Informazione
Settembre 1993: l'esercito della Croazia secessionista
"sfonda" vincendo la resistenza serba presso Medak, nella
Repubblica Serba di Krajna - allora definita "autoproclamata"
dal coro ipocrita della stampa internazionale.
A quel tempo l'area era presidiata da armati ONU, impegnati
nella "interposizione" tra le due parti in conflitto. I soldati
canadesi svolsero correttamente il ruolo loro affidato, e
furono costretti a sostenere una sparatoria lunga 16 ore
con le milizie croate che, impegnate nel massacro
della popolazione locale, impedivano l'accesso alla zona
appena occupata. Solo dopo che furono uccisi 27 miliziani
croati, i canadesi poterono entrare a Medak e verificare
i loro peggiori sospetti.
Tenuta nascosta per circa tre anni alla stessa opinione
pubblica canadese, questa vicenda e' tuttora sostanzialmente
sconosciuta al pubblico, che puo' sentirne parlare oggi
grazie alla decisione del governo di Ottawa di dare dei
riconoscimenti ai soldati canadesi che si trovarono ad
affrontare quella situazione drammatica e politicamente
imbarazzante per un paese della NATO, quindi alleato e
complice della Croazia, quale e' il Canada.
===*===
http://www.macleans.ca
World
September 2, 2002
FIREFIGHT AT THE MEDAK POCKET
Ottawa will honour Canadians who took
part in a little-known battle
MICHAEL SNIDER with SEAN M. MALONEY
In September, 1993, Canadian troops
stationed in an area of Croatia known
as Vojna Krajina engaged in a fierce battle
with Croatian forces attacking a
predominantly Serb enclave. The engagement,
little known outside of military
circles, was not publicized by the Canadian
government, which was hesitant to
draw attention to the increasing dangers
the country's troops were facing
abroad. But this December, Ottawa will
finally honour the soldiers who took part
in that firefight by presenting them with a
unit commendation. Maclean's tells
the story of the battle:
PTE. SCOTT LeBLANC'S machine gun
jackhammered against his shoulder as he
fired at the Croatian troops dug in 150
metres away. Grenades exploded around
him; bullets and orange tracer-fire
screamed through the smoky air. The
Croatians hammered the Canadians for 15
hours straight -- thinking the 30
soldiers from the Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry would buckle and
run like other UN peacekeepers had often
done. But the Canadians, members of one
of three platoons making up the Patricia's
Charlie Company, held their ground.
"They're trying to flank us," LeBlanc's
section leader barked, sending a jolt of
adrenalin through LeBlanc's exhausted body.
Standing halfway out of his trench,
the 19-year-old reservist swung his gun
around and opened fire on the Croatians.
"We could see muzzle flashes and threw
everything we had at them," recalls
LeBlanc, now a 28-year-old lieutenant who
has just returned from Afghanistan.
"After that, everything got real quiet."
The fierce battle took place in
September, 1993, about a year and a half
after Canadian peacekeepers had first
arrived in the former Yugoslavia. Vicious
fighting and appalling acts of ethnic
cleansing made their task of disarming and
separating the various combatants nearly
impossible. Especially volatile was one
mountainous region of Croatia called Vojna
Krajina, or Military Frontier, home
to an isolated pocket of some 500,000
Serbs. Fiercely nationalistic, the Krajina
Serbs began to drive out Croats. But on
Sept. 9, Croatian Commander Rahim Ademi
launched an attack to capture an area of
Serb-controlled territory in Krajina
called the Medak Pocket. The UN, fearing
that 400 Serbs living in four
unprotected villages in the area were at
risk of being slaughtered by Croatian
troops, ordered the Patricia's into the
area -- and into the biggest firefight
Canadian forces had been involved in since
Korea.
Five months into a six-month tour of
duty, the Canadians were led by
Lt.-Col. James Calvin, 41. The 875-man
battle group was a patchwork of regular
and reserve soldiers. In fact, 70 per cent
of the front line soldiers were
reservists -- a makeup that, Calvin says,
could prove dangerous in a war zone.
"Reservists are just as long on valour and
courage," the now-retired Calvin told
Maclean's from his home on Wolfe Island,
Ont., near Kingston. "But you can't
expect one to do the same things you expect
from a regular soldier."
Still, after four months in the
region, Calvin considered his force
seasoned, especially with his hand-picked
group of platoon leaders, including
reservist Lt. Tyrone Green. The morning of
Sept. 9 started nicely enough for the
Vancouver native in charge of 9 Platoon,
Charlie Company, with sunshine poking
through the cracks in the boarded windows
of the platoon's quarters, a
two-storey concrete building on the
outskirts of the Serb-held town of Medak.
But as Green dragged a razor across
his chin, his morning shave was
interrupted by incoming artillery shells.
With soap still clinging to his face,
Green, who is now a captain in charge of a
Canadian Forces recruiting office in
Vancouver, grabbed his helmet and raced to
his M-113 armoured personnel carrier.
At one point he was knocked down when a
shell landed in a nearby ditch. He
wasn't hurt, but four Canadians were
injured in the shelling. "We counted 500 or
more shells by the end of the first day,"
says Green. "About a dozen fell in our
compound and one landed about 10 metres
from the front door."
Not knowing where the shells were
coming from, Green sent Sgt. Rudy Bajema
to establish an observation post. For the
next five days, Bajema watched as the
Medak Pocket was attacked by more than
2,500 Croat troops, backed by tanks,
rocket launchers and artillery. The Serbs
finally slowed the Croatian advance on
Sept. 12, but it was not until they
launched rockets into a suburb of Zagreb,
Croatia's capital, that the Croats relented
and accepted a UN ceasefire.
Calvin, who didn't really expect the
Croatians to live up to the
agreement, ordered his troops to occupy the
Croat positions. "We started taking
fire almost immediately from the Croats,"
recalls LeBlanc. The battle raged for
the next 15 hours. It was so intense that
at night the light from burning
buildings reflected off the soldiers' blue
UN helmets, prompting them to wrap
them in khaki-coloured T-shirts. Finally
realizing the Canadians would not back
down, the Croats sent word to Calvin that
they wanted to talk. They had good
reason to call a truce: the Canadians had
killed 27 Croats while not taking a
single casualty.
Joined by Col. Michel Maisonneuve, a
Canadian officer from the UN
headquarters in Zagreb, Calvin met with
Ademi at his headquarters in a town near
the fighting. Ademi sat on one side of the
table, blustering and yelling at the
Canadians. "He looked like he was enjoying
the role he was playing," says
Calvin. "Emotions were very high and I was
irate my men were getting shot at."
But after an hour and a half, Ademi finally
relented and promised to pull his
troops out at noon the next day.
The Croatian commander, however, was
determined to terrorize the Serb
civilians living in the area before he
left. By 10 a.m. the next morning, a
thick umbrella of smoke covered all four
towns in the Medak Pocket as the Croats
tried to kill or destroy everything in
their wake. The Canadians witnessed
scenes that still haunt many of them. "They
could see what was happening from
their foxholes," says Calvin. "My soldiers
knew their role was to protect the
weak and the innocent and they were
absolutely incensed." But fearing the
ceasefire agreement with Ademi would
collapse if they advanced, the Canadians
could do nothing but hold their ground.
Finally, when the noon deadline
passed, the Canadians raced ahead, but
immediately encountered a company of Croat
troops behind a barricade -- and
supported by missiles launchers and an
ominous Soviet-era T-72 tank. Calvin
approached the senior Croat brigadier;
their conversation quickly became heated.
The large, bearded Croat ordered his men to
cock their weapons and point them at
the Canadians. "We knew they were stalling
so they could clean up evidence of
their ethnic cleansing," Calvin recalls.
Calvin did not order his troops to
fight, and instead tried another
gambit. With the Medak attack almost a week
old, the international media had
converged on the area. As negotiations with
his bearded counterpart
deteriorated, Calvin held a news conference
in front of the barricade and
bluntly described the atrocities he
believed were being committed by the
Croatians. Realizing his country's
reputation was in jeopardy, the Croat
commander suddenly stepped aside. "The
transformation was instantaneous," says
Calvin. "He made a big show of removing the
barriers."
The Patricia's then pushed on. Every
building in their path had been
demolished and many were still smouldering.
Corpses lay by the side of the road,
some badly mutilated and others burned
beyond recognition. "We knew it was going
to be bad," says Green, "but the things we
found there were worse than anything
we expected."
The Canadians documented everything
they saw. Calvin's subsequent report
helped convince the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to
issue an indictment in 2001 against Ademi,
charging him with crimes against
humanity. Made public one year ago, the
report is a brutal list of murder and
torture. Among the victims: Sara Krickovic,
female, 71, throat cut; Pera
Krajnovic, female, 86, burned to death;
Andja Jovic, female, 74, beaten and
shot. In all, the Patricia's found 16
mutilated corpses -- some with their eyes
cut out.
The soldiers rotated home four weeks
later, but there was no hero's
welcome. At the time, Canadians were
focused on the disturbing revelations that
a teenager named Shidane Arone had been
tortured and killed by Canadian
peacekeepers in Somalia. Kim Campbell's
Conservative government was also facing
a federal election and didn't want the
increasing dangers Canadian troops were
facing in the Balkans raised as an issue.
"When we got back to Canada a couple
of weeks later, the first thing I did was
call home," says LeBlanc. "My folks
hadn't heard anything about the battle."
The force did receive high honours
from the United Nations in 1994, when
its members were given the United Nations
Force Commanders' Commendation -- the
first of its kind and only one of three
ever awarded. And, this December, the
Canadian government finally plans to honour
the troops by presenting them with a
unit commendation. But the honours only go
so far. With vivid memories of the
battle, many of the soldiers still suffer
from post-traumatic stress syndrome.
As for Ademi, his case rests in legal
limbo. After the indictment, he
voluntarily turned himself over to the war
crimes tribunal, proclaiming he had a
clear conscience because "I did not order
any atrocities." Last February, the UN
granted him a provisional release on
condition he return to The Hague when the
trial proceeds, likely next year. Calvin
may be called to testify. "Ademi should
be called to account," he says. "No soldier
should be able to get away with
that."
http://www.macleans.ca/xta-asp/storyview.asp?
viewtype=browse&tpl=browse_frame&vpath=/2002/09/02/
World/71190.shtml
===*===
PUBLICATION WINNIPEG FREE PRESS
DATE : TUE JUL.16,2002
PAGE : A13
CLASS : Focus
EDITION :
'Canada's Secret Battle' validated
Citation awarded to outgunned peacekeepers
who held their ground in 1993 firefight
with Croatia forces
by Scott Taylor
GOV. Gen. Adrienne Clarkson has created
two new military decorations in
recognition of Canadian peacekeeping
exploits in the Balkans. These
Commander-in-Chief unit citations were
awarded to the First Battalion, Royal
22nd Regiment (Vandoos) and the
Second Battalion, Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) for
the "outstanding service of Canadian
Forces in times of conflict under
direct enemy fire." The Vandoos are
being credited for their 1992 role of
allowing then UN sector commander
Maj.-Gen. Lewis MacKenzie to reopen
the Sarajevo airport at the height of the
Bosnian civil war. Thanks in part
to the tremendous international
attention garnered by MacKenzie at
that time, the Vandoos' dangerous exploits
were relatively well publicized.
One cannot say the same about the
2PPCLI action in the Medak Pocket,
which has subsequently been dubbed
"Canada's Secret Battle." This
unheralded action began with a devastating
bombardment on the morning of Sept. 9,
1993, and lasted a total of nine days
before a ceasefire was reinstated.
When the Croatian shells first began
to explode in the Serbian village of
Medak, Lieut. Tyrone Green and his
platoon found themselves caught in the
centre of the maelstrom. They, along
with the rest of 2PPCLI, had only
recently been deployed to this region
known as Sector South.
Although it was included within the
administrative boundaries of newly
independent Croatia, this area was
historically populated by ethnic
Serbs. Having no desire to submit to
Croatian authorities, the Serbs, in turn,
declared their own independent region
called Krajina. Croatian military
threats to eliminate this pocket of
resistance prompted the United Nations
to declare this a protected area.
From the outset, Lieut.-Col. Jim
Calvin, Commanding Officer of 2PPCLI,
made it clear that he and his battalion
would not back away from their
mandate to protect the Krajina Serbs.
Despite the danger, Green's platoon
remained in Medak to provide the UN
Security Council with an
up-to-the-minute account of the heavy
fighting.
On the night of Sept. 10, Green
reported a distinct shift in the
bombardment. Croatian special forces
troops had begun rolling through the
Medak valley. Brave but futile Serb
resistance resulted in a steady stream
of wounded soldiers and frightened
refugees flowing past Green's position.
Serbian reinforcements were rushed
from all over the Krajina to halt the
Croatian advance. After desperate
fighting on the morning of Sept. 14,
the Serbs had succeeded in stabilizing
their line, barely 1,200 metres from
the village of Medak itself.
