GUERRA CONTRO I MORTI

Alla pagina http://www.decani.yunet.com/wad.html si puo' visionare la
documentazione fotografica degli atti di vandalismo compiuti contro i
siti religiosi e persino nei cimiteri ortodossi del Kosovo-Metohija
dagli estremisti pan-albanesi alleati delle truppe di occupazione
occidentali.

WAR AGAINST THE DEAD

Systematic Post-war Desecration of Serb Orthodox Cemeteries
by Kosovo Albanian Extremists and Vandals

The following photos were taken in a few Serb Orthodox villages near Pec
(Western part of Kosovo Province): Brestovik, Berkovo and Siga during
the second half of 2001. They illustrate desecration of Orthodox
Christian cemeteries by Kosovo Albanian vandals and extremists. These
scenes of horror and pain do not show the war-time damage and vandalism
but are testimony to the post-war systematic destruction of everything
which is Serb and Christian in this region.

http://www.decani.yunet.com/wad.html

Postovani,

Upravo smo pripremili foto izvestaj o unistavanju grobalja u Metohiji.
Bilo bi dobro da se javnost sa ovim problemom
vise upozna jer je apsolutno strasno da ni mrtvima vise nema mira na
Kosovu (autor teksta: Decanski monasi; fotografije:
Dobrila Bozovic, man. Visoki Decani)

Na srpskom:
http://www.decani.yunet.com/wad_serb.html

Na engleskom:
http://www.decani.yunet.com/wad.html

jeromonah Sava

-----------------------
Srpski pravoslavni manastir
VISOKI DECANI
http://www.decani.yunet.com
decani@...

> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/deliso38.html

ANTIWAR, Wednesday, March 27, 2002

Balkan Meltdown

Across the Former Yugoslavias, tensions
are rising spectacularly

by Christopher Deliso

UNCHARTED WATERS

March 2002 in the Balkans: how will
future historians remember this
unbelievable month? Will it be for the
unearthing of a mujahedin threat in
Macedonia - or for the discrediting of
that threat by the US and the BBC?
Will it be for the peaceful dissolution
of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia - or for the American spy
scandal that has rocked what remains of
that fragile coalition? Will the month
of March 2002 be warmly remembered
for the Macedonian donor conference,
which got that impoverished country off
and running - or will the conference
come to be mocked as yet another
ineffective photo-opportunity for the
West to preen and congratulate itself?
Finally, will this month be remembered
for the Bosnian government's firm
handling of the residual Islamic terror
threat - or as the month when that
threat spiraled out of control, and
paralyzed America's diplomatic
operations in Bosnia?

No one knows, but the outlook is not
promising. The scariest thing about
this month, which by all accounts has
seen a dizzying whirlwind of unending
action, is that it is not yet over.
There are still a few days left of March
2002 - at the current rate, enough to
upend any tentative conclusions we
may reach here.

YUGOSLAVIA IS NO MORE - UNLESS, OF
COURSE, YOU'RE A PROSECUTOR

As the Milosevic trial continues to
meander aimlessly through a forest
of discredited witnesses and
unsubstantiated rumors, Slobo's main
antagonist -
Hague prosecutor Carla del Ponte - has
become increasingly frustrated and
impatient. Seeing that the wily former
Yugoslav president is in danger of
speaking more intelligently than had
been expected, the inquisition has
moved on to the hills of the Republika
Srpska. Here, NATO troops
unsuccessfully tried twice to capture
the tribunal's most wanted criminal -
Radovan Karadzic. As del Ponte astutely
noted, it is very difficult to
capture one fugitive with a large body
of uniformed troops. Her solution?
Plainclothes, secretive kidnap squads.

The pressure has also been mounting on
Serbia to hand over Ratko Mladic, the
Bosnian Serb commander who the tribunal
claims is hiding in Serbia proper.
Since it is rather more difficult to
attempt putting undercover kidnap
squads in Serbia, the West has latched
onto more traditional means of
coercion and extortion - the threatened
to cut $135 million in aid money.
The powers that prop up the Hague are
betting that the Serbians would rather
part permanently with two (or more) of
their citizens than risk being
stuffed into the economic
straightjacket. After all, the tactic
has worked in the past: exactly one year
ago, in fact, similar American threats
provoked the extradition of Slobodan
Milosevic. Del Ponte has recruited
notable personalities, such as Colin
Powell, to help pile on the pressure.
Indeed, this year's edition of Balkan
intimidation cannot be distinguished
from its previous incarnation:

"Senator Patrick Leahy, the Vermont
Democrat who coauthored the legislation
requiring Yugoslav cooperation, said
yesterday that with war criminals at
large, ''our assistance should not go
forward.'' Senator Mitch McConnell,
Republican of Kentucky, joined Leahy in
sponsoring the bill.

Added Leahy: ''General Mladic is the
number-one person to turn over. His
responsibility for war crimes is
unquestioned."

It's not surprising that such
legislation would be co-authored by two of
the most virulently anti-Serbian activists
in the Senate; what is rather
strange, however, is that apparently
Mladic's "?responsibility for war
crimes is unquestioned." If so, why
bother trying him in a court of law? And
yet, the final destination for Mladic -
like all the others the West can't
just line up and execute - is the Hague.
This rather uncomfortable
contradiction begs the following
question: what is to be said for a court
that selects its victims based on their
pre-assumed guilt, and is run by the
same people who fund their operations,
costs and, apparently now, kidnap squads?

