Informazione
Contiene:
1. Intervista ad Aldo Bernardini sulla prigionia di
Milosevic
"Corriere dela Sera", 18.08.2001
2. Aleksandar Ivanov: KARLA DEL PONTE GUBI OD MILOSEVICA
"Nezavisimaja gazeta", 10.08.2001
3. GREGORY ELICH:
Yugoslavia's Real War Criminals Are Not On Trial
PRAVDA (RUSSIA), Wednesday, August 1, 2001
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> http://www.corriere.it/edicola/index.jsp?path=ESTERI&doc=MILO
dal "Corriere della Sera", 18 agosto 2001
ESTERI
Milosevic: �Mi manca tanto mia moglie Mira�
L'ex leader, visitato in carcere dal giurista italiano
Bernardini, parla della sua difesa e delle sue nostalgie
�Slobodan Milosevic mi ha detto che vuole andare fino in
fondo, che la sua battaglia contro quello che definisce un
tribunale falso e illegale, un'arma della Nato contro il
popolo serbo, � soltanto all'inizio�. E' un Milosevic
lucido e determinato, dall'aria distesa e insieme
energica, quello che due giorni fa si � presentato a
Aldo Bernardini, l'unico italiano a cui la corte penale
dell'Onu per i crimini commessi nella ex Jugoslavia ha
concesso di incontrare l'ex presidente serbo, da quasi
due mesi detenuto nella prigione olandese di Scheveningen,
in attesa di processo per crimini contro l'umanit�.
Bernardini, professore di diritto internazionale a Teramo
ed ex rettore dell'universit� di Chieti, ha ottenuto
il via libera alla visita in qualit� di consulente
giuridico. Milosevic infatti ha deciso di non nominare
un proprio collegio difensivo, ma ha accettato di ricevere
alcune consulenze legali. Alla fine di luglio, con lo
status di consiglieri, avevano gi� varcato la soglia del
carcere anche l'ex ministro della Giustizia americano
(negli anni Sessanta) Ramsey Clark e il legale canadese
Cristopher Black. Entrambi, come Bernardini, fanno parte
del Comitato internazionale in difesa di Milosevic, nato
per iniziativa di decine di intellettuali, soprattutto
del mondo slavo, decisi a battersi contro un processo
a loro parere ingiusto. Il presidente del comitato � il
parlamentare bulgaro Velkov Valkanov, ma l'esponente
di gran lunga pi� noto � il commediografo inglese Harold
Pinter.
L'incontro tra Bernardini e Milosevic, un faccia a faccia
in una saletta del penitenziario, senza vetri divisori
o microfoni, � durato un paio di ore alla sola presenza
di un'interprete, che, per�, si � limitata ad ascoltare,
assentandosi di tanto in tanto, visto che i due ospiti
parlavano entrambi l'inglese. �Ho solo fatto il mio
dovere per difendere il popolo serbo�, ha ripetuto pi�
volte Milosevic nel suo colloquio con il visitatore
italiano, respingendo con forza tutte le accuse che gli
vengono rivolte dal Tribunale dell'Onu. �Pi� volte -
ricorda Bernardini - l'ex presidente si � visibilmente
commosso ricordando i giorni terribili dei bombardamenti
Nato sulla Jugoslavia�.
Questione di un attimo, per�. E poi il prigioniero
numero 39 del carcere di Scheveningen ha subito ripreso
il suo contegno abituale. Quello di un uomo politico
deciso far valere le sue ragioni di fronte al mondo.
DIETRO LA GRATA - Un duro, insomma, che per� ha confessato
a Bernardini di sentire molto la nostalgia del suo
Paese e, soprattutto, di sua moglie Mira Markovic. A
questo proposito Milosevic non ha perso l'occasione di
denunciare quella che considera una vera e propria
discriminazione nei suoi confronti. Infatti, ha spiegato
�Slobo�, a tutti gli altri detenuti viene concesso di
vedere i familiari con estrema facilit�. A lui invece
sono stati posti grandi ostacoli. Tutto nasce dal fatto
che Mira Markovic fa parte della lista nera dei serbi
indesiderati nei Paesi occidentali. E in pi�, si �
lamentato Milosevic con il suo interlocutore italiano,
l'unico incontro con la moglie, lo scorso luglio, �
avvenuto attraverso una grata e con un microfono a
registrare le loro conversazioni.
LE GUERRE BALCANICHE - Parlando due giorni fa con il
professore di Teramo, Milosevic non si � limitato a
ribadire i suoi attacchi alla Corte dell'Aja, ma ha
commentato a lungo anche gli ultimi sviluppi della crisi
nei Balcani. �Mi ha detto - racconta Bernardini - che
il nuovo focolaio di guerra in Macedonia non � altro
che il risultato della strategia della Nato, che
sostenendo la guerriglia albanese ha fomentato nuove
violenze�. Prima ancora, per�, era stato il nazionalismo
dei serbi ad esasperare le tensioni tra le varie etnie
della Jugoslavia. Ma su questo punto l'ex capo del
governo di Belgrado ha negato ogni responsabilit�.
Racconta Bernardini: �Milosevic ha usato parole molto
dure contro l'estremismo nazionalista. Non vuole essere
identificato come l'ideologo della Grande Serbia. Anzi,
si � descritto come un fautore della convivenza tra
le varie etnie all'interno della federazione jugoslava.
Ha voluto ricordarmi la sua battaglia contro i
nazionalisti per far approvare l'articolo uno della
nuova costituzione del 1990, dove si spiegava che la
Serbia � il Paese di tutti coloro che vi abitano e non
il Paese dei serbi, come invece pretendevano gli
estremisti�. Detto questo, Milosevic ancora una volta
ha voluto chiarire che non intende in nessun modo
riconoscere il Tribunale dell'Aja. �Mi ha rivelato
di non aver neppure letto l'atto d'accusa nei suoi
confronti�, spiega Bernardini. Di conseguenza � molto
probabile che l'ex uomo forte di Belgrado si presenter�
alla prossima udienza preliminare del 30 agosto, ma
semplicemente per ripetere che la corte non ha nessuna
legittimit� giuridica. Proprio come � gi� successo lo
scorso 3 luglio, quando, per soli 11 minuti, il
protagonista della Norimberga dei Balcani venne
condotto per la prima volta davanti al Tribunale
dell'Onu. Su questo punto la posizione dell'ex
presidente serbo � molto chiara. Il processo non
sarebbe altro che una messa in scena orchestrata
dalla Nato, un nuovo capitolo dell'aggressione contro
i serbi, proprio come i bombardamenti del 1999.
�Milosevic mi ha detto - racconta Bernardini - che,
se davvero fosse libero di difendersi, allora
dovrebbe chiamare a testimoniare anche i capi dei
governi occidentali che hanno partecipato alla guerra
in Kosovo, da Bill Clinton al cancelliere tedesco
Gerhard Schr�der, al presidente francese Jacques
Chirac, al nostro Massimo D'Alema�. �Ma questo
ovviamente non sar� possibile�, ha concluso l'imputato.
UN BREVISSIMO INCONTRO - Nessun rapporto anche con il
procuratore dell'Aja, il magistrato svizzero Carla Del
Ponte. �Milosevic mi ha raccontato che nei giorni
scorsi ha visto per pochi minuti la signora Del Ponte -
rivela Bernardini - ma non aveva niente da dirle,
quindi la visita si � chiusa molto in fretta�. In
base all'atto d'accusa dell'Onu, Milosevic � chiamato
a rispondere di stragi e deportazioni durante la guerra
del Kosovo. Secondo il procuratore Del Ponte tutto
sarebbe stato pianificato a tavolino dal governo di
Belgrado, deciso a espellere gli albanesi dalla
provincia meridionale della Serbia.
�Ovviamente abbiamo parlato anche di queste accuse�,
spiega Bernardini. �Ma, secondo Milosevic - continua
il professore italiano - l'esercito jugoslavo aveva
ordini precisi di evitare qualunque violenza contro
la popolazione civile. Poi, nel caos determinato dai
bombardamenti, ci possono essere state violazioni di
questi ordini, ma non facevano parte di un piano
predeterminato�.
