long since collapsed into itself under the
burden of lies and fabrications, like a black hole, the ICTY attracts
ever more such material from all over the world. The following two
cases come from the UK, but there is plenty of hypocrisy to go around.
As the Plavsic hearings unfolded and the Milosevic trial continued,
the London Guardian published a tear-jerking piece by Jadranka Cigelj,
a "rape victim" of a "Serb death camp." Cigelj's passionate diatribe
is a masterpiece of propaganda. It blames Milosevic for horrendous
atrocities without a shred of evidence, while also damning the "West"
for its supposed inability to stop him then, or punish him now.
Though an author of a book about her alleged ordeal (for it was never
proven in court), and a prominently featured celebrity victim,
Jadranka Cigelj is also a high official of the Croatian Democratic
Union (HDZ), party of the late Croatian president, ardent Serbophobe
and Holocaust revisionist Franjo Tudjman. She also worked for the
Croatian Information Center, a propaganda arm of the HDZ aimed at
Western reporters, and single-handedly provided most of the "evidence"
for stories of mass rape and genocide in Bosnia, none of which have
ever been proven. In other words, Ms. Cigelj is a professional
propagandist and a committed Croatian national-socialist. Her story,
however tempting, ought to be taken with healthy skepticism.
Speaking of accomplished propagandists, one cannot ignore the real
champion in the category, the London-based Institute for War and Peace
Reporting. Their take on reporting about the Inquisition simply reeks
of falsehoods. They dare use such terms as "hate speech,"
"misconceptions" and "negative propaganda," even as their own
coverage is nothing but. One look at their Balkans report page is
enough: tabloid-style headlines heading columns of malicious drivel.
Lascivious services of media hacks have been a powerful factor in the
rise of the modern repressive State, but IWPR has taken shameless
prostitution of journalism to a whole new level.
Truth? You Can't Handle the Truth!
It is disturbing to see the ease with which outlandish concepts such
as the "Tribunal" itself and the outrageous lies it peddles are
accepted by the general public in the Empire and elsewhere. But the
sad fact of human nature is that violations of truth and justice are
seen as somehow less despicable the more they are committed.
The sheer gall of the violators seems to know no bounds. One of the
Inquisitors actually said, "It is only through the establishment of
the truth that the unhealthy shackles of revisionism that debilitate
the former Yugoslavia and that foster suspicion, ethnic hatred and
civil unrest can be broken."
Everything in this sentence is a lie. The Inquisition does not
establish truth, but rather forges those very shackles of revisionism,
making sure that the debilitating miseries of former Yugoslavia are
perpetuated!
Burden of Fiction
Since its illegal inception in 1993, the "International Criminal
Tribunal" has faithfully pursued its one and only purpose: to serve
the Empire's interests in the Balkans. It has done so in part by
usurping the authority of sovereign states and subverting
international treaties and accords, but its focus has been on
fabricating a recent history of the Balkans that would justify
Imperial intervention, occupation and war.
What makes the ICTY's lies and hypocrisy so hard to swallow is the
fact that many Balkans atrocities they claim to be prosecuting
actually happened - but not in the way they present them, and not to
the degree alleged by the combatants or the media. By manipulating
very real crimes into false history, the Hague Inquisition is
poisoning the well of collective memory for generations to come.
Driven by their demented obsession to falsify facts by casting Serbs
(and sometimes others, for the sake of "diversity" and political
expedience) as evil incarnate, the Inquisition and its patrons have
come to willfully ignore reality. And in reality, their actions have
disastrous consequences, perfectly exemplified in the recent terrorist
attack on Pristina's Bill Clinton Avenue, and the situation in Kosovo
in general.
Those who seek to control things that by nature cannot be controlled
are doomed to fail. When the truth finally emerges, and it has a nasty
habit of doing so when least expected, there will be Hell to pay.