The only conclusion is that the Hague is
not a real court of law. Although
its procedures, powdered wigs and
presentations mimic those of real courts,
the pillars on which it rests are
rotten. Indeed, the fact that Milosevic
has not wilted away under the hot glare
of the media, as his inquisitors had
arrogantly expected, has raised fresh
doubts regarding the tribunal's
fundamental legitimacy. And that is the
real reason why Carla del Ponte and
Co. are so very flustered - with no
results to show on either
convictions or
captures, and growing doubts over their
grandiose moral posturing, they
realize that the clock is ticking. This
would be reason enough for panic -
even without last week's hilarious
disaster for the Hague.

LET THE FUN BEGIN: CIA SCANDAL UNFOLDS
IN BELGRADE

Part of the fun of March 2002 has been
in watching the train wreck of so
many interconnected events, all coming
to a head at exactly the same time.
The apologia for the Hague cited above
all came out between 20-22 March -
just days after the breaking of the
biggest American scandal to hit Belgrade
since the bombing of the Chinese Embassy
in 1999. The strong PR attack (from
del Ponte, Powell, Leahy and Co.) has
come in direct proportion to the
Hague's supremely embarrassing role in
the scandal: as recipients of secret
documents destined for use against
Milosevic, obtained by the American chief
of the CIA in the Balkans, paid for by
American dollars, given to a corrupt
Serbian politician. The worst thing
about all this, however, is that the
parties involved freely admitted as much.

The blunt admission of this botched
covert operation is remarkable in two
ways. First, for the incredible
arrogance of the blasé Americans, who
consider secret operations in a foreign
country as just part of a day's work
- even after being caught red-handed.
The second and more serious aspect
of the scandal is that the Hague,
ostensibly fighting corruption and
gangsterism, resorted to the same
tactics to get its way. This sickening
hypocrisy just goes to confirm what is
already so obvious - that the Hague
is no court of law, but merely a
playground for extortionists and spies,
bounty hunters and dilettante barristers.

GAUGING THE FALLOUT

For Balkan intrigue, it simply doesn't
get any better than this. You can
just picture it now: a nondescript
roadside bar, on the anonymous outskirts
of Belgrade; the waning light of late
afternoon. Subdued tones, hunched
figures; a telling silence, and a
briefcase stuffed with cash - and then,
just at the moment of consummation, a
rude surprise entry by the Yugoslav
military!

The dramatic arrest on 14 March of
Serbian Deputy PM Momcilo Perisic and
American spook John David Neighbor,
shows that Kostunica retains some
backbone. Clearly, the man has guts.
Confronted with the dissolution of the
republic he ruled, faced with fewer
career prospects than Al Gore, Mr.
Kostunica needed to somehow assert his
authority. He did so by denouncing
the imbroglio as "a spy affair of huge
proportions." Serbian PM Zoran
Djindjic had expected his rival to just
roll over and give up power. In this
belief, he was sorely mistaken. Could it
be coincidental that the spy
scandal blew up only days after the FRY
was officially ended? Luckily for
Kostunica, his opportunity arrived, even
before the ink had dried on the
eulogists' pens.

In the ensuing furor, Perisic has
resigned, and the US has turned up the
heat on "Yugoslavia." The best thing
about this reaction is the Americans'
overweening hubris, in protesting that
their man in Belgrade - the CIA's
Balkan superspy - had been detained. Can
we even begin to imagine what would
happen if the roles were reversed - and
it had been "Serbian spy caught in
Washington?" Would any Yugoslav protest
have been tolerated - and would a
Serbian spy have been quietly dismissed?
The answer is an emphatic 'no' on
all counts. Mr. Neighbor, however, was
"quietly spirited back to
Washington," amid apologies and
overtures from the Serbs.

BLOWBACK STRIKES: THE BOSNIAN MELTDOWN

In the wake of 9/11, no part of the
Balkans has so been so embarrassing for
the US and UN as Bosnia. Since October,
Islamic terrorist cells have
continually been uprooted in this UN
protectorate, previously "liberated" by
US intervention. Yet the Islamic
military units, which the Americans
tolerated (if not abetted) during the
1990's have now come back to haunt
them. Middle Eastern charities and
businesses have been exposed as front
organizations for terrorists, and
several terrorists of Arab origin have
been detained - some even shipped to
Guantanamo. That this outraged the
Bosnian authorities seemed to matter
little to the US; now, however,
temperatures are running so high that
the US has closed indefinitely three
major embassies in the area - in
Sarajevo, Mostar, and Banja Luka
(Republika Srpska).

On 23 March a high-ranking Bosnian
official declared that al Qaeda itself
had recently met in Bulgaria - to plan a
major terrorist attack in Bosnia:
"at the Sofia meeting, members of
al-Qaeda decided that "?in Sarajevo
something will happen to Americans
similar to New York last September.''

These stories follow a frantic effort by
Bosnian officials to crack down on
Islamic terrorists in their midst. On 19
March, Bosnian police swooped down
on charities and terror front
organizations in Sarajevo and Zenica. On
22 March, the operation resulted in the
arrest on espionage charges of one
Munib Zahiragic, and the shutdown of his
shady charity, Benevolentia. A tour
of the "charity" organization's
headquarters revealed "?weapons, plans
for making bombs, booby-traps and bogus
passports." Elsewhere in the country, a
UN official was recently attacked with
an axe. Seems like there's a lot of
love going around for the Western
"liberators" in Bosnia these days!

