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THE TIMES (UK), Tuesday, May 14, 2002
A very dirty little war
by Anthony Loyd
The investigation of a bus bomb that killed 11 Serbs was blocked at
every
turn and the four suspects are now free. Our correspondant reports on
the
murky world of UN and Nato peacekeeping in Kosovo
February 16, 2001: It was a warm morning with clear skies and the mood
of
the passengers and accompanying soldiers was relaxed. There were seven
coaches in all, each filled with Serb civilians returning from Nis in
Serbia
to their homes in Kosovo to commemorate zadusnica, one of the Serb
Orthodox
Church's three annual days of the dead. Most were refugees who had fled
the
Yugoslav province to escape retributive killings by Albanians after
Nato's
arrival 19 months earlier.
Held at the provincial border between Kosovo and Serbia to have their
Ids
checked and pick up an escort of Swedish and British troops who were
part of
the Nato contingent in the province (Kfor), the convoy was en route for
Gracanica, a small Serb town in central Kosovo.
Stojan Kostic, 52, was sitting in the front coach as the convoy entered
Kosovo. Beside him sat his sister-in-law Planinka. Stojan was dozing,
and
woke briefly as the vehicle accelerated, before closing his eyes again.
At
12 minutes past 11, on a hillside above the road, an Albanian watching
the
lead vehicle approach the village of Merdare touched the exposed ends of
a
cable to a battery, just as the coach passed over a culvert.
The bomb blast blew Kostic into the back of the bus and though the
floor,
which had been opened up. He landed in the luggage compartment, covered
in
hot engine oil. His nose was cut in half. His ribs and a leg were
broken. He
put his hand up to his jaw, and two of his teeth fell out.
Planinka, meanwhile, remained stuck in her seat. The explosion had left
her
almost untouched, but killed all those in front of her, leaving her an
immobile witness to the bomb's immediate aftermath.
"Everyone before me was blown to pieces," she says. "Before me was
twisted
metal and light. There was a whole brain in front of me. On either side
of
the bus I could see bodies missing limbs. The roof was peeled up but
hanging
down and pieces of people were glued all over it. Just above me someone
had
been blown halfway through the roof vent. Their legs hung down from the
gap."
Eleven Serbs were dead, including Danilo Cokic, a two-year-old boy.
Twenty
others were injured, eight critically.
PLANTED in the culvert, the bomb was made from 200lbs of TNT and
detonated
by a command wire that ran for nearly a kilometre to the hillside firing
point. It was the most cold-blooded and calculated terrorist strike
since
Nato entered the province in June, 1999. But it provoked more than just
revulsion. To Nato's critics, the murder of 11 Serbs on a coach
sandwiched
between Nato armoured vehicles seemed to epitomise the organisation's
inability to control Albanian extremists, to protect the Serbs or to
hold
the moral high ground in their justification of the war.
And for the British there was a sense of culpability in the bombing.
Since
November, 2000, Nato intelligence sources had warned of the possibility
of
an Albanian attack on the road, which lay in the British sector,
specifying
the threat of a culvert bomb. Yet, on the day of the attack, a flawed
route-check by British troops that left two culverts unchecked, faulty
communications and ill-fortune all conspired to produce catastophe.
The UN and Nato knew that, with so much of their credibilty in Kosovo at
stake, there was still a chance to save face and regain some lost
initiative, and it lay with the successful capture and prosecution of
those
responsible for the bombing.
THE pounding on the door of his Pristina apartment roused Cele Gashi
from
sleep. Bleary-eyed, he stumbled from the bed and clipped a pistol belt
to
his waist. It was 4.30pm on March 19. Gashi had just finished a 12-hour
duty
shift at his TMK barracks in Pristina, where he served with the rank of
colonel.
The TMK, an acronym that translates as Kosovo Protection Corps, was
created
in the summer of 1999 under the aegis of Nato and the UN after the Serb
withdrawal from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all former KLA fighters.
Funded by, among others, the EU and the US State Department, the TMK is
styled as a "civil emergency" unit. Its members are given a variety of
training to this end by organisations including the British and French
armies. Top commanders, their bodyguards and sentries are allowed to
carry
weapons, and on duty all wear berets and uniform; whatever their role,
they
look like a militia and they think they are Kosovo's future army.
Though Nato and the UN technically control its membership, since its
creation the TMK has been as contentious as its KLA parent. Some senior
UN
officials regard it as a monster. Frequently implicated in the murder
and
intimidation of Serb civilians, organised crime and cross-border
insurgencies into rump-Serbia and Macedonia, the TMK nevertheless
survives
as the recipient of foreign funding and training.
Opening the door, Gashi saw a group of men in British uniform standing
in
the corridor. "They didn't say anything," he remembers. "Without a word
they
leapt upon me, threw me on the ground and handcuffed my arms behind my
back."
Gashi was hooded, driven away, and eventually removed from the vehicle
and
frogmarched into a small room. "There they removed the hood from me. I
was
standing on a small wooden pallet. In front of me were three armed men
pointing their guns at me, and a woman. All were in uniform. The woman
spoke
bad Albanian. She said to me, 'If you try anything these men will kill
you'."
Gashi had just been arrested by British special forces in connection
with
the Nis bus bombing. He says he spent the next 12 hours standing on the
wooden pallet being questioned about the attack, and was allowed to sit
down
for only 20 minutes when he became faint, before being handed over to a
UN
detention facility the next day. Gashi admitted nothing. He was a tough
man.
As a former guerrilla, he had been an intelligence officer for KLA in
the
Llap zone, the most northern of seven KLA operational zones that divided
Kosovo.
Two other former Llap KLA fighters were arrested that day by specialist
British units: Avdi Behluli and Jusuf Veliu, the latter a TMK captain at
the
time of his detention. An intensive military intelligence operation,
using a
panoply of Nato resources, pointed a finger at these men for having been
part of a nine-strong active service unit that planned and carried out
the
bomb attack.
A fourth suspect was detained that night by British soldiers. Unlike the
others, Florim Ejupi had no military experience. He was a smalltime,
unsophisticated Kosovar Albanian criminal who had lived in Germany for
the
duration of the war. He had served four sentences in German prisons for
drug
dealing, attempted manslaughter, burglary and assault while the fighting
was
at its height. Yet from the start he appeared to be the key to the
investigation. It seemed that Ejupi's crude crime profile and
inexperience
had led him to make a mistake. Of the four prisoners, he was the only
one to
be connected to the scene of the crime by physical evidence as opposed
to
intelligence information. A cigarette butt found at the bomb's hilltop
firing point, along with scraps of cable wrapping paper, bore his DNA
trace,
which was cross-checked for confirmation against his DNA print on German
police files.
However, in spite of his arrest, the UNMIK regional serious crime squad
responsible for the investigation was already in difficulties, and
whispers
of a conspiracy were beginning to shadow the case.
At the site of the explosion on the day the bomb went off, Detective Stu
Kellock, the squad's Canadian chief, had asked that UNMIK put a
dedicated
task force together to work on the investigation, as would have been
done in
any western country. That request and subsequent ones were ignored.
"It was obvious right from the start that there were other agendas going
on
that the police didn't know about," Kellock says. "Technically we were
in
charge of the investigation but it never seemed that way. Intelligence
about
the suspects was denied to us. Information was withheld by Kfor. We were
always the last to be told what was going on. From the word go, I got a
very
sinister feeling about the whole thing."
The police claim that as soon as the four suspects were transferred to
UNMIK
detention centres in Kosovo, some 12 hours after their initial arrest by
the
British, a UN order restricted police interviews of the men. Indeed,
Kellock
never personally managed to get access to a single interview with the
prisoners.
Another Canadian serious crimes officer, Joe McAllister, recalls: "We
were
told, 'These are the suspects - question them'. Yet we had no
information
upon which to base our questioning, nor any direction, and anyway we
couldn't get proper access to the prisoners." By early May the suspects
were
no longer in UNMIK custody, and the conspiracy theories were about to
become
legend.
Apparently haunted by the possibility of the suspects' escaping, the UN
ordered their transfer to the most secure detention area in the
province:
the jail inside the American base at Camp Bondsteel. The camp was home
to
more than 5,000 US soldiers; in its detention facility, suspects
languished
in Guantanamo Bay-style fluorescent orange suits, surrounded by
concertina
rolls of razor wire, floodlights and watchtowers.
The suspects were transferred to Bondsteel on May 3. But a year ago, on
the
night of May 14, Florim Ejupi, the most unsophisticated suspect and the
one
man against whom physical evidence existed, "disappeared" from the camp.
ACCORDING to Cele Gashi, the four suspects had been kept together in a
central holding area in Bondsteel - a move that allowed the prisoners
free
association and itself stymied evidence procedures. Late in the evening
of
May 14, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu drifted off to sleep while Ejupi
remained
awake, listening to a radio. The next thing Gashi says he remembers is
American soldiers bursting into the compound shortly after 4am. Ejupi
was
gone, and his transistor radio lay on his empty bed.
The Americans later said that he had escaped using a pair of wire
cutters
hidden in a spinach pie sent to the prison by his family. They say
crucial
floodlights were faulty, and there are claims that an inexperienced
National
Guard unit had left a stretch of perimeter wire unobserved for 100
minutes.
Soon, though, outraged UNMIK police officers were offering a different
story. They claim that from the moment the four suspects were
transferred to
camp Bondsteel, interview access, already difficult, was further
obstructed
by the Americans.
Some officers go on to claim that Ejupi had been a source for US
intelligence. They believe that Ejupi was released from Bondsteel either
because US intelligence agencies did not wish to be implicated by
association in the bombing of the Nis Express, or because they wanted to
establish the identities of the men who authorised the bomb attack to
use
for their own ends. Both escape and conspiracy theories challenge
belief.
"It's not clear cut either way," one senior UNMIK official admits. "We
really don't know what happened with Ejupi. It is possible that he was
released, but if that was the case then it was the act of an agency
operating without State Department or Pentagon approval. In the big
picture
the Americans had far more to lose than to gain from the
'disappearance',
however it happened."