GLI AMICI ITALIANI -Insomma, secondo questa versione
dei fatti, la tragedia del Kosovo sarebbe tutta colpa
dei bombardamenti scatenati dalla Nato nel marzo del
1999. Continua Bernardini: �Milosevic mi ha raccontato
con grande commozione di quei giorni terribili. Mi ha
detto che pi� volte il negoziato sembrava vicino a un
accordo di pace ma poi gli americani hanno fatto saltare
tutto. Ha anche ricordato i politici italiani, come
Umberto Bossi e Armando Cossutta, che andarono a
portargli solidariet� a Belgrado e gli dissero
che l'Italia era stata di fatto costretta a partecipare
alla guerra�. Ma la rievocazione dei giorni della
guerra � stato l'unico momento di debolezza dell'ex
uomo forte dei Balcani: �Per il resto del colloquio
si � sempre dimostrato fermo e determinato nel difendere
le sue scelte politiche, mi � apparso psicologicamente
molto motivato e pronto a dare battaglia�, ha detto
Bernardini.
Durante il lungo colloquio Milosevic ha voluto spiegare
le ragioni delle sue scelte politiche. Lo ha fatto con
foga, a volte con rabbia, rigettando sull'Alleanza
Atlantica e soprattutto �sulla sete di dominio mondiale
degli americani� tutte le responsabilit� della guerra.
Ma l'incontro non si � mai trasformato in un comizio.
L'uomo che meno di un anno fa teneva in pugno un Paese
intero, a tratti ha messo da parte la sua autodifesa
per raccontare anche la sua vita da carcerato. �Si tiene
informato - racconta Bernardini -, guarda la televisione
e soprattutto legge molto. Io stesso gli ho portato due
saggi storici in inglese di Hobsbawn ("Il secolo breve")
e di Mack Smith�.
Nelle scorse settimane si � detto che Milosevic si era
isolato, che non voleva contatti con gli altri detenuti,
ma il diretto interessato ha smentito con forza questa
versione dei fatti divulgata dai portavoce dell'Onu.
�Milosevic - spiega il professore italiano - si �
lamentato che le autorit� del Tribunale dal momento del
suo arrivo non gli hanno consentito di vedere nessuno.
Da qualche giorno invece pu� frequentare gli altri
carcerati. Tutti salvo tre, per motivi, come gli �
stato spiegato, di ordine processuale�.
L'ex leader dei serbi ha raccontato di aver ricevuto
un'ottima accoglienza dai suoi compagni di prigionia,
anche i croati e i musulmani. Lo chiamano presidente
e gli hanno offerto sigarette. �Mi ha anche rivelato
con orgoglio - dice Bernardini - di aver ricevuto decine
di lettere di solidariet� da ogni parte del mondo�. Ma
adesso le attese e le speranze del carcerato Milosevic
sono tutte rivolte alla prossima settimana, quando
festegger� il suo sessantesimo compleanno. Per
l'occasione arriver� all'Aja da Belgrado, per fermarsi
qualche giorno, anche sua moglie, Mira Markovic.
Vittorio Malagutti
� Corriere della Sera
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"Nezavisimaja gazeta", 10.08.2001.
Aleksandar Ivanov
KARLA DEL PONTE GUBI OD MILOSEVICA
Najispolitizovanija tuziteljka Evrope u
delovanju bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika
nije pronasla znake genocida
Karla del Ponte ni u Hagu nema vise srece nego
u domovini Svajcarskoj. Najglasovitijem predmetu
glavnog tuzioca Medjunarodnog tribunala - o ratnim
zlocinima Slobodana Milosevica - preti propast zbog
odsustva realnih dokaza njegove krivice. Del Ponteova
je prekjuce bila prinudjena da u svom poslednjem
intervjuu italijanskom listu "Il Piccolo" prizna da
tribunal kome je na celu nije uspeo da pronadje materijale
o odgovornosti bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika za
genocid na Kosovu. Sada ona u tom predmetu uglavnom
racuna na Miloseviceve "zlocine" tokom gradjanskih
ratova u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. Medjutim,
pozicije glavnog tuzioca su i tu vrlo klimave.
Izvanredno oprezni Milosevic prakticno nije ostavljao
tragove svoje rukovodece delatnosti. Vise je voleo da
naloge daje iskljucivo usmeno i tet-a-tet. Osim toga,
sav prljavi posao tokom rata u Hrvatskoj su, i
umnogome na sopstvenu inicijativu, obavljali prvo
generali federalne armije (tj. jos one, "velike
Jugoslavije"), a potom lideri tamosnje srpske manjine,
kao kasnije lideri bosanskih Srba Radovan Karadzic i
general Ratko Mladic tokom gradjanskog rata sa
muslimanima. Nije slucajno sto se sada del
Ponteova sve cesce priseca isto tako zasad nedokazanih
finansijskih mahinacija bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika.
Ali to pitanje tim pre potpada pod prerogativu
nacionalnih istrazno-sudskih organa SRJ.
Tuzilac Medjunarodnog tribunala fakticki svakim svojim
postupkom, svakom izjavom za glasila potvrdjuje svoju
kolegama odavno poznatu strucnu neupotrebljivost. U
sustini, citava njena tridesetogodisnja pravna praksa
se sastoji iz izgubljenih procesa, kontra-tuzbi i
demantija. Necemo dublje zalaziti u cisto svajcarsku ili
evropsku prasumu, vec cemo se setiti makar samo "ruskih
predmeta" del Ponteove: o firmi "Mabeteks", o sredstvima
moskovskih mafijaskih formacija u zapadnim bankama ili
hapsenja preduzetnika Sergeja Mihajlova predstavljenog
kao rukovodioca momaka iz Solnceva. U ovom slucaju necemo
zalaziti u pitanje stvarne krivice ili nevinosti tih
objekata na koje je bila usmerena njena tuzilacka paznja.
Sustina je u necemu drugom: u onoj nepromisljenoj
odlucnosti del Ponteove da ih unapred, pre istrage i
sudjenja, proglasi krivima i izvede dalekosezne zakljucke
o vladajucem moralu u doticnoj zemlji. Da angazuje u
svoju podrsku mnoge medjunarodne institucije i organizacije,
da rastrubi svoje zakljucke po svim svetskim glasilima. I,
dobivsi jos vise zvanje, da se preseli u Hag, ne obracajuci
paznju, na primer, na placanje milionske nadoknade istom tom
Mihajlovu koji je uspeo da opovrgne sve optuzbe del Ponteove.
Nista nije ispalo ni sa Rusima, pa se onda "uraganska
tuziteljka" kako su je nekad pre nazvali zemljaci-Svajcarci
latila Srba. I na duznosti glavnog tuzioca Medjunarodnog
tribunala del Ponteova dela s istom bespogovornoscu kao
i ranije u svom kantonu, a potom u Zenevi. Istrazni
zatvor je prepun bivsih srpskih politicara i vojnih
lica, jos vise optuzbi je razaslato u Beograd i
bosansku Republiku Srpsku (RS), znatno manje - u
druge mlade balkanske drzave, premda je poznato da je
u gradjanskom ratu u nacelu nemoguce razabrati ko je
prav a ko kriv. Vec i jedan primer sa bivsom
predsednicom RS Biljanom Plavsic opovrgava navodnu
objektivnost Haskog tribunala. Plavsiceva postade
sef republike koji poslusno sprovodi prozapadnu
politiku - na nju u Hagu zaboravise; cim je neslavno
napustila tu duznost - opet se nje setise i pozvase
je kod sebe, dok sad bice da del Ponteova i ne zna
sta da inkriminira toj 70-godisnjoj zeni, pa bi da
je pusti kuci.
Brizljivo gradeci sopstvenu karijeru na tudjim
zlocinima i nesrecama, Karla del Ponte istovremeno
sve otvorenije ispoljava svoju angazovanost koja
granici s direktnom servilnoscu. Kad vec u istom
tom njenom propalom predmetu o dogadjajima iz 1999.
godine na Kosovu nisu pronadjeni nikakvi direktni
dokazi Milosevicevih zlocina, onda bar postoji
mnostvo ociglednih dokaza zlocina NATO tokom
bombardovanja SRJ, izmedju ostalog i vazdusnih
napada na cisto civilne objekte. Pa i u stampi
objavljenih potvrda, na primer, toga da masovni
odlazak Albanaca s Kosova nije zapoceo pre,
nego upravo posle pocetka natovskih bombardovanja,
na Zapadu ima vise nego dovoljno. O tome sada svedoce
ne samo novinari, nego i aktivni, a jos cesce
penzionisani zapadni politicari i generali. Ali,
glavni tuzilac Haskog tribunala ne samo da ne primecuje
takve materijale, nego i odbija direktne tuzbe
protiv Severnoatlantske alijanse. Ona ne obraca
paznju ni na opseznu trgovinu drogom i oruzjem cime
se bave sadasnji lideri politickih struktura
Kosova, kao ni na oruzane upade prvo u Juznu Srbiju
a sad i Makedoniju koje oni organizuju. Kao ni na
ranije akcije genocida u odnosu na sopstvenu
srpsku manjinu od strane vlasti Hrvatske.