THE MOTHER OF ALL SCANDALS: DYNCORP'S
LURID "TRANSACTIONS"

If one wonders why the Bosnians might be
upset with their Western guests,
one need look no further than DynCorp,
an American company providing
technical support to the troops
overseas. This story has been forgotten
completely - primarily because the
company's activities in Bosnia are being
investigated by US military police - and
not by the Hague. And so - even
though every American should know about
it - DynCorp's history of sleaze
has been totally whitewashed.

Over a year ago, the Washington Post
reported about UN participation in the
Bosnian sex trade. Also involved were
senior figures in DynCorp's Bosnia
operation. Nothing happened.

A year later, in January 2002, the
DynCorp story broke for real, in the
testimony of a former employee,
whistle-blower Ben Johnston. Apparently,
seeing "...middle-aged men having sex
with 12 - to 15-year-olds" was "too
much" for the lanky Texan to take. In
his daily job for DynCorp in Bosnia,
Johnston " ?witnessed coworkers and
supervisors literally buying and selling
women for their own personal enjoyment,
and employees would brag about the
various ages and talents of the
individual slaves they had purchased."
The "game" for these American cowboys was to
buy and sell girls, weapons, and
other commodities from Serbian and other
mafias. Less lurid activities were
the monumentally corrupt activities of
DynCorp's daily operations. Johnston,
who was fired for patriotically
objecting to these deeds, provided graphic
details on both the sex ring and the
chronic ways in which DynCorp defrauded
the American taxpayer:

"I wasn't too happy with them ripping
off the government, either. DynCorp is
just as immoral and elite as possible,
and any rule they can break they do.
There was this one guy who would hide
parts so we would have to wait for
parts and, when the military would
question why it was taking so long, he'd
pull out the part and say 'Hey, you need
to install this.' They'd have us
replace windows in helicopters that
weren't bad just to get paid. They had
one kid, James Harlin, over there who
was right out of high school and he
didn't even know the names and purposes
of the basic tools. Soldiers that
are paid $18,000 a year know more than
this kid, but this is the way they
[DynCorp] grease their pockets. What
they say in Bosnia is that DynCorp just
needs a warm body - that's the DynCorp
slogan. Even if you don't do an
eight-hour day, they'll sign you in for
it because that's how they bill the
government. It's a total fraud."

The muckraking investigation of DynCorp
came out in Insight Magazine; it is
a must-read for anyone who - no, it is a
must-read for everyone. However,
this graphic account of the corrupt side
of Balkans intervention was
instantly forgotten - and that is
because the Hague took no part in the
investigation. Apparently, US-sponsored
tribunals have one goal and one goal
alone: targeting foreign citizens who
come from "hostile" countries. US
spies, businessmen, and (as we saw in
the Italian helicopter tragedy)
servicemen face justice only at home.

One can give many arguments on the topic
of the rights of sovereign states
and international law. However, one
would at least hope for consistency, and
not hypocrisy, in the US' execution of
law.

LAST BUT NOT LEAST, MACEDONIA

Despite the quiet reality of Western
corruption throughout the former
Yugoslavias, this phenomenon has gone
largely unexplored. Instead, the heat
has recently been turned up on the
corruption of the locals in Macedonia.
In this embattled Balkan state, the
temperature has been rising precipitously
of late. Two NATO officers were arrested
for taking photos in Ochrid on 20
March, a bizarre fiasco that resulted in
an official protest from NATO.
Meanwhile, the fallout of the donor
conference in Macedonia has resulted in
bitterness from Macedonians who feel
they have been strong-armed into an
agreement with the NLA. One year on from
the start of the conflict that
spawned that treaty, the BBC has again
set up shop as apologist for the NLA.

Events took a farcical turn last week at
a Skopje sports arena, when
Albanian and Macedonian fans set upon
each other. Macedonia, it seems, has
finally arrived: three cheers for
interethnic football riots!

Simultaneously, more organized militias
seem ready for the heat of battle.
The so-called ANA (Albanian National
Army) has made an issue out of the
Kosovo border dispute to declare a war
of liberation. This paramilitary
organization has just announced a new
campaign to unite all "Albanian
territories." Yet the ANA is allegedly
also "?in conflict with the former
"NLA" and the leaders of DPA and PDP,
Arben Xhaferi and Imer Imeri."
Skopje's biggest newspaper, Dnevnik, has
reprinted an announcement from the
ANA, which called NLA chief Ali Ahmeti
and politician Menduh Thachi "great
traitors." Apparently, a dangerous
standoff, involving up to 200 Albanians,
occurred between the two groups.

Another event (of 23 March) shows again
how relations are wearing thin
between former Albanian allies. In
Vaksince village, Kumanovo region,
returning police were taunted, and
journalists stoned. The Albanian members
of the police force were derided as
traitors, a clear sign that the Albanian
"liberation" movement has fragmented.

This prompts the question: if rival
Albanian factions start fighting it
out, will NATO intervene?

EPILOGUE

Even as Yugoslavia - and all the
Yugoslavias - steadily become but an
afterthought, the damage of a decade of
war and intervention cannot be
undone. While one nation crumbles into
dust, another - one of unknown
dimensions and desires - is solidifying.
One gets the sense that, as Winter
turns the corner into Spring, we are
careening off of the well-marked,
signposted road - and heading into
territory that is altogether unknown.

