INDEPENDENCE DAY

-----Original Message-----
From: Andrej Tisma [mailto:aart@...]
Sent: July 5, 2002 6:10 PM
Subject: USA: New Independence Day

United States Of America got now a NEW INDEPENDENCE DAY - July 1st.
Look how they are celebrating that day, remembering their great and free
leaders and their great historical achievements:

http://www.pcpages.com/justart/usa/independence.htm

1. Clinton chiamato in correita' per la pulizia etnica delle Krajne
2. 400mila serbi "spariti" dal censimento

===1===


http://www.washtimes.com/world/20020708-3102700.htm

Balkans tribunal turns to Clinton
By Jeffrey T. Kuhner
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
July 8, 2002

-Besides Mr. Clinton, others named in the complaint
are former National Security Adviser Anthony Lake,
former Deputy National Security Adviser Samuel Berger,
Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and former U.S.
Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith.
-Secretly supported by the Clinton administration,
Croatian forces launched a massive three-day military
offensive - known as "Operation Storm" - on Aug. 4,
1995....
-He is also accused by the prosecutor's office at The
Hague of overseeing the ethnic cleansing of 150,000
Serbs in Croatia who fled the military assault.


ZAGREB, Croatia - The Balkans war crimes tribunal
is examining whether charges are warranted against
former President Clinton and his aides for supporting
a 1995 military offensive by Croatia that recaptured
territory then held by rebel Serbian forces.
The Croatian World Congress sent a letter last
week demanding that Carla Del Ponte, the chief
prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), open a criminal
investigation into Mr. Clinton and other top officials
of his administration for "aiding and abetting
indicted Croatian Gen. Ante Gotovina in a 1995
Croatian military operation known as 'Operation
Storm.'"
When asked if the prosecutor's office plans to
indict Mr. Clinton and U.S. officials, Florence
Hartmann, spokeswoman for Mrs. Del Ponte, said: "We
are working on the basis of an ongoing investigation."
Besides Mr. Clinton, others named in the
complaint are former National Security Adviser Anthony
Lake, former Deputy National Security Adviser Samuel
Berger, Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and former U.S.
Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith.
Fears that American officials and soldiers will
be prosecuted for participating in U.N.-backed
peacekeeping efforts lie behind the Bush
administration's threat to scuttle the present U.N.
peacekeeping mission in Bosnia.
The threat is part of a dispute involving a
separate but similar U.N. tribunal, the International
Criminal Court, which was modeled after the ICTY and
opened its doors last week. Both courts are based in
The Hague.
The Balkans court angered U.S. officials two
years ago when it acknowledged it was looking into a
similar complaint against NATO commanders for their
role in the 1999 U.S.-led bombing campaign in
Yugoslavia.
Court officials said at the time they felt
obliged to look into all complaints placed before
them, but they dropped the matter after a preliminary
investigation.
Gen. Gotovina was indicted by the ICTY in June
2001 on charges that he exercised "command
responsibility" over a military campaign in which 150
Serbian civilians were killed.
Secretly supported by the Clinton administration,
Croatian forces launched a massive three-day military
offensive - known as "Operation Storm" - on Aug. 4,
1995, in which Croatia recovered territories occupied
by rebel Serbs following Zagreb's drive for
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991.
The Croatian World Congress, a nongovernmental
organization (NGO) that advises the United Nations,
said it believes neither Gen. Gotovina nor Clinton
administration officials are guilty of war crimes.
However, it said that if Mrs. Del Ponte insists
on prosecuting Gen. Gotovina, then American officials
should be prosecuted in the interests of "evenhanded
justice" because they played a pivotal role in aiding
the general's campaign in Operation Storm.
The Croatian World Congress said the U.S.
administration gave the green light for the operation
and provided diplomatic and political support for it.
But the NGO stressed that "the most just outcome
would be to withdraw the indictment against Gen.
Gotovina."
The possibility that the Gotovina case will lead
to U.S. officials being indicted by the ICTY worries
some lawmakers on Capitol Hill.
Rep. Henry J. Hyde, Illinois Republican and
chairman of the House Committee on International
Relations, said in a May 29 letter to Secretary of
State Colin L. Powell that at committee hearings on
the ICTY, "Testimony was presented at our hearing
questioning the factual basis for this indictment.
"It was brought to our attention that the ICTY
may investigate U.S. officials for potential command
responsibility in connection with Operation Storm."
Mr. Hyde said the ongoing investigation in the
Gotovina case poses "risks" that U.S. officials would
be prosecuted by the "U.N. tribunal for formulating or
carrying out U.S. government policy."
Gen. Gotovina, 48, was the military commander of
Sector South of the operation that was responsible for
the capture of the city Knin.
He is also accused by the prosecutor's office at
The Hague of overseeing the ethnic cleansing of
150,000 Serbs in Croatia who fled the military
assault. He is currently in hiding, his whereabouts
unknown.
The United States provided military and technical
assistance to Operation Storm in order to deliver a
defeat to then-Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic's
goal of forging an ethnically pure "Greater Serbia."