Uostalom, takva kratkovidost napreskok od koje del
Ponteova pati vrlo lako se moze objasniti: u
pozadini blickrigova hrvatske armije u sopstvene
provincije Krajinu i Slavoniju naseljene pretezno
Srbima, mnogih provokativnih radnji muslimanskih
vlasti u Bosni, stvaranja i faktickog ocuvanja sve
dosad nerazoruzanih kosovskih borbenih formacija
stajali su politicari Zapada, tacnije SAD i NATO.
Isti su i Karlu del Ponte doveli na celo te
institucije koja je, kako je ovih dana pisalo
u engleskom listu "Gardijan", "cedo bivseg drzavnog
sekretara SAD Madlen Olbrajt" i koja sve dosad "igra
kako joj americka spoljnopoliticka institucija svira".
Zato je za ocekivati da cemo imati jos dosta
prilika da cujemo priznanja del Ponteove isto
toliko razoracana i nemusto prosaputana u intervjuu
nekom manjem izdanju tipa spomenutog "Il Piccolo".
Vrlo je moguce da i "proces veka" s Milosevicem
propadne. Ali, "uraganska tuziteljka" ce mozda
dotad vec otici na neku visu duznost, jer ovih
dana vec ulazi u drugu polovinu cetvorogodisnjeg
roka na toj duznosti. A na Zapadu odanost umeju
da cene.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
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http://english.pravda.ru/yougoslavia/2001/08/01/11509.html
PRAVDA (RUSSIA), Wednesday, August 1, 2001
2001-08-01
GREGORY ELICH:
Yugoslavia's Real War Criminals Are Not On Trial
The blare of media fanfare exhorts us to
celebrate the abduction and imprisonment of
former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
Though widely touted as a victory in the American
crusade for human rights, the arrest of Milosevic
fits a quite different pattern when seen in the
context of the history of post World War II
history. Whether waving the banner of freedom or
waving the banner of human rights, Western
leaders have consistently sought to obscure both
their motivations and the often-dreadful
consequences of their actions. Freedom was never
a concern. Nor were human rights, but such
rhetorical justifications helped to engage
domestic public support for international
adventures designed to serve corporate interests.
The lure of profit always takes precedence over
the lives of millions. Every year, 40 million
people die needlessly of hunger, victims of a
global capitalist system that cherishes wealth,
but human lives not at all. In terms of death,
this silent holocaust is the equivalent of a
Second World War - in which 55 million died -
taking place every year and a half. Yet a drop in
the Stock Market evokes more concern. Such a
system is monstrous. One can gauge Western
commitment to human rights and justice by
examining the record of these self-appointed
judges. History is replete with examples, so a
few cases will have to serve as a synecdoche.
In August 1995, Croatian troops invaded Serbian
Krajina. Within days, virtually the entire
Serbian population, over 200,000 people, was
driven from their homes. U.S. NATO warplanes
spearheaded the assault, bombing Serbian radar
and anti-aircraft sites. American EA-6B
Electronic Warfare aircraft jammed Serb military
communications. Croatian troops, trained and
supplied with weapons and satellite
reconnaissance by the U.S., rampaged through the
Krajina, burning down homes and slaughtering
thousands who couldn't escape in time. It was the
single greatest refugee crisis of the 1991-95
Balkan civil war, and it was U.S. officials who
gave the go-ahead to the Croatian government.
Serbian Krajina was closely associated with
Yugoslavia, the last remaining socialist-led
government in Europe, and decidedly outside the
orbit of Western control.
In March 1998, the secessionist Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) was a small force with about 300
members. Turing a blind eye to the KLA's policy
of murder and intimidation, the U.S., Germany and
Great Britain sent arms shipments and provided
training to the KLA, building it up into a major
guerrilla army with as many as 30,000 members.
Western intervention turned a small conflict into
a major crisis. As a pretext, NATO relied on the
crisis it had created in order to justify waging
a war of aggression against Yugoslavia. Foremost
among crimes against humanity is the crime
against peace, and for this crime NATO and
Western leaders clearly bear guilt. Every town
and city in Yugoslavia was the target of their
bombs. My travels throughout Yugoslavia shortly
after the war confirmed that NATO deliberately
targeted civilians. Entire residential areas were
wiped out. Factories, schools, hospitals,
bridges, apartment buildings, houses, offices and
a passenger train were destroyed. Cluster bombs,
anti-personnel in nature, were dropped on
residential areas, tearing human beings to
pieces. Over 2,000 civilians were killed and over
10,000 wounded by NATO.
Western leaders could not sell the war to their
publics by revealing that it was intended to
create a market friendly to Western corporate
interests, so they concocted the lie of concern
for Albanian human rights. When NATO bombs
started falling, Serbian extremists became
enraged, blaming Albanians for the bombs.
Right-wing paramilitary squads formed, venting
their rage on Albanian civilians in mainly border
areas of Kosovo. Rogue police and criminal gangs,
both Serbian and Albanian, took advantage of the
chaos to loot homes and drive away occupants.
Yugoslav security forces, the target of NATO
bombs, struggled to stabilize the situation. By
the third week of the war, they were escorting
Albanian refugees back to their homes, and within
two months order had been restored to most of
Kosovo. Yugoslav security forces fought against
the terrorism of both the KLA and Serbian
paramilitaries, and by the end of the war had
arrested over 800 Serbian extremists for crimes
against Albanian civilians.
President Milosevic's position was consistent. He
advocated ethnic equality. His delegation at
Rambouillet peace talks consisted of members of
every ethnic group in Kosovo, including Albanian.
Serbs were a minority in the Yugoslav delegation.
At the talks, the Yugoslav delegation offered
wide-ranging autonomy for Kosovo. Repeatedly,
Milosevic stated his commitment to a multi-ethnic
society. His words from a 1992 speech are
typical: "We know that there are many Albanians
in Kosovo who do not approve of the separatist
policy of their nationalist leaders. They are
under pressure, intimidated, and blackmailed, but
we shall not respond with the like. We must
respond by offering our hand, living with them in
equality, and not permitting that a single
Albanian child, woman, or man be discriminated
against in Kosovo in any way. We must, for the
sake of all Serbian citizens, insist on the
policy of brotherhood, unity, and ethnic equality
in Kosovo. We shall persevere on this policy." A
monumental propaganda campaign has succeeded in
achieving one of the most astounding smear
campaigns in history, painting a democrat devoted
to socialist ideals as a racist hate-monger.
Milosevic's offense was his opposition to
privatization and foreign control of the Yugoslav
economy. The U.S.-organized Balkan Stability Pact
called for a region under the sway of the free
market model. Yugoslavia, strategically
positioned along the Danube and astride a major
highway transportation route, stood in the way of
the effort to place the Balkans under complete
and total Western economic domination.
The common thread running through these examples
is not a zeal for justice and human rights by the
West, but a vindictive urge to seek the
imprisonment or murder of its opponents. Nothing
can stand in the way of corporate profits. As one
man in Yugoslavia told me, " I think our
President Milosevic is more of a problem for
imperialism than for us."
Who can believe that Milosevic could possibly
receive a fair trial at the hands of the
International Criminal Tribunal for Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY)? He wasn't even allowed to
speak at his arraignment without having his
microphone twice switched off. During NATO's war
against Yugoslavia, the Tribunal hastily composed
its indictment of Milosevic and four other
Yugoslav leaders in order to bolster sagging
public support for the war. Created and funded by
the same Western powers that carried out NATO's
war, the ICTY serves its master. The trial is
widely, and rightly, seen as setting an important
precedent. No longer would international law be
an impediment to action. Already the war
established that Western powers could wage war
without authorization by the United Nations. The
trial will establish their right to seize anyone
without regard to borders or legal niceties.
Anyone resisting Western demands would be
threatened with abduction and imprisonment. It
will be yet another tool for imposing Western
domination over other nations, and make no
mistake, it will be used. The trial of Slobodan
Milosevic will be a show trial with a preordained
verdict.