Under intense political pressure from
the UN, the Croatians reluctantly
agreed to withdraw to their pre-Sept.
9 lines. However, when Calvin
attempted to push his troops forward,
the Croatians opened fire at the
advancing peacekeepers. Invoking
their right to self-defence, the men
of Charlie Company, 2PPCLI, started
shooting back. Over the next 16 hours
a vicious firefight took place at
ranges often less than 200 metres. Despite
being outgunned, the PPCLI held their
ground.
The following morning, Calvin resumed
his attempt to push forward into
the contested pocket. When a Croatian
general refused passage to Delta
Company, Calvin ordered his men to
"lock and load" their weapons. A tense
standoff ensued, with the heavily
outnumbered Canadians looking through
their gunsights at Croatian gun
barrels. To break the impasse, Calvin
gambled on the threat of negative
international press coverage by calling
forward a handful of journalists to
the roadblocks. Based on violence
witnessed by his troops the previous
evening, Calvin accused the Croatians
of committing "crimes against
humanity." The tactic worked, and the
general backed down.
As the Croatian soldiers removed the
roadblocks and the Canadian armoured
column rolled forward, it soon became
evident that Calvin had been correct
in his allegations of atrocities.
What could not be looted by the
retreating Croats was burned, and of
the 171 Serb civilians reportedly
trapped in the pocket, the PPCLI
found only 16 badly mutilated bodies.
Discarded surgical gloves next to
bloodied soil left little doubt as to
the fate of the other missing Serbs.
Given the heavy fighting they had
endured and the carnage they had
uncovered, the men of 2PPCLI
expressed little remorse for having
inflicted heavy casualties upon the
Croatian forces -- officially listed
as 21 dead and dozens wounded.
With hundreds of our soldiers
enduring more than a week of artillery
fire and several close quarter firefights,
the Medak remains the largest
combat engagement experienced by Canadian
troops since the Korean War. In
contrast to the almost constant media
attention being directed towards the
activities of our troops currently on
operational duty in Afghanistan,
incredibly the first news reports of
the Medak battle were not publicized
in Canada until the Ottawa Citizen
broke the story in November 1996 --
38 months after it occurred.
Despite the exemplary performance of
2PPCLI and the relatively light
casualties they suffered during the
operation (four wounded and one
accidental death), the senior
bureaucrats at the Department of
National Defence deliberately chose
not tomake public the Medak incident.
Domestically, the senior brass was
already embroiled in the Somalia
scandal, and the Progressive
Conservative government was in the
midst of disastrous federal election.
No one wanted to put a spotlight on
the military, particularly when this
incident had the potential to embarrass
the U.S. over their pro-Croatian
foreign policy in the Balkans. U.S.
military advisers had assisted the
Croatians in planning the overall
Medak operation.
At the time, some Defence officials
argued internally that 2PPCLI had
"failed" to protect the Serbs in
Medak. However, the fact remains that
Calvin's troops demonstrated, for the
first time, that the UN was prepared
to use deadly force to back up its
stated mandate in Croatia. Official
recognition of this brave effort with
a decoration is a step in the right
direction. However, nine years later,
the perpetrators of the Medak
atrocities have still not been
indicted by The Hague War Crimes
Tribunal, despite the overwhelming
evidence supplied by the Canadian
soldiers who witnessed the horrors.
Only when this international court
alters its anti-Serbian bias and begins
applying an even hand of justice can
our Medak veterans' efforts be
considered truly validated.
Scott Taylor is editor and publisher
of Esprit de Corps, an Ottawa-based
monthly magazine, and co-author of the
book Tested Mettle.
"sfonda" vincendo la resistenza serba presso Medak, nella
Repubblica Serba di Krajna - allora definita "autoproclamata"
dal coro ipocrita della stampa internazionale.
A quel tempo l'area era presidiata da armati ONU, impegnati
nella "interposizione" tra le due parti in conflitto. I soldati
canadesi svolsero correttamente il ruolo loro affidato, e
furono costretti a sostenere una sparatoria lunga 16 ore
con le milizie croate che, impegnate nel massacro
della popolazione locale, impedivano l'accesso alla zona
appena occupata. Solo dopo che furono uccisi 27 miliziani
croati, i canadesi poterono entrare a Medak e verificare
i loro peggiori sospetti.
Tenuta nascosta per circa tre anni alla stessa opinione
pubblica canadese, questa vicenda e' tuttora sostanzialmente
sconosciuta al pubblico, che puo' sentirne parlare oggi
grazie alla decisione del governo di Ottawa di dare dei
riconoscimenti ai soldati canadesi che si trovarono ad
affrontare quella situazione drammatica e politicamente
imbarazzante per un paese della NATO, quindi alleato e
complice della Croazia, quale e' il Canada.
===*===
http://www.macleans.ca
World
September 2, 2002
FIREFIGHT AT THE MEDAK POCKET
Ottawa will honour Canadians who took
part in a little-known battle
MICHAEL SNIDER with SEAN M. MALONEY
In September, 1993, Canadian troops
stationed in an area of Croatia known
as Vojna Krajina engaged in a fierce battle
with Croatian forces attacking a
predominantly Serb enclave. The engagement,
little known outside of military
circles, was not publicized by the Canadian
government, which was hesitant to
draw attention to the increasing dangers
the country's troops were facing
abroad. But this December, Ottawa will
finally honour the soldiers who took part
in that firefight by presenting them with a
unit commendation. Maclean's tells
the story of the battle:
PTE. SCOTT LeBLANC'S machine gun
jackhammered against his shoulder as he
fired at the Croatian troops dug in 150
metres away. Grenades exploded around
him; bullets and orange tracer-fire
screamed through the smoky air. The
Croatians hammered the Canadians for 15
hours straight -- thinking the 30
soldiers from the Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry would buckle and
run like other UN peacekeepers had often
done. But the Canadians, members of one
of three platoons making up the Patricia's
Charlie Company, held their ground.
"They're trying to flank us," LeBlanc's
section leader barked, sending a jolt of
adrenalin through LeBlanc's exhausted body.
Standing halfway out of his trench,
the 19-year-old reservist swung his gun
around and opened fire on the Croatians.
"We could see muzzle flashes and threw
everything we had at them," recalls
LeBlanc, now a 28-year-old lieutenant who
has just returned from Afghanistan.
"After that, everything got real quiet."
The fierce battle took place in
September, 1993, about a year and a half
after Canadian peacekeepers had first
arrived in the former Yugoslavia. Vicious
fighting and appalling acts of ethnic
cleansing made their task of disarming and
separating the various combatants nearly
impossible. Especially volatile was one
mountainous region of Croatia called Vojna
Krajina, or Military Frontier, home
to an isolated pocket of some 500,000
Serbs. Fiercely nationalistic, the Krajina
Serbs began to drive out Croats. But on
Sept. 9, Croatian Commander Rahim Ademi
launched an attack to capture an area of
Serb-controlled territory in Krajina
called the Medak Pocket. The UN, fearing
that 400 Serbs living in four
unprotected villages in the area were at
risk of being slaughtered by Croatian
troops, ordered the Patricia's into the
area -- and into the biggest firefight
Canadian forces had been involved in since
Korea.
Five months into a six-month tour of
duty, the Canadians were led by
Lt.-Col. James Calvin, 41. The 875-man
battle group was a patchwork of regular
and reserve soldiers. In fact, 70 per cent
of the front line soldiers were
reservists -- a makeup that, Calvin says,
could prove dangerous in a war zone.
"Reservists are just as long on valour and
courage," the now-retired Calvin told
Maclean's from his home on Wolfe Island,
Ont., near Kingston. "But you can't
expect one to do the same things you expect
from a regular soldier."
Still, after four months in the
region, Calvin considered his force
seasoned, especially with his hand-picked
group of platoon leaders, including
reservist Lt. Tyrone Green. The morning of
Sept. 9 started nicely enough for the
Vancouver native in charge of 9 Platoon,
Charlie Company, with sunshine poking
through the cracks in the boarded windows
of the platoon's quarters, a
two-storey concrete building on the
outskirts of the Serb-held town of Medak.
But as Green dragged a razor across
his chin, his morning shave was
interrupted by incoming artillery shells.
With soap still clinging to his face,
Green, who is now a captain in charge of a
Canadian Forces recruiting office in
Vancouver, grabbed his helmet and raced to
his M-113 armoured personnel carrier.
At one point he was knocked down when a
shell landed in a nearby ditch. He
wasn't hurt, but four Canadians were
injured in the shelling. "We counted 500 or
more shells by the end of the first day,"
says Green. "About a dozen fell in our
compound and one landed about 10 metres
from the front door."
Not knowing where the shells were
coming from, Green sent Sgt. Rudy Bajema
to establish an observation post. For the
next five days, Bajema watched as the
Medak Pocket was attacked by more than
2,500 Croat troops, backed by tanks,
rocket launchers and artillery. The Serbs
finally slowed the Croatian advance on
Sept. 12, but it was not until they
launched rockets into a suburb of Zagreb,
Croatia's capital, that the Croats relented
and accepted a UN ceasefire.
Calvin, who didn't really expect the
Croatians to live up to the
agreement, ordered his troops to occupy the
Croat positions. "We started taking
fire almost immediately from the Croats,"
recalls LeBlanc. The battle raged for
the next 15 hours. It was so intense that
at night the light from burning
buildings reflected off the soldiers' blue
UN helmets, prompting them to wrap
them in khaki-coloured T-shirts. Finally
realizing the Canadians would not back
down, the Croats sent word to Calvin that
they wanted to talk. They had good
reason to call a truce: the Canadians had
killed 27 Croats while not taking a
single casualty.
Joined by Col. Michel Maisonneuve, a
Canadian officer from the UN
headquarters in Zagreb, Calvin met with
Ademi at his headquarters in a town near
the fighting. Ademi sat on one side of the
table, blustering and yelling at the
Canadians. "He looked like he was enjoying
the role he was playing," says
Calvin. "Emotions were very high and I was
irate my men were getting shot at."
But after an hour and a half, Ademi finally
relented and promised to pull his
troops out at noon the next day.
The Croatian commander, however, was
determined to terrorize the Serb
civilians living in the area before he
left. By 10 a.m. the next morning, a
thick umbrella of smoke covered all four
towns in the Medak Pocket as the Croats
tried to kill or destroy everything in
their wake. The Canadians witnessed
scenes that still haunt many of them. "They
could see what was happening from
their foxholes," says Calvin. "My soldiers
knew their role was to protect the
weak and the innocent and they were
absolutely incensed." But fearing the
ceasefire agreement with Ademi would
collapse if they advanced, the Canadians
could do nothing but hold their ground.
Finally, when the noon deadline
passed, the Canadians raced ahead, but
immediately encountered a company of Croat
troops behind a barricade -- and
supported by missiles launchers and an
ominous Soviet-era T-72 tank. Calvin
approached the senior Croat brigadier;
their conversation quickly became heated.
The large, bearded Croat ordered his men to
cock their weapons and point them at
the Canadians. "We knew they were stalling
so they could clean up evidence of
their ethnic cleansing," Calvin recalls.
Calvin did not order his troops to
fight, and instead tried another
gambit. With the Medak attack almost a week
old, the international media had
converged on the area. As negotiations with
his bearded counterpart
deteriorated, Calvin held a news conference
in front of the barricade and
bluntly described the atrocities he
believed were being committed by the
Croatians. Realizing his country's
reputation was in jeopardy, the Croat
commander suddenly stepped aside. "The
transformation was instantaneous," says
Calvin. "He made a big show of removing the
barriers."
The Patricia's then pushed on. Every
building in their path had been
demolished and many were still smouldering.
Corpses lay by the side of the road,
some badly mutilated and others burned
beyond recognition. "We knew it was going
to be bad," says Green, "but the things we
found there were worse than anything
we expected."
The Canadians documented everything
they saw. Calvin's subsequent report
helped convince the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to
issue an indictment in 2001 against Ademi,
charging him with crimes against
humanity. Made public one year ago, the
report is a brutal list of murder and
torture. Among the victims: Sara Krickovic,
female, 71, throat cut; Pera
Krajnovic, female, 86, burned to death;
Andja Jovic, female, 74, beaten and
shot. In all, the Patricia's found 16
mutilated corpses -- some with their eyes
cut out.
The soldiers rotated home four weeks
later, but there was no hero's
welcome. At the time, Canadians were
focused on the disturbing revelations that
a teenager named Shidane Arone had been
tortured and killed by Canadian
peacekeepers in Somalia. Kim Campbell's
Conservative government was also facing
a federal election and didn't want the
increasing dangers Canadian troops were
facing in the Balkans raised as an issue.