Nebojsa Malic
PROVERBIO SLAVO
"Vidila zaba da se konja kuje (potkiva) pa i ona digla nogu"
(Quando vide che il cavallo veniva ferrato, anche la rana alzò la
gamba)
Dedicato all'Ungheria, che ha accettato che la base militare di
Taszar - già usata per le operazioni di "peacekeeping" antijugoslavo -
sia usata per addestramento di truppe ausiliarie della NATO, e che ha
zelantemente richiesto agli USA di partecipare alla aggressione contro
l'Iraq. Vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2179
"Vidila zaba da se konja kuje (potkiva) pa i ona digla nogu"
(Quando vide che il cavallo veniva ferrato, anche la rana alzò la
gamba)
Dedicato all'Ungheria, che ha accettato che la base militare di
Taszar - già usata per le operazioni di "peacekeeping" antijugoslavo -
sia usata per addestramento di truppe ausiliarie della NATO, e che ha
zelantemente richiesto agli USA di partecipare alla aggressione contro
l'Iraq. Vedi:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2179
International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM)
URL for this article is
http://www.icdsm.org/more/gorazde.htm
Subscribe to our email list at
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*Receive articles from the ICDSM Website*
Please send the link to this text to a friend. Or if
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==================================================
A Rare Glimpse at the Reality of the Bosnian War
-- Associated Press Article
-- Comments by Jared Israel
[Posted 18 December 2002]
==================================================
During the trial of ex-Bosnian Serb official Biljana
Plavsic, Madeleine Albright and Elie Wiesel made
speeches about the supposedly monstrous Bosnian Serbs.
They portrayed Bosnian Muslims as analogous to Jews and
Bosnian Serbs as analogous to Nazis. As I shall
demonstrate in an upcoming article on that trial, what
Albright and Wiesel said amounts to Holocaust denial.
In addition, I will demonstrate that in his so-called
testimony, Mr. Wiesel lied.
Anyway, while researching Elie Wiesel's earlier
statements about Yugoslavia, I happened to read a most
revealing 1992 Associated Press (AP) dispatch. It is
posted below.
The AP dispatch is notable for three reasons:
1) It describes an all-out attack on the Serbian
civilian population in and around the Bosnian town of
Gorazde.
Prior to the attack, there had been sustained fighting
between Bosnian Serb troops and Muslim military forces
who controlled the town of Gorazde which had a mixed
Muslim/Serb population. The Serbian troops withdrew as
a peace gesture. After that, on August 26th, a column
of cars and buses including:
"3,000 Serbs, mostly women and children, was ambushed
by Muslims at Gnjila canyon, 11 miles north of
Gorazde."
The attackers were merciless:
"People were trapped in their burning cars. Others
crawled looking for their relatives, or jumped down the
cliff in panic," she said, standing frozen next to the
grave of her 11-year-old son, Dragan, who was killed in
the ambush."
The AP dispatch was published on September 12th, that
is, 17 days after the attack. Yet up until then,
"No one has dared to remove the remaining corpses,
fearing another attack from nearby forests."
The attack was not limited to the one gruesome ambush:
"After the Serb forces left their positions on the
hills above Gorazde, Muslim residents, 70 percent of
the town's prewar population of 40,000, looted and
torched the houses of fleeing Serbs, witnesses said."
This AP dispatch is unusual in that it actually
*mentions* the attack on these Serbs. Mostly the media
was silent when Serbs were attacked. As we shall show
in a soon-to-be-published article by Prof. Francisco
Gil-White, in fact it was the Serbs and also their
moderate Muslim allies who were the main victims of
anti-civilian terror in Bosnia. This was not because
the Serbs were saints. It was because the people whom
they and their Muslim allies were fighting were
fanatical Islamic Fundamentalists, misportrayed in the
Western media as peace loving, moderate democrats. But
all that is discussed in Prof. Gil-White's forthcoming
article. (When posted, it will be at
http://www.icdsm/more/bsn.htm
The point here is: this AP dispatch stands out because
it at least reports the anti-Serb atrocities.
2) But even this article reveals anti-Serb media bias.
From the start the article refers to anti-Serb violence
as "revenge." Revenge for what? What does the AP claim
happened to provoke such "revenge"? The article gives
no details, saying only that the town had been under
siege.
By using the terms, "siege" and "revenge," the writer
creates the impression that monstrous crimes must have
been committed *by the Serbs* because how else could
what the Muslims did constitute "revenge"?
Let us consider this a bit more.
The article says the Muslims outnumbered the Serbs in
the Gorazde area, 70% to 30%. A 30% minority is
probably not in a position to terrorize a 70% majority.
Moreover, this particular majority included people who
were armed and prepared to carry out the sort of
atrocities described in the AP dispatch.
Supporting this point, the AP uses the term, "siege."