===2===

(Sullo stesso argomento vedasi anche:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1830 )

http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/jun2002-daily/25-06-2002/world/w4.htm

Jang (Pakistan)
June 25, 2002

Serbs still victims of discrimination

-"Croatian Serbs were chased out of their jobs,
particularly in the public sector. They were chased
out of their apartments, particularly in the big
cities and were stigmatised in a country of war
criminals."
-[T]here are some 300,000 Serbs living as refugees in
other countries including 250,000 in Serbia and
Montenegro. "For the most part, the young hide their
identity," he said citing as an example figures from
Split, Croatia's second-largest city, which has more
than 450,000 residents but where only nine people
declared themselves to be Serbian Orthodox.
-According to United Nations figures, only 95,000 out
of 280,000 Serbs who fled during the war have returned
so far.


ZAGREB: Seven years after the end of the
Serbian-Croatian war, and two years on after the death
of nationalist president Franjo Tudjman, Croatian
Serbs say they are still treated as second-class
citizens. "In the course of the last 12 years,
Croatia's policy has been a policy of discrimination,"
said Milorad Pupovac, president of the Serb National
Council which groups Croatia's Serb associations.

"Croatian Serbs were chased out of their jobs,
particularly in the public sector. They were chased
out of their apartments, particularly in the big
cities and were stigmatised in a country of war
criminals," he told AFP. Pupovac and other Croatian
Serb leaders have also demanded a revision of the
Balkan country's first census since independence,
asserting that it seriously exaggerated the post-war
decline in the country's ethnic Serb population.

Pupovac said more Serbs than listed were living in
Croatia, claiming that results had been flawed by
faulty methodology and failure to include returning
refugees. The new census showed that ethnic Serbs --
the country's second largest group -- had dropped to
4.54 percent of the population in 2001, down from
12.16 percent in the last survey in 1991 when Croatia
was still part of the former Yugoslavia.

The census said more than 200,000 Serbs were living in
the country but Pupovac said the actual figure is
somewhere between 250,000 and 300,000, making it
closer to six percent of the population. In addition,
there are some 300,000 Serbs living as refugees in
other countries including 250,000 in Serbia and
Montenegro. "For the most part, the young hide their
identity," he said citing as an example figures from
Split, Croatia's second-largest city, which has more
than 450,000 residents but where only nine people
declared themselves to be Serbian Orthodox.

Pupovac said the biggest problem for Croatia now is
the rehousing of those Serb refugees returning. "We
have tried very hard for the restitution of our
properties since 1997 but with very little success,"
Pupovac said. "The current occupants, who are
Croatians, have more rights than the owners and in
practice, our right of ownership is not recognised."

He said another contentious issue is the rebuilding of
Serb homes destroyed in Croatia by either military or
para-military groups and the battle for compensation
from the Croatian government. In May, the Organisation
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) urged
Croatia to step up efforts to encourage the return of
ethnic Serb refugees, asking it create a more
favourable climate for their return. According to
United Nations figures, only 95,000 out of 280,000
Serbs who fled during the war have returned so far.
Pupovac said while the current government is not
anti-Serb, it has not done enough to ensure its
Serbian citizens are treated equally or offer them
protection as a minority group.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,751898,00.html

Bosnia's new colonial governor
Paddy Ashdown is turning its elected leaders into his
ciphers

David Chandler
Tuesday July 9, 2002
The Guardian

At the end of May, Paddy Ashdown assumed his new post
as Bosnia's international high representative. It is a
powerful job, very similar to that of a colonial
governor, with the authority to sack elected
presidents and prime ministers and to impose
legislation by decree.