"When we got back to Canada a couple
of weeks later, the first thing I did was
call home," says LeBlanc. "My folks
hadn't heard anything about the battle."
The force did receive high honours
from the United Nations in 1994, when
its members were given the United Nations
Force Commanders' Commendation -- the
first of its kind and only one of three
ever awarded. And, this December, the
Canadian government finally plans to honour
the troops by presenting them with a
unit commendation. But the honours only go
so far. With vivid memories of the
battle, many of the soldiers still suffer
from post-traumatic stress syndrome.
As for Ademi, his case rests in legal
limbo. After the indictment, he
voluntarily turned himself over to the war
crimes tribunal, proclaiming he had a
clear conscience because "I did not order
any atrocities." Last February, the UN
granted him a provisional release on
condition he return to The Hague when the
trial proceeds, likely next year. Calvin
may be called to testify. "Ademi should
be called to account," he says. "No soldier
should be able to get away with
that."
http://www.macleans.ca/xta-asp/storyview.asp?
viewtype=browse&tpl=browse_frame&vpath=/2002/09/02/
World/71190.shtml
===*===
PUBLICATION WINNIPEG FREE PRESS
DATE : TUE JUL.16,2002
PAGE : A13
CLASS : Focus
EDITION :
'Canada's Secret Battle' validated
Citation awarded to outgunned peacekeepers
who held their ground in 1993 firefight
with Croatia forces
by Scott Taylor
GOV. Gen. Adrienne Clarkson has created
two new military decorations in
recognition of Canadian peacekeeping
exploits in the Balkans. These
Commander-in-Chief unit citations were
awarded to the First Battalion, Royal
22nd Regiment (Vandoos) and the
Second Battalion, Princess Patricia's
Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) for
the "outstanding service of Canadian
Forces in times of conflict under
direct enemy fire." The Vandoos are
being credited for their 1992 role of
allowing then UN sector commander
Maj.-Gen. Lewis MacKenzie to reopen
the Sarajevo airport at the height of the
Bosnian civil war. Thanks in part
to the tremendous international
attention garnered by MacKenzie at
that time, the Vandoos' dangerous exploits
were relatively well publicized.
One cannot say the same about the
2PPCLI action in the Medak Pocket,
which has subsequently been dubbed
"Canada's Secret Battle." This
unheralded action began with a devastating
bombardment on the morning of Sept. 9,
1993, and lasted a total of nine days
before a ceasefire was reinstated.
When the Croatian shells first began
to explode in the Serbian village of
Medak, Lieut. Tyrone Green and his
platoon found themselves caught in the
centre of the maelstrom. They, along
with the rest of 2PPCLI, had only
recently been deployed to this region
known as Sector South.
Although it was included within the
administrative boundaries of newly
independent Croatia, this area was
historically populated by ethnic
Serbs. Having no desire to submit to
Croatian authorities, the Serbs, in turn,
declared their own independent region
called Krajina. Croatian military
threats to eliminate this pocket of
resistance prompted the United Nations
to declare this a protected area.
From the outset, Lieut.-Col. Jim
Calvin, Commanding Officer of 2PPCLI,
made it clear that he and his battalion
would not back away from their
mandate to protect the Krajina Serbs.
Despite the danger, Green's platoon
remained in Medak to provide the UN
Security Council with an
up-to-the-minute account of the heavy
fighting.
On the night of Sept. 10, Green
reported a distinct shift in the
bombardment. Croatian special forces
troops had begun rolling through the
Medak valley. Brave but futile Serb
resistance resulted in a steady stream
of wounded soldiers and frightened
refugees flowing past Green's position.
Serbian reinforcements were rushed
from all over the Krajina to halt the
Croatian advance. After desperate
fighting on the morning of Sept. 14,
the Serbs had succeeded in stabilizing
their line, barely 1,200 metres from
the village of Medak itself.
Under intense political pressure from
the UN, the Croatians reluctantly
agreed to withdraw to their pre-Sept.
9 lines. However, when Calvin
attempted to push his troops forward,
the Croatians opened fire at the
advancing peacekeepers. Invoking
their right to self-defence, the men
of Charlie Company, 2PPCLI, started
shooting back. Over the next 16 hours
a vicious firefight took place at
ranges often less than 200 metres. Despite
being outgunned, the PPCLI held their
ground.
The following morning, Calvin resumed
his attempt to push forward into
the contested pocket. When a Croatian
general refused passage to Delta
Company, Calvin ordered his men to
"lock and load" their weapons. A tense
standoff ensued, with the heavily
outnumbered Canadians looking through
their gunsights at Croatian gun
barrels. To break the impasse, Calvin
gambled on the threat of negative
international press coverage by calling
forward a handful of journalists to
the roadblocks. Based on violence
witnessed by his troops the previous
evening, Calvin accused the Croatians
of committing "crimes against
humanity." The tactic worked, and the
general backed down.
As the Croatian soldiers removed the
roadblocks and the Canadian armoured
column rolled forward, it soon became
evident that Calvin had been correct
in his allegations of atrocities.
What could not be looted by the
retreating Croats was burned, and of
the 171 Serb civilians reportedly
trapped in the pocket, the PPCLI
found only 16 badly mutilated bodies.
Discarded surgical gloves next to
bloodied soil left little doubt as to
the fate of the other missing Serbs.
Given the heavy fighting they had
endured and the carnage they had
uncovered, the men of 2PPCLI
expressed little remorse for having
inflicted heavy casualties upon the
Croatian forces -- officially listed
as 21 dead and dozens wounded.
With hundreds of our soldiers
enduring more than a week of artillery
fire and several close quarter firefights,
the Medak remains the largest
combat engagement experienced by Canadian
troops since the Korean War. In
contrast to the almost constant media
attention being directed towards the
activities of our troops currently on
operational duty in Afghanistan,
incredibly the first news reports of
the Medak battle were not publicized
in Canada until the Ottawa Citizen
broke the story in November 1996 --
38 months after it occurred.
Despite the exemplary performance of
2PPCLI and the relatively light
casualties they suffered during the
operation (four wounded and one
accidental death), the senior
bureaucrats at the Department of
National Defence deliberately chose
not tomake public the Medak incident.
Domestically, the senior brass was
already embroiled in the Somalia
scandal, and the Progressive
Conservative government was in the
midst of disastrous federal election.
No one wanted to put a spotlight on
the military, particularly when this
incident had the potential to embarrass
the U.S. over their pro-Croatian
foreign policy in the Balkans. U.S.
military advisers had assisted the
Croatians in planning the overall
Medak operation.
At the time, some Defence officials
argued internally that 2PPCLI had
"failed" to protect the Serbs in
Medak. However, the fact remains that
Calvin's troops demonstrated, for the
first time, that the UN was prepared
to use deadly force to back up its
stated mandate in Croatia. Official
recognition of this brave effort with
a decoration is a step in the right
direction. However, nine years later,
the perpetrators of the Medak
atrocities have still not been
indicted by The Hague War Crimes
Tribunal, despite the overwhelming
evidence supplied by the Canadian
soldiers who witnessed the horrors.
Only when this international court
alters its anti-Serbian bias and begins
applying an even hand of justice can
our Medak veterans' efforts be
considered truly validated.
Scott Taylor is editor and publisher
of Esprit de Corps, an Ottawa-based
monthly magazine, and co-author of the
book Tested Mettle.
UNA BELLA CROCE SOPRA A TUTTI I PROBLEMI
Alla vigilia delle elezioni politiche, mentre la tensione nella
Repubblica ex-Jugoslava di Macedonia sta crescendo esponenzialmente
grazie alla strategia terroristica appoggiata da settori della NATO
(per un quadro delle ultimissime violenze si veda ad esempio:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml), il governo
macedone - destra nazionalista e filo-occidentale - ha pensato bene di
sperperare una gran quantita' di denaro pubblico con la costruzione di
una megalitica croce metallica, che rimarra' probabilmente ai posteri
come enorme simbolo dell'idiozia bigotta e reazionaria che ha
contribuito e continua a promuovere lo squartamento della RFS di
Jugoslavia in tante "gabbie" etno-religiose. (I.S.)
MACEDONIA: INAUGURATA CROCE 76 METRI SU MONTE PRESSO SKOPJE
(ANSA-AFP) - SKOPJE, 29 AGO - Le autorita' civili e religiose macedoni
hanno inaugurato in serata una croce, alta 76 metri, sul monte Vodno
(1.800 m), che domina Skopje. Lo hanno reso noto i mezzi di
informazione macedoni. Illuminata da 550 riflettori, la croce, la piu'
grande dei Balcani, e' visibile a 80 km dalla capitale. Per la sua
costruzione, decisa per commemorare il Giubileo del 2000, sono state
impiegate 400 tonnellate di metallo e 60.000 bulloni. Alla cerimonia
di inaugurazione hanno partecipato il primo ministro macedone Ljubco
Georgievski e i membri del suo governo, il patriarca della Chiesa
ortodossa macedone Stefan e diverse migliaia di persone. ''Questa
croce e' la nostra preghiera per la vittoria e la salvezza della
Macedonia e per la protezione dei cittadini macedoni, che vivono tempi
difficili'', ha detto Georgievski. (ANSA-AFP). DIG
29/08/2002 02:27
Alla vigilia delle elezioni politiche, mentre la tensione nella
Repubblica ex-Jugoslava di Macedonia sta crescendo esponenzialmente
grazie alla strategia terroristica appoggiata da settori della NATO
(per un quadro delle ultimissime violenze si veda ad esempio:
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/macedonia/macedonia.shtml), il governo
macedone - destra nazionalista e filo-occidentale - ha pensato bene di
sperperare una gran quantita' di denaro pubblico con la costruzione di
una megalitica croce metallica, che rimarra' probabilmente ai posteri
come enorme simbolo dell'idiozia bigotta e reazionaria che ha
contribuito e continua a promuovere lo squartamento della RFS di
Jugoslavia in tante "gabbie" etno-religiose. (I.S.)
MACEDONIA: INAUGURATA CROCE 76 METRI SU MONTE PRESSO SKOPJE
(ANSA-AFP) - SKOPJE, 29 AGO - Le autorita' civili e religiose macedoni
hanno inaugurato in serata una croce, alta 76 metri, sul monte Vodno
(1.800 m), che domina Skopje. Lo hanno reso noto i mezzi di
informazione macedoni. Illuminata da 550 riflettori, la croce, la piu'
grande dei Balcani, e' visibile a 80 km dalla capitale. Per la sua
costruzione, decisa per commemorare il Giubileo del 2000, sono state
impiegate 400 tonnellate di metallo e 60.000 bulloni. Alla cerimonia
di inaugurazione hanno partecipato il primo ministro macedone Ljubco
Georgievski e i membri del suo governo, il patriarca della Chiesa
ortodossa macedone Stefan e diverse migliaia di persone. ''Questa
croce e' la nostra preghiera per la vittoria e la salvezza della
Macedonia e per la protezione dei cittadini macedoni, che vivono tempi
difficili'', ha detto Georgievski. (ANSA-AFP). DIG
29/08/2002 02:27
The URL for this article is: http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc-rade.htm
Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
Receive articles posted at www.icdsm.org
=======================================
33 Days and Still No Answer. What Was Done to Rade Markovic?
by Jared Israel
[Posted 29 August 2002]
=======================================
On July 26th Slobodan Milosevic cross-examined Rade Markovic, former
head of the Security Police of Serbia and the most important
prosecution witness to date in this so-called trial.
The testimony was stunning. Markovic had been touted as the insider
who would finger Milosevic. Instead, calmly, thoughtfully, he refuted
the prosecution case, including statements which had been attributed
to him by Hague "investigators". And then, with so-called Judge
Richard May violating the so-called tribunal's own official rules in
an attempt to prevent Milosevic from dealing with the abuse of
Markovic during the so-called investigation in Belgrade, the Yugoslav
leader managed to ask the former Police chief:
[Start Excerpt]
"Slobodan Milosevic: Is it true that this statement that has been
presented about the mopping up of the terrain [supposedly to hide war
crimes...] was drafted precisely by the same people and under the
sponsorship of those people who exerted pressure on you and who have
been torturing you for one year and a half now?
Markovic: Yes. It's an interview with the same people."
[End Excerpt]
Not only is Mr. May supposed to protect witnesses from harassment
under the Tribunal's own Rule 75, (1) but Rule 77 states that a judge
may take punitive action if any person:
"(iv) threatens, intimidates, causes any injury or offers a bribe to,
or otherwise interferes with, a witness who is giving, has given, or
is about to give evidence in proceedings before a Chamber, or a
potential witness." (2)
Doesn't the above describe what Rade Markovic has affirmed? Didn't he
affirm that The Hague's Belgrade associates had illegally removed him
from his jail cell and then had given him the choice: help frame Mr.
Milosevic and get a bribe or refuse and go to jail?
