Informazione
The URL for this article is:
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/interrupt.htm
Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm Receive articles
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=======================================
AL QAEDA, THE KLA AND 'JUDGE' MAY ON PROPER
CROSS-EXAMINATION
President Milosevic March 7th, with Comments
[Posted 3 April 2002]
=======================================
On March 7th President Milosevic cross-examined one
Sabit Kadriu. Mr. Kadriu has been described by The
Hague "tribunal" and the mass media as a human rights
activist. This by virtue of his membership in the
so-called "Council for the Defense of Human Rights and
Freedoms," a group run by Adem Demaci. Mr. Kadriu is an
aide to Mr. Demaci.
It would be historically inaccurate to say Adem Demaci
is the political adviser to the terrorist Kosovo
Liberation Army. He resigned from that lofty position
because he considered KLA too moderate.
Here's the Associated Press, May 2, 1999:
[START AP QUOTE]
"And in a political development that could boost
international efforts to persuade ethnic Albanians to
accept a plan for self-rule, Adem Demaci stepped down
as And in a political development that could boost
international efforts to persuade ethnic Albanians to
accept a plan for self-rule, Adem Demaci stepped down
as political adviser for the Kosovo Liberation Army.
"The influential hard-liner, outspoken in his
opposition to the U.S.-backed peace plan for Kosovo
because it falls short of independence, said the KLA
leadership ''thinks they know more about politics than
I do.'''
[END AP QUOTE]
During the cross-examination of the humanitarian Mr.
Kadriu, an exchange took place in which President
Milosevic charged that Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda has
helped the Kosovo Liberation Army attack the Balkans.
Reading the exchange, posted below, please note the
interruptions by Richard May, the so-called 'judge' in
this so-called 'trial.' (In the New World Order,
'so-called' is the word of choice.)
President Milosevic is trying here to demonstrate that
the Kosovo Liberation Army "freedom fighters" work
closely with the international terrorist organization,
Al Qaeda. The witness tries to deny this, making the
unbelievable claim that he never heard of Osama bin
Laden before September 11th.
A key purpose of cross-examination is to throw a
witness off-balance and catch him or her in a lie. But
Richard May cuts President Milosevic off three times -
first with "enough of that" (is Mr. May late for an
appointment? distressed because President Milosevic
refuses to abide by proper procedures for a Show
Trial?)
In his second interruption, Mr. May tells President
Milosevic, "Meanwhile the witness says he knows nothing
of it," that is, of the presence of Al Qaeda in Kosovo,
as if this were not precisely the lie President
Milosevic is trying to expose.
The third interruption is the most striking. The
witness has been denying knowledge of Al Qaeda and
Pres. Milosevic says, "So you want to say that you know
nothing about their activity."
May interrupts: "No, he says there are no Mujahideen in
Kosovo. That's what he says."
This is too much even for the amazingly patient Pres.
Milosevic who notes, dryly: "All right but he doesn't
need so much assistance."
So in the courts of the New World Order, the proper
method for an opponent of the ruling bullies, when
conducting a cross-examination, is to ask a question
politely and accept whatever lie the authorities'
witness offers in response, and then move on. Defense
Attorneys take notice.
We have posted links to the FBI and MSNBC documents to
which President Milosevic refers. See FURTHER READING,
at the end.
-- Jared Israel
CROSS EXAMINATION OF SABIT KADRIU, ASSOCIATE OF THE
TERROIST THINKER, ADEM DEMACI
Pres. Milosevic: You said you heard about the KLA in
1991.
Sabit Kadriu: I read in newspapers that something
happened connected with that.
Pres. Milosevic: You were involved in public activities
as you say since the beginning of the 1990s. Do you
know about the activity of the organization of Osama
bin laden in Kosovo & Metohija?
Sabit Kadriu: I heard about bin Laden this year but
never before. Only when the crime was committed against
American people.
Richard May: Enough about that. Mr. Milosevic.
Pres. Milosevic: Do you know about the Mujahideen and
their atrocities in Kosovo & Metohija?
Sabit Kadriu: That is not true that there were
Mujahideen in Kosovo. You have invented that. That is
the fruit of your imagination.
Pres. Milosevic: Well, just say 'it's not correct' or
'I don't know.' You are spending time. I will read you
a passage and you will tell me if that is correct or
not. Al Qaeda (Reads) "functions through some of the
terrorist organizations that operate under its umbrella
or with its support, including..." I'm going to skip
over this next bit, "Albania," etc. Do you consider
that to be correct? (1)
Sabit Kadriu: That is not right, and that is the fruit
of your imagination.
Pres. Milosevic: [Holds the document in the air. It
includes an FBI insignia.] Well, this is the
congressional statement of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation. (1)
Richard May: What is the date of it?
Pres. Milosevic: December 18, last year. After
September 11th.
Richard May: Very well. You can put that into evidence
in due course. Meanwhile the witness says he knows
nothing of it.
Pres. Milosevic: I am asking the witness, is the
paragraph I read correct and he said it was not correct
and it was a lie and the fruit of my imagination. And
now I am going to ask you [the witness] is the
following correct? [Reads] "All Qaeda supports Islamic
fighters in Bosnia, Afghanistan, Chechnya and in
Kosovo". Is that correct. (2)
Sabit Kadriu: I know nothing about that. I'm not here
to talk about Bosnia or Afghanistan. I'm here to talk
about Kosovo. There are no Mujahideen in Kosovo and
that is the truth.
Pres. Milosevic: But I have asked you what do you know
about their activities, not whether they are there
since that is indisputable. So you want to say that you
know nothing about their activity.
Richard May: No, he says there are no Mujahideen in
Kosovo. That's what he says.
Pres. Milosevic: All right but he doesn't need so much
assistance. Obviously Al Qaeda fighters have been
identified in Kosovo, Bosnia and Albania and is that
correct or not according to your knowledge?
Sabit Kadriu: I've already said I know nothing about
other countries and when you speak about Kosovo I can
say that there are no Mujahideen there.
Pres. Milosevic: That last passage I have quoted is
from MSNBC and it says, "Sources: Congressional
Research Center, Frontline." [Editor's note: Frontline
is a US Television program on current issues.]
Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm Receive texts posted
at www.icdsm.org
***********************
Further Reading:
***********************
(1) During his testimony, President Milosevic referred
to two documents. The first was the testimony of FBI
'counter-terrorism' specialist and acting
assistant-director J.T. Caruso in Congress, 18 December
2001 the relevant part of which can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/fbi-msnbc.htm#a
The other was an MSNBC WebPage entitled, 'WHO IS OSAMA
BIN LADEN?' The excerpt can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/fbi-msnbc.htm#b
2) President Milosevic has stressed the glaring bit of
hypocrisy involved in NATO claiming the right to
intervene wherever it wishes "to fight terrorism" while
kidnapping and "trying" him - for in fact, fighting
terrorism. Related evidence: the Washington Post
recently exposed that the US government has paid for
millions of violent Islamist textbooks, including 4
million that were just printed and are being used in -
are you ready? - Afghanistan.
See 'The ABC's of Jihad,' which can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/abc-i.htm
===*===
FreeRepublic.com "A Conservative News Forum"
Judge Refuses to Allow Further Cross-Examination
Blic, Belgrade | March 9, 2002
Posted on 3/9/02 1:33 PM Pacific by Banat
Judge May Refuses Miloshevich?s
Request to Have Kadriu Cross-Examined!
The Hague (Tanjug) - The continuation of the
latest round of hearings, which commenced yesterday,
suffered many interruptions by Judge Richard May
today. At one point, the Judge intervened and warned the
witness, as well as the defendant, ?This is not a
political manifestation but a trial?.
Mr. Miloshevich cross-examined Sabit Kadriu,
who claimed the Serbs did not flee Albanian violence but
were "searching for a better life" outside of Kosovo
& Metohia and that they were "selling their farms and
estates to Albanians at steep prices". The witness
claimed that he had no knowledge as to how many Serbs
had fled the province and that the ?regime? in
Belgrade caused and then manipulated this situation.
Mr. Miloshevich told the court that Albanian
separatists persistently refused the Government?s proposal for
the return of Albanian professors and students to
state schools, while the witness claimed that, every
September, when the school year traditionally
starts, the Serbian government ?prevented the Albanians? from
enrolling.
Countering the witness? claim that the ?Serbian
regime organized the return of the expelled Serbs back to
Kosovo & Metohia in order to change the
demographics?, Mr. Miloshevich said that of all the expelled Serbs,
only 5,000 returned to their homes, which is, as
Mr. Miloshevich said, less than 1% of the total number of
Serbs who have been forced out of the province.
The prosecution witness also claimed that there were no -
and are no - mujahedins in Kosovo & Metohia.
Mr. Miloshevich then showed the FBI document, dated
December 2001, which clearly indicated that
Al-Qaida had been active in Kosovo & Metohia.