WHATEVER the real truth, news of Ejupi's flight further crushed morale
among
the police investigators. Kellock says: "I would use the word
'devastating'.
It called into question the whole reason why we were in Kosovo, and any
questions we had concerning Ejupi's escape remain to this day
unanswered.
>From that moment on, the writing was on the wall for our
investigation."
Though three suspects, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu, remained in custody,
this
was of scant consolation to the police. They say that they had no
wiretaps
or covert surveillance to monitor associates of the prisoners. Witnesses
were afraid to come forward from a society that has traditionally been
impenetrable for law enforcers. Nato continued to withold its
intelligence.
And human rights groups in the UN and OSCE (Organisation for Security
and
Co-operation in Europe) ensured that the suspects' rights were so
rigorously
upheld that the few police interviews conducted were heavily restricted.
The investigation was already being scaled down. In the absence of a
dedicated taskforce, the 18-strong serious crimes squad was having to
divert
its resources to other crimes. By midsummer there were only three
detectives
still involved with the case. And a high turnover of UN personnel meant
that
few of the original investigators remained.
McAllister took over the job of lead investigator in June, but was
removed
from the post by the UN in August for speaking to a journalist about his
frustrations. After his departure the file on the Nis Express became the
responsibility of a single detective, and the investigation all but
ceased.
Paradoxically, this was the one time when the UN should have poured
resources into spreading the scope of the investigation. The presence of
the
remaining three suspects in custody was becoming a legal embarrassment.
Their continued detention was the result of an Executive Hold order by
Hans
Haekkerup, the senior UN administrator in Kosovo; this was a special
circumstances option that allowed for an extra-judicial detention, but
was
increasingly coming under criticism by human rights groups.
In the autumn, UNMIK created a Detention Review Commission of three
international judges to examine the case, validate (if appropriate)
Haekkerup's Executive Hold order and return the suspects' detention to a
judicial framework.
The three judges were given access to the Nato intelligence that lay
behind
the arrests. In September, 2001, they decided that the intelligence was
compelling enough to allow for the suspects' continued detention of 90
days
before the case went to Kosovo's Supreme Court.
The onus, therefore, was on the police to produce more evidence to put
before the Supreme Court. Yet their investigation was already dead in
the
water and no attempt was made to revive it. The 90 days expired and, on
December 18 last year, the case went before the Supreme Court. This body
was
not given access to Nato's intelligence files, and in the absence of any
fresh evidence, it recommended the immediate release of the three
suspects.
ANY remaining trust held by Kosovo's Serbs in UNMIK, Kfor or justice in
the
province disintegrated after the men were set free. The trio, still
terrorist suspects in an unclosed case, were given local heroes'
welcomes
after they left jail. Cele Gashi and Jusuf Veliu were embraced publicly
by
senior TMK officers. In January, Gashi returned to his position as a TMK
colonel in Pristina; Veliu was reinstated as a TMK captain. Nato
officials
in Kosovo denied that this move had been officially sanctioned. Yet six
weeks later both men were in barracks and in uniform.
In UNMIK there is confusion as to whether Gashi and Veliu were ever even
suspended from the TMK in the first place, some officials even
suggesting
that the suspects were being paid out of a UN-regulated budget during
their
time in custody.
As for Florim Ejupi, he remains "missing"; after a year, the mystery
surrounding his escape remains undiminished.
What the acronyms mean
KLA: Kosovo Liberation Army. Albanian resistance organisation, now
undergoing demilitarisation.
TMK: Kosovo Protection Corps, created in 1999 under the aegis of Nato
and
the UN after Serb withdrawl from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all
former
KLA fighters.
Kfor: The Nato-led international peacekeeping force in Kosovo.
UNMIK: United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo: a civilian law
enforcement unit.
THE TIMES (UK), Tuesday, May 14, 2002
A very dirty little war
by Anthony Loyd
The investigation of a bus bomb that killed 11 Serbs was blocked at
every
turn and the four suspects are now free. Our correspondant reports on
the
murky world of UN and Nato peacekeeping in Kosovo
February 16, 2001: It was a warm morning with clear skies and the mood
of
the passengers and accompanying soldiers was relaxed. There were seven
coaches in all, each filled with Serb civilians returning from Nis in
Serbia
to their homes in Kosovo to commemorate zadusnica, one of the Serb
Orthodox
Church's three annual days of the dead. Most were refugees who had fled
the
Yugoslav province to escape retributive killings by Albanians after
Nato's
arrival 19 months earlier.
Held at the provincial border between Kosovo and Serbia to have their
Ids
checked and pick up an escort of Swedish and British troops who were
part of
the Nato contingent in the province (Kfor), the convoy was en route for
Gracanica, a small Serb town in central Kosovo.
Stojan Kostic, 52, was sitting in the front coach as the convoy entered
Kosovo. Beside him sat his sister-in-law Planinka. Stojan was dozing,
and
woke briefly as the vehicle accelerated, before closing his eyes again.
At
12 minutes past 11, on a hillside above the road, an Albanian watching
the
lead vehicle approach the village of Merdare touched the exposed ends of
a
cable to a battery, just as the coach passed over a culvert.
The bomb blast blew Kostic into the back of the bus and though the
floor,
which had been opened up. He landed in the luggage compartment, covered
in
hot engine oil. His nose was cut in half. His ribs and a leg were
broken. He
put his hand up to his jaw, and two of his teeth fell out.
Planinka, meanwhile, remained stuck in her seat. The explosion had left
her
almost untouched, but killed all those in front of her, leaving her an
immobile witness to the bomb's immediate aftermath.
"Everyone before me was blown to pieces," she says. "Before me was
twisted
metal and light. There was a whole brain in front of me. On either side
of
the bus I could see bodies missing limbs. The roof was peeled up but
hanging
down and pieces of people were glued all over it. Just above me someone
had
been blown halfway through the roof vent. Their legs hung down from the
gap."
Eleven Serbs were dead, including Danilo Cokic, a two-year-old boy.
Twenty
others were injured, eight critically.
PLANTED in the culvert, the bomb was made from 200lbs of TNT and
detonated
by a command wire that ran for nearly a kilometre to the hillside firing
point. It was the most cold-blooded and calculated terrorist strike
since
Nato entered the province in June, 1999. But it provoked more than just
revulsion. To Nato's critics, the murder of 11 Serbs on a coach
sandwiched
between Nato armoured vehicles seemed to epitomise the organisation's
inability to control Albanian extremists, to protect the Serbs or to
hold
the moral high ground in their justification of the war.
And for the British there was a sense of culpability in the bombing.
Since
November, 2000, Nato intelligence sources had warned of the possibility
of
an Albanian attack on the road, which lay in the British sector,
specifying
the threat of a culvert bomb. Yet, on the day of the attack, a flawed
route-check by British troops that left two culverts unchecked, faulty
communications and ill-fortune all conspired to produce catastophe.
The UN and Nato knew that, with so much of their credibilty in Kosovo at
stake, there was still a chance to save face and regain some lost
initiative, and it lay with the successful capture and prosecution of
those
responsible for the bombing.
THE pounding on the door of his Pristina apartment roused Cele Gashi
from
sleep. Bleary-eyed, he stumbled from the bed and clipped a pistol belt
to
his waist. It was 4.30pm on March 19. Gashi had just finished a 12-hour
duty
shift at his TMK barracks in Pristina, where he served with the rank of
colonel.
The TMK, an acronym that translates as Kosovo Protection Corps, was
created
in the summer of 1999 under the aegis of Nato and the UN after the Serb
withdrawal from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all former KLA fighters.
Funded by, among others, the EU and the US State Department, the TMK is
styled as a "civil emergency" unit. Its members are given a variety of
training to this end by organisations including the British and French
armies. Top commanders, their bodyguards and sentries are allowed to
carry
weapons, and on duty all wear berets and uniform; whatever their role,
they
look like a militia and they think they are Kosovo's future army.
Though Nato and the UN technically control its membership, since its
creation the TMK has been as contentious as its KLA parent. Some senior
UN
officials regard it as a monster. Frequently implicated in the murder
and
intimidation of Serb civilians, organised crime and cross-border
insurgencies into rump-Serbia and Macedonia, the TMK nevertheless
survives
as the recipient of foreign funding and training.
Opening the door, Gashi saw a group of men in British uniform standing
in
the corridor. "They didn't say anything," he remembers. "Without a word
they
leapt upon me, threw me on the ground and handcuffed my arms behind my
back."
Gashi was hooded, driven away, and eventually removed from the vehicle
and
frogmarched into a small room. "There they removed the hood from me. I
was
standing on a small wooden pallet. In front of me were three armed men
pointing their guns at me, and a woman. All were in uniform. The woman
spoke
bad Albanian. She said to me, 'If you try anything these men will kill
you'."
Gashi had just been arrested by British special forces in connection
with
the Nis bus bombing. He says he spent the next 12 hours standing on the
wooden pallet being questioned about the attack, and was allowed to sit
down
for only 20 minutes when he became faint, before being handed over to a
UN
detention facility the next day. Gashi admitted nothing. He was a tough
man.
As a former guerrilla, he had been an intelligence officer for KLA in
the
Llap zone, the most northern of seven KLA operational zones that divided
Kosovo.
Two other former Llap KLA fighters were arrested that day by specialist
British units: Avdi Behluli and Jusuf Veliu, the latter a TMK captain at
the
time of his detention. An intensive military intelligence operation,
using a
panoply of Nato resources, pointed a finger at these men for having been
part of a nine-strong active service unit that planned and carried out
the
bomb attack.
A fourth suspect was detained that night by British soldiers. Unlike the
others, Florim Ejupi had no military experience. He was a smalltime,
unsophisticated Kosovar Albanian criminal who had lived in Germany for
the
duration of the war. He had served four sentences in German prisons for
drug
dealing, attempted manslaughter, burglary and assault while the fighting
was
at its height. Yet from the start he appeared to be the key to the
investigation. It seemed that Ejupi's crude crime profile and
inexperience
had led him to make a mistake. Of the four prisoners, he was the only
one to
be connected to the scene of the crime by physical evidence as opposed
to
intelligence information. A cigarette butt found at the bomb's hilltop
firing point, along with scraps of cable wrapping paper, bore his DNA
trace,
which was cross-checked for confirmation against his DNA print on German
police files.