And later, when Mr. Markovic affirmed that the same people who
fabricated his supposed testimony had "exerted pressure and...[had]
been torturing" him for a year and a half - when Markovic said yes,
this had happened, what did this judge, Richard May, do? He
did...nothing.
Was Markovic indeed tortured to give false testimony? If so, *how* was
he tortured? Was it mental? Physical? Both are considered torture
under the UN "Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment" (3).
Only a small part of the mainstream media has reported that Mr.
Markovic repudiated the testimony that the prosecution claimed he had
given. And the key question remains to be asked by the media or public
officials in any of the NATO countries or at The Hague: *What was done
to Rade Markovic*?
Last week I called the "tribunal" and questioned a Mr. Blewitt, one of
the deputy prosecutors. The conversation will be posted shortly as a
sound file. As you will see, in that conversation Mr. Blewitt took the
position that if Markovic accused the Hague "tribunal" of pressuring
and torturing him, then there was, and I quote Mr. Blewitt, "nothing
to investigate."
Nothing to investigate?
Last week I was interviewed by phone by Bill Hayton of the BBC World
News Service. Mr. Hayton took part of this interview and combined it
with part of an interview with someone from the pro-NATO Institute for
War Peace Reporting, thus creating a kind of debate. (3a) The article
is called, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link."
Mr. Hayton was fair, giving me and the IWPR equal space in the BBC
article.
However my central point, having to do with the abuse of Markovic, was
not included.
ONE LIE, ONE FALSE ARGUMENT
Moreover, near the top of the article, as posted on the BBC web page,
the editors have placed a picture of two weeping women, presumably
Albanians. Pictures of weeping (presumably) Albanian women are de
rigeur for news organizations who got class in the New World Order.
(4)
Beneath this photo is the caption, "War crimes have been proved, but
not the Milosevic link." This caption manages to cram a falsehood and
an example of the "Do-you-still-beat-your-wife?" argument into one
sentence, thus demonstrating the skill which has made the BBC Numero
Uno.
The *falsehood* is that "[Yugoslav] war crimes have been proved." If
that's true it's news to anyone who has with an open mind watched the
proceedings at The Hague - a process made difficult by the "tribunal".
You must either view it on video (5) or read the nearly impossible to
locate transcripts (6).
(As you may recall, when the "trial" began, it was broadcast live
worldwide on TV. But very soon it became obvious that Milosevic was
turning the tables, providing real evidence that NATO, not the peoples
of Yugoslavia, has caused the terrible destruction in his country.
Quickly the broadcasts were cut back. As you may recall, CNN initially
gave the excuse that the contents were too shocking. That of course
had never stopped them before...Then the broadcasts were simply
stopped, all around the world.)
WELL? DO YOU STILL BEAT YOUR WIFE?
Having asserted the lie that Yugoslav "war crimes have been proved,"
the caption adds, "but not *the* Milosevic link."
Note the use of the word, "the." In English the definite article
implies that something is, well, definite. For instance if I
say, "Take *the* car," you would understand that I have in mind some
particular car. But if I tell you, "Take *a* car," it probably means I
have in mind no particular car but am suggesting a mode of
transportation.
So when they say, "War crimes have been proved, but not *the*
Milosevic link," they are suggesting that such a link does indeed
exist, it just hasn't been located yet.
If you read the full text of my BBC interview, you will see that it
was precisely this false assumption which underlay the BBC's Mr.
Hayton's questions and that it was precisely this false assumption
that I identified, dissected and denied.
As I argued in the BBC interview, what does The Hague prove by
producing witnesses from the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)?
Only that the "tribunal" is linked to terrorists. And what is proven
by once again wheeling out that old standby, CIA operative
William "The Diplomat" Walker, this time to accuse Milosevic of war
crimes? What is the credibility of Mr. Walker, who coordinated Uncle
Sugar's generous relations with the El Salvador death squads? (8) Whom
will they produce next? Jack the Ripper?
Why can't The Hague find even one *normal* human being, not KLA or CIA
or MI5, one bona fide Serb, believable in the role of war criminal,
someone who for a few hundred or thousand dollars will convincingly
say, "We Serbs are so vicious 'cause we got a persecution complex"
and "Milosevic forced me to do it," etc. Or, failing that, and given
the vast resources of NATO, why can't these paid-for-hire prosecutors
and judges do a competent job of forcing someone to testify?
NIGHTSCAPE
On June 4, a prosecution witness, identified only as K12 (what a
name!) had a fight with the "prosecutor," Mr. Nice, and with the so-
called judges as well. Here's part of what he said:
"Please tell him, tell the Judge that I have had enough of this
psychological processing for two days now, and I've been confused even
more and more. I cannot testify on anyone's behalf today, and leave me
alone. I'll go crazy this way!"
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, June 4, 2002 * p. 6197 (see footnote 6)
Going on to say that he'd rather be sent to jail than endure more
mistreatment, K12 refused to testify further. Instead of ordering an
investigation of what may have been done to this man - as is his duty
under even the "tribunal's" rules - this "judge," Richard May, first
authorized the prosecution to meet privately with K12 - a violation of
the quite sensible legal prohibition against prosecutors coaching
their witnesses during a trial - and then, when K12 still refused to
testify, Richard May instructed Prosecutor Nice to file contempt
charges!
A month later, the following exchange took place between Mr. Milosevic
and faux judge May:
"SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: ...I saw that you discussed the punishment of
Witness K12 because he didn't want to testify. I wish to remind you of
the existence of a declaration against torture that was adopted by the
United Nations.
"JUDGE MAY: This is irrelevant to you. Absolutely nothing to do with
you. The contempt proceedings -- the contempt proceedings are nothing
to do with you and are between the Court and the witness."
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, July 2, 2002 * p. 7207 (See Footnote 6)
Please, Mama, wake me. I am having this terrible dream.
And nobody (outside The Hague) knows what has been done to this man.
Do you understand? He was simply taken away. He had been given a code
name (K12) "to protect" him, and now - and now, God only knows.
And of course the prosecution's *prize* witness - Rade Markovic, head
of the security police of Serbia during the NATO bombing - not only
rejected his "own" statements but testified that he had been subjected
to a year and a half of "pressure and torture."
Here is the link to the RealPlayer file and the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
And here is the link to the BBC text, as published, so you can compare
them.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
Tomorrow we will send the ICDSM email list the full transcript of my
BBC interview. (7)
We will also post part of the transcript of Milosevic's cross-
examination of Rade Markovic.
The Markovic-Milosevic exchange goes on for quite a while. To watch
the video of the section that deals with pressure and torture, plus a
bit more to provide context, go to the *2 hour* (2:00) mark of the
RealPlayer file at
http://hague.bard.edu/video/icty_env.20020726.ram
-- Jared Israel
***
**** Further Reading ****
(1) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 75 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm
and scrolling down to Rule 75
(2) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 77 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm#77
and scrolling down to Rule 77
(3) For the UN Convention Against Torture go to
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/h_cat39.htm
(3a) For the RealPlayer file and also the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC go to
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
For the BBC article, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link," which
includes part of my interview with the BBC, go to
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
(4) If you want your worst fears confirmed, read the following
article. In it you will discover an amazing consistency in the
subjects of the winning photos in the top photography contests in
1998, 1999 and 2000. You'll never guess what they were...
"Art in the New World Order," by 'A News Photographer'
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/artinthe.htm
5) You can view RealPlayer videos of the "trial", usually up-to-date,
at
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
6) If one were cynical one would think The Hague didn't want us to
read the Milosevic transcripts. Here's a shortcut through their maze.
Go to
http://www.un.org/icty/milosevic/garde.htm
Scroll down to the link to "transcripts." They only go up to July 22nd.
7) To subscribe to the ICDSM email list go to
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
You will receive texts posted at www.icdsm.org
8) For more on William Walker, see "WILLIAM WALKER (ALIAS, MR. RACAK)
AND HIS SALVADOR MASSACRE COVER-UP," at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/sixty.htm
Send the link to this text to a friend.If you receive this article by
email, cut and paste this URL into your browser:
mailto:ENTER FRIEND'S EMAIL ADDRESS HERE?subject=Here's a great
article from www.icdsm.org!&body=I just read the following article
which I thought you would find most interesting. Here's the address:
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/bbc-rade.htm
***** The Defense of Milosevic - and the Truth - Needs Your Help!
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=======================================
33 Days and Still No Answer. What Was Done to Rade Markovic?
by Jared Israel
[Posted 29 August 2002]
=======================================
On July 26th Slobodan Milosevic cross-examined Rade Markovic, former
head of the Security Police of Serbia and the most important
prosecution witness to date in this so-called trial.
The testimony was stunning. Markovic had been touted as the insider
who would finger Milosevic. Instead, calmly, thoughtfully, he refuted
the prosecution case, including statements which had been attributed
to him by Hague "investigators". And then, with so-called Judge
Richard May violating the so-called tribunal's own official rules in
an attempt to prevent Milosevic from dealing with the abuse of
Markovic during the so-called investigation in Belgrade, the Yugoslav
leader managed to ask the former Police chief:
[Start Excerpt]
"Slobodan Milosevic: Is it true that this statement that has been
presented about the mopping up of the terrain [supposedly to hide war
crimes...] was drafted precisely by the same people and under the
sponsorship of those people who exerted pressure on you and who have
been torturing you for one year and a half now?
Markovic: Yes. It's an interview with the same people."
[End Excerpt]
Not only is Mr. May supposed to protect witnesses from harassment
under the Tribunal's own Rule 75, (1) but Rule 77 states that a judge
may take punitive action if any person:
"(iv) threatens, intimidates, causes any injury or offers a bribe to,
or otherwise interferes with, a witness who is giving, has given, or
is about to give evidence in proceedings before a Chamber, or a
potential witness." (2)
Doesn't the above describe what Rade Markovic has affirmed? Didn't he
affirm that The Hague's Belgrade associates had illegally removed him
from his jail cell and then had given him the choice: help frame Mr.
Milosevic and get a bribe or refuse and go to jail?
And later, when Mr. Markovic affirmed that the same people who
fabricated his supposed testimony had "exerted pressure and...[had]
been torturing" him for a year and a half - when Markovic said yes,
this had happened, what did this judge, Richard May, do? He
did...nothing.
Was Markovic indeed tortured to give false testimony? If so, *how* was
he tortured? Was it mental? Physical? Both are considered torture
under the UN "Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment" (3).
Only a small part of the mainstream media has reported that Mr.
Markovic repudiated the testimony that the prosecution claimed he had
given. And the key question remains to be asked by the media or public
officials in any of the NATO countries or at The Hague: *What was done
to Rade Markovic*?
Last week I called the "tribunal" and questioned a Mr. Blewitt, one of
the deputy prosecutors. The conversation will be posted shortly as a
sound file. As you will see, in that conversation Mr. Blewitt took the
position that if Markovic accused the Hague "tribunal" of pressuring
and torturing him, then there was, and I quote Mr. Blewitt, "nothing
to investigate."
Nothing to investigate?
Last week I was interviewed by phone by Bill Hayton of the BBC World
News Service. Mr. Hayton took part of this interview and combined it
with part of an interview with someone from the pro-NATO Institute for
War Peace Reporting, thus creating a kind of debate. (3a) The article
is called, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link."
Mr. Hayton was fair, giving me and the IWPR equal space in the BBC
article.
However my central point, having to do with the abuse of Markovic, was
not included.
ONE LIE, ONE FALSE ARGUMENT
Moreover, near the top of the article, as posted on the BBC web page,
the editors have placed a picture of two weeping women, presumably
Albanians. Pictures of weeping (presumably) Albanian women are de
rigeur for news organizations who got class in the New World Order.
(4)
Beneath this photo is the caption, "War crimes have been proved, but
not the Milosevic link." This caption manages to cram a falsehood and
an example of the "Do-you-still-beat-your-wife?" argument into one
sentence, thus demonstrating the skill which has made the BBC Numero
Uno.
The *falsehood* is that "[Yugoslav] war crimes have been proved." If
that's true it's news to anyone who has with an open mind watched the
proceedings at The Hague - a process made difficult by the "tribunal".
You must either view it on video (5) or read the nearly impossible to
locate transcripts (6).
(As you may recall, when the "trial" began, it was broadcast live
worldwide on TV. But very soon it became obvious that Milosevic was
turning the tables, providing real evidence that NATO, not the peoples
of Yugoslavia, has caused the terrible destruction in his country.
Quickly the broadcasts were cut back. As you may recall, CNN initially
gave the excuse that the contents were too shocking. That of course
had never stopped them before...Then the broadcasts were simply
stopped, all around the world.)
WELL? DO YOU STILL BEAT YOUR WIFE?
Having asserted the lie that Yugoslav "war crimes have been proved,"
the caption adds, "but not *the* Milosevic link."