The real war criminals are not on trial. They act
as judge and jury. We are witnessing the
outrageous spectacle of criminals judging their
victims. President Milosevic's only crime was
that he had the courage to stand up to NATO
despite overwhelming odds, to patriotically
defend his country against aggression. Shortly
after the war, I was a member of a delegation
that interviewed Albanian refugees who fled to
Belgrade. Among those we interviewed was Fatmir
Seholi, Chief Editor at Radio Television Pristina
until NATO troops entered Kosovo and expelled him
from the province. Unlike those in the West
deluded by propaganda, he knew a real war
criminal when he saw one. "Every NATO bombing was
a big problem," he told us. "There was no purpose
relating to the Serbian nation or the Albanian
nation. Whether that was their purpose or not,
people were killed. The man who could command
NATO to bomb people is not human. He is an
animal. After the bombing at Djakovica, I saw
decapitated bodies. I have pictures of that. It
is horrible, terrible. I saw people without arms,
without feet." Seholi demanded, "Who is Clinton
to accuse another? I would like to say to Hillary
Clinton that her husband is an immoral person.
That man ruined our state for no reason. What
would he say if someone bombed the United States,
bombed the White House, or killed or raped his
daughter? Who is the evil man here? Milosevic,
who is protecting the territory of Yugoslavia and
protecting the people of Kosovo, or Clinton, who
bombs us?"
Prepared by Gregory Elich
---
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1. Intervista ad Aldo Bernardini sulla prigionia di
Milosevic
"Corriere dela Sera", 18.08.2001
2. Aleksandar Ivanov: KARLA DEL PONTE GUBI OD MILOSEVICA
"Nezavisimaja gazeta", 10.08.2001
3. GREGORY ELICH:
Yugoslavia's Real War Criminals Are Not On Trial
PRAVDA (RUSSIA), Wednesday, August 1, 2001
---
> http://www.corriere.it/edicola/index.jsp?path=ESTERI&doc=MILO
dal "Corriere della Sera", 18 agosto 2001
ESTERI
Milosevic: �Mi manca tanto mia moglie Mira�
L'ex leader, visitato in carcere dal giurista italiano
Bernardini, parla della sua difesa e delle sue nostalgie
�Slobodan Milosevic mi ha detto che vuole andare fino in
fondo, che la sua battaglia contro quello che definisce un
tribunale falso e illegale, un'arma della Nato contro il
popolo serbo, � soltanto all'inizio�. E' un Milosevic
lucido e determinato, dall'aria distesa e insieme
energica, quello che due giorni fa si � presentato a
Aldo Bernardini, l'unico italiano a cui la corte penale
dell'Onu per i crimini commessi nella ex Jugoslavia ha
concesso di incontrare l'ex presidente serbo, da quasi
due mesi detenuto nella prigione olandese di Scheveningen,
in attesa di processo per crimini contro l'umanit�.
Bernardini, professore di diritto internazionale a Teramo
ed ex rettore dell'universit� di Chieti, ha ottenuto
il via libera alla visita in qualit� di consulente
giuridico. Milosevic infatti ha deciso di non nominare
un proprio collegio difensivo, ma ha accettato di ricevere
alcune consulenze legali. Alla fine di luglio, con lo
status di consiglieri, avevano gi� varcato la soglia del
carcere anche l'ex ministro della Giustizia americano
(negli anni Sessanta) Ramsey Clark e il legale canadese
Cristopher Black. Entrambi, come Bernardini, fanno parte
del Comitato internazionale in difesa di Milosevic, nato
per iniziativa di decine di intellettuali, soprattutto
del mondo slavo, decisi a battersi contro un processo
a loro parere ingiusto. Il presidente del comitato � il
parlamentare bulgaro Velkov Valkanov, ma l'esponente
di gran lunga pi� noto � il commediografo inglese Harold
Pinter.
L'incontro tra Bernardini e Milosevic, un faccia a faccia
in una saletta del penitenziario, senza vetri divisori
o microfoni, � durato un paio di ore alla sola presenza
di un'interprete, che, per�, si � limitata ad ascoltare,
assentandosi di tanto in tanto, visto che i due ospiti
parlavano entrambi l'inglese. �Ho solo fatto il mio
dovere per difendere il popolo serbo�, ha ripetuto pi�
volte Milosevic nel suo colloquio con il visitatore
italiano, respingendo con forza tutte le accuse che gli
vengono rivolte dal Tribunale dell'Onu. �Pi� volte -
ricorda Bernardini - l'ex presidente si � visibilmente
commosso ricordando i giorni terribili dei bombardamenti
Nato sulla Jugoslavia�.
Questione di un attimo, per�. E poi il prigioniero
numero 39 del carcere di Scheveningen ha subito ripreso
il suo contegno abituale. Quello di un uomo politico
deciso far valere le sue ragioni di fronte al mondo.
DIETRO LA GRATA - Un duro, insomma, che per� ha confessato
a Bernardini di sentire molto la nostalgia del suo
Paese e, soprattutto, di sua moglie Mira Markovic. A
questo proposito Milosevic non ha perso l'occasione di
denunciare quella che considera una vera e propria
discriminazione nei suoi confronti. Infatti, ha spiegato
�Slobo�, a tutti gli altri detenuti viene concesso di
vedere i familiari con estrema facilit�. A lui invece
sono stati posti grandi ostacoli. Tutto nasce dal fatto
che Mira Markovic fa parte della lista nera dei serbi
indesiderati nei Paesi occidentali. E in pi�, si �
lamentato Milosevic con il suo interlocutore italiano,
l'unico incontro con la moglie, lo scorso luglio, �
avvenuto attraverso una grata e con un microfono a
registrare le loro conversazioni.
LE GUERRE BALCANICHE - Parlando due giorni fa con il
professore di Teramo, Milosevic non si � limitato a
ribadire i suoi attacchi alla Corte dell'Aja, ma ha
commentato a lungo anche gli ultimi sviluppi della crisi
nei Balcani. �Mi ha detto - racconta Bernardini - che
il nuovo focolaio di guerra in Macedonia non � altro
che il risultato della strategia della Nato, che
sostenendo la guerriglia albanese ha fomentato nuove
violenze�. Prima ancora, per�, era stato il nazionalismo
dei serbi ad esasperare le tensioni tra le varie etnie
della Jugoslavia. Ma su questo punto l'ex capo del
governo di Belgrado ha negato ogni responsabilit�.
Racconta Bernardini: �Milosevic ha usato parole molto
dure contro l'estremismo nazionalista. Non vuole essere
identificato come l'ideologo della Grande Serbia. Anzi,
si � descritto come un fautore della convivenza tra
le varie etnie all'interno della federazione jugoslava.
Ha voluto ricordarmi la sua battaglia contro i
nazionalisti per far approvare l'articolo uno della
nuova costituzione del 1990, dove si spiegava che la
Serbia � il Paese di tutti coloro che vi abitano e non
il Paese dei serbi, come invece pretendevano gli
estremisti�. Detto questo, Milosevic ancora una volta
ha voluto chiarire che non intende in nessun modo
riconoscere il Tribunale dell'Aja. �Mi ha rivelato
di non aver neppure letto l'atto d'accusa nei suoi
confronti�, spiega Bernardini. Di conseguenza � molto
probabile che l'ex uomo forte di Belgrado si presenter�
alla prossima udienza preliminare del 30 agosto, ma
semplicemente per ripetere che la corte non ha nessuna
legittimit� giuridica. Proprio come � gi� successo lo
scorso 3 luglio, quando, per soli 11 minuti, il
protagonista della Norimberga dei Balcani venne
condotto per la prima volta davanti al Tribunale
dell'Onu. Su questo punto la posizione dell'ex
presidente serbo � molto chiara. Il processo non
sarebbe altro che una messa in scena orchestrata
dalla Nato, un nuovo capitolo dell'aggressione contro
i serbi, proprio come i bombardamenti del 1999.
�Milosevic mi ha detto - racconta Bernardini - che,
se davvero fosse libero di difendersi, allora
dovrebbe chiamare a testimoniare anche i capi dei
governi occidentali che hanno partecipato alla guerra
in Kosovo, da Bill Clinton al cancelliere tedesco
Gerhard Schr�der, al presidente francese Jacques
Chirac, al nostro Massimo D'Alema�. �Ma questo
ovviamente non sar� possibile�, ha concluso l'imputato.
UN BREVISSIMO INCONTRO - Nessun rapporto anche con il
procuratore dell'Aja, il magistrato svizzero Carla Del
Ponte. �Milosevic mi ha raccontato che nei giorni
scorsi ha visto per pochi minuti la signora Del Ponte -
rivela Bernardini - ma non aveva niente da dirle,
quindi la visita si � chiusa molto in fretta�. In
base all'atto d'accusa dell'Onu, Milosevic � chiamato
a rispondere di stragi e deportazioni durante la guerra
del Kosovo. Secondo il procuratore Del Ponte tutto
sarebbe stato pianificato a tavolino dal governo di
Belgrado, deciso a espellere gli albanesi dalla
provincia meridionale della Serbia.