If Gorazde was under siege *from Serbian forces* then
it must have been controlled *by Muslim forces.* So:
the town had a mainly Muslim population; it was
militarily controlled by Muslims; some of them were
quite capable of carrying out massacres. This hardly
sounds like a situation in which the Serbian forces
would feel safe in provoking the Muslims, even if they
wanted to.
Moreover, as the article states, the Serbs withdrew
their forces as a peace gesture. Would they have done
so without first rescuing the Serb civilian inhabitants
of Gorazde if, having committed outrages, they had
every reason to expect anti-Serb "revenge?"
The withdrawal of Serbian troops, the coordinated
assault on the Serbian neighborhoods, the desperate
flight of columns of cars and buses without troops to
protect them, the ambush and the extreme violence all
suggest that a) the Serbs naively misestimated their
foes' capacity for terror and b) after the troops
withdrew, the Serbian civilians were caught unaware by
the anti-Serb attack and fled in disarray.
The comments of a Serbian man supports this view:
"'The decision to give up Gorazde is a treason.
Karadzic should be ashamed,' said 68-year-old Marko
Ratkovic, who *managed* to flee to Mladenovac, 75 miles
northeast of Rogatica, in neighboring Serbia." (My
emphasis. Note the word, "managed." That suggests he
was caught unaware. That suggests he had no reason to
expect "revenge.")
And a Serbian military official says: "'Muslims have
abused our peace gesture by launching attacks on
innocent civilians.'"
Based on all of the above, I would suggest this
hypothesis: the presence of Serb military forces near
Gorazde *prevented* atrocities against Serbian
civilians. When the Serbian military withdrew, the
extremists among Muslims launched a pogrom: ambushes,
horrific murder, torching and looting of houses,
slaughter of livestock.
3) Speaking of livestock, note that the article
describes the attackers as having slaughtered pigs in
the Serbs' yards. The Bosnian Serbs were/are mostly
peasant farmers, many of whom do indeed breed pigs.
This is an important detail. Let me explain why.
The AP dispatch states that, "The Serb forces hold
about two-thirds of Bosnia's territory." It was common
for the Western media to make such statements,
suggesting that the Serbs had *seized* most of Bosnia,
i.e., they were aggressors.
A small point that the media neglected to mention was:
the Serbs *owned and occupied* roughly 2/3 of Bosnia.
Before the fighting broke out in Bosnia, the Slavic
*Muslim* population was comprised mainly of city
dwellers. The Slavic *Orthodox* population was
overwhelmingly farmers.
Because farming is land-intensive, in 1991 the Serbian
population owned about 2/3 of the land in Bosnia - that
is, they owned the land they lived on and farmed.
Bosnian Serb farmers were important food producers for
Yugoslavia and other European countries.
(We'll soon post an ethnic map of Bosnia that
demonstrates this.)
During the Bosnian conflict, many media reports
included sentences like the following, taken from a
different Associated Press dispatch:
"During the first two years of the war, Serb forces
took about two-thirds of Bosnia-Herzegovina, with the
Muslim-led government controlling the remainder." (AP,
October 27, 1994,
In fact, by limiting their military presence to the 2/3
of Bosnia where Serbs and their Muslim allies were
concentrated, the Bosnian Serb army was demonstrating a
defensive strategy. As Prof. Gil-White's article will
show, the Bosnian "Government" army was Islamic
Fundamentalist. One 6000-man division was named after
the World War II Waffen SS Division, Handzar, which
means "scimitar." These Fundamentalist troops, often
trained and led by fanatical veterans of the Afghan war
of the 1980s, preyed on Serbian peasants.
One such detachment controlled the town of Srebrenica.
Its leader was Nasir Oric, a Yugoslav Islamist. Here is
a Toronto Star reporter's account of an evening spent
listening to Oric boast about slaughtering Serb
farmers:
[Start Toronto Star Quote]
...I sat in his living room watching a shocking video
version of what might have been called Nasir Oric's
Greatest Hits.
There were burning houses, dead bodies, severed heads,
and people fleeing.
Oric grinned throughout, admiring his handiwork.
"We ambushed them," he said when a number of dead Serbs
appeared on the screen.
The next sequence of dead bodies had been done in by
explosives: "We launched those guys to the moon," he
boasted.
When footage of a bullet-marked ghost town appeared
without any visible bodies, Oric hastened to announce:
"We killed 114 Serbs there."