Note the use of the word, "the." In English the definite article
implies that something is, well, definite. For instance if I
say, "Take *the* car," you would understand that I have in mind some
particular car. But if I tell you, "Take *a* car," it probably means I
have in mind no particular car but am suggesting a mode of
transportation.
So when they say, "War crimes have been proved, but not *the*
Milosevic link," they are suggesting that such a link does indeed
exist, it just hasn't been located yet.
If you read the full text of my BBC interview, you will see that it
was precisely this false assumption which underlay the BBC's Mr.
Hayton's questions and that it was precisely this false assumption
that I identified, dissected and denied.
As I argued in the BBC interview, what does The Hague prove by
producing witnesses from the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)?
Only that the "tribunal" is linked to terrorists. And what is proven
by once again wheeling out that old standby, CIA operative
William "The Diplomat" Walker, this time to accuse Milosevic of war
crimes? What is the credibility of Mr. Walker, who coordinated Uncle
Sugar's generous relations with the El Salvador death squads? (8) Whom
will they produce next? Jack the Ripper?
Why can't The Hague find even one *normal* human being, not KLA or CIA
or MI5, one bona fide Serb, believable in the role of war criminal,
someone who for a few hundred or thousand dollars will convincingly
say, "We Serbs are so vicious 'cause we got a persecution complex"
and "Milosevic forced me to do it," etc. Or, failing that, and given
the vast resources of NATO, why can't these paid-for-hire prosecutors
and judges do a competent job of forcing someone to testify?
NIGHTSCAPE
On June 4, a prosecution witness, identified only as K12 (what a
name!) had a fight with the "prosecutor," Mr. Nice, and with the so-
called judges as well. Here's part of what he said:
"Please tell him, tell the Judge that I have had enough of this
psychological processing for two days now, and I've been confused even
more and more. I cannot testify on anyone's behalf today, and leave me
alone. I'll go crazy this way!"
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, June 4, 2002 * p. 6197 (see footnote 6)
Going on to say that he'd rather be sent to jail than endure more
mistreatment, K12 refused to testify further. Instead of ordering an
investigation of what may have been done to this man - as is his duty
under even the "tribunal's" rules - this "judge," Richard May, first
authorized the prosecution to meet privately with K12 - a violation of
the quite sensible legal prohibition against prosecutors coaching
their witnesses during a trial - and then, when K12 still refused to
testify, Richard May instructed Prosecutor Nice to file contempt
charges!
A month later, the following exchange took place between Mr. Milosevic
and faux judge May:
"SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC: ...I saw that you discussed the punishment of
Witness K12 because he didn't want to testify. I wish to remind you of
the existence of a declaration against torture that was adopted by the
United Nations.
"JUDGE MAY: This is irrelevant to you. Absolutely nothing to do with
you. The contempt proceedings -- the contempt proceedings are nothing
to do with you and are between the Court and the witness."
- Milosevic "trial" transcript, July 2, 2002 * p. 7207 (See Footnote 6)
Please, Mama, wake me. I am having this terrible dream.
And nobody (outside The Hague) knows what has been done to this man.
Do you understand? He was simply taken away. He had been given a code
name (K12) "to protect" him, and now - and now, God only knows.
And of course the prosecution's *prize* witness - Rade Markovic, head
of the security police of Serbia during the NATO bombing - not only
rejected his "own" statements but testified that he had been subjected
to a year and a half of "pressure and torture."
Here is the link to the RealPlayer file and the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
And here is the link to the BBC text, as published, so you can compare
them.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
Tomorrow we will send the ICDSM email list the full transcript of my
BBC interview. (7)
We will also post part of the transcript of Milosevic's cross-
examination of Rade Markovic.
The Markovic-Milosevic exchange goes on for quite a while. To watch
the video of the section that deals with pressure and torture, plus a
bit more to provide context, go to the *2 hour* (2:00) mark of the
RealPlayer file at
http://hague.bard.edu/video/icty_env.20020726.ram
-- Jared Israel
***
**** Further Reading ****
(1) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 75 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm
and scrolling down to Rule 75
(2) The Hague "tribunal's" Rule 77 can be read by going to
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/rpe/IT32_rev22.htm#77
and scrolling down to Rule 77
(3) For the UN Convention Against Torture go to
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/h_cat39.htm
(3a) For the RealPlayer file and also the transcript of my full
interview with the BBC go to
http://www.icdsm.org/more/bbc823.htm
For the BBC article, "Analysis: Milosevic and the missing link," which
includes part of my interview with the BBC, go to
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/europe/2220997.stm
(4) If you want your worst fears confirmed, read the following
article. In it you will discover an amazing consistency in the
subjects of the winning photos in the top photography contests in
1998, 1999 and 2000. You'll never guess what they were...
"Art in the New World Order," by 'A News Photographer'
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/artinthe.htm
5) You can view RealPlayer videos of the "trial", usually up-to-date,
at
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
6) If one were cynical one would think The Hague didn't want us to
read the Milosevic transcripts. Here's a shortcut through their maze.
Go to
http://www.un.org/icty/milosevic/garde.htm
Scroll down to the link to "transcripts." They only go up to July 22nd.
7) To subscribe to the ICDSM email list go to
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
You will receive texts posted at www.icdsm.org
8) For more on William Walker, see "WILLIAM WALKER (ALIAS, MR. RACAK)
AND HIS SALVADOR MASSACRE COVER-UP," at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/sixty.htm
Send the link to this text to a friend.If you receive this article by
email, cut and paste this URL into your browser:
mailto:ENTER FRIEND'S EMAIL ADDRESS HERE?subject=Here's a great
article from www.icdsm.org!&body=I just read the following article
which I thought you would find most interesting. Here's the address:
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/bbc-rade.htm
***** The Defense of Milosevic - and the Truth - Needs Your Help!
NATO has billions of dollars and the media to spread lies. We have the
truth, supported by hundreds of millions of people. To develop legal,
educational, parliamentary and other work, our Committee needs
donations, large or small, from those who want to get the truth to the
people.
Here is how you can help:
* Contribute via credit card by calling our Dutch or U.S. offices:
Dutch office: 31 20 6151122
US office: 1 617 916-1705
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PayPal accepts VISA and MasterCard
* Or mail a check to: ICDSM
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Thank you!
http://www.icdsm.org
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
1. Der Herbst (Mirela Belosevic)
2. Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben (Spomenka Deretic)
=== 1 ===
Mirela Belosevic: Der Herbst
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
infograf@...
Mit der Annaeherung des Schuljah-Anfanges hoeren die Erzaehlungen auf,
wie wir uns zurechtgefunden haben, um auch dieses Jahres auf den
Urlaub fahren zu koennen und man faengt an, sich zu ueberpruefen, ob
wir zu viel locker geworden sind und uns zu viel erschoepft haben. Die
Ernuechterung kommt mit ersten Vorbereitungen der Wintervorraete. Der
Markt war immer zwar die Rettung fuer unseren Lebensstandard, Unglueck
ist aber das, dass man gleichzeitig Kinder fuer die Schule vorbereiten
soll. Die Familie, die zwei Schueler hat, muss ca 100 Euro nur fuer
die Schulbuecher absondern. In der letzte Zeit kann man die witzige
und gleichzeitig traurige Anmerkung hoeren: "Es gibt keinen Schueler
ohne Kaefermarkt", weil der Schulzubehoer an
sogenanten "Kaefermaerkten", wo man preisguenstigere Waren
zweifelhafter Qualitaet aus Ausland verkauft, billiger als in Laeden
ist.Aeltere Kinder moechten zwar sich eher in den Boutiquen ankleiden,
sehr schell aber ueberreden die Muetter sie und beweisen ihnen, dass
dieselbe Waren von den Theken auch in Boutiquen mit viel hoeheren
Preisen angeboten werden. Regierung Serbiens hat den Kauf von
Schulbuechern fuer Grundschulen an 6 Raten ermoeglicht. Fuer die
Eltern ist das eine Erleichterung aber gleichzeitig auch eine
Bestaetigung ueber unseren schlechten Lebensstandard, weil der Kredit
nur fuer die Summe, die groesser als 20 Euro ist, gilt.
Durchschnitlliches Einkommen im Monat Juli in Serbien war 13461Dinar.
Oder etwas mehr als 200 Euro. Im Vergleich mit Juni-Einkommen ist das
real um 0,35 % weniger, und wie immer sind die Loehne in der
Wirtschaft kleiner als in der Ausser-Wirtschaft.
In diesen Tagen spricht man in Serbien viel ueber den Preis fuer das
Essoel, fuer das der Gouverner der Nationalbank sagt, dass es teuerer
als in Deutschland ist. Wenn man durch die Verminderung der
Umsatzsteuer und den Nachgeben von der Seite Herstellern nicht zu den
kleineren Preis kommt, wird das Amt fuer die staatliche Warenreserven
intervenieren. Es ist schon im Laufe die Intervention an dem Fleisch-
Markt, der immer teuerer wird obwohl der Fleischverbrauch immer
kleiner ist. Die Preise fur Essoel, Fleisch und alle andere
Nahrungsmittel, aussgenommen das sogenannten Volksbrot, sind
liberalisiert. Den Kaufpreis der Buerger misst man meistens durch den
sogenannten Verbrauchskorb. Haendler und verschiedene oekonomiesche
Institute haben die Liste der fuer das Leben notwendigen
Nahrungsmittel gemacht und durch die Verfolung der Wert-Aenderung
dieses Verbrauchskorb, wird ueberprueft, wieviel durchschnittlichen
Loehne nur fuer die Ernaeherung notwendig sind. Im Ausschuss fuer den
Standard bei der republischen Regierung hatte man kein Vertrauen in
diese Rechnung und er hat eigene Liste von Nahrungsmittel, notwendigen
fuer das Lebens-Minimum erarbeitet. Der Ausschuss fuer den Standard
soll in kommenden Tagen entscheiden, ob auch der Preis des Brotes,
fuer uns des wichtigeren Nahrungsmittels, auch bald liberalisiert
wird.
Die Mehrheit der Buerger aergert sich, besonders Rentner, wegen der
geringeren Einkommen, als das die Beschaeftigte haben, wegen der
Ansagen , dass in diesem Jahr die Inflation nur 16 % betragen wird und
dass sie seit Juli vorhergehendes bis Juli dieses Jahres nur 19 %
betragen hat. In einjaehrigem Zeitabschnitt haben den Standard die
Strom-Rechnungen, die um 80 % vergrossert sind, erschuettert. In
Serbien benuetzt man den Strom fuer die Wohnung-Heizungen und deshalb
ist es im Laufe die Kampagne, zwar verspaetete, das den Buergern man
die Kredite erlaubt, damit sie sich an die Fernheizung anschliessen
koennen. Wenige koennen sich solche Ausgaben, zum Zwecken der
zukunftigen Einsparung, leisten.
Statistik zeigt, das auch die Wohnmieten im Durchschnitt um 60 %
verggroessert sind.
Die Mehrheit der Bevoelkerung bewertet laut allen Enqueten eigene
oekonomische Lage als sehr schlimm und darueber sollen heutige Akteure
der oekonomischer Politik nachdenken ungeachtet dessen, dass Aussen-
Beobachter unsere oekonomische Lage in etwas rosigen Nuancen sehen.
=== 2 ===
Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben
Spomenka Deretic
infograf@...
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
Alles ist in diesem Fruehling angefangen, als der Vizepraesident der
Regierung Serbiens und ehemaliger Militaerminister , Momcilo Perisic,
der damalig von der Seite Slobodan Milosevic von der Stelle des
Vorstandes des Generalstabs abgeloest worden ist, an der Tat ertappt
worden war, wie er die vertraulichste jugoslawische Dokumente an den
Chef von CIA fuer Balkan, Jon David Naibor, uebergibt, der nebenbei
gesagt, den Pass des amerikanischen Diplomat hat.Perisic, der
Vizepraesident von DOS-Regierung, wurde von der Seite des
Kontrageheimdienstes von der Armee Jugoslawiens, in der die
ausgezeichnete Fachmaenner taetig sind, verhaftet. Das ist der Grund,
warum die Affere anlaesslich des heimlichen Zuhoeren des Praesidentes
Jugoslawiens, Vojislav Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt worden war.
Kommen wir an Perisic zurueck, weil er gemaess dem Schreiben der
deutschen Zeitschrift -Konkret-, grosse Rolle bei der Uebergabe der
Angaben an den ehemaligen deutschen Minister Rudolf Scharping gespielt
hat, ueber den angeblichen Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von
Kosmet, -Hufeisen- genannt.
General Perisic hat naemlich noch am 25. Oktober 1998 an den
Kommandant vom NATO-Pakt , Vesli Klark und an den Vorsitzende vom
Militaerrat NATO, Klaus Naumen den Plan -Hufeisen- uebergeben, die in
Belgrad verweilt haben , damit sie mit damaligen Praesident
Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic verhandeln, ueber die Forderung NATO,
dass die Armee Jugoslawiens ihre Anwesenheit in Kosovo vermindert..