Ashdown is the fourth incumbent since the "temporary"
international protectorate was established at the end
of the war in 1995. No Bosnians were involved in the
selection process. The appointment was decided by a
group of western governments - our own lobbied for
Ashdown. Thus a British politician who never managed
to win power in his own country is now in charge of a
foreign state. He has little experience of government
responsibility and faces very different problems from
those he encountered as the MP for Yeovil.

What Ashdown lacks in experience he makes up for in
passion. He has adopted a fresh, media-friendly
approach in his first month in office, and has been
widely seen as taking a new broom to the political
problems of the divided Bosnian state. In his
inaugural speech he stressed the theme of
"partnership": "I want the office of the high
representative to be open and accessible... So,
starting today, I will be spending more time out of
Sarajevo, meeting people from across the country, and
listening to their views."

This is exactly what Ashdown has done, holding "town
hall" meetings around the country and spending hours
in discussions with local dignitaries. He argues that
"we need to do more to give citizens a real voice".
Ashdown doesn't want to be seen as a meddling
outsider, but as a true popular tribune. "I see myself
not just as a representative of the international
community," he says. "I am also a servant of Bosnia
and Herzegovina."

But what is the role of Bosnia's democratically
elected politicians? Ashdown alluded to this at his
inauguration: "I have concluded that there are two
ways I can make my decisions. One is with a tape
measure, measuring the precise equidistant position
between three sides. The other is by doing what I
think is right for the country as a whole. I prefer
the second of these."

Ashdown argues that while political parties represent
the interests of the ethnic groups, it is his job to
put forward the public interest, the interests of
"all" Bosnians. From Ashdown's perspective, Bosnian
politicians are a barrier to the pursuit of the public
interest because of their allegiances. He argues that
the problems of Bosnia are in large part down to there
being too many politicians and too much "politics".
Speaking at a press conference in Mostar recently he
stressed: "We need to worry less about constitu
tions... we need to spend less time talking to
politicians, and more time talking to teachers,
judges, businessmen and returnees."

Certain that he is a better "listener" to the concerns
of the people and a better judge of their interests
than elected politicians, Ashdown has wasted little
time imposing himself. He sacked the deputy prime
minister of the Muslim-Croat Federation, Nikola
Grabovac, and forced the resignation of the Republika
Srpska finance minister, Milenko Vracar, leaving the
local media to speculate that more dismissals are to
come.

The desire to impose the "public interest" is also
reflected in more direct forms of policy-making.
Ashdown's spokesperson, Oleg Milisik, described the
new legislative process: "The high representative
expects all responsible political parties to support
these proposals. He reminds the parliamentary assembly
that any attempt by deputies to dilute this
legislation's capacity... or to delay this legislation
needlessly is unacceptable."

The narrow view of legitimate politics held by Ash
down and his office risks reducing Bosnian politicians
to the role of administrators of international policy
decrees. Bosnian institutions are being drained of
their political role because Bosnian officials are
judged to be representing and negotiating on behalf of
their particular ethnic constituencies, interests
which are defined as conflicting with the public
interest. Yet in this highly segmented society it is
inevitable that elected representatives will reflect
this social division. The international community is
calling for a Bosnian political class that is
apolitical and which therefore is disconnected from
Bosnian society.

Politicians who have little representational
legitimacy are unlikely to build bridges within
society and lack the capacity to resolve conflicts. If
there is any lesson from six years of international
rule over Bosnia, it is that high-handed intervention
in the political sphere has done little to help
overcome insecurities and divisions, while undermining
collective political bodies in which Serb, Croat and
Muslim representatives can negotiate solutions.

· Dr David Chandler is the author of Faking Democracy
after Dayton and From Kosovo to Kabul: Human Rights
and International Intervention (Pluto Press).