Kadriu said that ?he knew nothing? about the
killings of four policemen in the village of Chirez on March 3,
1998, which, as Mr. Miloshevich said, was the
result of a firefight between the Police and the KLA. The
Ahmeti family lost their lives in this confrontation,
which the witness claimed was a ?massacre of unarmed civilians?.
In reference to the witness? claim of a massacre of
the Gerxhaliu family in May 1999, Mr. Miloshevich said
that the investigating judge went to the scene
immediately after the incident and made a report. The witness
characterized this as an ?obstruction? on the part
of the ?Serb forces? and claimed that such things ?always
occurred? and that ?the Serbian police always
called the court investigators after they committed crimes.?
The defendant then told the court about the murder
of Rexhepi Bairami, an activist and a member of the
LDK, the party headed by Ibrahim Rugova, who
was killed in Vuchitrn ?on the orders of the local KLA
commander?. Kadriu then said that ?he never
heard of any Bairami?.
Mr. Miloshevich then mentioned the fact that, in
1998 alone, 327 loyalist Albanians had been murdered, to
which the witness replied that he ?did not believe
there were any loyalist Albanians? in Kosovo & Metohia.
Mr. Miloshevich, in turn, cited Faik Jashari, a
member of the Interim Executive Council of Kosovo & Metohia,
who had reported that, after the war, some 30,000
Albanians fled to central Serbia together with the expelled
Kosovo & Metohia Serbs.
Kadriu described the KLA as a liberation army and
stood his ground, claiming the army and the police
?conducted an offensive against 27 Albanian
villages on Mt. Chichevitsa and murdered 200 civilians and
one member of the KLA?.
Mr. Miloshevich then cited Kadriu, who had said
earlier that ?Adem Jashari was killed when he ran out of
ammo?, and asked the witness how he could talk
of a ?massacre of civilians? when the police first asked
Jashari to come out and give himself up, then
gave him 2 hours to consider the offer - ?during which a
number of people had left the compound? - and
that soon after, ?a hail of bullets, fired from dozens of
automatic rifles? came from the house toward the
police, to which the police responded in self-defence and,
as a consequence, killed 60 people inside the
Jashari compound.
At this point Judge Robinson jumped in and
remarked that Kadriu wasn?t present at the scene. Kadriu then
said that he saw ?bodies of dead women, children
and elderly people?, that the action against the Jashari
compound ?lasted three days?, and that it served
to paint a ?false picture? in the media.
Mr. Miloshevich then cited British Foreign Office
reports, dating from early 1999, which revealed that there
had been no political persecution of Albanians,
but rather a confrontation with ?military opponents? - the KLA
- who controlled parts of Kosovo & Metohia.
The witness then said that, in 1999, the ?Serbian
forces had killed 15,000 and expelled 1,000,000 Albanian civilians?.
Mr. Miloshevich responded by asking the witness
about the kidnappings and killings of Serbs, the KLA
detention centres in the village of Likovats, as well
as the makeshift prison in the basement of a general
store in Vuchitrn. The witness responded, saying
such prisons ?did not exist?, and he also denied any killings
and kidnappings by the KLA.
The witness denied Mr. Miloshevich?s claim that
literally all citizens of Serbian nationality from 39 out of the
45 villages in the Vuchitrn Municipality had been
ethnically cleansed and had their houses burned down,
saying there ?may have been? some ?revenge
attacks against the Serbs who committed war crimes.?
Alleging that all the Serbs who once lived in the
town of Vuchitrn are war criminals, Kadriu acknowledged
that there were no more Serbs in that town, and
that they fled ?of their own free will because they committed
war crimes.? Branislav Tapushkovich, one of the
amici curiae, reacted, drawing the court?s attention to the
contradictions in Kadriu?s testimony.
Mr. Miloshevich protested the court?s decision to
limit the time for cross-examination and asked that the
cross-examination be continued, which was
rejected by Judge May. As a result, the trial will continue on
Monday with fresh testimonies from new witnesses.
As the hearing was drawing to a close, the
security officers in the courtroom asked Mr. Miloshevich?s
legal advisors from Belgrade to leave the room. They
had been warned not to ?gesticulate and communicate? with
Mr. Miloshevich. They later returned to the courtroom.
http://www.icdsm.org/milosevic/interrupt.htm
Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm Receive articles
posted at www.icdsm.org
=======================================
AL QAEDA, THE KLA AND 'JUDGE' MAY ON PROPER
CROSS-EXAMINATION
President Milosevic March 7th, with Comments
[Posted 3 April 2002]
=======================================
On March 7th President Milosevic cross-examined one
Sabit Kadriu. Mr. Kadriu has been described by The
Hague "tribunal" and the mass media as a human rights
activist. This by virtue of his membership in the
so-called "Council for the Defense of Human Rights and
Freedoms," a group run by Adem Demaci. Mr. Kadriu is an
aide to Mr. Demaci.
It would be historically inaccurate to say Adem Demaci
is the political adviser to the terrorist Kosovo
Liberation Army. He resigned from that lofty position
because he considered KLA too moderate.
Here's the Associated Press, May 2, 1999:
[START AP QUOTE]
"And in a political development that could boost
international efforts to persuade ethnic Albanians to
accept a plan for self-rule, Adem Demaci stepped down
as And in a political development that could boost
international efforts to persuade ethnic Albanians to
accept a plan for self-rule, Adem Demaci stepped down
as political adviser for the Kosovo Liberation Army.
"The influential hard-liner, outspoken in his
opposition to the U.S.-backed peace plan for Kosovo
because it falls short of independence, said the KLA
leadership ''thinks they know more about politics than
I do.'''
[END AP QUOTE]
During the cross-examination of the humanitarian Mr.
Kadriu, an exchange took place in which President
Milosevic charged that Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda has
helped the Kosovo Liberation Army attack the Balkans.
Reading the exchange, posted below, please note the
interruptions by Richard May, the so-called 'judge' in
this so-called 'trial.' (In the New World Order,
'so-called' is the word of choice.)
President Milosevic is trying here to demonstrate that
the Kosovo Liberation Army "freedom fighters" work
closely with the international terrorist organization,
Al Qaeda. The witness tries to deny this, making the
unbelievable claim that he never heard of Osama bin
Laden before September 11th.
A key purpose of cross-examination is to throw a
witness off-balance and catch him or her in a lie. But
Richard May cuts President Milosevic off three times -
first with "enough of that" (is Mr. May late for an
appointment? distressed because President Milosevic
refuses to abide by proper procedures for a Show
Trial?)
In his second interruption, Mr. May tells President
Milosevic, "Meanwhile the witness says he knows nothing
of it," that is, of the presence of Al Qaeda in Kosovo,
as if this were not precisely the lie President
Milosevic is trying to expose.
The third interruption is the most striking. The
witness has been denying knowledge of Al Qaeda and
Pres. Milosevic says, "So you want to say that you know
nothing about their activity."
May interrupts: "No, he says there are no Mujahideen in
Kosovo. That's what he says."
This is too much even for the amazingly patient Pres.
Milosevic who notes, dryly: "All right but he doesn't
need so much assistance."
So in the courts of the New World Order, the proper
method for an opponent of the ruling bullies, when
conducting a cross-examination, is to ask a question
politely and accept whatever lie the authorities'
witness offers in response, and then move on. Defense
Attorneys take notice.
We have posted links to the FBI and MSNBC documents to
which President Milosevic refers. See FURTHER READING,
at the end.
-- Jared Israel
CROSS EXAMINATION OF SABIT KADRIU, ASSOCIATE OF THE
TERROIST THINKER, ADEM DEMACI
Pres. Milosevic: You said you heard about the KLA in
1991.
Sabit Kadriu: I read in newspapers that something
happened connected with that.
Pres. Milosevic: You were involved in public activities
as you say since the beginning of the 1990s. Do you
know about the activity of the organization of Osama
bin laden in Kosovo & Metohija?
Sabit Kadriu: I heard about bin Laden this year but
never before. Only when the crime was committed against
American people.
Richard May: Enough about that. Mr. Milosevic.
Pres. Milosevic: Do you know about the Mujahideen and
their atrocities in Kosovo & Metohija?
Sabit Kadriu: That is not true that there were
Mujahideen in Kosovo. You have invented that. That is
the fruit of your imagination.
Pres. Milosevic: Well, just say 'it's not correct' or
'I don't know.' You are spending time. I will read you
a passage and you will tell me if that is correct or
not. Al Qaeda (Reads) "functions through some of the
terrorist organizations that operate under its umbrella
or with its support, including..." I'm going to skip
over this next bit, "Albania," etc. Do you consider
that to be correct? (1)
Sabit Kadriu: That is not right, and that is the fruit
of your imagination.
Pres. Milosevic: [Holds the document in the air. It
includes an FBI insignia.] Well, this is the
congressional statement of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation. (1)
Richard May: What is the date of it?
Pres. Milosevic: December 18, last year. After
September 11th.
Richard May: Very well. You can put that into evidence
in due course. Meanwhile the witness says he knows
nothing of it.