�Ovviamente abbiamo parlato anche di queste accuse�,
spiega Bernardini. �Ma, secondo Milosevic - continua
il professore italiano - l'esercito jugoslavo aveva
ordini precisi di evitare qualunque violenza contro
la popolazione civile. Poi, nel caos determinato dai
bombardamenti, ci possono essere state violazioni di
questi ordini, ma non facevano parte di un piano
predeterminato�.
GLI AMICI ITALIANI -Insomma, secondo questa versione
dei fatti, la tragedia del Kosovo sarebbe tutta colpa
dei bombardamenti scatenati dalla Nato nel marzo del
1999. Continua Bernardini: �Milosevic mi ha raccontato
con grande commozione di quei giorni terribili. Mi ha
detto che pi� volte il negoziato sembrava vicino a un
accordo di pace ma poi gli americani hanno fatto saltare
tutto. Ha anche ricordato i politici italiani, come
Umberto Bossi e Armando Cossutta, che andarono a
portargli solidariet� a Belgrado e gli dissero
che l'Italia era stata di fatto costretta a partecipare
alla guerra�. Ma la rievocazione dei giorni della
guerra � stato l'unico momento di debolezza dell'ex
uomo forte dei Balcani: �Per il resto del colloquio
si � sempre dimostrato fermo e determinato nel difendere
le sue scelte politiche, mi � apparso psicologicamente
molto motivato e pronto a dare battaglia�, ha detto
Bernardini.
Durante il lungo colloquio Milosevic ha voluto spiegare
le ragioni delle sue scelte politiche. Lo ha fatto con
foga, a volte con rabbia, rigettando sull'Alleanza
Atlantica e soprattutto �sulla sete di dominio mondiale
degli americani� tutte le responsabilit� della guerra.
Ma l'incontro non si � mai trasformato in un comizio.
L'uomo che meno di un anno fa teneva in pugno un Paese
intero, a tratti ha messo da parte la sua autodifesa
per raccontare anche la sua vita da carcerato. �Si tiene
informato - racconta Bernardini -, guarda la televisione
e soprattutto legge molto. Io stesso gli ho portato due
saggi storici in inglese di Hobsbawn ("Il secolo breve")
e di Mack Smith�.
Nelle scorse settimane si � detto che Milosevic si era
isolato, che non voleva contatti con gli altri detenuti,
ma il diretto interessato ha smentito con forza questa
versione dei fatti divulgata dai portavoce dell'Onu.
�Milosevic - spiega il professore italiano - si �
lamentato che le autorit� del Tribunale dal momento del
suo arrivo non gli hanno consentito di vedere nessuno.
Da qualche giorno invece pu� frequentare gli altri
carcerati. Tutti salvo tre, per motivi, come gli �
stato spiegato, di ordine processuale�.
L'ex leader dei serbi ha raccontato di aver ricevuto
un'ottima accoglienza dai suoi compagni di prigionia,
anche i croati e i musulmani. Lo chiamano presidente
e gli hanno offerto sigarette. �Mi ha anche rivelato
con orgoglio - dice Bernardini - di aver ricevuto decine
di lettere di solidariet� da ogni parte del mondo�. Ma
adesso le attese e le speranze del carcerato Milosevic
sono tutte rivolte alla prossima settimana, quando
festegger� il suo sessantesimo compleanno. Per
l'occasione arriver� all'Aja da Belgrado, per fermarsi
qualche giorno, anche sua moglie, Mira Markovic.
Vittorio Malagutti
� Corriere della Sera
---
"Nezavisimaja gazeta", 10.08.2001.
Aleksandar Ivanov
KARLA DEL PONTE GUBI OD MILOSEVICA
Najispolitizovanija tuziteljka Evrope u
delovanju bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika
nije pronasla znake genocida
Karla del Ponte ni u Hagu nema vise srece nego
u domovini Svajcarskoj. Najglasovitijem predmetu
glavnog tuzioca Medjunarodnog tribunala - o ratnim
zlocinima Slobodana Milosevica - preti propast zbog
odsustva realnih dokaza njegove krivice. Del Ponteova
je prekjuce bila prinudjena da u svom poslednjem
intervjuu italijanskom listu "Il Piccolo" prizna da
tribunal kome je na celu nije uspeo da pronadje materijale
o odgovornosti bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika za
genocid na Kosovu. Sada ona u tom predmetu uglavnom
racuna na Miloseviceve "zlocine" tokom gradjanskih
ratova u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. Medjutim,
pozicije glavnog tuzioca su i tu vrlo klimave.
Izvanredno oprezni Milosevic prakticno nije ostavljao
tragove svoje rukovodece delatnosti. Vise je voleo da
naloge daje iskljucivo usmeno i tet-a-tet. Osim toga,
sav prljavi posao tokom rata u Hrvatskoj su, i
umnogome na sopstvenu inicijativu, obavljali prvo
generali federalne armije (tj. jos one, "velike
Jugoslavije"), a potom lideri tamosnje srpske manjine,
kao kasnije lideri bosanskih Srba Radovan Karadzic i
general Ratko Mladic tokom gradjanskog rata sa
muslimanima. Nije slucajno sto se sada del
Ponteova sve cesce priseca isto tako zasad nedokazanih
finansijskih mahinacija bivseg jugoslovenskog predsednika.
Ali to pitanje tim pre potpada pod prerogativu
nacionalnih istrazno-sudskih organa SRJ.
Tuzilac Medjunarodnog tribunala fakticki svakim svojim
postupkom, svakom izjavom za glasila potvrdjuje svoju
kolegama odavno poznatu strucnu neupotrebljivost. U
sustini, citava njena tridesetogodisnja pravna praksa
se sastoji iz izgubljenih procesa, kontra-tuzbi i
demantija. Necemo dublje zalaziti u cisto svajcarsku ili
evropsku prasumu, vec cemo se setiti makar samo "ruskih
predmeta" del Ponteove: o firmi "Mabeteks", o sredstvima
moskovskih mafijaskih formacija u zapadnim bankama ili
hapsenja preduzetnika Sergeja Mihajlova predstavljenog
kao rukovodioca momaka iz Solnceva. U ovom slucaju necemo
zalaziti u pitanje stvarne krivice ili nevinosti tih
objekata na koje je bila usmerena njena tuzilacka paznja.
Sustina je u necemu drugom: u onoj nepromisljenoj
odlucnosti del Ponteove da ih unapred, pre istrage i
sudjenja, proglasi krivima i izvede dalekosezne zakljucke
o vladajucem moralu u doticnoj zemlji. Da angazuje u
svoju podrsku mnoge medjunarodne institucije i organizacije,
da rastrubi svoje zakljucke po svim svetskim glasilima. I,
dobivsi jos vise zvanje, da se preseli u Hag, ne obracajuci
paznju, na primer, na placanje milionske nadoknade istom tom
Mihajlovu koji je uspeo da opovrgne sve optuzbe del Ponteove.
Nista nije ispalo ni sa Rusima, pa se onda "uraganska
tuziteljka" kako su je nekad pre nazvali zemljaci-Svajcarci
latila Srba. I na duznosti glavnog tuzioca Medjunarodnog
tribunala del Ponteova dela s istom bespogovornoscu kao
i ranije u svom kantonu, a potom u Zenevi. Istrazni
zatvor je prepun bivsih srpskih politicara i vojnih
lica, jos vise optuzbi je razaslato u Beograd i
bosansku Republiku Srpsku (RS), znatno manje - u
druge mlade balkanske drzave, premda je poznato da je
u gradjanskom ratu u nacelu nemoguce razabrati ko je
prav a ko kriv. Vec i jedan primer sa bivsom
predsednicom RS Biljanom Plavsic opovrgava navodnu
objektivnost Haskog tribunala. Plavsiceva postade
sef republike koji poslusno sprovodi prozapadnu
politiku - na nju u Hagu zaboravise; cim je neslavno
napustila tu duznost - opet se nje setise i pozvase
je kod sebe, dok sad bice da del Ponteova i ne zna
sta da inkriminira toj 70-godisnjoj zeni, pa bi da
je pusti kuci.