Data: 08/07/2002 22:58
Da: Artel
Oggetto: Novi tekst na ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA_ Advokat Zak Verzes na
Beogradskom forumu na temu : Medjunarodni terorizam

ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum:08 Juli 2002
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH- OKRUGLI STO: MEDJUNARODNI
TERORIZAM: IZLAGANJE: ŽAKA VERŽESA

22. januar 2002.
Izlaganje ŽAKA VERŽESA, renomiranog Francuskog advokata iz Pariza:

Dragi prijatelji, Smatram da u vezi sa stavom zemalja NATO, govoriti o
duplim standardima-nije dovoljno. U stvari, zemlje NATO-a u njihovoj
agresiji protiv Jugoslavije praktikovale su same terorizam. To je
državni terorizam i to je koncepcija rata u kojoj se terorizam i rat
isprepliću. Poznato je da je u Evropi, do Drugog svetskog rata, veliki
teoretičar rata bio Klauzevic. Ali Klauzevic je bio čovek svetlosti i
njegova misao je bila veoma složena. On je tvrdio da rat teži da svojim
prirodnim delovanjem ide do krajnosti. Medjutim, političari koji su
započeli rat treba da spreče taj razvoj do krajnosti, jer je cilj
rata-mir. U klasičnim ratovima bilo je ratnih zločina i zločina protiv
humanosti. Ali se oni nisu mešali sa ratom.
Medjutim, pojavom rata radja se jedna nova misao kod ratnih teoretičara.
Od momenta kada jedna zemlja ima osiguranu supremaciju u vazduhu ona
nastoji da ga koristi i to prvenstveno protiv civilnog stanovništva. To
je pojava državnog terorizma. Veliki teoretičar apsolutnog rata i mira
bio je general Duet, prijatelj Musolidija. I niko se neće iznenaditi da
je prva koja je primenila tu koncepciju apsolutnog rata bila fašistička
Nemačka. To se desilo za vreme španskog gradjanskog rata kada je
bombardovan Sveti grad-Gernika u Baskiji. Medjutim, Gernika, koja nije
imala nikakav vojni značaj, sa stanovišta identiteta Baskije bila je od
velikog značaja. Pikasoova slika o razaranju Gernike je poznata širom
sveta. Ali kada je Drugi svetski rat započeo, Hitler će tu teoriju
primeniti svuda. To je bombardovanje Roterdama, 14. maja 1940. godine.
Za dva sata 97 tona bombi je palo na Roterdam, 15 hiljada civila je
umrlo u plamenu. Sutradan, 15. maja, komandant holandskih snaga, bojeći
se da će istu sudbinu zadesiti grad Utreht, potpisao je kapitulaciju.
Tu vidimo pojavu jednog novog tipa rata-prisiliti neprijateljsku vladu
da kapitulira pod pretnjom uništenja civilnog stanovništva. Tako je rat
postao jedan teroristički poduhvat. Nije bilo nemačkih gubitaka u
bombardovanju Roterdama ("nula mrtvih"). Sećate se, godinu dana kasnije,
6. aprila, bilo je bombardovanje Beograda. Jugoslovenska avijacija je
slaba, njena protiv-avionska odbrana je zastarela, tako da agresori mogu
bez opasnosti da napadnu grad. 150 bombardera koji su došli iz Rumunije
i Austrije, bombardovali su Beograd. Uveče-17 hiljada mrtvih, a sa
strane Nemaca-nula mrtvih. Podsećam na te činjenice, jer one ne mogu, a
da vas ne podsete na poslednji rat NATO-a na Kosovu. Ali Hitler je bio
učitelj, profesor, a njegov engleski učenik će ga prevazići. U noći
izmedju 13. i 14. februara 1945. godine Drezden je bombardovan od strane
engleske avijacije. Drezden nije imao nikakav strateški značaj. Grad je
bio demilitarizovan. Nije bilo protiv-vazdušne odbrane. Engleska
avijacija je napala sa 529 bombardera i bacila na Drezden 2 978 tona
bombi. Sutradan, američke "leteće tvrdjave", koje poleću sa engleskih
aerodroma, ponovo bombarduju grad koji je već u plamenu, a "mustanzi",