+++ Gedenken an 78 Tage Bombenangriffe +++

BELGRAD, 25. März 2002. Gestern wurde in
ganz Serbien Gedenkfeiern abgehalten, die an
die Bombardierung Jugoslawiens durch die
NATO, vor drei Jahren gedenken. In den 78
Tagen der Bombardierung, sind etwa 3.500
Menschen umgekommen in Jugoslawien, davon
war der größte Teil Zivilisten. Die genau
Zahl der Opfer der Bombenangriffe wurde nie
festgestellt. In allen Kirchen der
serbisch-orthodoxen Kirche wird jedes Jahr
an diesem Tag Gedenkgottesdienste
abgehalten, der an die Opfer der
NATO-Bombenangriffe gedenken soll. Der
Präsident Jugoslawiens, Vojislav Kostunica,
hielt zu diesem Anlass eine Rede, in der er
mahnte, das man diese Tag und die
Bombenangriffe nicht vergessen darf, und das
wir mit denen zusammenarbeiten müssen die
Bomben aus 20.000 höhe auf unschuldige
Menschen geworfen haben und das der Krieg
der NATO gegen Jugoslawien, mit dem
Zynischen Namen "Friedlicher Engel", nicht
den versprochenen Frieden gebracht haben.

TIKER / AMSELFELD.COM

===*===

Subject: Belgrad: Demonstration zum 3.
Jahrestag der NATO-Aggression
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 10:36:53 +0100
From: "Klaus von Raussendorff" <redaktion@...>


International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic (ICDSM) - German Section
Internationales Komitee für die Verteidigung
von Slobodan Milosevic - Deutsche Sektion

c/o Klaus Hartmann
Schillstraße 7
D-63067 Offenbach am Main
T/F: -69 - 83 58 50
e-mail: vorstand@...
URL: www.free-slobo.de
Pressemitteilung
05-2002 27.03.2002


24. März 2002 in Belgrad:
"Freiheit für Slobodan - Freiheit für alle!"
Demonstration zum 3. Jahrestag der NATO-Aggression


Drei Jahre nach Beginn des 78 Tage währenden
Bombardements Jugoslawiens
durch die Länder des NATO-Paktes
versammelten sich in Belgrad Zehntausende,
um das Gedächtnis an dieses Verbrechen wach
zu halten und gegen das Diktat
der neuen Weltordner zu protestieren.

Während des Demonstrationszuges von über
30.000 Demonstranten durch die
Belgrader Innenstadt, bei
Zwischenkundgebungen vor dem serbischen
Regierungsgebäude und dem Parlament
Jugoslawiens sowie der Kundgebung mit
über 50.000 Teilnehmern auf dem zentralen
Platz der Republik stand die
Forderung nach sofortiger Freilassung von
Slobodan Milosevic im Mittelpunkt.

Zu Beginn der Kundgebung wurde der Opfer der
NATO-Aggression in einer
Schweigeminute gedacht. Stürmisch begrüßt
wurden die ausländischen Gäste,
Prof. Dr. Velko Valkanov (Bulgarien),
Co-Präsident des Internationalen
Komitees für die Verteidigung von Slobodan
Milosevic, die beiden
Vize-Präsidenten Klaus Hartmann
(Deutschland) und Niko Varkevisser
(Niederlande) sowie Vertreter aus
Griechenland, Großbritannien, Rumänien,
Russland und anderen Ländern.

Die Kundgebungsredner informierten über den
fortgesetzten Terror in Kosovo
und Metochien unter Kfor-Aufsicht, klagten
die Regierung Serbiens des
Ausverkaufs und der Konspiration gegen das
eigene Land im NATO-Auftrag an,
wie der jüngste Spionagefall des
Vize-Regierungschefs nachdrücklich
dokumentiert, ebenso wurde die Entführung
Slobodan Milosevics nach Den Haag
als illegal und verfassungswidrig
gebrandmarkt. Gefordert wurde die
Abschaffung des NATO-Gerichtshofs in Den
Haag, das sich als Instrument der
fortgesetzten Aggression gegen Jugoslawien
und der Förderung des Terrorismus
erwiesen hat.

Heftig kritisiert wurde auch das jüngste
EU-vermittelte Abkommen, das an die
Stelle Jugoslawiens einen losen Bund von
Serbien und Montenegro treten
lassen soll. Dessen dreijährige Befristung
zeige, dass dies nur eine Etappe
bis zur endgültigen Trennung sein soll und
eine Ermunterung zu weiteren
Aufspaltungen. Es stelle einen
unüberbietbaren Zynismus dar, wenn der als
damaliger NATO-Generalsekretär für die
Aggression gegen Jugoslawien
verantwortliche Solana nun das "Ende
Jugoslawiens" triumphierend verkünden
könne, und eine Marionettenregierung ihm
dabei noch assistiere.

Dagegen wurde hervorgehoben, dass das
Auftreten von Slobodan Milosevic vor
dem Haager "Tribunal" eindrucksvoll davon
Zeugnis ablege, wie die Interessen
der Bevölkerung und des Staates verteidigt
werden müssen, und dies eine
Ermutigung für alle darstelle, die der
NATO-Aggression Widerstand leisteten,
und die auch in Zukunft für Frieden,
Freiheit und Menschenwürde einstehen
werden.

Am Tag vor der Demonstration und Kundgebung
haben Teilnehmer eines
Internationalen Runden Tischs in Belgrad aus
Anlass des 3. Jahrestages der
NATO-Aggression eine gemeinsame Resolution
verabschiedet, in der die
uneingeschränkte Unterstützung für die
Bewahrung, die Integrität und die
Entwicklung Jugoslawiens als dem
bedeutendsten Garanten von Frieden und
Stabilität in der Region erklärt wird. Sie
unterstreichen die volle
Verantwortung der NATO-Führer für das
Aggressionsverbrechen und fordern die
vollen Kompensation aller Kriegsschäden
sowie den Abzug aller NATO-Truppen
vom Balkan.