Later there were celebrations, with singers with wobbly
voices chanting his praises.
These video reminiscences, apparently, were from what
Muslims regard as Oric's glory days. That was before
most of eastern Bosnia fell and Srebrenica became a
"safe zone" with U.N. peacekeepers inside - and Serbs
on the outside.
[End Toronto Star Quote]
Note the sentence: "These video reminiscences,
apparently, were from what Muslims regard as Oric's
glory days." Oric's glory days! When he could raid
Serbian villages with impunity, cutting off heads and
launching people to the moon. His *glory* days! And the
Fundamentalist monsters who committed these crimes were
portrayed as moderate democrats by the Western media.
Note also that Oric curtailed his raids *because of the
increased strength of Serbian military forces*!
What the Western media called "laying siege to Muslim
towns," was in fact the heart of Serb military
strategy: to have sufficient military presence to
protect civilians from being slaughtered by the Islamic
Fundamentalist army.
Here's the AP dispatch on Gorazde.
-- Jared Israel
==========================================================
September 12, 1992, Saturday, AM cycle
SECTION: International News
LENGTH: 660 words
HEADLINE: Serb Refugees Face Bloody Muslim Revenge
BYLINE: By DUSAN STOJANOVIC, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: ROGATICA, Bosnia-Herzegovina
BODY:
Charred human skeletons, decomposing corpses and
burned-out cars are the grim remnants of a Muslim
assault on a column of Serb refugees fleeing
war-ravaged Gorazde.
When Serb forces on Aug. 26 eased their four-month
siege of the town in southeastern Bosnia, most of
Gorazde's Serb inhabitants tried to escape. Many feared
retaliation by majority Muslims who had been under
Serbian guns during the siege.
At dawn the next day, one of the columns of cars and
buses carrying 3,000 Serbs, mostly women and children,
was ambushed by Muslims at Gnjila canyon, 11 miles
north of Gorazde. Witnesses said at least 50 people
were killed and many more injured. Others managed to
escape the hail of bullets and grenades by jumping down
the steep rocky ravine or by hiding in bushes and
woods, they said.
"It was like hell. Everyone was screaming as people and
children, some cut in half by volleys of bullets,
stumbled all over the place," said Dragica Gavrilovic,
one of the refugees.
"People were trapped in their burning cars. Others
crawled looking for their relatives, or jumped down the
cliff in panic," she said, standing frozen next to the
grave of her 11-year-old son, Dragan, who was killed in
the ambush.
She said she carried Dragan's body so she could bury
him in Rogatica.
"Many others were not that lucky. They had to leave
their dear ones behind," Gavrilovic said.
Evidence of the massacre was still visible two weeks
after the ambush. No one has dared to remove the
remaining corpses, fearing another attack from nearby
forests.
Skeletons sat in burned-out cars, and decomposing
corpses lay on the side of the dusty road. Stray dogs
were eating the remains.
Many Western governments and international
organizations, including the United Nations and the
European Community, have blamed Serb forces for much of
the violence in the civil war that has killed
thousands. The Serb forces hold about two-thirds of
Bosnia's territory.
But rival Muslims and Croats have also come under
increasing international criticism for crimes and human
rights abuses, including "ethnic cleansing" of
territories under their control.
"Ethnic cleansing" is the term used to describe the
expulsion of people to create ethnically homogeneous
areas.
After the Serb forces left their positions on the hills
above Gorazde, Muslim residents, 70 percent of the
town's prewar population of 40,000, looted and torched
the houses of fleeing Serbs, witnesses said.
Almost every building, including Serb Orthodox
churches, has been torched in the Serb quarter on the
southeastern bank of the Drina River that divides
Gorazde, a trading center about 35 miles southeast of
the Bosnian capital Sarajevo.
Pigs with slashed throats sprawl in yards belonging to
Serbs.
The move to loosen the siege on Gorazde coincided with
an international London peace conference in which all
warring groups participated. The decision by Bosnian
Serb leader Radovan Karadzic angered local Serb
warlords - and those who had to flee.
"Muslims have abused our peace gesture by launching
attacks on innocent civilians. We may have to
counterattack to regain the territory," Dusan Kornjaca,
the commander of Serb forces, said in an interview.
The Serbs still hold sway on the approaches to Gorazde.
In Rogatica, heavy cannon and machine-gun fire could be
heard from the direction of Gorazde as trucks towing
howitzers headed there.