leteći na niskoj visini, napadaju kolone civila koji beže iz grada. Grad
je pre rata imao 600 hiljada stanovnika. Kada je bombardovan, imao je
milion stanovnika, jer se doselilo 400 hiljada izbeglica. Sve to
pokazuje da cilj bombardovanja nije bio da se uništi vojska, jer je grad
bio demilitarizovan, već da se teroriše stanovništvo kako bi se vlada
naterala da kapitulira.
Truman je 16. jula 1944. u Pozdanu, na Konferenciji sa Staljinom i
Čerčilom. Tada dobija prvi izveštaj o prvoj nuklearnoj eksploziji u
pustinji Nevada. Poruka glasi: "Rezultati prevazilaze sve naše nade".
Tada je Truman shvatio da se može uništiti više ljudi nego što se pre
toga mislilo i amerikanci odlučuju da prvu bombu upotrebe protiv Japana.
Medjutim, Japan je već na kolenima i Japanci su u Moskvi, tražeći od
Sovjeta da intervenišu kao posrednici. Ali, 6. avgusta 1945. godine,
četiri aviona koji su poleteli sa baze Timjan bacaju atomsku bombu na
grad Hirošimu. U prečniku od 500 metara hiljade qudi su praktično
raskomadani. Temperatura u epi centu je 6 000 stepeni. Vazdušni udari
ubijaju na udaljenosi od više kilometara. 90% grada je sravnjeno sa
zemljom, 70 hiljada mrtvih, 14 hiljada nestalih. Na američkoj
strani-"nula mrtvih". Tri dana kasnije došao je red na Nagasaki.
Na tome vidimo da rat prelazi u drugu fazu, tj. u fazu terorizma. Šta je
to terorizam? To je vršiti teror nad civilnim stanovništvom, putem
bezumnih atentata, podmetanjem bombi u vozu, u kafeu ili pak putem
rušenja svih kafana i svih gradskih vozova. Ta forma rata biće
praktikovana od strane Amerikanaca u Vijetnamu i Iraku. Medjutim, u vezi
sa Irakom, jedna veoma interesantna debata je organizovana medju samim
Amerikancima. General Dugan, koji je šef američke avijacije, želi da rat
bude isključivo vazdušni. Za vas Srbe to svakako evocira neke uspomene.
To je apsolutni rat, onakav kakav su osmislili fašistički teoretičari. I
ono što je interesantno jeste da general Kolin Pauel i Buš stariji nisu
prihvatili tu tezu apsolutnog rata. Dovoljno je da avijacija stvara
teror iz vazduha, ali je potrebna i borba na tlu. Ta koncepcija
apsolutnog rata, tj. čisti terorizam, pri čemu se zločin protiv
čovečnosti i rat isprepliću, doživela je primenu protiv Republike
Jugoslavije u vezi sa Kosovom. Amerikanci i njihovi NATO saveznici u tom
ratu su angažovali samo avijaciju. Nije bilo upotrebe kopnenih trupa. I
rat u takvim uslovima je rat protiv civila. tj. upravo ono što
predstavlja terorizam. Uostalom, glasnogovornici NATO-a su to znali sa
jednim savršenim cinizmom. Gospodin Džejmi Šej izjavljuje: "Vratićemo
Jugoslaviju u stadijum Kameno doba". To je priznanje zločina protiv
čovečnosti, to je priznanje genocida. General Vesli Klark izjavljuje:
"Porušićemo sve do čega je stalo gospodinu Miloševiću". Gospodin Mihail
Šort, koji je šef avijacije NATO, šalje predsedniku Miloševiću
poserdstvom Finaca, sledeću poruku: "Ako je neophodno, sravnićemo
Beograd". Gospodja Olbrajt, na jednom sastanku CIA-e izjavljuje: "Od
sada do idućeg proleća, Srbi će jesti iz moje ruke".
Dakle, verujem da je upozorenje celom svetu u činjenici da je priroda
rata sada potpuno promenjena-rat je postao terorizam. Ratni zločin nije
kolateralan ratu, to je suština samog rata. Jugoslavija je imala tu
tužnu sudbinu da bude prvi primer tog novog tipa apsolutnog rata. I
svakako ste svesni da ta forma rata ne interesuje samo Jugoslaviju. Ta