Gefordert wird in der Erklärung die
unverzügliche Freilassung von Slobodan
Milosevic und das Ende der Jagd auf all
jene, die gegen Terrorismus und für
die Freiheit und Integrität Jugoslawiens
kämpften. Die Teilnehmer des
Internationalen Runden Tisches fordern von
den internationalen Gremien
unverzügliche konkrete und entschlossene
Schritte, um die sichere Rückkehr
aller aus Kosovo und Metochien Vertriebenen
zu gewährleisten, ebenso die
Aufklärung des Schicksals der rund 4.000
seit der NATO-Aggression
ermordeten, entführten und "vermissten"
Serben und anderer Nicht-Albaner.

Am 25. März 2002 informierte die
Organisation "SLOBODA" (Freiheit)
anlässlich einer Pressekonferenz über die
unzuträglichen Haftbedingungen von
Slobodan Milosevic. Fünf volle Prozesstage
pro Woche lassen lediglich
eingeschränkte Zeit für Essen, Duschen etc.
zu, oft ist ein Aufenthalt in
frischer Luft nur am Wochenende stundenweise
möglich. Solche Bedingungen
überforderten bereits einen jüngeren und
gesunden Häftling. Allein zeitlich
ist die Vorbereitung auf die Verteidigung
erheblich eingeschränkt, hinzu
kommt, dass lediglich ein öffentliches
Kartentelefon zur Verfügung steht,
das nicht einmal eine Unterlage zum
Schreiben bietet, keine Anrufe ins
Gefängnis zulässt, und nachts nicht
funktioniert. Im Gegensatz zu anderen
Inhaftierten, die 15 Tage dauernden
Familienbesuch bekommen können, hat Frau
Prof. Dr. Mira Markovic bisher nur wenige
3-Tages-Visa erhalten. Diese
Gesamtsituation beeinträchtigt die
Gesundheit von Slobodan Milosevic
nachhaltig negativ, mit dem Ergebnis eines
ständig stark überhöhten
Blutdrucks mit allen Folgerisiken. Gefordert
wurde eine dauerhafte ärztliche
Überwachung durch ein internationales
Ärzteteam.

Klaus Hartmann, Vizepräsident des
Internationalen Komitees für die
Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic, erhob
den Vorwurf, das dieses
"Tribunal" gezielt auf psychische und
physische Torturen setze. "Der
bisherige Verlauf hat bei den Veranstaltern
des Schauprozesses die
begründete Überzeugung reifen lassen, dass
sie gegen Slobodan Milosevic
nicht gewinnen können. Sie sind offenbar
bereit, eine andere ,Lösung' in
Betracht zu ziehen - einschließlich der
physischen Vernichtung des
,Angeklagten'."

Das Internationale Komitee bleibe bei seiner
grundsätzlichen Forderung nach
sofortiger Abschaffung des Haager Tribunals,
da seine pure Existenz
völkerrechtswidrig und ein Verbrechen gegen
den Frieden sei. Unabhängig
davon sei es nun aber an der Zeit, verstärkt
die Stimme zu erheben, damit
Slobodan Milosevic uneingeschränkte
medizinische Überwachung und Behandlung
erhalte, dass Zahl und Dauer der
Verhandlungstage der körperlichen
Verfassung und Leistungsfähigkeit angepasst
werden. Weiterhin ist endlich
der uneingeschränkte Zugang aller
Rechtsberater zu gewährleisten, die
Besuchsmöglichkeiten für Familie und Freunde
sind auszuweiten.

Nach den Worten von Klaus Hartmann sei es
zwar völlig illusionär, angesichts
des Haager "Tribunals", das den ganzen
NATO-Apparat und Multimilliardäre als
Finanziers hinter sich habe, so etwas wie
"Chancengleichheit" zu verlangen.
Ein Minimum an Rechtsstaatlichkeit verlange
jedoch, dass ein Angeklagter
Zeit und technische Möglichkeiten zu seiner
Verteidigung haben müsse. Dazu
sei eine Haftentlassung unabdingbar. "Oder
können Sie sich vorstellen,"
fragte Hartmann die anwesenden
Pressevertreter, "wie Sie heute Ihren Job
machen sollten ohne Internet- oder
e-mail-Anschluss?" Kopfschütteln und
Lachen war die Antwort aus dem Saal.

In diesem Sinne kündigte "SLOBODA" und das
Internationale Komitee neue
Initiativen gegenüber dem Tribunal, den
UN-Gremien und den nationalen
Regierungen an. Klaus Hartmann: "Notfalls
müssen die Veranstalter der Show
in Den Haag mit einer Lawine von Briefen und
Petitionen überhäuft werden,
bis diese Minimalforderungen erfüllt sind,
und die insbesondere klarmacht:
Die friedliebende internationale
Öffentlichkeit wird keine Lynchjustiz
hinnehmen, die Haager Veranstalter tragen
die uneingeschränkte Verantwortung
für all ihr Tun oder Unterlassen,
einschließlich der Konsequenzen für die
Entwicklung in den Balkanstaaten."