"The decision to give up Gorazde is a treason. Karadzic
should be ashamed," said 68-year-old Marko Ratkovic,
who managed to flee to Mladenovac, 75 miles northeast
of Rogatica, in neighboring Serbia.
"All of us here have lost at least one family member in
this brutal war. It has to stop before we all
exterminate each other," said Ruza Blagojevic, one of
about 200 Gorazde Serbs who settled in the Mladenovac
refugee center after a harrowing journey.
She said when a charity organization offered them
clothes, all the women chose black - for mourning.
(c) AP 1992 - Posted for educational and fair use only
=======================================
'JUDGMENT!' - The Video Shown As Evidence at The Hague
Tribunal!
{It can now be shipped gift wrapped...Order details
after text}
=======================================
September 26 was the first day of the Bosnian part of
the Hague trial against Slobodan Milosevic. That day
Mr. Milosevic showed excerpts from a video which
demonstrates how the British TV station, ITN,
fabricated evidence of Serbian death camps in Bosnia.
The video, co-produced by the Emperor's Clothes website
and reporters from Serbian Television (RTS), is called
'JUDGMENT!' It demonstrates that the famous Bosnian
pictures, especially the tall, seemingly starved man
behind barbed wire in a death camp, were a hoax. It was
not a death camp. The Muslim men were not behind barbed
wire. This is eminently clear from video footage shot
that day and reproduced in 'JUDGMENT!' The movie shows
step-by-step how the phony pictures were created.
The Bosnian pictures had a huge impact in 1992. Twenty
minutes after they were shown on TV on August 6th,
George Bush Sr. held a press conference to proclaim a
whole new get-tough policy against the Bosnian Serbs.
This was followed by a worldwide media campaign - all
based on the Bosnian pictures.
If we are right that these pictures were a fraud, then
the implications are staggering: the pictures were
staged to justify a coordinated US/European policy of
demonizing the Serbian people to justify war. The press
conference was planned to coincide with the release of
the pictures. The worldwide press campaign against the
Bosnian Serbs was planned in advance.
You can view the same video Mr. Milosevic showed at The
Hague. If you conclude that we are not telling the
truth, send the video back and we'll refund the
purchase price in full. You don't risk a penny.
You can purchase a copy of 'JUDGMENT!' for $25 in the
US, $26 outside the US. (If you want gift-wrapping
please indicate whether you'd like 'Christmas' or
'all-purpose' gift paper and add $2 to the price)
Here's how you can order:
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URL for this article is
http://www.icdsm.org/more/gorazde.htm
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*Receive articles from the ICDSM Website*
Please send the link to this text to a friend. Or if
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forward it to your friends!
==================================================
A Rare Glimpse at the Reality of the Bosnian War
-- Associated Press Article
-- Comments by Jared Israel
[Posted 18 December 2002]
==================================================
During the trial of ex-Bosnian Serb official Biljana
Plavsic, Madeleine Albright and Elie Wiesel made
speeches about the supposedly monstrous Bosnian Serbs.
They portrayed Bosnian Muslims as analogous to Jews and
Bosnian Serbs as analogous to Nazis. As I shall
demonstrate in an upcoming article on that trial, what
Albright and Wiesel said amounts to Holocaust denial.
In addition, I will demonstrate that in his so-called
testimony, Mr. Wiesel lied.
Anyway, while researching Elie Wiesel's earlier
statements about Yugoslavia, I happened to read a most
revealing 1992 Associated Press (AP) dispatch. It is
posted below.
The AP dispatch is notable for three reasons:
1) It describes an all-out attack on the Serbian
civilian population in and around the Bosnian town of
Gorazde.
Prior to the attack, there had been sustained fighting
between Bosnian Serb troops and Muslim military forces
who controlled the town of Gorazde which had a mixed
Muslim/Serb population. The Serbian troops withdrew as
a peace gesture. After that, on August 26th, a column
of cars and buses including:
"3,000 Serbs, mostly women and children, was ambushed
by Muslims at Gnjila canyon, 11 miles north of
Gorazde."
The attackers were merciless:
"People were trapped in their burning cars. Others
crawled looking for their relatives, or jumped down the
cliff in panic," she said, standing frozen next to the
grave of her 11-year-old son, Dragan, who was killed in
the ambush."