Pres. Milosevic: I am asking the witness, is the
paragraph I read correct and he said it was not correct
and it was a lie and the fruit of my imagination. And
now I am going to ask you [the witness] is the
following correct? [Reads] "All Qaeda supports Islamic
fighters in Bosnia, Afghanistan, Chechnya and in
Kosovo". Is that correct. (2)
Sabit Kadriu: I know nothing about that. I'm not here
to talk about Bosnia or Afghanistan. I'm here to talk
about Kosovo. There are no Mujahideen in Kosovo and
that is the truth.
Pres. Milosevic: But I have asked you what do you know
about their activities, not whether they are there
since that is indisputable. So you want to say that you
know nothing about their activity.
Richard May: No, he says there are no Mujahideen in
Kosovo. That's what he says.
Pres. Milosevic: All right but he doesn't need so much
assistance. Obviously Al Qaeda fighters have been
identified in Kosovo, Bosnia and Albania and is that
correct or not according to your knowledge?
Sabit Kadriu: I've already said I know nothing about
other countries and when you speak about Kosovo I can
say that there are no Mujahideen there.
Pres. Milosevic: That last passage I have quoted is
from MSNBC and it says, "Sources: Congressional
Research Center, Frontline." [Editor's note: Frontline
is a US Television program on current issues.]
Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm Receive texts posted
at www.icdsm.org
***********************
Further Reading:
***********************
(1) During his testimony, President Milosevic referred
to two documents. The first was the testimony of FBI
'counter-terrorism' specialist and acting
assistant-director J.T. Caruso in Congress, 18 December
2001 the relevant part of which can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/fbi-msnbc.htm#a
The other was an MSNBC WebPage entitled, 'WHO IS OSAMA
BIN LADEN?' The excerpt can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/fbi-msnbc.htm#b
2) President Milosevic has stressed the glaring bit of
hypocrisy involved in NATO claiming the right to
intervene wherever it wishes "to fight terrorism" while
kidnapping and "trying" him - for in fact, fighting
terrorism. Related evidence: the Washington Post
recently exposed that the US government has paid for
millions of violent Islamist textbooks, including 4
million that were just printed and are being used in -
are you ready? - Afghanistan.
See 'The ABC's of Jihad,' which can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/abc-i.htm
===*===
FreeRepublic.com "A Conservative News Forum"
Judge Refuses to Allow Further Cross-Examination
Blic, Belgrade | March 9, 2002
Posted on 3/9/02 1:33 PM Pacific by Banat
Judge May Refuses Miloshevich?s
Request to Have Kadriu Cross-Examined!
The Hague (Tanjug) - The continuation of the
latest round of hearings, which commenced yesterday,
suffered many interruptions by Judge Richard May
today. At one point, the Judge intervened and warned the
witness, as well as the defendant, ?This is not a
political manifestation but a trial?.
Mr. Miloshevich cross-examined Sabit Kadriu,
who claimed the Serbs did not flee Albanian violence but
were "searching for a better life" outside of Kosovo
& Metohia and that they were "selling their farms and
estates to Albanians at steep prices". The witness
claimed that he had no knowledge as to how many Serbs
had fled the province and that the ?regime? in
Belgrade caused and then manipulated this situation.
Mr. Miloshevich told the court that Albanian
separatists persistently refused the Government?s proposal for
the return of Albanian professors and students to
state schools, while the witness claimed that, every
September, when the school year traditionally
starts, the Serbian government ?prevented the Albanians? from
enrolling.
Countering the witness? claim that the ?Serbian
regime organized the return of the expelled Serbs back to
Kosovo & Metohia in order to change the
demographics?, Mr. Miloshevich said that of all the expelled Serbs,
only 5,000 returned to their homes, which is, as
Mr. Miloshevich said, less than 1% of the total number of
Serbs who have been forced out of the province.
The prosecution witness also claimed that there were no -
and are no - mujahedins in Kosovo & Metohia.
Mr. Miloshevich then showed the FBI document, dated
December 2001, which clearly indicated that
Al-Qaida had been active in Kosovo & Metohia.
Kadriu said that ?he knew nothing? about the
killings of four policemen in the village of Chirez on March 3,
1998, which, as Mr. Miloshevich said, was the
result of a firefight between the Police and the KLA. The
Ahmeti family lost their lives in this confrontation,
which the witness claimed was a ?massacre of unarmed civilians?.
In reference to the witness? claim of a massacre of
the Gerxhaliu family in May 1999, Mr. Miloshevich said
that the investigating judge went to the scene
immediately after the incident and made a report. The witness
characterized this as an ?obstruction? on the part
of the ?Serb forces? and claimed that such things ?always
occurred? and that ?the Serbian police always
called the court investigators after they committed crimes.?
The defendant then told the court about the murder
of Rexhepi Bairami, an activist and a member of the
LDK, the party headed by Ibrahim Rugova, who
was killed in Vuchitrn ?on the orders of the local KLA
commander?. Kadriu then said that ?he never
heard of any Bairami?.
Mr. Miloshevich then mentioned the fact that, in
1998 alone, 327 loyalist Albanians had been murdered, to
which the witness replied that he ?did not believe
there were any loyalist Albanians? in Kosovo & Metohia.
Mr. Miloshevich, in turn, cited Faik Jashari, a
member of the Interim Executive Council of Kosovo & Metohia,
who had reported that, after the war, some 30,000
Albanians fled to central Serbia together with the expelled
Kosovo & Metohia Serbs.
Kadriu described the KLA as a liberation army and
stood his ground, claiming the army and the police
?conducted an offensive against 27 Albanian
villages on Mt. Chichevitsa and murdered 200 civilians and
one member of the KLA?.
Mr. Miloshevich then cited Kadriu, who had said
earlier that ?Adem Jashari was killed when he ran out of
ammo?, and asked the witness how he could talk
of a ?massacre of civilians? when the police first asked
Jashari to come out and give himself up, then
gave him 2 hours to consider the offer - ?during which a
number of people had left the compound? - and
that soon after, ?a hail of bullets, fired from dozens of
automatic rifles? came from the house toward the
police, to which the police responded in self-defence and,
as a consequence, killed 60 people inside the
Jashari compound.
At this point Judge Robinson jumped in and
remarked that Kadriu wasn?t present at the scene. Kadriu then
said that he saw ?bodies of dead women, children
and elderly people?, that the action against the Jashari
compound ?lasted three days?, and that it served
to paint a ?false picture? in the media.
Mr. Miloshevich then cited British Foreign Office
reports, dating from early 1999, which revealed that there
had been no political persecution of Albanians,
but rather a confrontation with ?military opponents? - the KLA
- who controlled parts of Kosovo & Metohia.
The witness then said that, in 1999, the ?Serbian
forces had killed 15,000 and expelled 1,000,000 Albanian civilians?.
Mr. Miloshevich responded by asking the witness
about the kidnappings and killings of Serbs, the KLA
detention centres in the village of Likovats, as well
as the makeshift prison in the basement of a general
store in Vuchitrn. The witness responded, saying
such prisons ?did not exist?, and he also denied any killings
and kidnappings by the KLA.
The witness denied Mr. Miloshevich?s claim that
literally all citizens of Serbian nationality from 39 out of the
45 villages in the Vuchitrn Municipality had been
ethnically cleansed and had their houses burned down,
saying there ?may have been? some ?revenge
attacks against the Serbs who committed war crimes.?
Alleging that all the Serbs who once lived in the
town of Vuchitrn are war criminals, Kadriu acknowledged
that there were no more Serbs in that town, and
that they fled ?of their own free will because they committed
war crimes.? Branislav Tapushkovich, one of the
amici curiae, reacted, drawing the court?s attention to the
contradictions in Kadriu?s testimony.
Mr. Miloshevich protested the court?s decision to
limit the time for cross-examination and asked that the
cross-examination be continued, which was
rejected by Judge May. As a result, the trial will continue on
Monday with fresh testimonies from new witnesses.
As the hearing was drawing to a close, the
security officers in the courtroom asked Mr. Miloshevich?s
legal advisors from Belgrade to leave the room. They
had been warned not to ?gesticulate and communicate? with
Mr. Miloshevich. They later returned to the courtroom.
Uranio impoverito: ultime notizie di fonte jugoslava
sull'indagine delle Nazioni Unite (programma per l'ambiente).
Traduzione di Zivkica Nedanovska. A cura di A. Tarozzi.