However, in spite of his arrest, the UNMIK regional serious crime squad
responsible for the investigation was already in difficulties, and
whispers
of a conspiracy were beginning to shadow the case.
At the site of the explosion on the day the bomb went off, Detective Stu
Kellock, the squad's Canadian chief, had asked that UNMIK put a
dedicated
task force together to work on the investigation, as would have been
done in
any western country. That request and subsequent ones were ignored.
"It was obvious right from the start that there were other agendas going
on
that the police didn't know about," Kellock says. "Technically we were
in
charge of the investigation but it never seemed that way. Intelligence
about
the suspects was denied to us. Information was withheld by Kfor. We were
always the last to be told what was going on. From the word go, I got a
very
sinister feeling about the whole thing."
The police claim that as soon as the four suspects were transferred to
UNMIK
detention centres in Kosovo, some 12 hours after their initial arrest by
the
British, a UN order restricted police interviews of the men. Indeed,
Kellock
never personally managed to get access to a single interview with the
prisoners.
Another Canadian serious crimes officer, Joe McAllister, recalls: "We
were
told, 'These are the suspects - question them'. Yet we had no
information
upon which to base our questioning, nor any direction, and anyway we
couldn't get proper access to the prisoners." By early May the suspects
were
no longer in UNMIK custody, and the conspiracy theories were about to
become
legend.
Apparently haunted by the possibility of the suspects' escaping, the UN
ordered their transfer to the most secure detention area in the
province:
the jail inside the American base at Camp Bondsteel. The camp was home
to
more than 5,000 US soldiers; in its detention facility, suspects
languished
in Guantanamo Bay-style fluorescent orange suits, surrounded by
concertina
rolls of razor wire, floodlights and watchtowers.
The suspects were transferred to Bondsteel on May 3. But a year ago, on
the
night of May 14, Florim Ejupi, the most unsophisticated suspect and the
one
man against whom physical evidence existed, "disappeared" from the camp.
ACCORDING to Cele Gashi, the four suspects had been kept together in a
central holding area in Bondsteel - a move that allowed the prisoners
free
association and itself stymied evidence procedures. Late in the evening
of
May 14, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu drifted off to sleep while Ejupi
remained
awake, listening to a radio. The next thing Gashi says he remembers is
American soldiers bursting into the compound shortly after 4am. Ejupi
was
gone, and his transistor radio lay on his empty bed.
The Americans later said that he had escaped using a pair of wire
cutters
hidden in a spinach pie sent to the prison by his family. They say
crucial
floodlights were faulty, and there are claims that an inexperienced
National
Guard unit had left a stretch of perimeter wire unobserved for 100
minutes.
Soon, though, outraged UNMIK police officers were offering a different
story. They claim that from the moment the four suspects were
transferred to
camp Bondsteel, interview access, already difficult, was further
obstructed
by the Americans.
Some officers go on to claim that Ejupi had been a source for US
intelligence. They believe that Ejupi was released from Bondsteel either
because US intelligence agencies did not wish to be implicated by
association in the bombing of the Nis Express, or because they wanted to
establish the identities of the men who authorised the bomb attack to
use
for their own ends. Both escape and conspiracy theories challenge
belief.
"It's not clear cut either way," one senior UNMIK official admits. "We
really don't know what happened with Ejupi. It is possible that he was
released, but if that was the case then it was the act of an agency
operating without State Department or Pentagon approval. In the big
picture
the Americans had far more to lose than to gain from the
'disappearance',
however it happened."
WHATEVER the real truth, news of Ejupi's flight further crushed morale
among
the police investigators. Kellock says: "I would use the word
'devastating'.
It called into question the whole reason why we were in Kosovo, and any
questions we had concerning Ejupi's escape remain to this day
unanswered.
>From that moment on, the writing was on the wall for our
investigation."
Though three suspects, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu, remained in custody,
this
was of scant consolation to the police. They say that they had no
wiretaps
or covert surveillance to monitor associates of the prisoners. Witnesses
were afraid to come forward from a society that has traditionally been
impenetrable for law enforcers. Nato continued to withold its
intelligence.
And human rights groups in the UN and OSCE (Organisation for Security
and
Co-operation in Europe) ensured that the suspects' rights were so
rigorously
upheld that the few police interviews conducted were heavily restricted.
The investigation was already being scaled down. In the absence of a
dedicated taskforce, the 18-strong serious crimes squad was having to
divert
its resources to other crimes. By midsummer there were only three
detectives
still involved with the case. And a high turnover of UN personnel meant
that
few of the original investigators remained.
McAllister took over the job of lead investigator in June, but was
removed
from the post by the UN in August for speaking to a journalist about his
frustrations. After his departure the file on the Nis Express became the
responsibility of a single detective, and the investigation all but
ceased.
Paradoxically, this was the one time when the UN should have poured
resources into spreading the scope of the investigation. The presence of
the
remaining three suspects in custody was becoming a legal embarrassment.
Their continued detention was the result of an Executive Hold order by
Hans
Haekkerup, the senior UN administrator in Kosovo; this was a special
circumstances option that allowed for an extra-judicial detention, but
was
increasingly coming under criticism by human rights groups.
In the autumn, UNMIK created a Detention Review Commission of three
international judges to examine the case, validate (if appropriate)
Haekkerup's Executive Hold order and return the suspects' detention to a
judicial framework.
The three judges were given access to the Nato intelligence that lay
behind
the arrests. In September, 2001, they decided that the intelligence was
compelling enough to allow for the suspects' continued detention of 90
days
before the case went to Kosovo's Supreme Court.
The onus, therefore, was on the police to produce more evidence to put
before the Supreme Court. Yet their investigation was already dead in
the
water and no attempt was made to revive it. The 90 days expired and, on
December 18 last year, the case went before the Supreme Court. This body
was
not given access to Nato's intelligence files, and in the absence of any
fresh evidence, it recommended the immediate release of the three
suspects.
ANY remaining trust held by Kosovo's Serbs in UNMIK, Kfor or justice in
the
province disintegrated after the men were set free. The trio, still
terrorist suspects in an unclosed case, were given local heroes'
welcomes
after they left jail. Cele Gashi and Jusuf Veliu were embraced publicly
by
senior TMK officers. In January, Gashi returned to his position as a TMK
colonel in Pristina; Veliu was reinstated as a TMK captain. Nato
officials
in Kosovo denied that this move had been officially sanctioned. Yet six
weeks later both men were in barracks and in uniform.
In UNMIK there is confusion as to whether Gashi and Veliu were ever even
suspended from the TMK in the first place, some officials even
suggesting
that the suspects were being paid out of a UN-regulated budget during
their
time in custody.
As for Florim Ejupi, he remains "missing"; after a year, the mystery
surrounding his escape remains undiminished.
What the acronyms mean
KLA: Kosovo Liberation Army. Albanian resistance organisation, now
undergoing demilitarisation.
TMK: Kosovo Protection Corps, created in 1999 under the aegis of Nato
and
the UN after Serb withdrawl from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all
former
KLA fighters.
Kfor: The Nato-led international peacekeeping force in Kosovo.
UNMIK: United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo: a civilian law
enforcement unit.
E' deceduto Giuseppe Maras.
Comandante della Divisione Italia, gia' Brigata Garibaldi, nella Lotta
di Liberazione jugoslava, poi Medaglia d'oro alla Resistenza. Decorato
anche da Tito, che conosceva personalmente.
Nel corso della Guerra Fredda fu espulso dal PCI per le sue posizioni
troppo vicine alla Jugoslavia federativa e socialista. Negli
ultimissimi anni aveva partecipato ad iniziative-dibattito pubbliche
sullo sfascio del paese meraviglioso che anche lui aveva contribuito a
costruire, e che oggi non riusciva piu' a riconoscere. Negli scorsi mesi
aveva aderito al progetto del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia.
La sua morte e' ignorata oggi dai giornali della sinistra, ma la sua
memoria vive e ci chiede di farci ancora e sempre paladini dei valori
internazionalisti della lotta partigiana.
UMRO JE JOS JEDAN BORAC ZA SLOBODU
I funerali si tengono oggi 14 maggio 2002 a Roma, alle 15:30
nella chiesa di San Lorenzo al Verano.
Comandante della Divisione Italia, gia' Brigata Garibaldi, nella Lotta
di Liberazione jugoslava, poi Medaglia d'oro alla Resistenza. Decorato
anche da Tito, che conosceva personalmente.
Nel corso della Guerra Fredda fu espulso dal PCI per le sue posizioni
troppo vicine alla Jugoslavia federativa e socialista. Negli
ultimissimi anni aveva partecipato ad iniziative-dibattito pubbliche
sullo sfascio del paese meraviglioso che anche lui aveva contribuito a
costruire, e che oggi non riusciva piu' a riconoscere. Negli scorsi mesi
aveva aderito al progetto del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia.
La sua morte e' ignorata oggi dai giornali della sinistra, ma la sua
memoria vive e ci chiede di farci ancora e sempre paladini dei valori
internazionalisti della lotta partigiana.
UMRO JE JOS JEDAN BORAC ZA SLOBODU
I funerali si tengono oggi 14 maggio 2002 a Roma, alle 15:30
nella chiesa di San Lorenzo al Verano.
Subject: A New Book of Vojislav Micovic:
Globalization and New World Order
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 12:46:19 -0700
From: "Artel"
by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:13/05/2002
The New Book of Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D.
Globalization and the New World Order
The new book of Vojislav
Micovic, Ph. D.