The AP dispatch was published on September 12th, that
is, 17 days after the attack. Yet up until then,
"No one has dared to remove the remaining corpses,
fearing another attack from nearby forests."
The attack was not limited to the one gruesome ambush:
"After the Serb forces left their positions on the
hills above Gorazde, Muslim residents, 70 percent of
the town's prewar population of 40,000, looted and
torched the houses of fleeing Serbs, witnesses said."
This AP dispatch is unusual in that it actually
*mentions* the attack on these Serbs. Mostly the media
was silent when Serbs were attacked. As we shall show
in a soon-to-be-published article by Prof. Francisco
Gil-White, in fact it was the Serbs and also their
moderate Muslim allies who were the main victims of
anti-civilian terror in Bosnia. This was not because
the Serbs were saints. It was because the people whom
they and their Muslim allies were fighting were
fanatical Islamic Fundamentalists, misportrayed in the
Western media as peace loving, moderate democrats. But
all that is discussed in Prof. Gil-White's forthcoming
article. (When posted, it will be at
http://www.icdsm/more/bsn.htm
The point here is: this AP dispatch stands out because
it at least reports the anti-Serb atrocities.
2) But even this article reveals anti-Serb media bias.
From the start the article refers to anti-Serb violence
as "revenge." Revenge for what? What does the AP claim
happened to provoke such "revenge"? The article gives
no details, saying only that the town had been under
siege.
By using the terms, "siege" and "revenge," the writer
creates the impression that monstrous crimes must have
been committed *by the Serbs* because how else could
what the Muslims did constitute "revenge"?
Let us consider this a bit more.
The article says the Muslims outnumbered the Serbs in
the Gorazde area, 70% to 30%. A 30% minority is
probably not in a position to terrorize a 70% majority.
Moreover, this particular majority included people who
were armed and prepared to carry out the sort of
atrocities described in the AP dispatch.
Supporting this point, the AP uses the term, "siege."
If Gorazde was under siege *from Serbian forces* then
it must have been controlled *by Muslim forces.* So:
the town had a mainly Muslim population; it was
militarily controlled by Muslims; some of them were
quite capable of carrying out massacres. This hardly
sounds like a situation in which the Serbian forces
would feel safe in provoking the Muslims, even if they
wanted to.
Moreover, as the article states, the Serbs withdrew
their forces as a peace gesture. Would they have done
so without first rescuing the Serb civilian inhabitants
of Gorazde if, having committed outrages, they had
every reason to expect anti-Serb "revenge?"
The withdrawal of Serbian troops, the coordinated
assault on the Serbian neighborhoods, the desperate
flight of columns of cars and buses without troops to
protect them, the ambush and the extreme violence all
suggest that a) the Serbs naively misestimated their
foes' capacity for terror and b) after the troops
withdrew, the Serbian civilians were caught unaware by
the anti-Serb attack and fled in disarray.
The comments of a Serbian man supports this view:
"'The decision to give up Gorazde is a treason.
Karadzic should be ashamed,' said 68-year-old Marko
Ratkovic, who *managed* to flee to Mladenovac, 75 miles
northeast of Rogatica, in neighboring Serbia." (My
emphasis. Note the word, "managed." That suggests he
was caught unaware. That suggests he had no reason to
expect "revenge.")
And a Serbian military official says: "'Muslims have
abused our peace gesture by launching attacks on
innocent civilians.'"
Based on all of the above, I would suggest this
hypothesis: the presence of Serb military forces near
Gorazde *prevented* atrocities against Serbian
civilians. When the Serbian military withdrew, the
extremists among Muslims launched a pogrom: ambushes,
horrific murder, torching and looting of houses,
slaughter of livestock.
3) Speaking of livestock, note that the article
describes the attackers as having slaughtered pigs in
the Serbs' yards. The Bosnian Serbs were/are mostly
peasant farmers, many of whom do indeed breed pigs.
This is an important detail. Let me explain why.
The AP dispatch states that, "The Serb forces hold
about two-thirds of Bosnia's territory." It was common
for the Western media to make such statements,
suggesting that the Serbs had *seized* most of Bosnia,
i.e., they were aggressors.
A small point that the media neglected to mention was:
the Serbs *owned and occupied* roughly 2/3 of Bosnia.
Before the fighting broke out in Bosnia, the Slavic
*Muslim* population was comprised mainly of city
dwellers. The Slavic *Orthodox* population was
overwhelmingly farmers.