1. FONTE: Glas Javnosti.
2. TITOLO: Portate il vostro veleno.
3. INDICE: L'UNEP ha confermato la presenza di uranio impoverito.
4. SITO INTERNET:
http://arhiva.glas-javnosti.co.yu/arhiva/2002/04/01/srpski/T02033101.shtml
5. AUTORE: Aleksandra Klaric.
6. NUMERO DI PAGINE: 2.
7. DATA: 01/04/02.
Le particelle di uranio impoverito sono ancora presenti
nell'aria della Serbia meridionale, secondo i dati dell'UNEP,
pubblicati recentemente. Infatti, dopo tre anni dai bombardamenti
della NATO, l'UNEP ha pubblicato "che è stata riscontrata
contaminazione diffusa ma di poca intensità in cinque localita'
in Serbia ed una in Montenegro". Klaus Tepfer, direttore esecutivo
dell'UNEP, dice che la contaminazione è stata misurata a Pljackovica
(presso Vranje), Borovac, Bratoselce, Bukurevac, Reljani e sulla
penisola di Arza (Montenegro), e "non è stato determinato il
livello della radioattività, che potrebbe rappresentare un pericolo
diretto per l'ambiente e la salute umana". Tuttavia, nella relazione
dell'UNEP si raccomandano misure di cautela e controlli regolari
della qualità dell'acqua, mentre Pekko Haavisto avvisa che qualsiasi
sommovimento del suolo può liberare particelle di uranio impoverito
nell'aria. Nonostante il fatto che i dati siano drasticamente modesti,
è già stato fatto un progresso, secondo Snezana Milacic, perchè si
riconosce apertamente l'esistenza di materie radioattive in queste
regioni. I dati dell'Istituto di Vinca (vicino a Belgrado) dell'anno
scorso dimostrano che con l'uranio impoverito sono stati bombardati
110 obiettivi in Jugoslavia.
"La relazione dell'UNEP è un progresso perchè con essa si riconosce
la contaminazione del terreno. Infatti, nell'ottobre del 2001,
l'UNEP, in presenza dei nostri esperti, ha visitato le regioni
contaminate ed ha preso i campioni. Adesso è stato constatato un
aumento della radioattività nel suolo e nell'aria", dice Snezana
Milacic, esperta dell'Istituto per la medicina e la protezione
radiologica di Belgrado. "In quell'occasione sono stati presi i
campioni di terra, di piante e dei resti di munizioni. I campioni
sono stati esaminati nei laboratori in Svizzera e in Italia e da
noi, all'Istituto di Vinca. La ricerca dell'UNEP è stata indirizzata
verso l'aspetto ecologico. Però, allora, i nostri esperti hanno
monitorato 29 persone adulte di Vranje, Bujanovac e dei villaggi
vicini. Il campione doveva mostrare cambiamenti ai tessuti più
delicati e sensibili, per una ricerca nuova da intraprendere. I
risultati sono stati positivi perchè dal 20% di soggetti monitorati,
cioè in sei casi, sono riscontrati cambiamenti nei cromosomi e nelle
cellule del sangue. Risultati simili sono stati ottenuti alcuni
anni fa su di un gruppo di 21 persone nei pressi di Strpce, dove
era stato riconosciuto l'uso di armi radioattive. Attualmente, non
possiamo dimostrare che si tratti di una conseguenza del
bombardamento con uranio impoverito, ma è molto indicativo che
cambiamenti del genere si manifestino proprio nelle persone che
sono state esposte all'effetto diretto delle materie radioattive.
Però, questo non possiamo confermarlo con sicurezza finchè l'esistenza
di uranio impoverito non si evidenzia nell'urina", dice la signora
Milacic. "Per questo ci vogliono analisi specifiche. Comunque, il nostro
problema sta nel fatto che noi non abbiamo i soldi per comprare i
reagenti necessari, anche se ci sono gli esperti e l'apparecchiatura.
Per un programma del genere ci vorrebberro 150.000 euro, che i nostri
esperti cercano di ottenere dal nostro Governo. Dobbiamo decontaminare
queste regioni prima che l'uranio impoverito entri nella catena
alimentare. Il Montenegro ha incominciato la decontaminazione
nella penisola di Lustica. Il problema grosso è dove possiamo deporre
quelle scorie, cioè come dobbiamo trattarle, come nostre o come scorie
di importazione. L'unico posto dove deporre il nostro scarto radioattivo
da noi è Vinca. Però, visto che qui si tratta di tonnellate, che in
nessun modo possono essere deposte vicino a Belgrado (Vinca),
anche una relazione del genere dell'UNEP è un passo avanti. Infatti,
la relazione riconosce che lo scarto radioattivo è conseguenza dei
bombardamenti della NATO, nonchè dell'uso di munizioni radioattive.
Sulla base di tutto questo, possiamo chiedere almeno che lo scarto sia
deposto al di fuori del nostro paese", conclude Snezana Milacic.
sull'indagine delle Nazioni Unite (programma per l'ambiente).
Traduzione di Zivkica Nedanovska. A cura di A. Tarozzi.
1. FONTE: Glas Javnosti.
2. TITOLO: Portate il vostro veleno.
3. INDICE: L'UNEP ha confermato la presenza di uranio impoverito.
4. SITO INTERNET:
http://arhiva.glas-javnosti.co.yu/arhiva/2002/04/01/srpski/T02033101.shtml
5. AUTORE: Aleksandra Klaric.
6. NUMERO DI PAGINE: 2.
7. DATA: 01/04/02.
Le particelle di uranio impoverito sono ancora presenti
nell'aria della Serbia meridionale, secondo i dati dell'UNEP,
pubblicati recentemente. Infatti, dopo tre anni dai bombardamenti
della NATO, l'UNEP ha pubblicato "che è stata riscontrata
contaminazione diffusa ma di poca intensità in cinque localita'
in Serbia ed una in Montenegro". Klaus Tepfer, direttore esecutivo
dell'UNEP, dice che la contaminazione è stata misurata a Pljackovica
(presso Vranje), Borovac, Bratoselce, Bukurevac, Reljani e sulla
penisola di Arza (Montenegro), e "non è stato determinato il
livello della radioattività, che potrebbe rappresentare un pericolo
diretto per l'ambiente e la salute umana". Tuttavia, nella relazione
dell'UNEP si raccomandano misure di cautela e controlli regolari
della qualità dell'acqua, mentre Pekko Haavisto avvisa che qualsiasi
sommovimento del suolo può liberare particelle di uranio impoverito
nell'aria. Nonostante il fatto che i dati siano drasticamente modesti,
è già stato fatto un progresso, secondo Snezana Milacic, perchè si
riconosce apertamente l'esistenza di materie radioattive in queste
regioni. I dati dell'Istituto di Vinca (vicino a Belgrado) dell'anno
scorso dimostrano che con l'uranio impoverito sono stati bombardati
110 obiettivi in Jugoslavia.
"La relazione dell'UNEP è un progresso perchè con essa si riconosce
la contaminazione del terreno. Infatti, nell'ottobre del 2001,
l'UNEP, in presenza dei nostri esperti, ha visitato le regioni
contaminate ed ha preso i campioni. Adesso è stato constatato un
aumento della radioattività nel suolo e nell'aria", dice Snezana
Milacic, esperta dell'Istituto per la medicina e la protezione
radiologica di Belgrado. "In quell'occasione sono stati presi i
campioni di terra, di piante e dei resti di munizioni. I campioni
sono stati esaminati nei laboratori in Svizzera e in Italia e da
noi, all'Istituto di Vinca. La ricerca dell'UNEP è stata indirizzata
verso l'aspetto ecologico. Però, allora, i nostri esperti hanno
monitorato 29 persone adulte di Vranje, Bujanovac e dei villaggi
vicini. Il campione doveva mostrare cambiamenti ai tessuti più
delicati e sensibili, per una ricerca nuova da intraprendere. I
risultati sono stati positivi perchè dal 20% di soggetti monitorati,
cioè in sei casi, sono riscontrati cambiamenti nei cromosomi e nelle
cellule del sangue. Risultati simili sono stati ottenuti alcuni
anni fa su di un gruppo di 21 persone nei pressi di Strpce, dove
era stato riconosciuto l'uso di armi radioattive. Attualmente, non
possiamo dimostrare che si tratti di una conseguenza del
bombardamento con uranio impoverito, ma è molto indicativo che
cambiamenti del genere si manifestino proprio nelle persone che
sono state esposte all'effetto diretto delle materie radioattive.
Però, questo non possiamo confermarlo con sicurezza finchè l'esistenza
di uranio impoverito non si evidenzia nell'urina", dice la signora
Milacic. "Per questo ci vogliono analisi specifiche. Comunque, il nostro
problema sta nel fatto che noi non abbiamo i soldi per comprare i
reagenti necessari, anche se ci sono gli esperti e l'apparecchiatura.
Per un programma del genere ci vorrebberro 150.000 euro, che i nostri
esperti cercano di ottenere dal nostro Governo. Dobbiamo decontaminare
queste regioni prima che l'uranio impoverito entri nella catena
alimentare. Il Montenegro ha incominciato la decontaminazione
nella penisola di Lustica. Il problema grosso è dove possiamo deporre
quelle scorie, cioè come dobbiamo trattarle, come nostre o come scorie
di importazione. L'unico posto dove deporre il nostro scarto radioattivo
da noi è Vinca. Però, visto che qui si tratta di tonnellate, che in
nessun modo possono essere deposte vicino a Belgrado (Vinca),
anche una relazione del genere dell'UNEP è un passo avanti. Infatti,
la relazione riconosce che lo scarto radioattivo è conseguenza dei
bombardamenti della NATO, nonchè dell'uso di munizioni radioattive.