Globalization and new world
order was reviewed in
TANJUG Press Center on 22
April 2002 by Dr Mihailo
Markovic, member of Serbian
Academy of Sciences and
Arts (SANU), Dr Blagoje
Babic, expert of
international economy
systems of the Institute of
Politics and economy of
Belgrade and General in
retreat Radovan Radinovic,
expert in military affairs.
The Book can be ordered
through ARTEL for the price
of 300,00 Dinars (or 5
Euros) plus transport fees. The interested ones
are invited to contact us through tel/fax: (+381
11) 699-495, or by e-mail: office@....
(The Book is in Serbian).
NOTES ON THE AUTHOR
Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is a publicist and a
political analyst by profession. He studied at the
College of Diplomatics and Journalism of Belgrade
and was graduated from the University of Belgrade
Faculty of Law. Micovic is one of the most
prominent Yugoslav experts on the phenomenon of
mass media and an analyst of global international
relations and special warfare, in particular its
psychological-propaganda and spiritual-cultural
forms, as well as an expert on the strategy of the
New World Order.
Micovic held important posts in the printed media,
on radio and television, and was a state and
political official in Serbia and in Yugoslavia
(undersecretary of culture, information minister,
director of Radio Belgrade, member of the UNESCO
National Commission, secretary and president of
the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance
of Yugoslavia, etc.).
Micovic published a large number of scientific and
expert papers and books in the areas of mass
communications, propaganda and international
relations, including: The Principle of Publicity
and Information, Mass Media in Yugoslavia, Foreign
Propaganda in Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia's Openness to
the World, Special Warfare and the New World
Order, The Aggression on Yugoslavia - "Angel of
Mercy" of the New World Order. The books Media in
Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia's Openness to the World
have been translated into French and English, and
the book Aggression on Yugoslavia into English.
The latest book by Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is
Globalization and the New World Order.
The book was reviewed by renomed philosopher and
world famous researcher Mihailo Markovic, member
of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
(SANU).
Globalization and the New World Order has been
widely distributed and can be purchased in all
major bookstores in Yugoslavia.
CONTENT
Remarks by the author
I THE WORLD AT THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRD
MILLENNIUM......13
1. THE IDEA AND ROOTS OF
MONDIALISM.....................15
Forerunners of the
idea............................15
Sources of ideology of mondialism in
freemasons....16
Mondialism - an ideology of globalization and the
New World Order................................18
2. MONDIALISM (GLOBALISM) AND NATIONAL
SOVEREIGNTY......233. THREE HISTORICAL MODELS OF
GLOBALIZATION.............31
15th-20th century colonization - conquering lands
and partitioning the
world.........................32
Hitler's New
Order.................................33
Division of world into blocs after
WWII............37
II
4. PLANETARY COLONIALISM - OLD IDEA, NEW
PACKAGING......43
End of Cold War (WWIII) - seed of new
globalization
model................................43
American dream of ruling the
world.................46
5. ARCHITECTURE AND FORMS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER............56
Moulding a political
system........................56
Free market - model of economic exploitation and
enslaving......................................60
Cultural imperialism - imposing a system of
values.............................................67
Globalization of information space - one-way flow
of information........................78
Mega military structures - globalization of a
military
force...................................85
6. INSTITUTIONAL PILLARS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER.............88
United Nations - transformation or
decline.........88
European
Union.....................................95
NATO and Partnership for
Peace.....................99
World Bank and IMF - economic pillars of THE New
World Order...............................107
7. WHO RULES THE WORLD BEHIND THE
SCENES...............109
Council of International Relations and Royal
Institute...................................111
Trilateral
Commission.............................115
Bilderberg
Group..................................117
Role of Rockefeller - King of Financial
Empire....121
Who is
Soros......................................122
8. HOW TO REALIZE PLANS FOR NEW
ORDER...................125
1. Psychological-propaganda methods of special
warfare...........................................125
On idea and essence of special warfare.......129
Institutions for informative and propaganda
activities...................................131
Staff for waging psychological-propaganda
warfare......................................137
Ways and methods for "softening up" and
manipulation.................................139
Who is the target public.....................144
Means for influencing human emotions.........148
2. Sanctions - method of collective punishment of
peoples and states........................150
3. Use of armed force and new forms of
occupation.158
9. PHENOMENON OF GLOBAL TERRORISM (CAUSES AND
CONSEQUENCES).........................160
10. PLANNING NEW FORMS AND WAYS OF
GLOBALIZATION.......170
Conquering new territories - Arctic and
Space.....170
Regional political
integrations...................174
11. RESISTANCE TO FORCIBLE GLOBALIZATION AND
AMERICAN
HEGEMONY.................................180
12. CAUSES AND LESSONS OF NATO AGGRESSION ON
YUGOSLAVIA........................................189
NATO aggression on Yugoslavia - part of the
western strategy in the
Balkans...................189 Why Kosovo and
Metohija? Actual causes and fabricated
reasons................................195
Specificities of NATO aggression on
Yugoslavia....198
World reaction and universal meaning of resistance
to aggression..........................202
13. WHAT IS THE ALTERNATIVE TO GLOBALIZATION AND
THE NEW
ORDER.....................................210
Summary................................................215
Notes on the
author....................................221
SUMMARY
The spirit of mondialism and globalization is
increasingly spreading throughout the modern
world. That is an immanent process in the level of
the reached development of economic, cultural,
scientific-technological, and the overall
potentials of modern mankind. That process is
present today mostly and primarily in the most
developed parts of the world (United States,
Western Europe) and has a tendency to spread to
other areas of our planet. The pace and content of
globalization are determined by the United States
as the only super power, with smaller or greater
support from its European allies. The problem is
not in that process, which is objective and
inevitable, but in that its main participants see
the future, in spite of all the diversities and
inequalities in power and quality of life, as
uniformed, stripped of personality, subjugated to
the stronger, a world in which nations will not
have their independence or the elementary
possibility to be equal to each other and free,
without any threats to the freedoms of other
peoples and nations.
At the beginning of the third millennium, it is
characteristic for the world that there is a
turbulent development of the scientific-technical
revolution as the driving force behind economic
and political integration processes and a material
basis for the ideas of mondialism and the
globalization process. On these foundations,
neoimperialistic tendencies grew stronger and
plans were made for the neocolonial conquering of
the world and the creation of strategies for the
New World Order. The Freemasons are the source of
the ideology of mondialism and mondialism is the
ideology of globalization and the New World Order.
The ideology of mondialism and the practice of
globalization are inversely related to national
sovereignty. International integration processes
and linking of peoples and states are inherent to
their interests, provided their specific
charactaristics, history, tradition, and other
circumstances are respected. In these processes,
there are also inevitably certain changes in the
understanding of the term and contents of
sovereignty. It is possible to resolve the problem
of relations between mondialism and sovereignty
only provided states - carriers of sovereignty,
aware of their needs and interests, voluntarily
transfer part of their sovereignty to
international organs and institutions which
coordinate these interests with other subjects
taking part in that process. Otherwise, any other
manner of limiting, curtailing or abolishing
national sovereignty would lead to conflicts and
similar undesired situations.
Three historical models of globalization preceded
the modern process of globalization and
neocolonial conquering of the world. They are:
world colonization from the 15th to the 20th
century, Hitler's "New Order", and the division of
the world into blocs following the 2nd World War.
After the end of the so-called Cold War and the
dismantling of the Eastern European bloc,
tendencies toward new planetary globalization and
neocolonialism were revived. In the United States,
as the only world super power, the new
international circumstances and relations were
understood as a possibility strongly to renew the
historic dream of America ruling the world. That
dream has been in existence for over two centuries
and is based on ideological and propaganda phrases
that the United States "deserves to have the
leading role in the world."
Plans for the construction of the New World Order
have the central place in the strategy of
globalization. The "architecture" of that order
envisages several elementary models: the creation
of one model of a political system in all
countries regardless of the historical
circumstances and tradition in organizing society
in certain countries; securing a "free market" as
a way which will enable unhindered activities by
multi-national companies in all areas, in
particular in economically undeveloped and poor
countries, paving the way to different forms of
economic exploitation and enslaving many
countries; one of the ways to create the New World
Order is also the tendency to impose cultural and
spiritual values from one part of the world,
mostly the United States and Western Europe, on
the rest of the world; a vital element of the New
World Order is the globalization of media space
and a predominantly one-way flow of information
through global electronic media and other forms of
information; and, finally, mega-military
structures, whose main part is the armed force of
NATO, have an important place within the
"architecture" of this new order.
The United Nations presents the institutional
pillars of this New World Order, headed by the
Security Council which is increasingly becoming an
organ with the functions of a world government, as
it is presented in the ideas of theoreticians and
ideologists of mondialism, then the European
Union, NATO as the military guarrantor for the
creation of the new order, and, finally, the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund as the
economic pillars of this order.
In addition to these institutions, there is also
an entire network of very powerful informal
centers which de facto rule the world behind the
scenes. These are primarily the US Council for
International Relations, the Royal Institute of
Great Britain, the Trilateral Commission (United
States, Europe, Japan), the Rome Club, the
Bilderberg Group, and some others. In these
organizations which always work far from the
public eye, hold secret meetings and withold their
conclusions from the public, there are a large
number of statesmen, corporation presidents,
political leaders, owners of mega-media, bankers,
and other figures. The basic principle of the
activities of these organizations is that their
members realize in practice the conclusions which
are secretly adopted, and they are thus
transported into political and economic decisions
of state and international organs and institutions
which they head or which they can directly
influence.
The methods for realizing the plans for a New
World Order are very diverse. Firstly, many
instruments of psychological-propaganda special
warfare are used. Their objective is to influence
the awareness of the masses, possibly without the
use of rough physical or other force, using
propaganda to induce them to accept a certain
system of values. A series of countries,
especially the United States and several Western
European countries, have an organized network of
propaganda institutions throughout the world and
in these countries. They receive large funds and
employ staffs of thousands who specialize in
specific psychological-propaganda activities.
Their activities are aimed at special "targets",
groups of people from different levels of social
stratification - figures from the political and
economic profession who determine the policy or
those who are not in power but will probably come
to power, persons from the armed forces, editors
and reporters, university professors and teachers,
trade union and student leaders, party leaders,
leaders of ethnic, national and cultural
minorities.