forma rata interesuje danas celo čovečanstvo. Koja zemlja može biti
sutra zaštićena od jedne tzv. "policijske operacije", bez objave rata,
kojoj se kaže: ako vaši rukovodioci ne prihvate naš protektorat,
sravnićemo sa zemljom ceo grad. Dakle, u takvim okolnostima vi sasvim
shvatate kakva je uloga Medjunarodnog krivičnog suda, koji se zove
Haški.To je jedna dimna zavesa da bi se sakrio apsolutni zločin koji je
bio učinjen. I ono što sam rekao na početku-ljudi iz NATO-a ne
primenjuju dvostruke standarde, oni jednostavno praktikuju politiku
apsolutnog zločina. Trebalo je, naravno, sve to sakriti. Organizovati
taj proces u Hagu, osuditi vaše bivše rukovodioce da bi se reklo: "Oni
su ti koji su odgovorni". I sada imamo taj paradoks da apsolutni
zločinci organizuju proces ljudima koje su pobedili, u ime ljudskih
prava. To nije ništa novo. Svaki put kad neka zemlja agresor napadne
neku drugu zemlju, ona to čini u ime nekih izmišljenih viših ciljeva.
Anglosaksonci i Španci su razorili severno-američke i indijanske
civilizacije u ime Hrista i ljubavi prema religiji. Francuska je
započela rat za osvajanje Alžira u ime slobodne plovidbe sredozemljem. U
ime slobode trgovine, Engleska je, pre 250 godina, vodila protiv Kine
tri rata, poznata kao "opijumski ratovi". Medjutim, Haški krivični
Tribunal za Jugoslaviju je improvizovan. Bilo je nemoguće postupiti na
jedan regularan način, tj. organizovati Medjunarodnu konferenciju, jer
bi neki učesnici mogli da postave nezgodna pitanja. Zbog toga se radije
pristupilo jednom hitnom organizovanju takvog Tribunala, s tim da se
odgovornost za osnivanje takvog Tribunala pripiše Savetu bezbednosti.
Medjutim, jedina prepreka je u tome što Savet bezbednosti nema
zakonodavnu vlast. Zbog toga nije jasno kako Savet bezbednosti može da
prenese ovlašćenja koja nema. Uostalom, Kofi Anan je sam izjavio, 3.
maja 1993. godine, da normalan postupak za osnivanje Medjunarodnog
Tribunala podrazumeva zaključivanje jednog Ugovora, kojim bi države
učesnice osnovale jedan takav Tribunal i usvojile njegov Statut. Zbog
toga osnivanje Haškog Tribunala predstavlja povredu same Povelje UN. U
stvari, Povelja UN propisuje da nijedna odredba Povelje ne ovlašćuje UN
da se mešaju u stvari koje su u isključivoj nacionalnoj nadležnosti
jedne države. Medjunarodni sud pravde, koji ne treba mešati sa tim
ilegalnim medjunarodnim Tribunalom, izjavio je 1949. godine da navodno
pravo intervencije može biti praktikovano samo kao manifestacija
politike sile, koja je u prošlosti bila uzrok najgrubljih zloupotreba.
Ali u tom domenu najjasniji stav je onaj koji je izneo gospodin Alen
Perfit koji je bio ministar u Degolovoj vladi, i koji je, u stvari,
izrazio Degolovu misao. On je rekao da ni jedan medjunarodni poredak ne
može postojati ako države, u ime njihovog shvatanja prava čoveka, daju
sebi pravo da se mešaju u unutrašnje stvari drugih zemalja.
Prema tome, Haški Tribunal je ilegalan i smatram da najvažniji optuženik
pred tim Tribunalom ima sasvim pravo da kaže: "Odbijam da vam odgovaram,
jer vi ne postojite. Ući u dijalog sa vama, vi to ne zaslužujete".
Medjutim, shvatićete da kada ljudi počine jedan zločin i nastoje da
stvore alibi to čine uvek na brzinu i gube svoju masku u toku te
operacije. Sa kojim sredstvima, sa kojim finansijama funkcioniše taj
sud? Sa donacijama zemalja koje su povele rat protiv Jugoslavije. Sa
fondovima datim od strane pojedinih zemalja koje su podržavale Albance.