Brizljivo gradeci sopstvenu karijeru na tudjim
zlocinima i nesrecama, Karla del Ponte istovremeno
sve otvorenije ispoljava svoju angazovanost koja
granici s direktnom servilnoscu. Kad vec u istom
tom njenom propalom predmetu o dogadjajima iz 1999.
godine na Kosovu nisu pronadjeni nikakvi direktni
dokazi Milosevicevih zlocina, onda bar postoji
mnostvo ociglednih dokaza zlocina NATO tokom
bombardovanja SRJ, izmedju ostalog i vazdusnih
napada na cisto civilne objekte. Pa i u stampi
objavljenih potvrda, na primer, toga da masovni
odlazak Albanaca s Kosova nije zapoceo pre,
nego upravo posle pocetka natovskih bombardovanja,
na Zapadu ima vise nego dovoljno. O tome sada svedoce
ne samo novinari, nego i aktivni, a jos cesce
penzionisani zapadni politicari i generali. Ali,
glavni tuzilac Haskog tribunala ne samo da ne primecuje
takve materijale, nego i odbija direktne tuzbe
protiv Severnoatlantske alijanse. Ona ne obraca
paznju ni na opseznu trgovinu drogom i oruzjem cime
se bave sadasnji lideri politickih struktura
Kosova, kao ni na oruzane upade prvo u Juznu Srbiju
a sad i Makedoniju koje oni organizuju. Kao ni na
ranije akcije genocida u odnosu na sopstvenu
srpsku manjinu od strane vlasti Hrvatske.
Uostalom, takva kratkovidost napreskok od koje del
Ponteova pati vrlo lako se moze objasniti: u
pozadini blickrigova hrvatske armije u sopstvene
provincije Krajinu i Slavoniju naseljene pretezno
Srbima, mnogih provokativnih radnji muslimanskih
vlasti u Bosni, stvaranja i faktickog ocuvanja sve
dosad nerazoruzanih kosovskih borbenih formacija
stajali su politicari Zapada, tacnije SAD i NATO.
Isti su i Karlu del Ponte doveli na celo te
institucije koja je, kako je ovih dana pisalo
u engleskom listu "Gardijan", "cedo bivseg drzavnog
sekretara SAD Madlen Olbrajt" i koja sve dosad "igra
kako joj americka spoljnopoliticka institucija svira".
Zato je za ocekivati da cemo imati jos dosta
prilika da cujemo priznanja del Ponteove isto
toliko razoracana i nemusto prosaputana u intervjuu
nekom manjem izdanju tipa spomenutog "Il Piccolo".
Vrlo je moguce da i "proces veka" s Milosevicem
propadne. Ali, "uraganska tuziteljka" ce mozda
dotad vec otici na neku visu duznost, jer ovih
dana vec ulazi u drugu polovinu cetvorogodisnjeg
roka na toj duznosti. A na Zapadu odanost umeju
da cene.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend
Slobodan Milosevic)
---
http://english.pravda.ru/yougoslavia/2001/08/01/11509.html
PRAVDA (RUSSIA), Wednesday, August 1, 2001
2001-08-01
GREGORY ELICH:
Yugoslavia's Real War Criminals Are Not On Trial
The blare of media fanfare exhorts us to
celebrate the abduction and imprisonment of
former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
Though widely touted as a victory in the American
crusade for human rights, the arrest of Milosevic
fits a quite different pattern when seen in the
context of the history of post World War II
history. Whether waving the banner of freedom or
waving the banner of human rights, Western
leaders have consistently sought to obscure both
their motivations and the often-dreadful
consequences of their actions. Freedom was never
a concern. Nor were human rights, but such
rhetorical justifications helped to engage
domestic public support for international
adventures designed to serve corporate interests.
The lure of profit always takes precedence over
the lives of millions. Every year, 40 million
people die needlessly of hunger, victims of a
global capitalist system that cherishes wealth,
but human lives not at all. In terms of death,
this silent holocaust is the equivalent of a
Second World War - in which 55 million died -
taking place every year and a half. Yet a drop in
the Stock Market evokes more concern. Such a
system is monstrous. One can gauge Western
commitment to human rights and justice by
examining the record of these self-appointed
judges. History is replete with examples, so a
few cases will have to serve as a synecdoche.
In August 1995, Croatian troops invaded Serbian
Krajina. Within days, virtually the entire
Serbian population, over 200,000 people, was
driven from their homes. U.S. NATO warplanes
spearheaded the assault, bombing Serbian radar
and anti-aircraft sites. American EA-6B
Electronic Warfare aircraft jammed Serb military
communications. Croatian troops, trained and
supplied with weapons and satellite
reconnaissance by the U.S., rampaged through the
Krajina, burning down homes and slaughtering
thousands who couldn't escape in time. It was the
single greatest refugee crisis of the 1991-95
Balkan civil war, and it was U.S. officials who
gave the go-ahead to the Croatian government.
Serbian Krajina was closely associated with
Yugoslavia, the last remaining socialist-led
government in Europe, and decidedly outside the
orbit of Western control.
In March 1998, the secessionist Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) was a small force with about 300
members. Turing a blind eye to the KLA's policy
of murder and intimidation, the U.S., Germany and
Great Britain sent arms shipments and provided
training to the KLA, building it up into a major
guerrilla army with as many as 30,000 members.
Western intervention turned a small conflict into
a major crisis. As a pretext, NATO relied on the
crisis it had created in order to justify waging
a war of aggression against Yugoslavia. Foremost
among crimes against humanity is the crime
against peace, and for this crime NATO and
Western leaders clearly bear guilt. Every town
and city in Yugoslavia was the target of their
bombs. My travels throughout Yugoslavia shortly
after the war confirmed that NATO deliberately
targeted civilians. Entire residential areas were
wiped out. Factories, schools, hospitals,
bridges, apartment buildings, houses, offices and
a passenger train were destroyed. Cluster bombs,
anti-personnel in nature, were dropped on
residential areas, tearing human beings to
pieces. Over 2,000 civilians were killed and over
10,000 wounded by NATO.
Western leaders could not sell the war to their
publics by revealing that it was intended to
create a market friendly to Western corporate
interests, so they concocted the lie of concern
for Albanian human rights. When NATO bombs
started falling, Serbian extremists became
enraged, blaming Albanians for the bombs.
Right-wing paramilitary squads formed, venting
their rage on Albanian civilians in mainly border
areas of Kosovo. Rogue police and criminal gangs,
both Serbian and Albanian, took advantage of the
chaos to loot homes and drive away occupants.
Yugoslav security forces, the target of NATO
bombs, struggled to stabilize the situation. By
the third week of the war, they were escorting
Albanian refugees back to their homes, and within
two months order had been restored to most of
Kosovo. Yugoslav security forces fought against
the terrorism of both the KLA and Serbian
paramilitaries, and by the end of the war had
arrested over 800 Serbian extremists for crimes
against Albanian civilians.
President Milosevic's position was consistent. He
advocated ethnic equality. His delegation at
Rambouillet peace talks consisted of members of
every ethnic group in Kosovo, including Albanian.
Serbs were a minority in the Yugoslav delegation.
At the talks, the Yugoslav delegation offered
wide-ranging autonomy for Kosovo. Repeatedly,
Milosevic stated his commitment to a multi-ethnic
society. His words from a 1992 speech are
typical: "We know that there are many Albanians
in Kosovo who do not approve of the separatist
policy of their nationalist leaders. They are
under pressure, intimidated, and blackmailed, but
we shall not respond with the like. We must
respond by offering our hand, living with them in
equality, and not permitting that a single
Albanian child, woman, or man be discriminated
against in Kosovo in any way. We must, for the
sake of all Serbian citizens, insist on the
policy of brotherhood, unity, and ethnic equality
in Kosovo. We shall persevere on this policy." A
monumental propaganda campaign has succeeded in
achieving one of the most astounding smear
campaigns in history, painting a democrat devoted
to socialist ideals as a racist hate-monger.
Milosevic's offense was his opposition to
privatization and foreign control of the Yugoslav
economy. The U.S.-organized Balkan Stability Pact
called for a region under the sway of the free
market model. Yugoslavia, strategically
positioned along the Danube and astride a major
highway transportation route, stood in the way of
the effort to place the Balkans under complete
and total Western economic domination.
The common thread running through these examples
is not a zeal for justice and human rights by the
West, but a vindictive urge to seek the
imprisonment or murder of its opponents. Nothing
can stand in the way of corporate profits. As one
man in Yugoslavia told me, " I think our
President Milosevic is more of a problem for
imperialism than for us."