The second method of realizing the new order, or
the implementation of different forms of pressure
on nations and states, are sanctions with which
collective punishment was passed on entire nations
through a series of economic, political, media,
and other measures. In this aspect, the example of
the sanctions against Yugoslavia is especially
characteristic, as they were imposed in 1992 and
are still in effect in certain segments. These
sanctions were comprehensive, they covered all
areas of life and were the first of that kind
known in history. This method is being applied on
an increasing number of states. In the second half
of the 20th century, there were 173 cases of
sanctions imposed in the world, including 125
cases where only the United States imposed
sanctions.
The third form of realizing plans for the New
World Order and applying force is the use of armed
force in order to punish and subjugate certain
nations and states. Armed force was used most
often in co-action with psychological-propaganda,
economic, and other forms of activities in order
to force some countries to accept certain
conditions, to give up their national sovereignty,
to submit to servitude and enable the setting up
of foreign military bases and the use of their
territory for the needs of foreign armed forces.
Within the context of the general tendencies
toward globalization, the phenomenon of global
terrorism has occurred. With the very beginning of
this century, terrorism has acquired new contents
and new dimensions. A vital transformation of
conventional terrorism has occurred. Illegal
terrorist organizations have been formed in all
continents, which have begun to carry out major
terrorist actions. They have not articulated any
concrete goals except the struggle "against the
United States." An anti-terrorist action has been
launched following the attacks on targets in the
United States, and an anti-terrorist coalition has
been set up, spearheaded by the United States,
which was followed by the attack on Afghanistan
and the ousting of the Taliban government. Another
characteristic of contemporary terrorism is
increasingly present state terrorism, or
international state terrorism. This is an open and
united attack and the use of military force and
other means against certain countries. The most
drastic example of such terrorism was the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia in 1999. Military force,
propaganda-psychological means and sanctions were
used.
In connection with the struggle against terrorism,
it is important to point out that the world is
ready to fight against terrorism, but that it
increasingly frequently asks the question: What
are its true causes? Many analysts, state leaders
and others, consider a battle against consequences
dangerous and with an uncertain outcome, while
nothing is done to outroot the causes of
terrorism. The United States, however, is
dictating new goals and testing the entire world
to see whether it is devoted to its ideas. Such
behaviour is understood as diktat and arrogance,
which creates misunderstandings and confusion and
resistance, not only in the world, but among
America's western allies as well.
The strategists of planetary globalization are
planning the conquering of new spaces - the Arctic
and the Universe. At the same time, regional
(continental) political integrations are
developed.
Insofar as linking of nations and states are
natural and inevitable, experience so far shows
that this linking and integration processes
proceed to a large extent using force and
violence. This awareness causes throughout the
world smaller or greater resistance to violent
globalization, in whose foundations American
hegemony is recognized. Among the figures who
point out the dangers of such a US policy are
numerous independent intellectuals in the United
States, leaders of many political parties in the
world, statesmen from among US allies in Western
Europe, scientists and professional analysts from
a series of institutes for strategic research, and
others.
The NATO armed aggression on Yugoslavia took place
in 1999, the first armed intervention by NATO
outside its territory. That act of aggression was
carried out under the pretext of preventing a
"humanitarian disaster," allegedly to protect the
rights of Kosovo Albanians. However, this was a
fabricated reason aimed at realizing a completely
different goal. That goal was to secure the
dominance of this military alliance in this part
of southeastern Europe and to secure a strategic
territorial corridor toward the continent of Asia,
toward the richest sources of raw materials and
fuels in the Caspian Sea region. Yugoslavia could
not accept the conditions set by the United States
and NATO because that would have meant its
occupation. That is why it was so cruelly
punished. The United States and NATO sent a
message to all countries through the example of
Yugoslavia, especially to small, undeveloped, weak
countries, to guard themselves from modern
terrorist violence by mighty western powers, that
they will get that same lesson if they stand in
the way of the new world colonizers.
The question arises: What is the alternative to
(forcible) globalization and the new order as
conceived by its strategists? Cooperation among
nations and states in all areas of life is an
inevitability and a necessary part of their
future. The only alernative to forcible
integrations and forcible globalization are
togetherness, linking, and interdependence in
differences. A precondition for this is that
states preserve their independence, national and
cultural identity, and the ability to make
unhindered and uninfluenced decisions about their
own destiny, respecting the interests and needs of
others.
Globalization and New World Order
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 12:46:19 -0700
From: "Artel"
by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:13/05/2002
The New Book of Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D.
Globalization and the New World Order
The new book of Vojislav
Micovic, Ph. D.
Globalization and new world
order was reviewed in
TANJUG Press Center on 22
April 2002 by Dr Mihailo
Markovic, member of Serbian
Academy of Sciences and
Arts (SANU), Dr Blagoje
Babic, expert of
international economy
systems of the Institute of
Politics and economy of
Belgrade and General in
retreat Radovan Radinovic,
expert in military affairs.
The Book can be ordered
through ARTEL for the price
of 300,00 Dinars (or 5
Euros) plus transport fees. The interested ones
are invited to contact us through tel/fax: (+381
11) 699-495, or by e-mail: office@....
(The Book is in Serbian).
NOTES ON THE AUTHOR
Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is a publicist and a
political analyst by profession. He studied at the
College of Diplomatics and Journalism of Belgrade
and was graduated from the University of Belgrade
Faculty of Law. Micovic is one of the most
prominent Yugoslav experts on the phenomenon of
mass media and an analyst of global international
relations and special warfare, in particular its
psychological-propaganda and spiritual-cultural
forms, as well as an expert on the strategy of the
New World Order.
Micovic held important posts in the printed media,
on radio and television, and was a state and
political official in Serbia and in Yugoslavia
(undersecretary of culture, information minister,
director of Radio Belgrade, member of the UNESCO
National Commission, secretary and president of
the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance
of Yugoslavia, etc.).
Micovic published a large number of scientific and
expert papers and books in the areas of mass
communications, propaganda and international
relations, including: The Principle of Publicity
and Information, Mass Media in Yugoslavia, Foreign
Propaganda in Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia's Openness to
the World, Special Warfare and the New World
Order, The Aggression on Yugoslavia - "Angel of
Mercy" of the New World Order. The books Media in
Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia's Openness to the World
have been translated into French and English, and
the book Aggression on Yugoslavia into English.
The latest book by Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is
Globalization and the New World Order.
The book was reviewed by renomed philosopher and
world famous researcher Mihailo Markovic, member
of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
(SANU).
Globalization and the New World Order has been
widely distributed and can be purchased in all
major bookstores in Yugoslavia.
CONTENT
Remarks by the author
I THE WORLD AT THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRD
MILLENNIUM......13
1. THE IDEA AND ROOTS OF
MONDIALISM.....................15
Forerunners of the
idea............................15
Sources of ideology of mondialism in
freemasons....16
Mondialism - an ideology of globalization and the
New World Order................................18
2. MONDIALISM (GLOBALISM) AND NATIONAL
SOVEREIGNTY......233. THREE HISTORICAL MODELS OF
GLOBALIZATION.............31
15th-20th century colonization - conquering lands
and partitioning the
world.........................32
Hitler's New
Order.................................33
Division of world into blocs after
WWII............37
II
4. PLANETARY COLONIALISM - OLD IDEA, NEW
PACKAGING......43
End of Cold War (WWIII) - seed of new
globalization
model................................43
American dream of ruling the
world.................46
5. ARCHITECTURE AND FORMS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER............56
Moulding a political
system........................56
Free market - model of economic exploitation and
enslaving......................................60
Cultural imperialism - imposing a system of
values.............................................67
Globalization of information space - one-way flow
of information........................78
Mega military structures - globalization of a
military
force...................................85
6. INSTITUTIONAL PILLARS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER.............88
United Nations - transformation or
decline.........88
European
Union.....................................95
NATO and Partnership for
Peace.....................99
World Bank and IMF - economic pillars of THE New
World Order...............................107
7. WHO RULES THE WORLD BEHIND THE
SCENES...............109
Council of International Relations and Royal
Institute...................................111
Trilateral
Commission.............................115
Bilderberg
Group..................................117
Role of Rockefeller - King of Financial
Empire....121
Who is
Soros......................................122
8. HOW TO REALIZE PLANS FOR NEW
ORDER...................125
1. Psychological-propaganda methods of special
warfare...........................................125
On idea and essence of special warfare.......129
Institutions for informative and propaganda
activities...................................131
Staff for waging psychological-propaganda
warfare......................................137
Ways and methods for "softening up" and
manipulation.................................139
Who is the target public.....................144
Means for influencing human emotions.........148
2. Sanctions - method of collective punishment of
peoples and states........................150
3. Use of armed force and new forms of
occupation.158
9. PHENOMENON OF GLOBAL TERRORISM (CAUSES AND
CONSEQUENCES).........................160
10. PLANNING NEW FORMS AND WAYS OF
GLOBALIZATION.......170
Conquering new territories - Arctic and
Space.....170
Regional political
integrations...................174
11. RESISTANCE TO FORCIBLE GLOBALIZATION AND
AMERICAN
HEGEMONY.................................180
12. CAUSES AND LESSONS OF NATO AGGRESSION ON
YUGOSLAVIA........................................189
NATO aggression on Yugoslavia - part of the
western strategy in the
Balkans...................189 Why Kosovo and
Metohija? Actual causes and fabricated
reasons................................195
Specificities of NATO aggression on
Yugoslavia....198
World reaction and universal meaning of resistance
to aggression..........................202
13. WHAT IS THE ALTERNATIVE TO GLOBALIZATION AND
THE NEW
ORDER.....................................210
Summary................................................215
Notes on the
author....................................221
SUMMARY
The spirit of mondialism and globalization is
increasingly spreading throughout the modern
world. That is an immanent process in the level of
the reached development of economic, cultural,
scientific-technological, and the overall
potentials of modern mankind. That process is
present today mostly and primarily in the most
developed parts of the world (United States,
Western Europe) and has a tendency to spread to
other areas of our planet. The pace and content of
globalization are determined by the United States
as the only super power, with smaller or greater
support from its European allies. The problem is
not in that process, which is objective and
inevitable, but in that its main participants see
the future, in spite of all the diversities and
inequalities in power and quality of life, as
uniformed, stripped of personality, subjugated to
the stronger, a world in which nations will not
have their independence or the elementary
possibility to be equal to each other and free,
without any threats to the freedoms of other
peoples and nations.