Gemaess der Behauptung von Rudolf Scharping , die -Konkret-
veroeffentlicht, besteht die zeitliche Verbindung zwischen der
Fertigung des Planes -Hufeisen- und der Abloesung Perisic von der
Stelle des Vorstandes des Generalstabs VJ (Armee Jugoslawiens), weil
sich Perisic widersetzt hat, dass die Armee an dem angeblihen
Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo teilnimmt. Bezueglich darauf, dass
jugoslawischer militerischer Kontrageheimdienst wirklich
ausserordentlich profesionell ist, und dass Slobodan Milosevic,
wirklich gut benachrichtigt worden war, kann man mit Sicherheit
feststellen, dass Perisic abgeloest worden ist nicht wegen dem
angeblichen Widersetzen irgendwelchem angeblichem Plan -Hufeisen-,
schon deshalb weil er in der Spionage fuer NATO-Pakt, der in nicht
ganz einem Jahr Jugoslawien angreifen wird, ertappt worden war.Wenn
man kritisch Inteligenz und Moral Generals Perisic analysiert, kann
man zum Schluss kommen , dass wenig wahrscheinlich ist , dass er ,
Momcilo Perisic , den Plan -Hufeisen-, der als die Ausrede fuer den
Angriff an Jugoslawien diente , ergedacht hat. Alles weist darauf hin,
dass dieser Plan in germanische Kueche erdacht worden war. Naemlich,
Rudolf Scharping hat zugestanden, dass er den angeblichen Plan fuer
das Vertreiben der Albaner von der oesterreichischen Auskunfts-Agentur
erhalten hat und dass ihm dabei Dragan Vuksic, Perisics-Mitarbeiter
vom Vertrauen, geholfen hat. Einige Angaben vom Oberst Dragan Vuksic:
Er ist, anscheinend, der alte Mitarbeiter der deutschen Geheimdienst,
es ist sehr wahrscheinlich , dass er an der Vorbereitung des Putsches
am 5. Oktober 2000 teilgenommen hat, und eher sei, dass Vuksic der
erste Mann im Team ist. Oberst Dragan Vuksic wurde nach belgrader
Oktober-Revolution, fuer den jugoslwischen Ambasador in Schweiz
vorgeschlagen, Bern hat (Schweizer sind ein virsichtiges Volk) sein
Agreman abgelent, wegen seiner Zusammenarbeit mit dem deutschen
Geheimdienst. Die Verdienste des Oberstes Vuksic fuer die
antiserbische Kampagne sind aber so gross, dass die deutsche Regierung
ihn fuer den jugoslawischen Hauptkonsul in Frankfurt am Main
akkreditiert hat, und bezueglich darauf, dass er DOS revolutionaere
Regierung in Belgrad verschuldet hat, hat er hohe diplomatische Stelle
in der jugoslawische Ambasade in Bonn bekommen. Um nicht zu vergessen:
Dragan Vuksic war in Daiton. Dort arbeitete er der Republika Srpska um
den Kopf und anderseits war er -Augen und Ohren des deutschen
Geheimdienstes. Um Mosaik zusammenzusetzen: Der deutsche Geheimdienst
und sein Mensch , Oberst Vuksic, haben wahrscheinlichst den Plan-
Hufeise- erdacht und unter der Bruder-Hilfe von dem oesterreichischen
Geheimdienst und Hilfe agilens Perisic haben sie ihn als serbischen
Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo placiert, was als die
Ausrede diente fuer den Waffenangriff des NATO-Paktes an Jugoslawien.
Affaere des heimlichen Zuhoerens, oder Affaere Pavkovic
Bezueglich darauf, dass der Kontra-Geheimdienst der Armee Jugoslawiens
durch das Verhaften von Perisic ausgezeichnete Faehigkeit gezeigt hat,
hat die pro-deutsche Regierung Serbiens ueber die Versammlung , in der
sie apsolute Mehrheit hat, die Affaere Pavkovic oder die Affaere des
geheimlichen Zuhoerens des Praesidentes Jugoslawiens , Vojislav
Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt. Worueber geht es hier? Vier
pensionierten Generale: Nebojsa Pavkovic, Milan Simic, Aleksandar
Vasiljevic und Milan Djakovic haben den Praesidenten Vojislav
Kostunica angeklagt, dass er ueber seine Ratgeber, verlangt hat, dass
die Armee in das Buero fuer die Komunikationen der Regierung Serbiens
einbricht, aus dessen Raeume, angeblich, der praesident Jugoslawiens
geheim zugehoert wird, und das die Generale abgeloest werden , weil
sie das abgelent haben. Die Verwaltung Serbiens hat den Enkuete-
Ausschuss gegruendet fuer die Ueberpruefung der Akteure der Affaere
Pavkovic , in den kein Vertreter der opositionellen Parteien als auch
kein Vertreter von DSS (Demokratische Patrei Serbiens) eingegangen
ist , was genug fuer sich selbst spricht. Vor dem Enkuete-Ausschuss
haben zuerst vier Generale ihre Version der Ereignissen erklaert. Das
war die direkte TV-Sendung, das Volk hat In live den serbischen
Watergate geschaut. Zum Unterschied nur zur amerikanische Affaere, in
der der Praesident Nikson das geheimliche Zuhoeren befohlen hat, hat
man in der serbischen Affaere den Praesidenten Jugoslawiens geheim
zugehoert. Generale haben erzaehlt, dass sie sich an der Sitzung in
dem Palast der Foederation in der Nacht zwischen 4. und 5. Juni
vorhergehendes Jahres dem Einfall in die Raeume der Regierung
widersetzt haben, weil das die Raeume der Regierung Serbiens sind und
weil bei dem Einfall der Soldaten die Opfer entstehen koennen.
Waehrend der weiteren Ueberpruefungen , hat sich herausgestellt, dass
keine Opfer, wahrscheinlichst, entstehen wuerden. Pavkovic,
Vasiljevic, Djakovic und Simic haben die Gespraeche, die sie mit den
Ratgebern des Praesidenten Jugoslawiens gefuert haben nacherzaehlt,
als auch das Gespraech mit heutigem Vorstand der Verwaltung von
Militaersicherheit, Aca Tomic ins Details nacherzaehlt, wie wenn die
Hausfrauen das Rezept fuer die Torte diktieren. Ob sie ausschliesslich
die Wahrheit erzaehlt haben, das ist eine andere Frage. Einige Sachen
sind charackteristisch: zuerst, man stellt die Frage, warum vier
Generale erst ein Jahr nach den Ereignissen oeffentlich sprechen
angefangen sind und anderes , es sieht aus , als ob das Buero fuer die
Kommunikation der Regierung Serbiens sehr wichtiges Zentrum der Macht
ist. Der Vorsitzzende der Volks-Demokratischer Partei, Slobodan
Vuksanovic stellt im Interview fuer "National" logische Frage: Wer ist
tatsaechlich der Leiter dieses Bueros und ob das Buero die zentrale
Redaktion der Mehrheit von Medien darstellt, in dem die Nachrichten,
Campagne, Affaeren und spektakulaere Auffuehrungen, wie diese mit dem
Enkuete - Ausschuss geschneidet werden. ? Die Antwort waere: Das Buero
leitet Djindjis-Mann, Vladimir Popoviæ-Beba, der ueberhaupt nich an
ein Baby, sondern an jemanden den Niemand in der Nacht treffen will,
aehnelt. General Pavkoviæ , der Held aus NATO-Krieg hat gegen der
jugoslawischen Oeffentlichkeit seine "Achillus-Fersen " gezeigt: er
hat Angst vor dem Pensionieren und vor der scharfen Zunge und guter
Benachrichtigung Vojislav Seselj, des Chefs von serbischen Radikalen.
Pavkoviæ hat sich , naemlich, vor TV-Kameras rechtfertigen versucht,
dass er mit Surèin-Mafia nicht verbunden ist, wofuer ihn Seselj
geklagt hat und er sagte , dass Bos Markoviæ, aus Surcin, mit dem er
guter Bekannte ist, der angesehener junger Bussinesman ist , und der
Inhaber der Firma "Krmivo produkt", mehrere Villas, einer Pferdezucht
und einer Jacht ist. General Pavkovic hat zwar zugestanden, dass er
als der Vorstehers des Generalstabes der Armee Jugoslawiens vermitelt
hat, dass an der Militaer-Medizinische Akademie auch Ljubisa Buha aus
Surèin, der auch junger und nach Pavkovics Meinung erfolgreicher
Bussinesman ist, als er vergiftet worden war, empfangen wird. Wie der
Bussinesman, Ljubisa Bucha ehrlich ist , zeigt auch seine Spitzname -
Cume, und serbisches Volk unter Bennenung " Cuma" die Pest versteht.
Nebenbei gesagt, Ljuba Cuma (die Pest) haben viele Minister besucht ,
waehrend er im Krankenhaus lag, sogar der Premier Djindjic. Um noch
zuzugeben: vor zwei Wochen ist der Freund unseres Premiers und unseren
Minister und Generals Pavkovic, Ljubisa Buha-Cuma fast ums Leben
gekommen, waehrend er seine neue und grossartige Investition
besichtigt hate. An ihn haben zwei verhuellte Angreifer geschossen,
ihn hat aber sein Bodygard -Man beschirmt, und der bejamerswerten Mann
ist fuer seinen Chef ums Leben gekommen.
General Aleksandar Vasiljeviæ, der die gewisse Zeit der Chef der
Militaersicherheit war, ist der alte Fuchs.Er hat sich belobt, dass er
gegen Milosevic nicht gehorsam war, womit er sich an Perisiæs-Mentoren
empfolen hat; er hat zugestanden, dass er vorhergehendes Jahres zum
Treffen in der Palast der Foederation, als Pensionaer und
pensionierter Pavkovics -Ratgeber, bzw. Freund gekommen ist.
Pensionierter Vorsteher der Verwaltung von Militaersicherheit, Milan
Djakoviæ, sah wirklich verwirrt aus, als ob er nicht weiss, nicht nur
warum er sich ueberhaupt vor dem Enquete -Ausschuss befindet, sondern
auch dass er nicht weiss warum er nach dem Oktober-Putsch so wichtiger
Geschaeftsfuerer in der Armee Jugoslawiens geworden ist. Es ist
vollkommen klar, dass er bis zum letzten Tropfen dem General Pavkoviæ
treu ist. Milan Djakoviæ hat so nebenbei, unbewusst was er macht,
erzaehlt, dass in Podgorica, im Tuer-Rahmen des Raums von der Equipe
des Militaer- Kontra-Geheimdienstes zufaellig die modernste Zuhoer-
Geraet, israelischer Produktion, gefunden ist, das ausnehmend
machanisch mit der modernsten Geraeten nicht entdeckt sein koentte.
General fuer die Fragen des Morals, Milan Simiæ, war der
gefaehrlichste. Er hat, naehmlich, vorgeschlagen, dass man den Kontra-
Geheimdienst unter der Zivilkontrolle stellt, dass unsere beste
profesionele Maenner, von der Seite der Abgeordneten, zwischen denen
es auch solche gibt, deren das die erste Beschaeftigung im Leben ist,
kontroliert seien. Zwischen heutigen Abgeordneten befindet sich auch
der Junge , der die Polizei-Dossier wegen der Droga -Handel. Simiæ
hat, den ich im Jahre 1999, waered des Treffens des Patriotischen
Verbandes Jugoslawiens, in dem kleinen Saal an der Kolarac-
Volksuniversitaet kennengelernt habe, als einen gespraechigen
Verteidiger des Staates, des Grundgesetzes und der Armee, wuerde jetzt
die Kontrolle der Armee an diese Versammlung, die manchmal das
Grundgesetz verletzt uebergeben, nimmt den Abgeordneten die Mandaten
ab, wirft manchmal von der Sitzung ganze opositionellen Parteien weg,
oder wuerde, villeicht, die Kontrolle an die Regierung uebergeben,
derer Vizepraesident der Mitarbeiter des deutschen Geheimdienstes und
amerikanischen CIA ist.
Zeugen waren auch die Kaffee-Kochfrauen, Sicherheit und Kellner in der
Palast der Foederation. Sie waren alle sehr diskret, keiner von denen
hat geklatscht,und keiner hat die Ereignisse wie am Markt
nacherzaehlt. Sie haben sich wie echte Generale benommen, waehrend
sich die pensionierte Generale, wie Kaffee-Kochfrauen benommen haben.