Who can believe that Milosevic could possibly
receive a fair trial at the hands of the
International Criminal Tribunal for Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY)? He wasn't even allowed to
speak at his arraignment without having his
microphone twice switched off. During NATO's war
against Yugoslavia, the Tribunal hastily composed
its indictment of Milosevic and four other
Yugoslav leaders in order to bolster sagging
public support for the war. Created and funded by
the same Western powers that carried out NATO's
war, the ICTY serves its master. The trial is
widely, and rightly, seen as setting an important
precedent. No longer would international law be
an impediment to action. Already the war
established that Western powers could wage war
without authorization by the United Nations. The
trial will establish their right to seize anyone
without regard to borders or legal niceties.
Anyone resisting Western demands would be
threatened with abduction and imprisonment. It
will be yet another tool for imposing Western
domination over other nations, and make no
mistake, it will be used. The trial of Slobodan
Milosevic will be a show trial with a preordained
verdict.
The real war criminals are not on trial. They act
as judge and jury. We are witnessing the
outrageous spectacle of criminals judging their
victims. President Milosevic's only crime was
that he had the courage to stand up to NATO
despite overwhelming odds, to patriotically
defend his country against aggression. Shortly
after the war, I was a member of a delegation
that interviewed Albanian refugees who fled to
Belgrade. Among those we interviewed was Fatmir
Seholi, Chief Editor at Radio Television Pristina
until NATO troops entered Kosovo and expelled him
from the province. Unlike those in the West
deluded by propaganda, he knew a real war
criminal when he saw one. "Every NATO bombing was
a big problem," he told us. "There was no purpose
relating to the Serbian nation or the Albanian
nation. Whether that was their purpose or not,
people were killed. The man who could command
NATO to bomb people is not human. He is an
animal. After the bombing at Djakovica, I saw
decapitated bodies. I have pictures of that. It
is horrible, terrible. I saw people without arms,
without feet." Seholi demanded, "Who is Clinton
to accuse another? I would like to say to Hillary
Clinton that her husband is an immoral person.
That man ruined our state for no reason. What
would he say if someone bombed the United States,
bombed the White House, or killed or raped his
daughter? Who is the evil man here? Milosevic,
who is protecting the territory of Yugoslavia and
protecting the people of Kosovo, or Clinton, who
bombs us?"
Prepared by Gregory Elich
---
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Dragan Opacic, serbo-bosniaco, e' rinchiuso da piu' di sei anni
nelle carceri di Zenica (Federazione croato-musulmana) per crimini
che non ha commesso.
---
URL for this article:
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/witnessl-i.htm
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
=========The Case of Dragan Opacic:
Global Imprisonment of 'Witness L'
[June 21, 2000]
by Igor Gajic, 'Reporter,' Banja Luka, Srpska
=========
For six and a half years, inside the walls of the Correctional Facility
in
Zenica, Dragan Opacic has been asking himself each day what he has done
before God to deserve such a fate. Nevertheless, today he has at least
one
guarantee. He will live. Even in the case that he serves the entire
sentence determined by the court in Sarajevo when he was imprisoned on
the
Treskavica Mt. as a private of the Republic of Srpska Army (VRS).
According to the decision of the court, he was sentenced to ten years in
prison for alleged war crimes carried out in the Trnopolje collection
center during 1992. At that time Opacic was 16 years old but this did
not
present an obstacle to the Higher Court in Sarajevo which sentenced him
for
23 counts of murder by gunfire, two counts of murder by cutting of the
throat and 10 rapes. The court was likewise not bothered by the fact
that
not a single witness saw Opacic in the Trnopolje camp, nor that he was
not
he at the camp during the period mentioned in the indictment. He was
sentenced on the basis of a confession which he signed while in the
hands
of AID, the intelligence service of the Bosnia-Hercegovina (BH)
Federation.
Ideal witness: "I had no means of survival. The only thing I could do
was
to sign the confession. Then they stopped beating me. They beat me with
anything and everything. A rubber hose, split wood logs, they put salt
into
my wounds," Opacic is loath to remember. During his trial he did not
see a
single witness. The judge accused him and the judge sentenced him.
Today he
asks himself: "Which of those Muslims was in that war camp and saw me
there? Let him step forward and say that I was at the war camp. They
should
feel free to step forward." This evidence was not provided by the Hague
tribunal, OHR, IPTF nor the Office for Human Rights. Opacic has
appealed to
all of these institutions.
While he related his story to Reporter in the meeting room of the
Correctional Facility in Zenica, Opacic at first appeared calm. Only
after
a certain time did it become apparent that this calm was nothing else
but
resignation or acceptance of his fate there.
Nevertheless, he has not given up on the battle to prove the truth, even
though he himself believes in it less and less.
When he was imprisoned and sentenced, no one knew anything about him.
Neither the Red Cross, nor UNPROFOR, nor his parents nor the VRS, which
after his capture sought him as a deserter. He was carefully hidden and
the
reason become apparent immediately after the sentencing. At that time
the
Bosniak government desperately needed a Serb as a witness in the Hague
in
the case against Dusko Tadic. Dragan Opacic with his confession became
the
ideal witness. Ideal for the Hague investigators as well: they finally
found a Serb willing to say that he was under Tadic's direct command.
He became Witness L.
The only man at that time who was interested in Opacic and his fate was
Branislava Isailovic, an attorney from Paris, has a somewhat cynical
explanation of the manner in which Opacic became Witness L.
"I think that Opacic had many advantages from the perspective of the
Bosniaks. He was young, not too smart and he could be easily
influenced. He
was an ideal witness, created to be manipulated. He comes from a poor,
uneducated family, the chance of his parents initiating a search for
their
son were minimal. While Opacic was a prisoner, his family did not know
of
his whereabouts. What is more, Opacic was less than 18 years old during
the
period when he allegedly committed the crimes for which the Bosniaks
tried
to make him responsible. They used the fact that Opacic was a minor to
hold
his trial behind closed doors; by doing so, they created even greater
pressure on him to testify against Tadic," said Isailovic, who initiated
several motions for the revision of the case against her defendant. For
now
all her requests are at a standstill.
Preparations: Opacic, who testified against Dusko Tadic, had never seen
him
in his life. He was prepared to testify by AID. While he talks about
this
he shakes his head: "I was prepared for a long time. I lived through all
sorts of things. They worked on breaking me both physically and
psychologically. I viewed all the tapes, all the photos but I was
afraid to
step out and say that all of it was a lie prearranged by the Federation
and
the tribunal investigators. They knew it, too, but they wanted to
believe
the government here."
His story at times is accompanied by bitter twitching of a relatively
indifferent expression on his face.
Nevertheless, lying saved his life. Only in the Hague did the Red Cross
find out about him. He became famous as Witness L.
"I told them things but they are trying to justify themselves even today
and so they did not want to try me for false testimony because they knew
that they themselves were involved in it. I have always told them: I am
not
guilty; I was not there; I didn't do anything."
The solution was simple. They prepared him even "better". They took him
in
secret to the scene of the alleged crimes. Cheap movie plots became
Opacic's reality: "It was no use telling them that I had never been
there
and that I didn't know anything about the places they were showing us."
After that, he decided to nod his head at everything that they showed
him.
"I procrastinated as much as I could in order to delay as much as
possible
so that I would have some kind of guarantee for staying alive. I had no
idea whether my family was alive or not."
Washing hands: The deception with the witness, whom the prosecution had
already termed a key witness, was first noticed by professor Mischa
Vladimirof, then one of Tadic's defenders.
During the trial, on October 26, 1996, Opacic admitted to Tadic's
defender
that he was not the author of his confession. The hearing was held in
the
presence of the chief investigator of the tribunal, Reed, the day after
the
identity of "Witness L" was revealed.
"I know Trnopolje from 1993 when I was a refugee there. There were no
Muslims there at all. There were just a lot of refugees there and I
used to
tell them that they wouldn't accomplish anything and that in the end the
lie would be revealed. But they only believed what they were told by the
government in Sarajevo." Opacic remembers when he first saw Dusko
Tadic's
photograph: "When they brought the picture of Tadic, I had no idea that
this was Tadic. I saw him for the first time in person at the Hague, and
before the Hague I saw him on videos which were shown to me by the
Bosniak
police."
This was the sign for the beginning of the washing of hands of the
biggest
deception in the history of the Hague tribunal.
Judge Gabriella Kirk McDonald was the first. She immediately returned
Opacic into the uncertainty of Bosniak hands with the words: "We believe
that Bosnia will act in the appropriate manner."