At the beginning of the third millennium, it is
characteristic for the world that there is a
turbulent development of the scientific-technical
revolution as the driving force behind economic
and political integration processes and a material
basis for the ideas of mondialism and the
globalization process. On these foundations,
neoimperialistic tendencies grew stronger and
plans were made for the neocolonial conquering of
the world and the creation of strategies for the
New World Order. The Freemasons are the source of
the ideology of mondialism and mondialism is the
ideology of globalization and the New World Order.
The ideology of mondialism and the practice of
globalization are inversely related to national
sovereignty. International integration processes
and linking of peoples and states are inherent to
their interests, provided their specific
charactaristics, history, tradition, and other
circumstances are respected. In these processes,
there are also inevitably certain changes in the
understanding of the term and contents of
sovereignty. It is possible to resolve the problem
of relations between mondialism and sovereignty
only provided states - carriers of sovereignty,
aware of their needs and interests, voluntarily
transfer part of their sovereignty to
international organs and institutions which
coordinate these interests with other subjects
taking part in that process. Otherwise, any other
manner of limiting, curtailing or abolishing
national sovereignty would lead to conflicts and
similar undesired situations.
Three historical models of globalization preceded
the modern process of globalization and
neocolonial conquering of the world. They are:
world colonization from the 15th to the 20th
century, Hitler's "New Order", and the division of
the world into blocs following the 2nd World War.
After the end of the so-called Cold War and the
dismantling of the Eastern European bloc,
tendencies toward new planetary globalization and
neocolonialism were revived. In the United States,
as the only world super power, the new
international circumstances and relations were
understood as a possibility strongly to renew the
historic dream of America ruling the world. That
dream has been in existence for over two centuries
and is based on ideological and propaganda phrases
that the United States "deserves to have the
leading role in the world."
Plans for the construction of the New World Order
have the central place in the strategy of
globalization. The "architecture" of that order
envisages several elementary models: the creation
of one model of a political system in all
countries regardless of the historical
circumstances and tradition in organizing society
in certain countries; securing a "free market" as
a way which will enable unhindered activities by
multi-national companies in all areas, in
particular in economically undeveloped and poor
countries, paving the way to different forms of
economic exploitation and enslaving many
countries; one of the ways to create the New World
Order is also the tendency to impose cultural and
spiritual values from one part of the world,
mostly the United States and Western Europe, on
the rest of the world; a vital element of the New
World Order is the globalization of media space
and a predominantly one-way flow of information
through global electronic media and other forms of
information; and, finally, mega-military
structures, whose main part is the armed force of
NATO, have an important place within the
"architecture" of this new order.
The United Nations presents the institutional
pillars of this New World Order, headed by the
Security Council which is increasingly becoming an
organ with the functions of a world government, as
it is presented in the ideas of theoreticians and
ideologists of mondialism, then the European
Union, NATO as the military guarrantor for the
creation of the new order, and, finally, the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund as the
economic pillars of this order.
In addition to these institutions, there is also
an entire network of very powerful informal
centers which de facto rule the world behind the
scenes. These are primarily the US Council for
International Relations, the Royal Institute of
Great Britain, the Trilateral Commission (United
States, Europe, Japan), the Rome Club, the
Bilderberg Group, and some others. In these
organizations which always work far from the
public eye, hold secret meetings and withold their
conclusions from the public, there are a large
number of statesmen, corporation presidents,
political leaders, owners of mega-media, bankers,
and other figures. The basic principle of the
activities of these organizations is that their
members realize in practice the conclusions which
are secretly adopted, and they are thus
transported into political and economic decisions
of state and international organs and institutions
which they head or which they can directly
influence.
The methods for realizing the plans for a New
World Order are very diverse. Firstly, many
instruments of psychological-propaganda special
warfare are used. Their objective is to influence
the awareness of the masses, possibly without the
use of rough physical or other force, using
propaganda to induce them to accept a certain
system of values. A series of countries,
especially the United States and several Western
European countries, have an organized network of
propaganda institutions throughout the world and
in these countries. They receive large funds and
employ staffs of thousands who specialize in
specific psychological-propaganda activities.
Their activities are aimed at special "targets",
groups of people from different levels of social
stratification - figures from the political and
economic profession who determine the policy or
those who are not in power but will probably come
to power, persons from the armed forces, editors
and reporters, university professors and teachers,
trade union and student leaders, party leaders,
leaders of ethnic, national and cultural
minorities.
The second method of realizing the new order, or
the implementation of different forms of pressure
on nations and states, are sanctions with which
collective punishment was passed on entire nations
through a series of economic, political, media,
and other measures. In this aspect, the example of
the sanctions against Yugoslavia is especially
characteristic, as they were imposed in 1992 and
are still in effect in certain segments. These
sanctions were comprehensive, they covered all
areas of life and were the first of that kind
known in history. This method is being applied on
an increasing number of states. In the second half
of the 20th century, there were 173 cases of
sanctions imposed in the world, including 125
cases where only the United States imposed
sanctions.
The third form of realizing plans for the New
World Order and applying force is the use of armed
force in order to punish and subjugate certain
nations and states. Armed force was used most
often in co-action with psychological-propaganda,
economic, and other forms of activities in order
to force some countries to accept certain
conditions, to give up their national sovereignty,
to submit to servitude and enable the setting up
of foreign military bases and the use of their
territory for the needs of foreign armed forces.
Within the context of the general tendencies
toward globalization, the phenomenon of global
terrorism has occurred. With the very beginning of
this century, terrorism has acquired new contents
and new dimensions. A vital transformation of
conventional terrorism has occurred. Illegal
terrorist organizations have been formed in all
continents, which have begun to carry out major
terrorist actions. They have not articulated any
concrete goals except the struggle "against the
United States." An anti-terrorist action has been
launched following the attacks on targets in the
United States, and an anti-terrorist coalition has
been set up, spearheaded by the United States,
which was followed by the attack on Afghanistan
and the ousting of the Taliban government. Another
characteristic of contemporary terrorism is
increasingly present state terrorism, or
international state terrorism. This is an open and
united attack and the use of military force and
other means against certain countries. The most
drastic example of such terrorism was the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia in 1999. Military force,
propaganda-psychological means and sanctions were
used.
In connection with the struggle against terrorism,
it is important to point out that the world is
ready to fight against terrorism, but that it
increasingly frequently asks the question: What
are its true causes? Many analysts, state leaders
and others, consider a battle against consequences
dangerous and with an uncertain outcome, while
nothing is done to outroot the causes of
terrorism. The United States, however, is
dictating new goals and testing the entire world
to see whether it is devoted to its ideas. Such
behaviour is understood as diktat and arrogance,
which creates misunderstandings and confusion and
resistance, not only in the world, but among
America's western allies as well.
The strategists of planetary globalization are
planning the conquering of new spaces - the Arctic
and the Universe. At the same time, regional
(continental) political integrations are
developed.
Insofar as linking of nations and states are
natural and inevitable, experience so far shows
that this linking and integration processes
proceed to a large extent using force and
violence. This awareness causes throughout the
world smaller or greater resistance to violent
globalization, in whose foundations American
hegemony is recognized. Among the figures who
point out the dangers of such a US policy are
numerous independent intellectuals in the United
States, leaders of many political parties in the
world, statesmen from among US allies in Western
Europe, scientists and professional analysts from
a series of institutes for strategic research, and
others.
The NATO armed aggression on Yugoslavia took place
in 1999, the first armed intervention by NATO
outside its territory. That act of aggression was
carried out under the pretext of preventing a
"humanitarian disaster," allegedly to protect the
rights of Kosovo Albanians. However, this was a
fabricated reason aimed at realizing a completely
different goal. That goal was to secure the
dominance of this military alliance in this part
of southeastern Europe and to secure a strategic
territorial corridor toward the continent of Asia,
toward the richest sources of raw materials and
fuels in the Caspian Sea region. Yugoslavia could
not accept the conditions set by the United States
and NATO because that would have meant its
occupation. That is why it was so cruelly
punished. The United States and NATO sent a
message to all countries through the example of
Yugoslavia, especially to small, undeveloped, weak
countries, to guard themselves from modern
terrorist violence by mighty western powers, that
they will get that same lesson if they stand in
the way of the new world colonizers.
The question arises: What is the alternative to
(forcible) globalization and the new order as
conceived by its strategists? Cooperation among
nations and states in all areas of life is an
inevitability and a necessary part of their
future. The only alernative to forcible
integrations and forcible globalization are
togetherness, linking, and interdependence in
differences. A precondition for this is that
states preserve their independence, national and
cultural identity, and the ability to make
unhindered and uninfluenced decisions about their
own destiny, respecting the interests and needs of
others.
CROAZIA 1941-1944: UNA CATTOLICISSIMA MACELLERIA
Il nazista Pavelic e l'arcivescovo Stepinac, alleati di genocidio
di Karlheinz Deschner
Il testo che segue è la traduzione letterale di quello
presentato da Karlheinz Deschner il 26/12/1993 in occasione
dell'ultima puntata della sua serie televisiva sulla politica
dei Papi nel XX secolo. Questa serie è stata trasmessa
in Germania da Kanal 4, sulle frequenze di RTL. Il testo
e' stato ripreso dalla rivista marxista tedesca "Konkret"
(n.3-1994, pg.47) e tradotto in italiano a cura del Coord.
Romano per la Jugoslavia.