Sulla base di tutto questo, possiamo chiedere almeno che lo scarto sia
deposto al di fuori del nostro paese", conclude Snezana Milacic.
> --- In This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., "Momotombo" ha scritto:
>
> Ravenna : 300 in Piazza contro la NATO
>
> Sabato 30/3/02 oltre 300 compagne/i hanno sfilato per le vie di
> Ravenna per ricordare il terzo anniversario dell'infame aggressione
> della NATO e del precedente governo D'Alema alla Jugoslavia e per
> chiedere la chiusura della base NATO di Pisignano.
> Massiccia la presenza di polizia e carabinieri(circa 4oo) per un
> corteo a cui lamministrazione comunale ha precluso le vie del centro
> nel tentativo di "oscurarlo", dopo la rituale campagna di
> criminalizzazione supportata dalle solite associazioni corporative
> dietro il banale pretesto della "turbativa delle feste pasquali".
> Una serie di circostanze hanno determinato una partecipazione assai
> più ridotta rispetto alla manifestazione dell'anno scorso tenutasi a
> Cesena: il clima festivo e vacanziero, la caduta di tensione rispetto
> alle tematiche della NATO, la giusta attenzione polarizzata ad altre
> importanti questioni come la Palestina e, l'art. 18 etc..
> Nonostante questo il corteo di Sabato 30/3 è un passaggio importante
> per alimentare un lavoro continuativo di memoria storica (sul piano
> nazionale) e d'intervento nel territorio contro la base di Pisignano,
> la NATO e hli F16 che ha stimolato la nascita di un nuovo comitato a
> Cervia ("Gettiamo le basi"9.
> Proprio a Cervia si organizzerà per i prossimi mesi un convegno sulle
> basi NATO e le servitùmilitari , insieme ad altre iniziative di lotta
> e controinformazione contro la base .
> Da notare comunque il risultato politico ottenuto dopo la
> manifestazione : la stampa locale ha dato rilievo alla nostra denuncia
> sulla possibile presenza di atomiche nella base.
> coordinamento romagnolo contro la guera ela NATO
>
> --- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
http://www.workers.org/ww/2002/yugo0404.php
BELGRADE
March denounces U.S./NATO aggression
By John Catalinotto
Tens of thousands marched through Belgrade
March 24 to commemorate the third anniversary of the
1999 U.S./NATO attack on Yugoslavia and the
heroic resistance of its people against great odds.
The demonstration was the largest of actions that
took place around the world, including events in
Vienna and New York. The protests paid respect to
the 3,000 Yugoslav victims of the 78-day
aggression that targeted the civilian infrastructure.
Three years after the war began, Yugoslavia's
population is 50-percent unemployed, its best industries
sold to investors in Western Europe and the U.S.,
its government overthrown by a foreign-financed
election and coup, and its former president held
in a NATO jail in The Hague.
Despite these difficulties, the Belgrade demonstration
--and speakers at the rally that followed--showed
that the spirit of resistance continues.
Their demands included that the Yugoslav government
intervene to secure former President Slobodan
Milosevic's provisional freedom while he conducts
his defense, and creation of a state documentation
center to help the defense of Milosevic and other
Yugoslav citizens unjustly accused by the tribunal.
They also insisted that the government stop
delivering Yugoslav citizens to that imperialist court.
In addition, they demanded the right of Serbs
and other non-Albanians expelled from Kosovo to
return, and an end to the firing of workers
and selling of the factories. They also called for the
resignation of the pro-Western governments in Serbia
and Yugoslavia as well as early elections.
Speakers at the rally included officials of
Milosevic's Socialist Party of Serbia; Gennadi Churkin, of the
Russian State Duma; Nico Varkevisser of Global
Reflection in the Netherlands; a spokesperson for the
International Committee for the Defense of
Slobodan Milosevic; Dr. Dimitris Caltsonis, vice-chair of
the Greek Association for Democratic Rights and
Freedoms; and a representative of the Communist
Party of Greece.
Vladimir Krsljanin, international secretary of
the SPS, told Workers World he estimated between
30,000 and 50,000 people took part in the march and rally.
Earlier in March, Krsljanin observed, "The continuing
aggression against Yugoslavia is failing. Slobodan
Milosevic's spirit and the freedom of the Yugoslav
people cannot be defeated. Neither bombs nor
money from secret services can conquer us."
Krsljanin said that Milosevic's defense efforts
in The Hague trial "had an enormous impact on the
people in Yugoslavia. According to our latest
polls, 77 percent of the people support him and the
puppet government here is in panic. According
to some estimates, about one million heard at least
part of Milosevic's speech."
Milosevic's defense has been so effective that
the Western media has stopped broadcasting the trial.
Vienna, New York, The Hague
In Vienna, hundreds attended a March 24 meeting
called by the Yugoslav-Austrian Solidarity League.
Representatives of Vienna's Yugoslav community and
communist and other left groups spoke at the
rally.
One of the speakers was Kurt Koepruner, author of
"Travels in the Land of War: Experiences of a
Foreigner in Yugoslavia." He said, "What happened
three years ago in Yugoslavia is continuing today in
Afghanistan. And the next targets have already been designated."
In New York, the date was commemorated at a book
signing at former U.S. Atty. Gen. Ramsey Clark's
office for the International Action Center's new
publication, "Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of
Yugoslavia."
Clark emphasized the importance of the IAC
publication in spreading the truth about the war to
combat the lies of the military victors.
The meeting opened a campaign to get thousands of
copies of this book--as well as the English
translation of Michel Collon's "Liar's Poker:
the Great Powers, Yugoslavia and the Coming Wars"--into
libraries, bookstores and universities across the United States.
In The Hague, Wil van der Klift of the New Communist
Party of the Netherlands tried to deliver a copy
of "Hidden Agenda" to President Milosevic in
prison on March 22. The guards insisted he hand over the
book to them. It is not known if the publication,
which contains two chapters by the Yugoslav leader,
reached Milosevic.
- END -
Reprinted from the April 4, 2002, issue of Workers World newspaper
>
> Ravenna : 300 in Piazza contro la NATO
>
> Sabato 30/3/02 oltre 300 compagne/i hanno sfilato per le vie di
> Ravenna per ricordare il terzo anniversario dell'infame aggressione
> della NATO e del precedente governo D'Alema alla Jugoslavia e per
> chiedere la chiusura della base NATO di Pisignano.
> Massiccia la presenza di polizia e carabinieri(circa 4oo) per un
> corteo a cui lamministrazione comunale ha precluso le vie del centro
> nel tentativo di "oscurarlo", dopo la rituale campagna di
> criminalizzazione supportata dalle solite associazioni corporative
> dietro il banale pretesto della "turbativa delle feste pasquali".
> Una serie di circostanze hanno determinato una partecipazione assai
> più ridotta rispetto alla manifestazione dell'anno scorso tenutasi a
> Cesena: il clima festivo e vacanziero, la caduta di tensione rispetto
> alle tematiche della NATO, la giusta attenzione polarizzata ad altre
> importanti questioni come la Palestina e, l'art. 18 etc..
> Nonostante questo il corteo di Sabato 30/3 è un passaggio importante
> per alimentare un lavoro continuativo di memoria storica (sul piano
> nazionale) e d'intervento nel territorio contro la base di Pisignano,
> la NATO e hli F16 che ha stimolato la nascita di un nuovo comitato a
> Cervia ("Gettiamo le basi"9.
> Proprio a Cervia si organizzerà per i prossimi mesi un convegno sulle
> basi NATO e le servitùmilitari , insieme ad altre iniziative di lotta
> e controinformazione contro la base .
> Da notare comunque il risultato politico ottenuto dopo la
> manifestazione : la stampa locale ha dato rilievo alla nostra denuncia
> sulla possibile presenza di atomiche nella base.
> coordinamento romagnolo contro la guera ela NATO
>
> --- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
http://www.workers.org/ww/2002/yugo0404.php
BELGRADE
March denounces U.S./NATO aggression
By John Catalinotto
Tens of thousands marched through Belgrade
March 24 to commemorate the third anniversary of the
1999 U.S./NATO attack on Yugoslavia and the
heroic resistance of its people against great odds.
The demonstration was the largest of actions that
took place around the world, including events in
Vienna and New York. The protests paid respect to
the 3,000 Yugoslav victims of the 78-day
aggression that targeted the civilian infrastructure.
Three years after the war began, Yugoslavia's
population is 50-percent unemployed, its best industries
sold to investors in Western Europe and the U.S.,
its government overthrown by a foreign-financed
election and coup, and its former president held
in a NATO jail in The Hague.
Despite these difficulties, the Belgrade demonstration
--and speakers at the rally that followed--showed
that the spirit of resistance continues.
Their demands included that the Yugoslav government
intervene to secure former President Slobodan
Milosevic's provisional freedom while he conducts
his defense, and creation of a state documentation
center to help the defense of Milosevic and other
Yugoslav citizens unjustly accused by the tribunal.