Because farming is land-intensive, in 1991 the Serbian
population owned about 2/3 of the land in Bosnia - that
is, they owned the land they lived on and farmed.
Bosnian Serb farmers were important food producers for
Yugoslavia and other European countries.
(We'll soon post an ethnic map of Bosnia that
demonstrates this.)
During the Bosnian conflict, many media reports
included sentences like the following, taken from a
different Associated Press dispatch:
"During the first two years of the war, Serb forces
took about two-thirds of Bosnia-Herzegovina, with the
Muslim-led government controlling the remainder." (AP,
October 27, 1994,
In fact, by limiting their military presence to the 2/3
of Bosnia where Serbs and their Muslim allies were
concentrated, the Bosnian Serb army was demonstrating a
defensive strategy. As Prof. Gil-White's article will
show, the Bosnian "Government" army was Islamic
Fundamentalist. One 6000-man division was named after
the World War II Waffen SS Division, Handzar, which
means "scimitar." These Fundamentalist troops, often
trained and led by fanatical veterans of the Afghan war
of the 1980s, preyed on Serbian peasants.
One such detachment controlled the town of Srebrenica.
Its leader was Nasir Oric, a Yugoslav Islamist. Here is
a Toronto Star reporter's account of an evening spent
listening to Oric boast about slaughtering Serb
farmers:
[Start Toronto Star Quote]
...I sat in his living room watching a shocking video
version of what might have been called Nasir Oric's
Greatest Hits.
There were burning houses, dead bodies, severed heads,
and people fleeing.
Oric grinned throughout, admiring his handiwork.
"We ambushed them," he said when a number of dead Serbs
appeared on the screen.
The next sequence of dead bodies had been done in by
explosives: "We launched those guys to the moon," he
boasted.
When footage of a bullet-marked ghost town appeared
without any visible bodies, Oric hastened to announce:
"We killed 114 Serbs there."
Later there were celebrations, with singers with wobbly
voices chanting his praises.
These video reminiscences, apparently, were from what
Muslims regard as Oric's glory days. That was before
most of eastern Bosnia fell and Srebrenica became a
"safe zone" with U.N. peacekeepers inside - and Serbs
on the outside.
[End Toronto Star Quote]
Note the sentence: "These video reminiscences,
apparently, were from what Muslims regard as Oric's
glory days." Oric's glory days! When he could raid
Serbian villages with impunity, cutting off heads and
launching people to the moon. His *glory* days! And the
Fundamentalist monsters who committed these crimes were
portrayed as moderate democrats by the Western media.
Note also that Oric curtailed his raids *because of the
increased strength of Serbian military forces*!
What the Western media called "laying siege to Muslim
towns," was in fact the heart of Serb military
strategy: to have sufficient military presence to
protect civilians from being slaughtered by the Islamic
Fundamentalist army.
Here's the AP dispatch on Gorazde.
-- Jared Israel
==========================================================
September 12, 1992, Saturday, AM cycle
SECTION: International News
LENGTH: 660 words
HEADLINE: Serb Refugees Face Bloody Muslim Revenge
BYLINE: By DUSAN STOJANOVIC, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: ROGATICA, Bosnia-Herzegovina
BODY:
Charred human skeletons, decomposing corpses and
burned-out cars are the grim remnants of a Muslim
assault on a column of Serb refugees fleeing
war-ravaged Gorazde.
When Serb forces on Aug. 26 eased their four-month
siege of the town in southeastern Bosnia, most of
Gorazde's Serb inhabitants tried to escape. Many feared
retaliation by majority Muslims who had been under
Serbian guns during the siege.
At dawn the next day, one of the columns of cars and
buses carrying 3,000 Serbs, mostly women and children,
was ambushed by Muslims at Gnjila canyon, 11 miles
north of Gorazde. Witnesses said at least 50 people
were killed and many more injured. Others managed to
escape the hail of bullets and grenades by jumping down
the steep rocky ravine or by hiding in bushes and
woods, they said.
"It was like hell. Everyone was screaming as people and
children, some cut in half by volleys of bullets,
stumbled all over the place," said Dragica Gavrilovic,
one of the refugees.
"People were trapped in their burning cars. Others
crawled looking for their relatives, or jumped down the
cliff in panic," she said, standing frozen next to the
grave of her 11-year-old son, Dragan, who was killed in
the ambush.