===*===

AUS WIEN

Bericht von der Kundgebung zum 24.März 2002 in Wien

Zum Beginn der Kundgebung versammelten sich
250 bis 300 Menschen am Graben in der Wiener
Innenstadt. Der traditionelle Treffpunkt der
NATO-Gegner und Gegnerinnen - Stock-im-Eisen
Platz - wo zwei Jahre lang die Kundgebungen
am 24. März stattgefunden hatten, wurde
diesmal von der Polizei untersagt.

Zur Gedenk- und Protestkundgebung anlässlich
des zweiten Jahrestages der Nato-Aggression
gegen Jugoslawien hatte die
Jugoslawisch-Österreichische
Solidaritätsbewegung (JÖSB) aufgerufen, die
aus der Protestbewegung gegen den Krieg in
Jugoslawien 1999 hervorgegangen ist.

Die Kundgebung wurde vom stellvertretenden
Vorsitzenden der JÖSB, Lazar Bilanovic, mit
einer Schweigeminute für die Opfer eröffnet.
Die Teilnehmer gedachten der Opfer und
zündeten Kerzen an.
Es sprachen ganz in der Tradition der
Anti-Nato-Kundgebungen vor drei Jahren
Slavko Zivanovic als serbischer Grüner, die
Dichterinnen Rada Pena, Olgica Kapsarov und
Vjera Raskovic-Zec. Von österreichischer
Seite ergriffen Waltraud Stiefsohn von der
Volksstimme, Margaritha Langthaler von der
Antiimperialistischen Koordination und
Andreas Babler von der Sozialistischen
Jugend Wiens, das Wort. Die
SJ-Niederösterreich hatte die Kundgebung
ebenfalls unterstützt. Weiters sprach
Stevan Raducic für die KJÖ. Susi Jerusalem
von den Grünen ist trotz Zusage nicht zur
Protestkundgebung erschienen. Es wurden auch
zwei Grußbotschaften verlesen. Kurt
Köpruner, in Deutschland lebender Autor des
Buches ?Reisen in das Land der Kriege -
Erlebnisse eines Fremden in Jugoslawien?
hatte in seiner Botschaft betont: ?Was vor
drei Jahren in Jugoslawien geschah, setzt
sich heute in Afghanistan fort. Und die
nächsten Ziele zeichnen sich schon ab. An
die fünf Dutzend Staaten stehen auf der
vielzitierten ?Schwarzen Liste? der
sogenannten Schurkenstaaten?.
Die zweite Botschaft erfolgte von Malte
Olschewski, ehemaliger ORF-Korrespondent und
Buchautor u.a. von ?Von den Karawanken bis
zum Kosovo - Die geheime Geschichte der
Kriege in Jugoslawien?. Er betonte, dass die
Bombardierung Jugoslawiens nur ein Baustein
einer größeren Strategie, mit der die USA
über die Globalisierung die Welt
durchdringen und durchwesen wollen, war und
dass man Widerstand gegen die Globalisierung
leisten müsse, indem man schon individuell
auf den Kauf von ?lebensunnötigen,
überflüssigen Gütern? verzichten solle. ?Das
ist ein Pfeil, der direkt ins Herz der
Globalisierung fährt?, so Olschewski an die
Versammlung. Hannes Hofbauer, in Wien
lebender Publizist und Autor des Buches
?Balkankrieg - Die Zertsörung Jugoslawiens -
konnte diesmal nicht in Wien sprechen, da er
aus gleichem Anlass auf einer Kundgebung in
Berlin anwesend war; ebenso Gerhard Ruiss,
Geschäftsführer der "IG-AutorInnen", der
Interessensgemeinschaft österreichischer
Schriftsteller.
Für die JÖSB sprach Jelica Redzic.
Margarethe Gal, antifaschistische
Widerstandskämpferin und Aktivistin der
JÖSB, schloss die Kundgebung.


Wir möchten anschließend auf eine Termin
aufmerksam machen:

31.3. Dokumentation: "Es begann mit einer Lüge"

Deutschland, Erstausstrahlung: 8.02 2001

Aus aktuellem Anlass zeigt das
Vorstadtzentrum neuerlich die wichtigste
Fernsehdokumentation über die
NATO-Aggression gegen Jugoslawien: "Es
begann mit einer Lüge". Zwei WDR-Redakteure
gingen im Kosovo den Medienlügen auf den
Grund, die zur Initialzündung für den
damaligen Kriegseinsatz wurden.
"Operationsplan Hufeisen", das
"Konzentrationslager" im Fußballstadion von
Pristina, das Massaker an Zivilisten in
Racak - das waren die zentralen Argumente
für die Bomben der NATO. Dahinter
versteckten sich bewusste Fälschungen der
westlichen Medien und Politker.

WO? Vorstadtzentrum XV, Meiselstraße 46/4,
1150 Wien

WANN? 18 Uhr 30






**************************************
Jugoslawisch Österreichische
Solidaritätsbewegung JÖSB
PF 217
A-1040 Wien
Tel&Fax: (+43 1) 924 31 61
joesb@...
http://www.vorstadtzentrum.net/joesb
**************************************

Subject: FYROM: Terrorist Chief Elected Head Of 'Coordinative
Council'
Date: Wed, 27 Mar 2002 03:41:40 -0800 (PST)
From: Rick Rozoff


> http://www.balkanreport.com/strana.asp?id=460

[A brief background piece on Ali Ahmeti follows]

Balkan Report
3/25/2002
Ali Ahmeti Elected President Of Coordinative Council

All Kosovo dailies today report on the appointment of
Ali Ahmeti, the former political leader of the NLA, as
the president of the Co-ordination Council of the
Albanians in Macedonia, in a meeting held yesterday in
Tetova. A communiqué issued by the Council said that
Ahmeti?s unanimous election ?proved the unity of the
Macedonian Albanians to develop and promote democratic
values as a factor of stability and integration of
Macedonia into the Euro-Atlantic structures?. In other
news, Koha Ditore reports that despite NATO calls for
Macedonian Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski to
disband the special ?Lions? police unit created during
the crisis, Boskovski announced on Saturday that this
unit is a regular police unit. The minister was
speaking at a ceremony marking the completion of a
three-month training course in Manastir for members of
this unit. His announcement follows international
criticism that Lions are an illegitimate police unit.