---
Il Papato di Roma - divenuto grande attraverso la
guerra e l'inganno, attraverso la guerra e l'inganno
conservatosi tale - ha sostenuto nel XX secolo il
sorgere di tutti gli Stati fascisti con
determinazione, ma più degli altri ha favorito proprio
il peggior regime criminale: quello di Ante Pavelic
in Jugoslavia.
Questo ex-avvocato zagrebino, che negli anni '30
addestrò le sue bande soprattutto in Italia, fece
uccidere nel 1934 a Marsiglia il re Alessandro di
Jugoslavia in un attentato che costò la vita anche al
ministro degli Esteri francese. Due anni più tardi
celebrò con un libello le glorie di Hitler, "il più grande
ed il migliore dei figli della Germania", e ritornò
in Jugoslavia nel 1941, rifornito da Mussolini con armi
e denari, al seguito dell'occupante tedesco. Da despota
assoluto Pavelic si pose nella cosiddetta
Croazia Indipendente a capo di tre milioni di Croati
cattolici, due milioni di Serbi ortodossi, mezzo
milione di Musulmani bosniaci nonchè numerosi
gruppi etnici minori. Nel mese di maggio cedette
quasi la metà del suo paese con annessi e connessi
ai suoi vicini, soprattutto all'Italia, dove con
particolare calore fu accolto e benedetto da Pio XII
in udienza privata (benchè già condannato a
morte in contumacia per il doppio omicidio di
Marsiglia sia dalla Francia che dalla Jugoslavia). Il
grande complice dei fascisti si accommiatò da lui
e dalla sua suite in modo amichevole e con i migliori
auguri, letteralmente, di "buon lavoro".
Così ebbe inizio una crociata cattolica che non ha
nulla da invidiare ai peggiori massacri del
Medioevo, ma piuttosto li supera. Duecentonovantanove
chiese serbo-ortodosse della "Croazia
Indipendente" furono saccheggiate, annientate,
molte trasformate persino in magazzini, gabinetti
pubblici, stalle.
Duecentoquarantamila Serbi ortodossi furono costretti
a convertirsi al cattolicesimo e circa
settecentocinquantamila furono assassinati. Furono
fucilati a mucchi, colpiti con la scure, gettati nei
fiumi, nelle foibe, nel mare. Venivano massacrati
nelle cosiddette "Case del Signore", ad esempio
duemila persone solo nella chiesa di Glina. Da vivi
venivano loro strappati gli occhi, oppure si
tagliavano le orecchie ed il naso, da vivi li si
seppelliva, erano sgozzati, decapitati o crocifissi. Gli
Italiani fotografarono un sicario di Pavelic che
portava al collo due collane fatte con lingue ed occhi di
esseri umani.
Anche cinque vescovi ed almeno 300 preti dei Serbi
furono macellati, taluni in maniera ripugnante,
come il pope Branko Dobrosavljevic, al quale furono
strappati la barba ed i capelli, sollevata la pelle,
estratti gli occhi, mentre il suo figlioletto era
fatto letteralmente a pezzi dinanzi a lui. L'ottantenne
Metropolita di Sarajevo, Petar Simonic, fu sgozzato.
Ciononostante l'arcivescovo cattolico della città
di Oden scrisse parole in lode di Pavelic, "il duce
adorato", e nel suo foglio diocesano inneggiò ai
metodi rivoluzionari, "al servizio della Verità, della
Giustizia e dell'Onore".
Le macellerie cattoliche nella "Grande Croazia" furono
così terribili che scioccarono persino gli stessi
fascisti italiani; anche alti comandi tedeschi
protestarono, diplomatici, generali, persino il servizio di
sicurezza delle SS ed il ministro degli Esteri nazista
Von Ribbentrop. A più riprese, di fronte alle
"macellazioni" di Serbi, truppe tedesche intervennero
contro i loro stessi alleati croati.
E questo regime - che ebbe per simboli e strumenti
di guerra "la Bibbia e la bomba" - fu un regime
assolutamente cattolico, strettamente legato alla
Chiesa Cattolica Romana, dal primo momento e sino
alla fine. Il suo dittatore Ante Pavelic, che era
tanto spesso in viaggio tra il quartier generale del
Führer e la Berghof hitleriana quanto in Vaticano,
fu definito dal primate croato Stepinac "un croato
devoto", e dal papa Pio XII (nel 1943!) "un cattolico
praticante". In centinaia di foto egli appare fra
vescovi, preti, suore, frati. Fu un religioso ad
educare i suoi figli. Aveva un suo confessore e nel suo
palazzo c'era una cappella privata. Tanti religiosi
appartenevano al suo partito, quello degli ustasa,
che usava termini come dio, religione, papa, chiesa,
continuamente. Vescovi e preti sedevano nel
Sabor, il parlamento ustasa. Religiosi fungevano
da ufficiali della guardia del corpo di Pavelic. I
cappellani ustasa giuravano ubbidienza dinanzi a
due candele, un crocifisso, un pugnale ed una
pistola. I Gesuiti, ma più ancora i Francescani,
comandavano bande armate ed organizzavano
massacri: "Abbasso i Serbi!". Essi dichiaravano
giunta "l'ora del revolver e del fucile"; affermavano
"non essere più peccato uccidere un bambino di
sette anni, se questo infrange la legge degli ustasa".
"Ammazzare tutti i Serbi nel tempo più breve
possibile": questo fu indicato più volte come "il nostro
programma" dal francescano Simic, un vicario militare
degli ustasa. Francescani erano anche i boia
dei campi di concentramento. Essi sparavano, nella
"Croazia Indipendente", in quello "Stato cristiano
e cattolico", la "Croazia di Dio e di Maria", "Regno
di Cristo", come vagheggiava la stampa cattolica
del paese, che encomiava anche Adolf Hitler
definendolo "crociato di Dio". Il campo di
concentramento di Jasenovac ebbe per un periodo
il francescano Filipovic-Majstorovic per
comandante, che fece ivi liquidare 40.000 esseri
umani in quattro mesi. Il seminarista francescano
Brzien ha decapitato qui, nella notte del 29 agosto
1942, 1360 persone con una mannaia.
Non per caso il primate del paradiso dei gangsters
cattolici, arcivescovo Stepinac, ringraziò il clero
croato "ed in primo luogo i Francescani" quando
nel maggio 1943, in Vaticano, sottolineò le conquiste
degli ustasa. E naturalmente il primate, entusiasta
degli ustasa, vicario militare degli ustasa, membro
del parlamento degli ustasa, era bene informato di
tutto quanto accadeva in questo criminale eldorado
di preti, come d'altronde Sua Santità lo stesso
Pio XII, che in quel tempo concedeva una udienza dopo
l'altra ai Croati, a ministri ustasa, a diplomatici
ustasa, e che alla fine del 1942 si rivolse alla
Gioventù Ustasa (sulle cui uniformi campeggiava
la grande "U" con la bomba che esplode all'interno)
con un: "Viva i Croati!". I Serbi morirono allora,
circa 750.000, per ripeterlo, spesso in seguito a
torture atroci, in misura del 10-15% della
popolazione della Grande Croazia - tutto ciò
esaurientemente documentato e descritto nel mio
libro La politica dei papi nel XX secolo [Die Politik
der Paepste im XX Jahrhundert, Rohwohl 1993; si veda
pure "L'Arcivescovo del genocidio", di M.A. Rivelli,
ediz. Kaos 1999]. E se non si sa nulla su questo
bagno di sangue da incubo non si può comprendere
ciò che laggiù avviene oggi, avvenimenti
per i quali lo stesso ministro degli Esteri dei nostri
alleati Stati Uniti attribuisce una responsabilità
specifica ai tedeschi, ovvero al governo Kohl-Genscher.
Più coinvolto ancora è solo il Vaticano, che
già a suo tempo attraverso papa Pio XII non solo
c'entrava, ma era così impigliato nel peggiore degli
orrori dell'era fascista che, come già scrissi
trent'anni fa, "non ci sarebbe da stupirsi, conoscendo la
tattica della Chiesa romana, se lo facesse santo".
Comunque sia: il Vaticano ha contribuito in maniera
determinante alla instaurazione di interi regimi
fascisti degli anni venti, trenta e quaranta. Con i
suoi vescovi ha sostenuto tutti gli Stati fascisti
sistematicamente sin dal loro inizio. E' stato il
decisivo sostenitore di Mussolini, Hitler, Franco,
Pavelic; in tal modo la Chiesa romano-cattolica si
è resa anche corresponsabile della morte di circa
sessanta milioni di persone, e nondimeno della morte
di milioni di cattolici. Non è un qualche secolo
del Medioevo, bensì è il ventesimo, per lo meno dal
punto di vista quantitativo, il più efferato nella
storia della chiesa.
---
POSTILLA: In occasione del primo viaggio in Croazia di
Giovanni Paolo II, il quotidiano italiano la Repubblica
taceva su tutto quanto sopra raccontato, pero' scriveva:
"...Ma il contatto con la folla fa bene a Giovanni Paolo
II. I fedeli lo applaudono ripetutamente. Specie quando
ricorda il cardinale Stepinac, imprigionato da Tito per
i suoi rapporti con il regime di Ante Pavelic, ma sempre
rimasto nel cuore dei Croati come un'icona del
nazionalismo. Woityla, che sabato sera ha pregato sulla
sua tomba, gli rende omaggio, però pensa soprattutto
al futuro..." (la Repubblica, 12/9/1994). Tre anni dopo,
lo stesso papa proclamava beato il nazista Stepinac, con
una pomposa cerimonia alla quale partecipava pure Franjo
Tudjman, regista della cacciata di tutta la popolazione
serba delle Krajne nella versione di fine secolo della
"Croazia indipendente".
Il nazista Pavelic e l'arcivescovo Stepinac, alleati di genocidio
di Karlheinz Deschner
Il testo che segue è la traduzione letterale di quello
presentato da Karlheinz Deschner il 26/12/1993 in occasione
dell'ultima puntata della sua serie televisiva sulla politica
dei Papi nel XX secolo. Questa serie è stata trasmessa
in Germania da Kanal 4, sulle frequenze di RTL. Il testo
e' stato ripreso dalla rivista marxista tedesca "Konkret"
(n.3-1994, pg.47) e tradotto in italiano a cura del Coord.