They also insisted that the government stop
delivering Yugoslav citizens to that imperialist court.
In addition, they demanded the right of Serbs
and other non-Albanians expelled from Kosovo to
return, and an end to the firing of workers
and selling of the factories. They also called for the
resignation of the pro-Western governments in Serbia
and Yugoslavia as well as early elections.
Speakers at the rally included officials of
Milosevic's Socialist Party of Serbia; Gennadi Churkin, of the
Russian State Duma; Nico Varkevisser of Global
Reflection in the Netherlands; a spokesperson for the
International Committee for the Defense of
Slobodan Milosevic; Dr. Dimitris Caltsonis, vice-chair of
the Greek Association for Democratic Rights and
Freedoms; and a representative of the Communist
Party of Greece.
Vladimir Krsljanin, international secretary of
the SPS, told Workers World he estimated between
30,000 and 50,000 people took part in the march and rally.
Earlier in March, Krsljanin observed, "The continuing
aggression against Yugoslavia is failing. Slobodan
Milosevic's spirit and the freedom of the Yugoslav
people cannot be defeated. Neither bombs nor
money from secret services can conquer us."
Krsljanin said that Milosevic's defense efforts
in The Hague trial "had an enormous impact on the
people in Yugoslavia. According to our latest
polls, 77 percent of the people support him and the
puppet government here is in panic. According
to some estimates, about one million heard at least
part of Milosevic's speech."
Milosevic's defense has been so effective that
the Western media has stopped broadcasting the trial.
Vienna, New York, The Hague
In Vienna, hundreds attended a March 24 meeting
called by the Yugoslav-Austrian Solidarity League.
Representatives of Vienna's Yugoslav community and
communist and other left groups spoke at the
rally.
One of the speakers was Kurt Koepruner, author of
"Travels in the Land of War: Experiences of a
Foreigner in Yugoslavia." He said, "What happened
three years ago in Yugoslavia is continuing today in
Afghanistan. And the next targets have already been designated."
In New York, the date was commemorated at a book
signing at former U.S. Atty. Gen. Ramsey Clark's
office for the International Action Center's new
publication, "Hidden Agenda: U.S./NATO Takeover of
Yugoslavia."
Clark emphasized the importance of the IAC
publication in spreading the truth about the war to
combat the lies of the military victors.
The meeting opened a campaign to get thousands of
copies of this book--as well as the English
translation of Michel Collon's "Liar's Poker:
the Great Powers, Yugoslavia and the Coming Wars"--into
libraries, bookstores and universities across the United States.
In The Hague, Wil van der Klift of the New Communist
Party of the Netherlands tried to deliver a copy
of "Hidden Agenda" to President Milosevic in
prison on March 22. The guards insisted he hand over the
book to them. It is not known if the publication,
which contains two chapters by the Yugoslav leader,
reached Milosevic.
- END -
Reprinted from the April 4, 2002, issue of Workers World newspaper
---------- Message transmis ----------
Subject: Le Monde diplomatique et Milosevic
Marc-Antoine Coppo
Chargé de Recherche au CNRS
Le Monde diplomatique et Milosevic ou les errements d'un grand
journal mal
conseillé
Dans la presse française, les voix qui s'élèvent pour dénoncer la
politique
d'accusation du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie
(TPIY)
contre Slobodan Milosevic sont plutôt rares. Conseillère du Monde
diplomatique, Catherine Samary a eu au moins le mérite dans le
dossier «
Slobodan Milosevic » du site Internet de ce mensuel
(http://www.mondediplomatique.fr/cahier/kosovo/samary0701), de relever
quelques « incohérences » dans l'acte d'accusation contre l'ancien
Président
yougoslave. Malheureusement, comme nous allons le voir, ses reproches
reposent en grande partie sur une méconnaissance de la logique propre
à ce
tribunal (qui a sa cohérence), et de son véritable rôle dans l'après-
conflit
yougoslave.
Dans son article, Catherine Samary critique notament le caractère
limité et
opportuniste de l'acte d'accusation contre Slobodan Milosevic
concernant le
Kosovo qui ne porte que sur la période allant de janvier à juin
1999 :s'il
s'agit de reprocher à Belgrade la politique d'oppression et de
répression de
la minorité albanaise au Kosovo ou de l'UCK (Armée de Libération du
Kosovo),
notamment en 1998, écrit-elle, ni la période ni les termes de
l'inculpation
ne sont adéquats », semblant ainsi regretter que l'ancien président
yougoslave n'ait pas été inculpé pour les actes commis en 1998. Par
ailleurs, elle s'étonne (ou feint de s'étonner) que « rien ne fut dit
à
Rambouillet d'un plan de nettoyage ethnique qui aurait commencé à
être mis
en oeuvre en janvier 1999 (légitimant l'intervention de l'OTAN en
mars) »
et déclare avec une candeur touchante « souhaiter la plus grande
transparence et le retour sur les massacres commis - y compris ceux,
fort
controversés, de Racak qui ont précipité la conférence de
Rambouillet ».
Contrairement à ce que pense Catherine Samary, la date de janvier 1999
retenue par le tribunal de La Haye est significative et cohérente car
elle
correspond au retour en force de l'armée serbo-yougoslave (VJ) dans la
province après un retrait en octobre. Mais il aurait surtout fallu
noter que
l'acte d'accusation du TPIY se gardait bien de mentionner que ce
retour
faisait suite au sabotage délibéré par l'UCK des accords Milosevic-
Holbrooke
d'octobre 1998. En effet, comme l'écrit Christophe Chiclet : «
Washington
ayant décidé de diaboliser et d'instrumentaliser la Serbie pour
tester la
nouvelle stratégie de l'Alliance atlantique, il laisse carte blanche
à l'UCK
pour saboter le cessez-le-feu du 13 octobre. (...) Fin décembre,
celle-ci
cherche à prendre le contrôle des villages de Gornja Lapastica,
Velika Reka,
Obrandza et Podujevo, commence à assassiner systématiquement
les Tziganes, cible séculaire du racisme albanais. Comme prévu par les
services américains, la reprise généralisée des attaques de l'UCK
entraine
le retour de la police et de l'armée serbe dans la province » (1).
L'argumentation de la conseillère du Monde diplomatique s'avère
également
pour le moins ambigue sur ce point, puisque après avoir insisté sur
le fait
que la répression de Belgrade contre l'UCK s'était principalement
exercée au
cours de l'année 1998 - ce qui est parfaitement exact -, elle cite un
article du quotidien Libération selon lequel les charniers découverts
l'été
dernier en Serbie correspondraient à des massacres perpétrés au
Kosovo ...
en
mars-avril 1999, soit précisément pendant la période retenue par
l'acte
d'accusation du TPIY. Catherine Samary estime même que « ces
dissimulations
de corps sont un des éléments à charge les plus accablants contre
l'ancien
maître de Belgrade », ce qui conforte, en fait, la thèse de
l'accusation.
En réalité, contrairement à ce que suggère Catherine Samary, ces «
découvertes » apportent bien peu d'éléments nouveaux - malgré leur
très
forte médiatisation en Serbie et en Occident essentiellement destinée
à
justifier le « transfèrement » (i.e. la livraison contre promesse
d'argent)
de M. Milosevic à La Haye (2). Les charniers de Batjanica auxquels
Catherine
Samary fait référence d'une façon très imprécise recèlent moins de
300 corps
(et non « un millier » comme certains propagandistes à la solde des
Etats-Unis l'ont prétendu bien hâtivement), dont un certain nombre
d'entre-eux (quelques dizaines) proviendraient d'un massacre commis
le 26
mars 1999 (soit trois jours après le début des bombardements de
l'OTAN) à
Suva Reka, une ville du sud du Kosovo. Selon des témoins, les auteurs
du
crime étaient tous des Serbes de la ville, civils téléguidés par la
police,
opérant à visage découvert, avec à leur tête un voyou connu (3). On
peut
donc sérieusement douter que M. Milosevic ait quelque chose à voir
avec ce
sanglant règlement de compte mafieux.
En ce qui concerne le nombre de victimes du conflit au Kosovo,
Catherine
Samary évoque étrangement le chiffre de « 10 000 victimes albanaises
dont la
responsabilité incomberait à M. Milosevic et à ses co-inculpés », -
chiffre
avancé en juin 1999 par le Foreign Office britannique - en suggérant
qu'il
s'agit là d'une estimation retenue par le TPIY, or il n'en est rien :
l'acte
d'accusation indique seulement qu'« un nombre indéterminé d'Albanais
du
Kosovo ont été tués au cours des opérations menées par les forces de
la RFY
et de la Serbie » et recense dans son annexe environ 500 victimes des
différents « massacres » imputés à M. Milosevic. D'après les services
de
renseignements militaires occidentaux en poste au Kosovo - a priori
peu
suspects de partialité pro-Milosevic - le nombre de morts dans la
province
de mars à juin 1999, n'a d'ailleurs pas dépassé les 5/6000 personnes
(toutes
ethnies et causes confondues) (4).