-------------------------------------------------------Human
Rights Watch: Dear Mr. Ahmeti
by Rick Rozoff

August 1, 2001

Human Rights Watch, whose interests and positions so
closely (suspiciously if you like) parallel those of
the United States State Department, politely requests
that the political leader of the self-styled National
Liberation Army in Macedonia, the lifelong separatist
extremist Ali Ahmeti, abide by "international
humanitarian law." (The Human Rights Watch appeal is
appended below.)
Though, contrary to the title of the missive, the
letter in fact requests that both sides in the
conflict - the legitimate, legally-elected government,
and the armed insurgency launched from Kosovo and
Albania - respect Common Article 3 of the Geneva
Conventions pertaining to what Human Rights Watch
characterizes as "internal armed conflicts." In
keeping with HRW's stated policy of 'deferring
judgment' on the legitimacy of said internal armed
conflicts, its spokeperson, Holly Cartner, fully
equates the aggressor and the victim; the
legally-constituted authority, which is not accused of
either provoking or even creating any pretext for the
armed uprising, and the crime syndicate-linked and
-funded racial terrorists.
In the interim between the deferential letter from Ms.
Carter to Mr. Ahmeti almost three months ago and now,
Ahmeti and his pan-Albanian mercenaries have unleashed
a full-scale insurrection throughout the nation,
ethnically cleansing dozens of villages and
contributing to the displacement of - by some
estimates - over 120,000 civilians, a sizeable
percentage of Macedonia's two million people. Human
Rights Watch has kept a low profile since on this
issue, except for reports on alleged mistreatment of
ethnic Albanians and Western press personnel. When an
organization like HRW advances its concerns from those
affecting non-combatants in "internal armed conflicts"
to the mistreatment, real or fancied, of insurgents -
which is certainly impending - then it crosses the
threshold of supposed impartiality into treating the
belligerents as equal parties to the conflict, and
thus "internationalizes" what in truth is a matter of
internal criminal law enforcement. That HRW has at
least left the door open for such a prospect is
evident by Cartner's following up her reference to the
Geneva Conventions by her revealing invocation of the
"fundamental principle[s] of the laws of war."

Who is Dear Mr. Ahmeti?

Holly Cartner, Executive Director of Human Rights
Watch's Europe and Central Asia Division, has kept a
close enough eye on the Balkans over the past years to
know who she was so respectfully writing to. For
anyone not familiar with Mr. Ahmeti, whose history
suggests someone anything but dear, he possesses, to
employ an expression familiar to the American if not
the Albanian underworld, a rap sheet as long as his
arm.
Regarding his recent activties, in addition to waging
war against the sovereign nation of Macedonia and its
civilian population from his base in Prizren in
Kosovo, Ahmeti reportedly found time to appear on an
Australian radio broadcast and announce the launching
of a Liberation Army of Chameria in Northern Greece,
claiming he already had fighters and weapons in place
there.
When questioned about this, the latest plan for his
decades' old project for a Greater Albania, he denied
it - but then Ahmeti has denied a number of things in
his lifetime.
Had he been asked about his clandestine meeting with
American OSCE representative Robert Frowick in mid-May
of this year - a meeting held in Ahmeti's headquarters
in Kosovo with Macedonian ethnic Albanian political
leaders, and cabinet ministers, Arben Xhaferi and Imer
Imeri - he might well have denied that also, except
that Frowick himself didn't deny that it occurred. In
a feature in the London Times on March 19, 2001,
"Albanians Insist Their Victory Is Inevitable," writer
Anthony Loyd, commenting on the NLA in Macedonia, had
this to say about Mr. Ahmeti's antecedents:
"Intelligence reports name four main figures,
including Ali Ahmeti and Emrush Xhemajii, as leaders.
Both men owe their political allegiance to the Popular
Movement for Kosovo, the LPK, which set up the KLA in
1993 and created the Homeland Calling funding scheme
among Albanians abroad. The scheme still exists and
funding for the NLA has been launched, say diplomats."