Romano per la Jugoslavia.
---
Il Papato di Roma - divenuto grande attraverso la
guerra e l'inganno, attraverso la guerra e l'inganno
conservatosi tale - ha sostenuto nel XX secolo il
sorgere di tutti gli Stati fascisti con
determinazione, ma più degli altri ha favorito proprio
il peggior regime criminale: quello di Ante Pavelic
in Jugoslavia.
Questo ex-avvocato zagrebino, che negli anni '30
addestrò le sue bande soprattutto in Italia, fece
uccidere nel 1934 a Marsiglia il re Alessandro di
Jugoslavia in un attentato che costò la vita anche al
ministro degli Esteri francese. Due anni più tardi
celebrò con un libello le glorie di Hitler, "il più grande
ed il migliore dei figli della Germania", e ritornò
in Jugoslavia nel 1941, rifornito da Mussolini con armi
e denari, al seguito dell'occupante tedesco. Da despota
assoluto Pavelic si pose nella cosiddetta
Croazia Indipendente a capo di tre milioni di Croati
cattolici, due milioni di Serbi ortodossi, mezzo
milione di Musulmani bosniaci nonchè numerosi
gruppi etnici minori. Nel mese di maggio cedette
quasi la metà del suo paese con annessi e connessi
ai suoi vicini, soprattutto all'Italia, dove con
particolare calore fu accolto e benedetto da Pio XII
in udienza privata (benchè già condannato a
morte in contumacia per il doppio omicidio di
Marsiglia sia dalla Francia che dalla Jugoslavia). Il
grande complice dei fascisti si accommiatò da lui
e dalla sua suite in modo amichevole e con i migliori
auguri, letteralmente, di "buon lavoro".
Così ebbe inizio una crociata cattolica che non ha
nulla da invidiare ai peggiori massacri del
Medioevo, ma piuttosto li supera. Duecentonovantanove
chiese serbo-ortodosse della "Croazia
Indipendente" furono saccheggiate, annientate,
molte trasformate persino in magazzini, gabinetti
pubblici, stalle.
Duecentoquarantamila Serbi ortodossi furono costretti
a convertirsi al cattolicesimo e circa
settecentocinquantamila furono assassinati. Furono
fucilati a mucchi, colpiti con la scure, gettati nei
fiumi, nelle foibe, nel mare. Venivano massacrati
nelle cosiddette "Case del Signore", ad esempio
duemila persone solo nella chiesa di Glina. Da vivi
venivano loro strappati gli occhi, oppure si
tagliavano le orecchie ed il naso, da vivi li si
seppelliva, erano sgozzati, decapitati o crocifissi. Gli
Italiani fotografarono un sicario di Pavelic che
portava al collo due collane fatte con lingue ed occhi di
esseri umani.
Anche cinque vescovi ed almeno 300 preti dei Serbi
furono macellati, taluni in maniera ripugnante,
come il pope Branko Dobrosavljevic, al quale furono
strappati la barba ed i capelli, sollevata la pelle,
estratti gli occhi, mentre il suo figlioletto era
fatto letteralmente a pezzi dinanzi a lui. L'ottantenne
Metropolita di Sarajevo, Petar Simonic, fu sgozzato.
Ciononostante l'arcivescovo cattolico della città
di Oden scrisse parole in lode di Pavelic, "il duce
adorato", e nel suo foglio diocesano inneggiò ai
metodi rivoluzionari, "al servizio della Verità, della
Giustizia e dell'Onore".
Le macellerie cattoliche nella "Grande Croazia" furono
così terribili che scioccarono persino gli stessi
fascisti italiani; anche alti comandi tedeschi
protestarono, diplomatici, generali, persino il servizio di
sicurezza delle SS ed il ministro degli Esteri nazista
Von Ribbentrop. A più riprese, di fronte alle
"macellazioni" di Serbi, truppe tedesche intervennero
contro i loro stessi alleati croati.
E questo regime - che ebbe per simboli e strumenti
di guerra "la Bibbia e la bomba" - fu un regime
assolutamente cattolico, strettamente legato alla
Chiesa Cattolica Romana, dal primo momento e sino
alla fine. Il suo dittatore Ante Pavelic, che era
tanto spesso in viaggio tra il quartier generale del
Führer e la Berghof hitleriana quanto in Vaticano,
fu definito dal primate croato Stepinac "un croato
devoto", e dal papa Pio XII (nel 1943!) "un cattolico
praticante". In centinaia di foto egli appare fra
vescovi, preti, suore, frati. Fu un religioso ad
educare i suoi figli. Aveva un suo confessore e nel suo
palazzo c'era una cappella privata. Tanti religiosi
appartenevano al suo partito, quello degli ustasa,
che usava termini come dio, religione, papa, chiesa,
continuamente. Vescovi e preti sedevano nel
Sabor, il parlamento ustasa. Religiosi fungevano
da ufficiali della guardia del corpo di Pavelic. I
cappellani ustasa giuravano ubbidienza dinanzi a
due candele, un crocifisso, un pugnale ed una
pistola. I Gesuiti, ma più ancora i Francescani,
comandavano bande armate ed organizzavano
massacri: "Abbasso i Serbi!". Essi dichiaravano
giunta "l'ora del revolver e del fucile"; affermavano
"non essere più peccato uccidere un bambino di
sette anni, se questo infrange la legge degli ustasa".
"Ammazzare tutti i Serbi nel tempo più breve
possibile": questo fu indicato più volte come "il nostro
programma" dal francescano Simic, un vicario militare
degli ustasa. Francescani erano anche i boia
dei campi di concentramento. Essi sparavano, nella
"Croazia Indipendente", in quello "Stato cristiano
e cattolico", la "Croazia di Dio e di Maria", "Regno
di Cristo", come vagheggiava la stampa cattolica
del paese, che encomiava anche Adolf Hitler
definendolo "crociato di Dio". Il campo di
concentramento di Jasenovac ebbe per un periodo
il francescano Filipovic-Majstorovic per
comandante, che fece ivi liquidare 40.000 esseri
umani in quattro mesi. Il seminarista francescano
Brzien ha decapitato qui, nella notte del 29 agosto
1942, 1360 persone con una mannaia.
Non per caso il primate del paradiso dei gangsters
cattolici, arcivescovo Stepinac, ringraziò il clero
croato "ed in primo luogo i Francescani" quando
nel maggio 1943, in Vaticano, sottolineò le conquiste
degli ustasa. E naturalmente il primate, entusiasta
degli ustasa, vicario militare degli ustasa, membro
del parlamento degli ustasa, era bene informato di
tutto quanto accadeva in questo criminale eldorado
di preti, come d'altronde Sua Santità lo stesso
Pio XII, che in quel tempo concedeva una udienza dopo
l'altra ai Croati, a ministri ustasa, a diplomatici
ustasa, e che alla fine del 1942 si rivolse alla
Gioventù Ustasa (sulle cui uniformi campeggiava
la grande "U" con la bomba che esplode all'interno)
con un: "Viva i Croati!". I Serbi morirono allora,
circa 750.000, per ripeterlo, spesso in seguito a
torture atroci, in misura del 10-15% della
popolazione della Grande Croazia - tutto ciò
esaurientemente documentato e descritto nel mio
libro La politica dei papi nel XX secolo [Die Politik
der Paepste im XX Jahrhundert, Rohwohl 1993; si veda
pure "L'Arcivescovo del genocidio", di M.A. Rivelli,
ediz. Kaos 1999]. E se non si sa nulla su questo
bagno di sangue da incubo non si può comprendere
ciò che laggiù avviene oggi, avvenimenti
per i quali lo stesso ministro degli Esteri dei nostri
alleati Stati Uniti attribuisce una responsabilità
specifica ai tedeschi, ovvero al governo Kohl-Genscher.
Più coinvolto ancora è solo il Vaticano, che
già a suo tempo attraverso papa Pio XII non solo
c'entrava, ma era così impigliato nel peggiore degli
orrori dell'era fascista che, come già scrissi
trent'anni fa, "non ci sarebbe da stupirsi, conoscendo la
tattica della Chiesa romana, se lo facesse santo".
Comunque sia: il Vaticano ha contribuito in maniera
determinante alla instaurazione di interi regimi
fascisti degli anni venti, trenta e quaranta. Con i
suoi vescovi ha sostenuto tutti gli Stati fascisti
sistematicamente sin dal loro inizio. E' stato il
decisivo sostenitore di Mussolini, Hitler, Franco,
Pavelic; in tal modo la Chiesa romano-cattolica si
è resa anche corresponsabile della morte di circa
sessanta milioni di persone, e nondimeno della morte
di milioni di cattolici. Non è un qualche secolo
del Medioevo, bensì è il ventesimo, per lo meno dal
punto di vista quantitativo, il più efferato nella
storia della chiesa.
---
POSTILLA: In occasione del primo viaggio in Croazia di
Giovanni Paolo II, il quotidiano italiano la Repubblica
taceva su tutto quanto sopra raccontato, pero' scriveva:
"...Ma il contatto con la folla fa bene a Giovanni Paolo
II. I fedeli lo applaudono ripetutamente. Specie quando
ricorda il cardinale Stepinac, imprigionato da Tito per
i suoi rapporti con il regime di Ante Pavelic, ma sempre
rimasto nel cuore dei Croati come un'icona del
nazionalismo. Woityla, che sabato sera ha pregato sulla
sua tomba, gli rende omaggio, però pensa soprattutto
al futuro..." (la Repubblica, 12/9/1994). Tre anni dopo,
lo stesso papa proclamava beato il nazista Stepinac, con
una pomposa cerimonia alla quale partecipava pure Franjo
Tudjman, regista della cacciata di tutta la popolazione
serba delle Krajne nella versione di fine secolo della
"Croazia indipendente".