Enquete -Ausschuss hat die Ueberpruefungen wegen des Urlaubs
unterbrochen. Serben in Bujanovac ruhen sich nicht aus, sie
demonstrieren und protestieren jeden Tag. An der gerade
abgeschlossenen Wahlen wurde zum ersten mal in der Gemeinde-Geschichte
fuer den ersten Mann ein Albaner ausgewaehlt. An einigen Wahlpunkte in
Bujanovac dauerten Wahlen bis 5 Uhr morgens, obwohl gemaess dem
Gesetzt ueber die Wahlen , Wahlpunkte bis zum 20 Uhr geschlossen sein
muessen.Die wahlen dauerten neun Stunden laenger , weil man gewartet
hat, dass aus Kosovo die Waehler ankommen. Fuer diese Gewalt in
Bujanovac sind die verdienstvollste der amerikanischert Ambasador in
Belgrad und Vorsitzende des Koordinierungs-Koerpers fuer den Serbien -
Sueden, Nebojsa Covic. , der gleichzeitig auch der Vizepraesident der
Serbischen Regierung und Guenstling von USA ist. Warum ist es fuer
Amerikaner und ihre europeische Freunde sehr wichtig gewesen, dass in
Bujanovac-Gemeinde , zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte, die Regierung
die Albaner uebernehmen, die keine Mehrheit haben, aber in den Wahl-
Listen wurden auch Kosovo-Albaner eingeschrieben, sogenannte
profesionelle Waehler, die waehlen, wenn es am Kosovo notwendig ist,
wenn es in Metohija notwendig ist und wenn es am Sueden Serbiens
notwendig ist? `Deshalb, weil es notwendig ist, Serbien auch physisch
mit dem albanischen Korridor von Mazedonien und von orthodoxen
Griechenland zu trennen und damit es noch mehr unstabil zu machen.
Schon tagenlang protestieren Serben in Bujanovac und unterschreiben
die Petition fuer Covic - Abloesung und er gibt ihnen die
Antwort: »Die Petition beunruhigt mich nicht, sie haben mich nicht
ausgewaehlt und sie werden mich auch nicht abloesen«. Um zu erinnern:
Covic war der hohe Funktionaer der Sozialistischer Partei Serbiens,
den Slobodan Milosevic abgeloest hat und aus der Partei ausgeworfen
hat, weil sich, angeblich,Covic dem bekannten Kontra- Meeting der
Angehoerigen der damaligen Regierung, widersetzt hat. Natuerlich ist
das nicht richtig. Alle TV-Kammeras haben den jungen Covic an der
Buehne, zwischen den anderen SPS-Funktionaere aufgenommen. Milosevic
hat Covic , tatsaechlich, abgeloest, wegen der gegenseitigen und
naturwidrigen Liebe zwischen Vasington und Nebojsa Covic.
===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA is a private, independent and non-profit web site
provided by the volunteer work of a small group of enthousiasts.
If you enjoy the information that ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA is publishing , we
would be greatefull for any financial contribution from your part or
advertising on our web site. Your help would be used for the improving
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For contributions in Dinars: Account No. 40803-601-8-2289398
For contributions in foreign currency: ARTEL- Eksimbanka Beograd-
Foreign currency No: 27227
office@...
1. Der Herbst (Mirela Belosevic)
2. Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben (Spomenka Deretic)
=== 1 ===
Mirela Belosevic: Der Herbst
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
infograf@...
Mit der Annaeherung des Schuljah-Anfanges hoeren die Erzaehlungen auf,
wie wir uns zurechtgefunden haben, um auch dieses Jahres auf den
Urlaub fahren zu koennen und man faengt an, sich zu ueberpruefen, ob
wir zu viel locker geworden sind und uns zu viel erschoepft haben. Die
Ernuechterung kommt mit ersten Vorbereitungen der Wintervorraete. Der
Markt war immer zwar die Rettung fuer unseren Lebensstandard, Unglueck
ist aber das, dass man gleichzeitig Kinder fuer die Schule vorbereiten
soll. Die Familie, die zwei Schueler hat, muss ca 100 Euro nur fuer
die Schulbuecher absondern. In der letzte Zeit kann man die witzige
und gleichzeitig traurige Anmerkung hoeren: "Es gibt keinen Schueler
ohne Kaefermarkt", weil der Schulzubehoer an
sogenanten "Kaefermaerkten", wo man preisguenstigere Waren
zweifelhafter Qualitaet aus Ausland verkauft, billiger als in Laeden
ist.Aeltere Kinder moechten zwar sich eher in den Boutiquen ankleiden,
sehr schell aber ueberreden die Muetter sie und beweisen ihnen, dass
dieselbe Waren von den Theken auch in Boutiquen mit viel hoeheren
Preisen angeboten werden. Regierung Serbiens hat den Kauf von
Schulbuechern fuer Grundschulen an 6 Raten ermoeglicht. Fuer die
Eltern ist das eine Erleichterung aber gleichzeitig auch eine
Bestaetigung ueber unseren schlechten Lebensstandard, weil der Kredit
nur fuer die Summe, die groesser als 20 Euro ist, gilt.
Durchschnitlliches Einkommen im Monat Juli in Serbien war 13461Dinar.
Oder etwas mehr als 200 Euro. Im Vergleich mit Juni-Einkommen ist das
real um 0,35 % weniger, und wie immer sind die Loehne in der
Wirtschaft kleiner als in der Ausser-Wirtschaft.
In diesen Tagen spricht man in Serbien viel ueber den Preis fuer das
Essoel, fuer das der Gouverner der Nationalbank sagt, dass es teuerer
als in Deutschland ist. Wenn man durch die Verminderung der
Umsatzsteuer und den Nachgeben von der Seite Herstellern nicht zu den
kleineren Preis kommt, wird das Amt fuer die staatliche Warenreserven
intervenieren. Es ist schon im Laufe die Intervention an dem Fleisch-
Markt, der immer teuerer wird obwohl der Fleischverbrauch immer
kleiner ist. Die Preise fur Essoel, Fleisch und alle andere
Nahrungsmittel, aussgenommen das sogenannten Volksbrot, sind
liberalisiert. Den Kaufpreis der Buerger misst man meistens durch den
sogenannten Verbrauchskorb. Haendler und verschiedene oekonomiesche
Institute haben die Liste der fuer das Leben notwendigen
Nahrungsmittel gemacht und durch die Verfolung der Wert-Aenderung
dieses Verbrauchskorb, wird ueberprueft, wieviel durchschnittlichen
Loehne nur fuer die Ernaeherung notwendig sind. Im Ausschuss fuer den
Standard bei der republischen Regierung hatte man kein Vertrauen in
diese Rechnung und er hat eigene Liste von Nahrungsmittel, notwendigen
fuer das Lebens-Minimum erarbeitet. Der Ausschuss fuer den Standard
soll in kommenden Tagen entscheiden, ob auch der Preis des Brotes,
fuer uns des wichtigeren Nahrungsmittels, auch bald liberalisiert
wird.
Die Mehrheit der Buerger aergert sich, besonders Rentner, wegen der
geringeren Einkommen, als das die Beschaeftigte haben, wegen der
Ansagen , dass in diesem Jahr die Inflation nur 16 % betragen wird und
dass sie seit Juli vorhergehendes bis Juli dieses Jahres nur 19 %
betragen hat. In einjaehrigem Zeitabschnitt haben den Standard die
Strom-Rechnungen, die um 80 % vergrossert sind, erschuettert. In
Serbien benuetzt man den Strom fuer die Wohnung-Heizungen und deshalb
ist es im Laufe die Kampagne, zwar verspaetete, das den Buergern man
die Kredite erlaubt, damit sie sich an die Fernheizung anschliessen
koennen. Wenige koennen sich solche Ausgaben, zum Zwecken der
zukunftigen Einsparung, leisten.
Statistik zeigt, das auch die Wohnmieten im Durchschnitt um 60 %
verggroessert sind.
Die Mehrheit der Bevoelkerung bewertet laut allen Enqueten eigene
oekonomische Lage als sehr schlimm und darueber sollen heutige Akteure
der oekonomischer Politik nachdenken ungeachtet dessen, dass Aussen-
Beobachter unsere oekonomische Lage in etwas rosigen Nuancen sehen.
=== 2 ===
Watergate an der serbischen Weise: Chronik der politischen
Ereignisse , die das Serbien erschuetert haben
Spomenka Deretic
infograf@...
Belgrad, 30 August 2002
Alles ist in diesem Fruehling angefangen, als der Vizepraesident der
Regierung Serbiens und ehemaliger Militaerminister , Momcilo Perisic,
der damalig von der Seite Slobodan Milosevic von der Stelle des
Vorstandes des Generalstabs abgeloest worden ist, an der Tat ertappt
worden war, wie er die vertraulichste jugoslawische Dokumente an den
Chef von CIA fuer Balkan, Jon David Naibor, uebergibt, der nebenbei
gesagt, den Pass des amerikanischen Diplomat hat.Perisic, der
Vizepraesident von DOS-Regierung, wurde von der Seite des
Kontrageheimdienstes von der Armee Jugoslawiens, in der die
ausgezeichnete Fachmaenner taetig sind, verhaftet. Das ist der Grund,
warum die Affere anlaesslich des heimlichen Zuhoeren des Praesidentes
Jugoslawiens, Vojislav Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt worden war.
Kommen wir an Perisic zurueck, weil er gemaess dem Schreiben der
deutschen Zeitschrift -Konkret-, grosse Rolle bei der Uebergabe der
Angaben an den ehemaligen deutschen Minister Rudolf Scharping gespielt
hat, ueber den angeblichen Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von
Kosmet, -Hufeisen- genannt.
General Perisic hat naemlich noch am 25. Oktober 1998 an den
Kommandant vom NATO-Pakt , Vesli Klark und an den Vorsitzende vom
Militaerrat NATO, Klaus Naumen den Plan -Hufeisen- uebergeben, die in
Belgrad verweilt haben , damit sie mit damaligen Praesident
Jugoslawiens, Slobodan Milosevic verhandeln, ueber die Forderung NATO,
dass die Armee Jugoslawiens ihre Anwesenheit in Kosovo vermindert..
Gemaess der Behauptung von Rudolf Scharping , die -Konkret-
veroeffentlicht, besteht die zeitliche Verbindung zwischen der
Fertigung des Planes -Hufeisen- und der Abloesung Perisic von der
Stelle des Vorstandes des Generalstabs VJ (Armee Jugoslawiens), weil
sich Perisic widersetzt hat, dass die Armee an dem angeblihen
Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo teilnimmt. Bezueglich darauf, dass
jugoslawischer militerischer Kontrageheimdienst wirklich
ausserordentlich profesionell ist, und dass Slobodan Milosevic,
wirklich gut benachrichtigt worden war, kann man mit Sicherheit
feststellen, dass Perisic abgeloest worden ist nicht wegen dem
angeblichen Widersetzen irgendwelchem angeblichem Plan -Hufeisen-,
schon deshalb weil er in der Spionage fuer NATO-Pakt, der in nicht
ganz einem Jahr Jugoslawien angreifen wird, ertappt worden war.Wenn
man kritisch Inteligenz und Moral Generals Perisic analysiert, kann
man zum Schluss kommen , dass wenig wahrscheinlich ist , dass er ,
Momcilo Perisic , den Plan -Hufeisen-, der als die Ausrede fuer den
Angriff an Jugoslawien diente , ergedacht hat. Alles weist darauf hin,
dass dieser Plan in germanische Kueche erdacht worden war. Naemlich,
Rudolf Scharping hat zugestanden, dass er den angeblichen Plan fuer
das Vertreiben der Albaner von der oesterreichischen Auskunfts-Agentur
erhalten hat und dass ihm dabei Dragan Vuksic, Perisics-Mitarbeiter
vom Vertrauen, geholfen hat. Einige Angaben vom Oberst Dragan Vuksic:
Er ist, anscheinend, der alte Mitarbeiter der deutschen Geheimdienst,
es ist sehr wahrscheinlich , dass er an der Vorbereitung des Putsches
am 5. Oktober 2000 teilgenommen hat, und eher sei, dass Vuksic der
erste Mann im Team ist. Oberst Dragan Vuksic wurde nach belgrader
Oktober-Revolution, fuer den jugoslwischen Ambasador in Schweiz
vorgeschlagen, Bern hat (Schweizer sind ein virsichtiges Volk) sein
Agreman abgelent, wegen seiner Zusammenarbeit mit dem deutschen
Geheimdienst. Die Verdienste des Oberstes Vuksic fuer die
antiserbische Kampagne sind aber so gross, dass die deutsche Regierung
ihn fuer den jugoslawischen Hauptkonsul in Frankfurt am Main
akkreditiert hat, und bezueglich darauf, dass er DOS revolutionaere
Regierung in Belgrad verschuldet hat, hat er hohe diplomatische Stelle
in der jugoslawische Ambasade in Bonn bekommen. Um nicht zu vergessen:
Dragan Vuksic war in Daiton. Dort arbeitete er der Republika Srpska um
den Kopf und anderseits war er -Augen und Ohren des deutschen
Geheimdienstes. Um Mosaik zusammenzusetzen: Der deutsche Geheimdienst
und sein Mensch , Oberst Vuksic, haben wahrscheinlichst den Plan-
Hufeise- erdacht und unter der Bruder-Hilfe von dem oesterreichischen
Geheimdienst und Hilfe agilens Perisic haben sie ihn als serbischen
Plan fuer das Vertreiben der Albaner von Kosovo placiert, was als die
Ausrede diente fuer den Waffenangriff des NATO-Paktes an Jugoslawien.