I najzad, što je najzanimljivije, sa sredstvima dobijenim od
medjunarodnog mešetara-Soroša.
Rekao sam za taj Tribunal da je to sud koji je sprovodio jednu
"izdržavanu pravdu", kao što se na francuskom kaže o ženi koja je
izdržavana kada ona živi, ne od sredstava svoga muža, već od priloga
njenih ljubavnika. Samo jedna izdržavana žena postaje brzo jedna
podredjena žena. Potsetite se, postoji rat koji je započeo, javno
mnjenje na Zapadu postavlja sebi pitanja, a gospodja Arbur pokreće
optužnicu protiv Slobodana Miloševića. I nekoliko sati pre nego što je
optužnica objavljena, gospodja Olbrajt izjavljuje da ta optužnica
opravdava rat. Eto, taj Tribunal i njegovo nastajanje je nelegitimno,
izvori njegovog finansiranja su sumnjivi, a njegova potčiwenost ljudima
iz NATO-a je očigledna. Ali to nije sve. Samo funkcionisanje tog
Tribunala pretstavlja izazov univerzalnoj Deklaraciji o pravima čoveka.
Imamo jedan sud koji je osnovan 1993. godine i koji pretenduje da sudi o
stvarima koje su se desile 1991. i 1992. godine. To je ono što se zove
retroaktivnost krivičnog zakona, koja je već vekovima osudjivana od
strane svih pravnika i demokrata sveta.
Ja sam advokat u Advokatskoj komori Pariza i postojao je jedan skandal u
Francuskoj u vezi sa primenom retroaktivnosti Krivičnog zakona. Posle
jednog atentata izvršenog protiv jednog nemačkog oficira za vreme rata,
Nemci su zahtevali likvidaciju francuskih taoca. Francuske
kolaboracionističke vlasti su stupile u kontakt sa Nemcima i rekle im:
nemojte to raditi, jer će se Francusko javno mnjenje dići protiv vas.
Ostavite nama da taoce ubijemo mi sami. Ali u isto vreme, oni neće da ih
ubiju kao taoce, jer bi javno mnjenje bilo skandalizovano, već će biti
osudjeni na smrt od strane specijalnog suda, da bi kasnije bili
giljotinirani. Nemački komandant, major Bemelburg, koji je pregovarao u
ime Nemačke vojske sa vlastima Višija, postavlja ministru francuske
vlade iz Višija sledeće pitanje: "Da li ćete primeniti retroaktivno
krivični Zakon"? Vi ste sasvim pravilno razumeli, odgovorio je ministar
iz Višija. Tada major Bemelburg daje jedan moralni šamar predstavniku
vlade Višija, rekavši mu: "Čestitam Vam, Vi ste nas prevazišli". Smatram
da ako bi major Bemelburg bio danas živ, on bi morao da čestita sudijama
Haškog krivičnog suda, sa rečima: "Vi ste nas prevazišli u odnosu na ono
što smo mi nekada bili".
Medjutim, kad se utone u nedostojanstvo, onda se ide do kraja. Vi
svakako znate da u Medjunarodnom Haškom Tribunalu, svedoci optužnice
mogu da svedoče maskirani. Sa mikrofonom koji deformiše njihov glas.
Kako optuženi može da se brani od svedočenja kad ne zna od koga dolazi?
Pred tim sudom tužilac može da se suprotstavi dostavljanju dokaza
odbrani. To me podseća na jedan veliki pravni skandal u Francuskoj na
kraju 19. i početkom 20. veka, skandal koji je trajao 12 godina i koji
se zove Afera Drajfus. Taj skandal je otpočeo osudom Drajfusa na bazi
dokaza koji nisu bili dostaljeni na uvid odbrani. Samo u to doba to je
ostala tajna koja je otkrivena kasnije. Danas oni koji krše principe, to
rade otvoreno. Mi smo najjači, radimo ono što hoćemo.
Eto, pokušao sam da budem što kraći. To su razlozi zbog kojih sam medju
vama danas i zbog kojih se borim protiv Haškog tribunala, od kojeg može
samo proizaći jedna unapred odredjena osuda od strane današnjih
gospodara sveta. Medjutim, biti gospodar sveta, to ne traje večno.
Hitler je to znao, Napoleon, takodje. Hvala.