On voit donc que les vraies-fausses critiques que Catherine Samary
adresse
au TPIY reposent sur une argumentation floue et ambigue, qui fait
encore la
part bien trop belle à la propagande de l'OTAN, et qui s'avère
d'autant
plus suspecte que la conseillère du Diplo partage avec Carla Del
Ponte la
ferme volonté de sortir les Serbes de leur prétendu « autisme
persistant »,
et une hostilité systématique à l'encontre de Slobodan Milosevic perçu
uniquement comme un homme de pouvoir.
Par ailleurs, Catherine Samary passe sous silence le principal
reproche
qu'on peut légitimement faire au TPIY : ce tribunal politique cherche
avant
tout à réécrire l'histoire du conflit yougoslave en la judiciarisant.
Ainsi, le procureur présente-t-il comme un « fait supplémentaire »
(paragraphe 66 de l'acte d'accusation) la légende selon laquelle, en
visite
au Kosovo en avril 1987, Slobodan Milosevic se serait à cette
occasion «
prononcé en faveur d'un programme nationaliste serbe ». Or, cette
affirmation est totalement mensongère: les 24 et 25 avril 1987 à
Kosovo
Polje, devant des délégués serbes de la province, Slobodan Milosevic
a au
contraire déclaré : « On ne saurait parler de peuples minoritaires et
majoritaires au Kosovo. Les Serbes et les Monténégrins au Kosovo ne
sont pas
une minorité par rapport aux Albanais, de même que les Albanais ne
sont pas
une minorité au sein de la Yougoslavie, mais une ethnie qui vit en
communauté, à égalité de droits avec d'autres peuples et ethnies dans
trois
de nos républiques socialistes. L'attitude qui consiste à revendiquer
un
Kosovo ethniquement pur, économiquement et politiquement autonome et
isolé,
est non seulement idéologiquement, politiquement, ethniquement
impossible
mais encore, en fin de compte, contraire aux intérêts du peuple
albanais
lui-même. Un tel nationalisme l'exclurait de son entourage et, plus
que de
freiner, il interromprait son développement aussi bien du point de
vue de
l'aspect économique que de l'aspect spirituel au sens large, de même
qu'Enver Hodja par sa politique, a exclu de l'Europe le peuple
albanais déjà
si petit avec sa société fortement sous-développée, le privant de la
possibilité de participer à la vie économique du monde moderne. Cette
partie-ci du peuple albanais tend vers l'Europe, vers une société
moderne et
il ne faut pas la freiner sur cette voie. Nationalisme signifie
toujours
isolement vis à vis des autres, enfermement dans des cadres
restreints ce
qui entraine aussi un retard dans le
développement, car sans coopération, sans communication sur le terrain
yougoslave d'abord, et sur un espace plus vaste ensuite, il n'est pas
de
progrès. Tout peuple, toute ethnie qui s'enferme dans le nationalisme
manifeste un comportement irresponsable envers son propre devenir.
C'est
pourquoi nous autres communistes, en premier lieu, devons
entreprendre tout
ce qui pourra mener à l'élimination des conséquences du comportement
nationaliste et séparatiste tant au Kosovo que dans les autres
régions du
pays. (...) Nous ne pourrons pas faire revenir la composition
ethnique du
Kosovo à son état de jadis. Mais nous pouvons au moins enrayer
l'immigration,
assurer les conditions indispensables pour que tous les hommes qui
vivent au
Kosovo y soient chez eux, qu'ils vivent égaux et qu'ils partagent
équitablement le destin économique d'abord, puis tous les autres
destins de
cette région. » (cf. Slobodan Milosevic, « Les années décisives »,
L'Age
d'Homme, 1990, p. 113-120).
En définitive, ce piètre « dossier » consacré à la comparution de M.
Milosevic reflète bien les errements du Monde diplomatique sur le
sujet
yougoslave. Ce grand journal a été partiellement fourvoyé par sa
conseillère
trotskiste qui, en dépit de sa prétendue « expertise de trente ans »,
n'a
malheureusement pas compris (ou pas voulu comprendre) la véritable
nature du
conflit dans les Balkans qu'elle a réduit à des causes socio-
économiques. En
témoigne ce qu'elle affirmait encore, contre toute évidence, en juin
dernier
dans un entretien à la Revue internationale et stratégique: « Quant au
Kosovo, contrairement à ce qu'on en a dit, les gouvernants de l'Union
européenne voire des Etats-Unis, étaient à mon avis infiniment plus
proches
du gouvernement de Belgrade que des revendications albanaises. » (5).
Une
telle cécité volontaire dépasse l'entendement. On se demande bien
alors
pourquoi Madeleine Albright voulait prendre prétexte des troubles au
Kosovo
pour attaquer La Serbie dès le printemps 1998 (afin de se débarrasser
de
Milosevic), et pourquoi les services spéciaux allemands (BND et MAD)
ont
entrainé et équipé les hommes de l'UCK dès 1997. Heureusement,
d'autres
collaborateurs extérieurs du Monde diplomatique (Paul-Marie de La
Gorce et
Christophe Chiclet notamment) se sont montrés autrement plus
clairvoyants et
objectifs dans leurs analyses que la mauvaise conseillère du journal.
Marc-Antoine Coppo
(1) Christophe Chiclet, « Mystérieuse UCK », in Kosovo: le piège. Les
cahiers de Confluences. L'Harmattan, 2000.
(2) Cf. Rémy Ourdan, « Les révélations sur les charniers font évoluer
l'opinion serbe », Le Monde du 2 juillet 2001.
(3) Cf. Christophe Châtelot, « Des corps exhumés à Belgrade seraient
ceux
des victimes du massacre de Suva Reka », Le Monde du 3 juillet 2001.
(4) Cf. Christophe Chiclet, Op. cité.
(5) Revue internationale et stratégique, 42, été 2001.
Marc-Antoine COPPO
Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis
<coppo@...>
Subject: Le Monde diplomatique et Milosevic
Marc-Antoine Coppo
Chargé de Recherche au CNRS
Le Monde diplomatique et Milosevic ou les errements d'un grand
journal mal
conseillé
Dans la presse française, les voix qui s'élèvent pour dénoncer la
politique
d'accusation du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie
(TPIY)
contre Slobodan Milosevic sont plutôt rares. Conseillère du Monde
diplomatique, Catherine Samary a eu au moins le mérite dans le
dossier «
Slobodan Milosevic » du site Internet de ce mensuel
(http://www.mondediplomatique.fr/cahier/kosovo/samary0701), de relever
quelques « incohérences » dans l'acte d'accusation contre l'ancien
Président
yougoslave. Malheureusement, comme nous allons le voir, ses reproches
reposent en grande partie sur une méconnaissance de la logique propre
à ce
tribunal (qui a sa cohérence), et de son véritable rôle dans l'après-
conflit
yougoslave.
Dans son article, Catherine Samary critique notament le caractère
limité et
opportuniste de l'acte d'accusation contre Slobodan Milosevic
concernant le
Kosovo qui ne porte que sur la période allant de janvier à juin
1999 :s'il
s'agit de reprocher à Belgrade la politique d'oppression et de
répression de
la minorité albanaise au Kosovo ou de l'UCK (Armée de Libération du
Kosovo),
notamment en 1998, écrit-elle, ni la période ni les termes de
l'inculpation
ne sont adéquats », semblant ainsi regretter que l'ancien président
yougoslave n'ait pas été inculpé pour les actes commis en 1998. Par
ailleurs, elle s'étonne (ou feint de s'étonner) que « rien ne fut dit
à
Rambouillet d'un plan de nettoyage ethnique qui aurait commencé à
être mis
en oeuvre en janvier 1999 (légitimant l'intervention de l'OTAN en
mars) »
et déclare avec une candeur touchante « souhaiter la plus grande
transparence et le retour sur les massacres commis - y compris ceux,
fort
controversés, de Racak qui ont précipité la conférence de
Rambouillet ».
Contrairement à ce que pense Catherine Samary, la date de janvier 1999
retenue par le tribunal de La Haye est significative et cohérente car
elle
correspond au retour en force de l'armée serbo-yougoslave (VJ) dans la
province après un retrait en octobre. Mais il aurait surtout fallu
noter que
l'acte d'accusation du TPIY se gardait bien de mentionner que ce
retour
faisait suite au sabotage délibéré par l'UCK des accords Milosevic-
Holbrooke
d'octobre 1998. En effet, comme l'écrit Christophe Chiclet : «
Washington
ayant décidé de diaboliser et d'instrumentaliser la Serbie pour
tester la
nouvelle stratégie de l'Alliance atlantique, il laisse carte blanche
à l'UCK
pour saboter le cessez-le-feu du 13 octobre. (...) Fin décembre,
celle-ci
cherche à prendre le contrôle des villages de Gornja Lapastica,
Velika Reka,
Obrandza et Podujevo, commence à assassiner systématiquement
les Tziganes, cible séculaire du racisme albanais. Comme prévu par les
services américains, la reprise généralisée des attaques de l'UCK
entraine
le retour de la police et de l'armée serbe dans la province » (1).