She said she carried Dragan's body so she could bury
him in Rogatica.
"Many others were not that lucky. They had to leave
their dear ones behind," Gavrilovic said.
Evidence of the massacre was still visible two weeks
after the ambush. No one has dared to remove the
remaining corpses, fearing another attack from nearby
forests.
Skeletons sat in burned-out cars, and decomposing
corpses lay on the side of the dusty road. Stray dogs
were eating the remains.
Many Western governments and international
organizations, including the United Nations and the
European Community, have blamed Serb forces for much of
the violence in the civil war that has killed
thousands. The Serb forces hold about two-thirds of
Bosnia's territory.
But rival Muslims and Croats have also come under
increasing international criticism for crimes and human
rights abuses, including "ethnic cleansing" of
territories under their control.
"Ethnic cleansing" is the term used to describe the
expulsion of people to create ethnically homogeneous
areas.
After the Serb forces left their positions on the hills
above Gorazde, Muslim residents, 70 percent of the
town's prewar population of 40,000, looted and torched
the houses of fleeing Serbs, witnesses said.
Almost every building, including Serb Orthodox
churches, has been torched in the Serb quarter on the
southeastern bank of the Drina River that divides
Gorazde, a trading center about 35 miles southeast of
the Bosnian capital Sarajevo.
Pigs with slashed throats sprawl in yards belonging to
Serbs.
The move to loosen the siege on Gorazde coincided with
an international London peace conference in which all
warring groups participated. The decision by Bosnian
Serb leader Radovan Karadzic angered local Serb
warlords - and those who had to flee.
"Muslims have abused our peace gesture by launching
attacks on innocent civilians. We may have to
counterattack to regain the territory," Dusan Kornjaca,
the commander of Serb forces, said in an interview.
The Serbs still hold sway on the approaches to Gorazde.
In Rogatica, heavy cannon and machine-gun fire could be
heard from the direction of Gorazde as trucks towing
howitzers headed there.
"The decision to give up Gorazde is a treason. Karadzic
should be ashamed," said 68-year-old Marko Ratkovic,
who managed to flee to Mladenovac, 75 miles northeast
of Rogatica, in neighboring Serbia.
"All of us here have lost at least one family member in
this brutal war. It has to stop before we all
exterminate each other," said Ruza Blagojevic, one of
about 200 Gorazde Serbs who settled in the Mladenovac
refugee center after a harrowing journey.
She said when a charity organization offered them
clothes, all the women chose black - for mourning.
(c) AP 1992 - Posted for educational and fair use only
=======================================
'JUDGMENT!' - The Video Shown As Evidence at The Hague
Tribunal!
{It can now be shipped gift wrapped...Order details
after text}
=======================================
September 26 was the first day of the Bosnian part of
the Hague trial against Slobodan Milosevic. That day
Mr. Milosevic showed excerpts from a video which
demonstrates how the British TV station, ITN,
fabricated evidence of Serbian death camps in Bosnia.
The video, co-produced by the Emperor's Clothes website
and reporters from Serbian Television (RTS), is called
'JUDGMENT!' It demonstrates that the famous Bosnian
pictures, especially the tall, seemingly starved man
behind barbed wire in a death camp, were a hoax. It was
not a death camp. The Muslim men were not behind barbed
wire. This is eminently clear from video footage shot
that day and reproduced in 'JUDGMENT!' The movie shows
step-by-step how the phony pictures were created.
The Bosnian pictures had a huge impact in 1992. Twenty
minutes after they were shown on TV on August 6th,
George Bush Sr. held a press conference to proclaim a
whole new get-tough policy against the Bosnian Serbs.
This was followed by a worldwide media campaign - all
based on the Bosnian pictures.
If we are right that these pictures were a fraud, then
the implications are staggering: the pictures were
staged to justify a coordinated US/European policy of
demonizing the Serbian people to justify war. The press
conference was planned to coincide with the release of
the pictures. The worldwide press campaign against the
Bosnian Serbs was planned in advance.
You can view the same video Mr. Milosevic showed at The
Hague. If you conclude that we are not telling the
truth, send the video back and we'll refund the
purchase price in full. You don't risk a penny.
You can purchase a copy of 'JUDGMENT!' for $25 in the
US, $26 outside the US. (If you want gift-wrapping
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