But his record as an ethnic separatist goes back
farther than 1993. Though born in what is now the
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, he attended the
University of Pristina in the Serbian province of
Kosovo in 1981, where he was active in pan-Albanian
agitation and was arrested by federal authorities
there.
He subsequently left for Switzerland, where he joined
up with his uncle, Fazli Veliu, to set up an
international operation to raise funds and recruit
fighters for insurrections in Kosovo and elsewhere; an
operation that several investigations establish was
funded by narcotics trafficking and the European sex
slave trade.
On this score the German newspaper Die Welt reported
in March, in an article about the Albanian mafia, that
the NLA in Macedonia was indeed funded by the drug
trade and by a "war tax" levied on ethnic Albanians
living abroad.
Ali Ahmeti and Fazli Veliu (the second arrested on
terrorism charges in Germany last year, but released
shortly thereafter) are identified as key ringleaders
in the crime syndicate/armed insurgency collaboration.
Ahmeti, after leaving Switzerland for the first time,
returned to Yugoslavia to help found the so-called
Kosovo Liberation Army, as noted above, and appears to
be the key liaison between the fighters on the ground
and the Transatlantic ethnic Albanian gun-running and
recruitment operation feeding the first with
personnel, funds and weapons.
In the past twenty six months since NATO-led KFOR
forces occupied Kosovo, with their KLA adjuncts in
tow, Ahmeti - who during the fighting had been a
commander for the infamous war criminal Ramush
Haradinaj - returned to Kosovo where he set up
operation in Prizren.
It was there, and recall that Ahmeti claims to be a
citizen of Macedonia concerned about alleged "civil
rights" in that nation, that he met with the heads of
Macedonia's two largest ethnic political parties, the
Democratic Party of Albanians and the Party for
Democratic Progress, under the auspices of U.S. OSCE
operative Robert Frowick.
It may also have been in Prizren, if not in Skopje
itself, that, according to the Skopje newspaper
Makedonija Denes, Ahmeti met with former NATO head and
current European Union foreign affairs chief Javier
Solana, with Kosovo Protection Corps commander and war
criminal Agim Ceku, and with KLA commander Haradinaj.
According to a Yugoslav Tanjug account of the
Macedonian paper's story, "It was agreed that Solana,
currently visiting Macedonia, bring pressure to bear
on the Macedonian government to halt the government
forces' operations for liberating Aracinovo village
near the capital Skopje" - the site of the U.S.-led
rescue of a hundred or more NLA fighters shortly
thereafter.
[http://www.tanjug.co.yu/Arhiva/2001/Jun%20-%2000/26-06e10.html%5d
Although Ahmeti recently made it on to the U.S. black
list and is also persona non grata in Switzerland of
late, his movements in and out of Kosovo, surely known
to if not coordinated by NATO's KFOR contingent, seem
blissfully unimpeded.
Lastly, to reflect on both Human Rights Watch and on
its dear Mr. Ahmeti, five days before Holly Cartner's
ever so reverential letter was issued, Ahmeti's
terrorists ambushed and killed eight Macedonian
security personnel.
Ahmeti told a Reuters reporter after the incident
that, "Our soldiers acted in self-defense." And no
doubt, in his mind and in Ms. Cartner's, according to
Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions relating to
"internal armed conflicts" and to "humanitarian law."
For the above crime was not mentioned in the exchange
between Dear Mr. Ahmeti and Holly Cartner,
respectfully.
______________________________________________
http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/05/macedonia_ltr3.htm.
Letter to NLA Political Spokesman Ali Ahmeti
May 4, 2001
Mr. Ali Ahmeti
Political Spokesman for the National Liberation Army
(NLA)
Dear Mr. Ahmeti,
Human Rights Watch is a privately funded international
non-governmental organization dedicated to documenting
human rights abuses throughout the world. In the past
ten years, we have committed substantial time and
effort to investigating violations of human rights and
humanitarian law in the former Yugoslavia. We have
documented violations of international humanitarian
law by all sides of the armed conflicts in Croatia,
Bosnia, Kosovo, and the NATO war with the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
Reports of the renewed conflict in the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia between security forces and
armed groups of ethnic Albanians raise concerns
relating to adherence to international humanitarian
law. As in all other conflicts in the territory of the
former Yugoslavia, our principal concern is that all
parties involved respect civilian immunity and ensure
the protection of civilians.
Human Rights Watch wants to express its concern that
the groups organized under the name of National
Liberation Army (NLA) take all measures to comply with
basic principles of international humanitarian law
applicable to situations of internal armed conflict,
and enshrined in Common Article 3 of the Geneva
Conventions. This provision protects those who do not
take an active part in hostilities from the most
serious violations, including acts of murder, torture
and cruel treatment, the taking of hostages, outrages
upon personal dignity, and the passing of sentences
and the carrying out of executions without previous
judgement pronounced by a regularly constituted court.

With regard to the renewed fighting, the NLA
leadership should refrain from any attacks against
civilians, attacks and reprisals against civilian
objects, as well as threats of violence the primary
purpose of which is to spread terror among the
civilian population.
We also call on the NLA leadership to ensure that the
civilian population of the affected areas enjoys as
much protection as possible against dangers of harm
resulting from the fighting. The most fundamental
principle of the laws of war requires that combatants
be distinguished from noncombatants, and that military
objectives be distinguished from protected property or
protected places. Parties to a conflict must direct
their operations only against military objectives
(including combatants). Also, the use of civilians as
shields for defensive positions, to hide military
objectives or to screen attacks, violates the
principles of the international humanitarian law.
We also note that the jurisdiction of the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) applies to serious violations of
international humanitarian law committed after 1991 on
the territory of the former Yugoslavia, including the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Human Rights Watch also recognizes the obligations of
the Macedonian security forces to uphold the standards
of international humanitarian law and urges their
adherence to these norms. Letters expressing Human
Rights Watch's concerns to this effect are being sent
to the president and the prime minister of the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
We hope, Mr. Ahmeti, that you will give serious
thought to the points addressed in this letter and,
guided by consideration for human life and well-being,
do everything in your power to ensure that the NLA
respects obligations under international humanitarian
law.
Respectfully,
/s/
Holly Cartner
Executive Director
Europe and Central Asia Division
cc: Mrs. Carla Del Ponte, Chief Prosecutor, ICTY