L'argumentation de la conseillère du Monde diplomatique s'avère
également
pour le moins ambigue sur ce point, puisque après avoir insisté sur
le fait
que la répression de Belgrade contre l'UCK s'était principalement
exercée au
cours de l'année 1998 - ce qui est parfaitement exact -, elle cite un
article du quotidien Libération selon lequel les charniers découverts
l'été
dernier en Serbie correspondraient à des massacres perpétrés au
Kosovo ...
en
mars-avril 1999, soit précisément pendant la période retenue par
l'acte
d'accusation du TPIY. Catherine Samary estime même que « ces
dissimulations
de corps sont un des éléments à charge les plus accablants contre
l'ancien
maître de Belgrade », ce qui conforte, en fait, la thèse de
l'accusation.
En réalité, contrairement à ce que suggère Catherine Samary, ces «
découvertes » apportent bien peu d'éléments nouveaux - malgré leur
très
forte médiatisation en Serbie et en Occident essentiellement destinée
à
justifier le « transfèrement » (i.e. la livraison contre promesse
d'argent)
de M. Milosevic à La Haye (2). Les charniers de Batjanica auxquels
Catherine
Samary fait référence d'une façon très imprécise recèlent moins de
300 corps
(et non « un millier » comme certains propagandistes à la solde des
Etats-Unis l'ont prétendu bien hâtivement), dont un certain nombre
d'entre-eux (quelques dizaines) proviendraient d'un massacre commis
le 26
mars 1999 (soit trois jours après le début des bombardements de
l'OTAN) à
Suva Reka, une ville du sud du Kosovo. Selon des témoins, les auteurs
du
crime étaient tous des Serbes de la ville, civils téléguidés par la
police,
opérant à visage découvert, avec à leur tête un voyou connu (3). On
peut
donc sérieusement douter que M. Milosevic ait quelque chose à voir
avec ce
sanglant règlement de compte mafieux.
En ce qui concerne le nombre de victimes du conflit au Kosovo,
Catherine
Samary évoque étrangement le chiffre de « 10 000 victimes albanaises
dont la
responsabilité incomberait à M. Milosevic et à ses co-inculpés », -
chiffre
avancé en juin 1999 par le Foreign Office britannique - en suggérant
qu'il
s'agit là d'une estimation retenue par le TPIY, or il n'en est rien :
l'acte
d'accusation indique seulement qu'« un nombre indéterminé d'Albanais
du
Kosovo ont été tués au cours des opérations menées par les forces de
la RFY
et de la Serbie » et recense dans son annexe environ 500 victimes des
différents « massacres » imputés à M. Milosevic. D'après les services
de
renseignements militaires occidentaux en poste au Kosovo - a priori
peu
suspects de partialité pro-Milosevic - le nombre de morts dans la
province
de mars à juin 1999, n'a d'ailleurs pas dépassé les 5/6000 personnes
(toutes
ethnies et causes confondues) (4).
On voit donc que les vraies-fausses critiques que Catherine Samary
adresse
au TPIY reposent sur une argumentation floue et ambigue, qui fait
encore la
part bien trop belle à la propagande de l'OTAN, et qui s'avère
d'autant
plus suspecte que la conseillère du Diplo partage avec Carla Del
Ponte la
ferme volonté de sortir les Serbes de leur prétendu « autisme
persistant »,
et une hostilité systématique à l'encontre de Slobodan Milosevic perçu
uniquement comme un homme de pouvoir.
Par ailleurs, Catherine Samary passe sous silence le principal
reproche
qu'on peut légitimement faire au TPIY : ce tribunal politique cherche
avant
tout à réécrire l'histoire du conflit yougoslave en la judiciarisant.
Ainsi, le procureur présente-t-il comme un « fait supplémentaire »
(paragraphe 66 de l'acte d'accusation) la légende selon laquelle, en
visite
au Kosovo en avril 1987, Slobodan Milosevic se serait à cette
occasion «
prononcé en faveur d'un programme nationaliste serbe ». Or, cette
affirmation est totalement mensongère: les 24 et 25 avril 1987 à
Kosovo
Polje, devant des délégués serbes de la province, Slobodan Milosevic
a au
contraire déclaré : « On ne saurait parler de peuples minoritaires et
majoritaires au Kosovo. Les Serbes et les Monténégrins au Kosovo ne
sont pas
une minorité par rapport aux Albanais, de même que les Albanais ne
sont pas
une minorité au sein de la Yougoslavie, mais une ethnie qui vit en
communauté, à égalité de droits avec d'autres peuples et ethnies dans
trois
de nos républiques socialistes. L'attitude qui consiste à revendiquer
un
Kosovo ethniquement pur, économiquement et politiquement autonome et
isolé,
est non seulement idéologiquement, politiquement, ethniquement
impossible
mais encore, en fin de compte, contraire aux intérêts du peuple
albanais
lui-même. Un tel nationalisme l'exclurait de son entourage et, plus
que de
freiner, il interromprait son développement aussi bien du point de
vue de
l'aspect économique que de l'aspect spirituel au sens large, de même
qu'Enver Hodja par sa politique, a exclu de l'Europe le peuple
albanais déjà
si petit avec sa société fortement sous-développée, le privant de la
possibilité de participer à la vie économique du monde moderne. Cette
partie-ci du peuple albanais tend vers l'Europe, vers une société
moderne et
il ne faut pas la freiner sur cette voie. Nationalisme signifie
toujours
isolement vis à vis des autres, enfermement dans des cadres
restreints ce
qui entraine aussi un retard dans le
développement, car sans coopération, sans communication sur le terrain
yougoslave d'abord, et sur un espace plus vaste ensuite, il n'est pas
de
progrès. Tout peuple, toute ethnie qui s'enferme dans le nationalisme
manifeste un comportement irresponsable envers son propre devenir.
C'est
pourquoi nous autres communistes, en premier lieu, devons
entreprendre tout
ce qui pourra mener à l'élimination des conséquences du comportement
nationaliste et séparatiste tant au Kosovo que dans les autres
régions du
pays. (...) Nous ne pourrons pas faire revenir la composition
ethnique du
Kosovo à son état de jadis. Mais nous pouvons au moins enrayer
l'immigration,
assurer les conditions indispensables pour que tous les hommes qui
vivent au
Kosovo y soient chez eux, qu'ils vivent égaux et qu'ils partagent
équitablement le destin économique d'abord, puis tous les autres
destins de
cette région. » (cf. Slobodan Milosevic, « Les années décisives »,
L'Age
d'Homme, 1990, p. 113-120).
En définitive, ce piètre « dossier » consacré à la comparution de M.
Milosevic reflète bien les errements du Monde diplomatique sur le
sujet
yougoslave. Ce grand journal a été partiellement fourvoyé par sa
conseillère
trotskiste qui, en dépit de sa prétendue « expertise de trente ans »,
n'a
malheureusement pas compris (ou pas voulu comprendre) la véritable
nature du
conflit dans les Balkans qu'elle a réduit à des causes socio-
économiques. En
témoigne ce qu'elle affirmait encore, contre toute évidence, en juin
dernier
dans un entretien à la Revue internationale et stratégique: « Quant au
Kosovo, contrairement à ce qu'on en a dit, les gouvernants de l'Union
européenne voire des Etats-Unis, étaient à mon avis infiniment plus
proches
du gouvernement de Belgrade que des revendications albanaises. » (5).
Une
telle cécité volontaire dépasse l'entendement. On se demande bien
alors
pourquoi Madeleine Albright voulait prendre prétexte des troubles au
Kosovo
pour attaquer La Serbie dès le printemps 1998 (afin de se débarrasser
de
Milosevic), et pourquoi les services spéciaux allemands (BND et MAD)
ont
entrainé et équipé les hommes de l'UCK dès 1997. Heureusement,
d'autres
collaborateurs extérieurs du Monde diplomatique (Paul-Marie de La
Gorce et
Christophe Chiclet notamment) se sont montrés autrement plus
clairvoyants et
objectifs dans leurs analyses que la mauvaise conseillère du journal.
Marc-Antoine Coppo
(1) Christophe Chiclet, « Mystérieuse UCK », in Kosovo: le piège. Les
cahiers de Confluences. L'Harmattan, 2000.
(2) Cf. Rémy Ourdan, « Les révélations sur les charniers font évoluer
l'opinion serbe », Le Monde du 2 juillet 2001.
(3) Cf. Christophe Châtelot, « Des corps exhumés à Belgrade seraient
ceux
des victimes du massacre de Suva Reka », Le Monde du 3 juillet 2001.
(4) Cf. Christophe Chiclet, Op. cité.
(5) Revue internationale et stratégique, 42, été 2001.
Marc-Antoine COPPO
Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis
<coppo@...>