Affaere des heimlichen Zuhoerens, oder Affaere Pavkovic
Bezueglich darauf, dass der Kontra-Geheimdienst der Armee Jugoslawiens
durch das Verhaften von Perisic ausgezeichnete Faehigkeit gezeigt hat,
hat die pro-deutsche Regierung Serbiens ueber die Versammlung , in der
sie apsolute Mehrheit hat, die Affaere Pavkovic oder die Affaere des
geheimlichen Zuhoerens des Praesidentes Jugoslawiens , Vojislav
Kostunica, in Bewegung gesetzt. Worueber geht es hier? Vier
pensionierten Generale: Nebojsa Pavkovic, Milan Simic, Aleksandar
Vasiljevic und Milan Djakovic haben den Praesidenten Vojislav
Kostunica angeklagt, dass er ueber seine Ratgeber, verlangt hat, dass
die Armee in das Buero fuer die Komunikationen der Regierung Serbiens
einbricht, aus dessen Raeume, angeblich, der praesident Jugoslawiens
geheim zugehoert wird, und das die Generale abgeloest werden , weil
sie das abgelent haben. Die Verwaltung Serbiens hat den Enkuete-
Ausschuss gegruendet fuer die Ueberpruefung der Akteure der Affaere
Pavkovic , in den kein Vertreter der opositionellen Parteien als auch
kein Vertreter von DSS (Demokratische Patrei Serbiens) eingegangen
ist , was genug fuer sich selbst spricht. Vor dem Enkuete-Ausschuss
haben zuerst vier Generale ihre Version der Ereignissen erklaert. Das
war die direkte TV-Sendung, das Volk hat In live den serbischen
Watergate geschaut. Zum Unterschied nur zur amerikanische Affaere, in
der der Praesident Nikson das geheimliche Zuhoeren befohlen hat, hat
man in der serbischen Affaere den Praesidenten Jugoslawiens geheim
zugehoert. Generale haben erzaehlt, dass sie sich an der Sitzung in
dem Palast der Foederation in der Nacht zwischen 4. und 5. Juni
vorhergehendes Jahres dem Einfall in die Raeume der Regierung
widersetzt haben, weil das die Raeume der Regierung Serbiens sind und
weil bei dem Einfall der Soldaten die Opfer entstehen koennen.
Waehrend der weiteren Ueberpruefungen , hat sich herausgestellt, dass
keine Opfer, wahrscheinlichst, entstehen wuerden. Pavkovic,
Vasiljevic, Djakovic und Simic haben die Gespraeche, die sie mit den
Ratgebern des Praesidenten Jugoslawiens gefuert haben nacherzaehlt,
als auch das Gespraech mit heutigem Vorstand der Verwaltung von
Militaersicherheit, Aca Tomic ins Details nacherzaehlt, wie wenn die
Hausfrauen das Rezept fuer die Torte diktieren. Ob sie ausschliesslich
die Wahrheit erzaehlt haben, das ist eine andere Frage. Einige Sachen
sind charackteristisch: zuerst, man stellt die Frage, warum vier
Generale erst ein Jahr nach den Ereignissen oeffentlich sprechen
angefangen sind und anderes , es sieht aus , als ob das Buero fuer die
Kommunikation der Regierung Serbiens sehr wichtiges Zentrum der Macht
ist. Der Vorsitzzende der Volks-Demokratischer Partei, Slobodan
Vuksanovic stellt im Interview fuer "National" logische Frage: Wer ist
tatsaechlich der Leiter dieses Bueros und ob das Buero die zentrale
Redaktion der Mehrheit von Medien darstellt, in dem die Nachrichten,
Campagne, Affaeren und spektakulaere Auffuehrungen, wie diese mit dem
Enkuete - Ausschuss geschneidet werden. ? Die Antwort waere: Das Buero
leitet Djindjis-Mann, Vladimir Popoviæ-Beba, der ueberhaupt nich an
ein Baby, sondern an jemanden den Niemand in der Nacht treffen will,
aehnelt. General Pavkoviæ , der Held aus NATO-Krieg hat gegen der
jugoslawischen Oeffentlichkeit seine "Achillus-Fersen " gezeigt: er
hat Angst vor dem Pensionieren und vor der scharfen Zunge und guter
Benachrichtigung Vojislav Seselj, des Chefs von serbischen Radikalen.
Pavkoviæ hat sich , naemlich, vor TV-Kameras rechtfertigen versucht,
dass er mit Surèin-Mafia nicht verbunden ist, wofuer ihn Seselj
geklagt hat und er sagte , dass Bos Markoviæ, aus Surcin, mit dem er
guter Bekannte ist, der angesehener junger Bussinesman ist , und der
Inhaber der Firma "Krmivo produkt", mehrere Villas, einer Pferdezucht
und einer Jacht ist. General Pavkovic hat zwar zugestanden, dass er
als der Vorstehers des Generalstabes der Armee Jugoslawiens vermitelt
hat, dass an der Militaer-Medizinische Akademie auch Ljubisa Buha aus
Surèin, der auch junger und nach Pavkovics Meinung erfolgreicher
Bussinesman ist, als er vergiftet worden war, empfangen wird. Wie der
Bussinesman, Ljubisa Bucha ehrlich ist , zeigt auch seine Spitzname -
Cume, und serbisches Volk unter Bennenung " Cuma" die Pest versteht.
Nebenbei gesagt, Ljuba Cuma (die Pest) haben viele Minister besucht ,
waehrend er im Krankenhaus lag, sogar der Premier Djindjic. Um noch
zuzugeben: vor zwei Wochen ist der Freund unseres Premiers und unseren
Minister und Generals Pavkovic, Ljubisa Buha-Cuma fast ums Leben
gekommen, waehrend er seine neue und grossartige Investition
besichtigt hate. An ihn haben zwei verhuellte Angreifer geschossen,
ihn hat aber sein Bodygard -Man beschirmt, und der bejamerswerten Mann
ist fuer seinen Chef ums Leben gekommen.
General Aleksandar Vasiljeviæ, der die gewisse Zeit der Chef der
Militaersicherheit war, ist der alte Fuchs.Er hat sich belobt, dass er
gegen Milosevic nicht gehorsam war, womit er sich an Perisiæs-Mentoren
empfolen hat; er hat zugestanden, dass er vorhergehendes Jahres zum
Treffen in der Palast der Foederation, als Pensionaer und
pensionierter Pavkovics -Ratgeber, bzw. Freund gekommen ist.
Pensionierter Vorsteher der Verwaltung von Militaersicherheit, Milan
Djakoviæ, sah wirklich verwirrt aus, als ob er nicht weiss, nicht nur
warum er sich ueberhaupt vor dem Enquete -Ausschuss befindet, sondern
auch dass er nicht weiss warum er nach dem Oktober-Putsch so wichtiger
Geschaeftsfuerer in der Armee Jugoslawiens geworden ist. Es ist
vollkommen klar, dass er bis zum letzten Tropfen dem General Pavkoviæ
treu ist. Milan Djakoviæ hat so nebenbei, unbewusst was er macht,
erzaehlt, dass in Podgorica, im Tuer-Rahmen des Raums von der Equipe
des Militaer- Kontra-Geheimdienstes zufaellig die modernste Zuhoer-
Geraet, israelischer Produktion, gefunden ist, das ausnehmend
machanisch mit der modernsten Geraeten nicht entdeckt sein koentte.
General fuer die Fragen des Morals, Milan Simiæ, war der
gefaehrlichste. Er hat, naehmlich, vorgeschlagen, dass man den Kontra-
Geheimdienst unter der Zivilkontrolle stellt, dass unsere beste
profesionele Maenner, von der Seite der Abgeordneten, zwischen denen
es auch solche gibt, deren das die erste Beschaeftigung im Leben ist,
kontroliert seien. Zwischen heutigen Abgeordneten befindet sich auch
der Junge , der die Polizei-Dossier wegen der Droga -Handel. Simiæ
hat, den ich im Jahre 1999, waered des Treffens des Patriotischen
Verbandes Jugoslawiens, in dem kleinen Saal an der Kolarac-
Volksuniversitaet kennengelernt habe, als einen gespraechigen
Verteidiger des Staates, des Grundgesetzes und der Armee, wuerde jetzt
die Kontrolle der Armee an diese Versammlung, die manchmal das
Grundgesetz verletzt uebergeben, nimmt den Abgeordneten die Mandaten
ab, wirft manchmal von der Sitzung ganze opositionellen Parteien weg,
oder wuerde, villeicht, die Kontrolle an die Regierung uebergeben,
derer Vizepraesident der Mitarbeiter des deutschen Geheimdienstes und
amerikanischen CIA ist.
Zeugen waren auch die Kaffee-Kochfrauen, Sicherheit und Kellner in der
Palast der Foederation. Sie waren alle sehr diskret, keiner von denen
hat geklatscht,und keiner hat die Ereignisse wie am Markt
nacherzaehlt. Sie haben sich wie echte Generale benommen, waehrend
sich die pensionierte Generale, wie Kaffee-Kochfrauen benommen haben.
Enquete -Ausschuss hat die Ueberpruefungen wegen des Urlaubs
unterbrochen. Serben in Bujanovac ruhen sich nicht aus, sie
demonstrieren und protestieren jeden Tag. An der gerade
abgeschlossenen Wahlen wurde zum ersten mal in der Gemeinde-Geschichte
fuer den ersten Mann ein Albaner ausgewaehlt. An einigen Wahlpunkte in
Bujanovac dauerten Wahlen bis 5 Uhr morgens, obwohl gemaess dem
Gesetzt ueber die Wahlen , Wahlpunkte bis zum 20 Uhr geschlossen sein
muessen.Die wahlen dauerten neun Stunden laenger , weil man gewartet
hat, dass aus Kosovo die Waehler ankommen. Fuer diese Gewalt in
Bujanovac sind die verdienstvollste der amerikanischert Ambasador in
Belgrad und Vorsitzende des Koordinierungs-Koerpers fuer den Serbien -
Sueden, Nebojsa Covic. , der gleichzeitig auch der Vizepraesident der
Serbischen Regierung und Guenstling von USA ist. Warum ist es fuer
Amerikaner und ihre europeische Freunde sehr wichtig gewesen, dass in
Bujanovac-Gemeinde , zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte, die Regierung
die Albaner uebernehmen, die keine Mehrheit haben, aber in den Wahl-
Listen wurden auch Kosovo-Albaner eingeschrieben, sogenannte
profesionelle Waehler, die waehlen, wenn es am Kosovo notwendig ist,
wenn es in Metohija notwendig ist und wenn es am Sueden Serbiens
notwendig ist? `Deshalb, weil es notwendig ist, Serbien auch physisch
mit dem albanischen Korridor von Mazedonien und von orthodoxen
Griechenland zu trennen und damit es noch mehr unstabil zu machen.
Schon tagenlang protestieren Serben in Bujanovac und unterschreiben
die Petition fuer Covic - Abloesung und er gibt ihnen die
Antwort: »Die Petition beunruhigt mich nicht, sie haben mich nicht
ausgewaehlt und sie werden mich auch nicht abloesen«. Um zu erinnern:
Covic war der hohe Funktionaer der Sozialistischer Partei Serbiens,
den Slobodan Milosevic abgeloest hat und aus der Partei ausgeworfen
hat, weil sich, angeblich,Covic dem bekannten Kontra- Meeting der
Angehoerigen der damaligen Regierung, widersetzt hat. Natuerlich ist
das nicht richtig. Alle TV-Kammeras haben den jungen Covic an der
Buehne, zwischen den anderen SPS-Funktionaere aufgenommen. Milosevic
hat Covic , tatsaechlich, abgeloest, wegen der gegenseitigen und
naturwidrigen Liebe zwischen Vasington und Nebojsa Covic.
===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA is a private, independent and non-profit web site
provided by the volunteer work of a small group of enthousiasts.
If you enjoy the information that ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA is publishing , we
would be greatefull for any financial contribution from your part or
advertising on our web site. Your help would be used for the improving
of the selcetion of the information, its faster publishing on the site
and for, what we consider the most important, the translation of the
prominant information on other languages.
For contributions in Dinars: Account No. 40803-601-8-2289398
For contributions in foreign currency: ARTEL- Eksimbanka Beograd-
Foreign currency No: 27227