A legal expert from the Netherlands who is following the work of the
tribunal, Heikelina Verrijn Stuart laughed at this. "The president of
the
tribunal based her decision on sympathies toward Bosnia at a time when
the
world still believed in the picture of 'the good guys and the bad guys'.
Which is probably understandable and motivated by humanism but from a
legal
aspect completely unjustified."
Opacic's request for asylum in the Netherlands was not even considered
and
on June 12, 1997 Opacic left the Schiphol airport despite the
opposition of
several legal experts and Dutch attorneys.
"The Netherlands could not have acted otherwise," was the position of
the
Dutch court and the state of Holland but in the opinion of Jeuran
Sluiter,
a researcher at the University of Utrecht, the European convention on
human
rights should have been taken into consideration.
Since then, Opacic has been in Bosnia. The only person who has remained
by
his side is Branislava Isailovic, who searched for him in vain for
almost a
year because Dragan Opacic was hidden once again. She found him at his
present location, in the Zenica prison, and since then has resumed her
battle on his behalf.
Turning heads: She appealed to Izetbegovic and Silajdzic but the most
powerful men in the Federation continued the trend of turning away their
heads. They did not want compromise the independence of their
judiciary.
Dragan Opacic turned to the institutions of RS: "I wrote a letter to
Dodik,
a letter to the RS government. Nothing yet," he says with resignation.
In the office of the RS government they know nothing about such a
letter;
they also do not know from what point any sort of action could be
initiated. The ministry of "smoothing over troubled waters" or the
ministry
of justice, as it is called in RS, has kept the promise of its minister
to
undertake something with regard to Opacic to the same extent that they
have
abolished criminal activity in RS.
The assistant to the minister of justice, Strahinja Djurkovic,
remembered
the case but could not tell us anything concrete about it.
"We have been in contact and spoken with the ministry in the BH
Federation
and this case has received some mention. We know that he has been
sentenced
to 10 years but we do not know the circumstances under which he was
arrested," the assistant to the minister demonstrated his enviable
interest
in the case. But he has problems in coordinating his schedule. "At that
time we did not have the time to visit him. When we find time..."
Djurkovic also mentioned something about a parole committee; even Opacic
does not believe in this. He is aware that as a prisoner from another
entity and someone accused of war crimes he has no chance for a weekend
visit, let alone a parole. The motion to retry his case was decidedly
rejected by the ministry of justice because "this must be done
according to
a universal plan and consistently throughout BH". The ministry of
defense
has never even heard of him, even though he was captured and sentenced
as a
member of the VRS.
After all this, Opacic's belief that one day when after his release from
prison he will have no place in either the Republic of Srpska or
Bosnia-Hercegovina is not surprising.
No one wants Witness L anymore.
The most accurate and tragic comment came from Opacic's mother, Zorka:
"We
are poor so I guess that is how it has to be."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
----
Village petition
The family of Dragan Opacic lives in the village of Hrnici near Kozarac,
230 kilometers from Zenica, where Dragan is imprisoned. The Opacic
family
lives in the last house, or more accurately, a hut, in the village.
Their
property consists of one cow. The hut itself is dark and damp. "We have
not
seen him for years," his mother, Zorka, grieves. She last saw her son
when
she saw him off to the Army. His father Janko and brother Pero saw him
in
the Hague where Dragan was afraid to admit he knew them. This was the
first
crack in the testimony of Witness L.
His mother, who cries every time Dragan's name is mentioned, swears
that he
was never in the Trnopolje camp. The local residents of the village even
managed to gather a few hundred signatures on a statement asserting
Opacic's innocence and his nonparticipation in anything that may have
occurred in Trnopolje.
They have not visited him in prison yet because they do not have the
money
to do so.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
----
Rights before and after Dayton
In addition to the attorney Isailovic, the only other active interest in
Opacic's case has been expressed by the Helsinki Committee for Human
Rights
of RS. The president of this organization, Branko Todorovic, believes
that
this was a clear instance of a staged trial which was useful to AID for
propaganda regarding "the bad guys". Todorovic also attempted to
approach
the Office for Human Rights but he received the same response as
Isailovic:
that the office has no jurisdiction in matters preceding the Dayton
agreement.
When asked why nothing could be done for Opacic and what is the purpose
of
the existence of the Office for Human Rights, Reporter received a
written
response which allotted this human tragedy two cold paragraphs. "The
office
has considered the report of Mr. Opacic and adopted its decision
regarding
this matter on January 12, 2000. The office has unanimously decided that
the report was unacceptable on the basis of the fact that one part of
his
report was inconsistent ratione temporis with article VIII(2)(c), while
one
part was completely unfounded with respect to article VIII(2)(c) annex
6 of
the Dayton peace agreement," it is stated in the response of Theresa
Nelson, the executive officer of the office.
Even more interesting was the reaction of the BH Federation judiciary.
Mustafa Bisic, the prosecutor of the cantonal court in Sarajevo, swooped
down on the Helsinki Committee, accusing them of requesting a retrial
for
political reasons, and saying that Opacic had a fair and honest trial.
How
fair and honest it really was, Opacic himself felt on his own skin.
Literally.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
----
Moment of truth
Reporter has received a transcript of the moment when professor
Vladimirof
discovered that Witness L was "planted" by the former and current
Bosniak
authorities.
Vladimirof: Have you ever read any kind of statement yourself or has
someone read any kind of statement to you?
Opacic: No.
Vladimirof: Did you read your own statement?
Opacic: I just got the statement to sign.
Vladimirof: So you signed the statement without reading it first?
Opacic: Yes.
Vladimirof: Why?
Opacic: They beat me. I was hurt and they threatened me. They constantly
beat me and told me the most horrible things.
Vladimirof: Did you tell the judge that you were forced to sign the
statement?
Opacic: No one asked me anything, not even my own attorney.
Vladimirof: You were in court, with a judge, police and someone who
recorded everything. Surely you could have told the judge that you were
forced to sign the statement?
Opacic: How could I? They said that they would kill me.
Vladimirof: I understand. Why didn't you tell Bob Reed what had
happened?
Opacic: They told me that I needed to testify in the Tadic case. After
that
I would go back and then my prison sentence would be reduced or I would
be
freed. That is why they told me in the [Bosniak] Internal Security
Service
and in the court.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
Translated by Snezana Lazovic [23 June 2000]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
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nelle carceri di Zenica (Federazione croato-musulmana) per crimini
che non ha commesso.
---
URL for this article:
> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/witnessl-i.htm
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
=========The Case of Dragan Opacic:
Global Imprisonment of 'Witness L'
[June 21, 2000]
by Igor Gajic, 'Reporter,' Banja Luka, Srpska
=========
For six and a half years, inside the walls of the Correctional Facility
in
Zenica, Dragan Opacic has been asking himself each day what he has done
before God to deserve such a fate. Nevertheless, today he has at least
one
guarantee. He will live. Even in the case that he serves the entire
sentence determined by the court in Sarajevo when he was imprisoned on
the
Treskavica Mt. as a private of the Republic of Srpska Army (VRS).
According to the decision of the court, he was sentenced to ten years in
prison for alleged war crimes carried out in the Trnopolje collection
center during 1992. At that time Opacic was 16 years old but this did
not
present an obstacle to the Higher Court in Sarajevo which sentenced him
for
23 counts of murder by gunfire, two counts of murder by cutting of the
throat and 10 rapes. The court was likewise not bothered by the fact
that
not a single witness saw Opacic in the Trnopolje camp, nor that he was
not
he at the camp during the period mentioned in the indictment. He was
sentenced on the basis of a confession which he signed while in the
hands
of AID, the intelligence service of the Bosnia-Hercegovina (BH)
Federation.
Ideal witness: "I had no means of survival. The only thing I could do
was
to sign the confession. Then they stopped beating me. They beat me with
anything and everything. A rubber hose, split wood logs, they put salt
into
my wounds," Opacic is loath to remember. During his trial he did not
see a
single witness. The judge accused him and the judge sentenced him.
Today he
asks himself: "Which of those Muslims was in that war camp and saw me
there? Let him step forward and say that I was at the war camp. They
should
feel free to step forward." This evidence was not provided by the Hague
tribunal, OHR, IPTF nor the Office for Human Rights. Opacic has
appealed to
all of these institutions.
While he related his story to Reporter in the meeting room of the
Correctional Facility in Zenica, Opacic at first appeared calm. Only
after
a certain time did it become apparent that this calm was nothing else
but
resignation or acceptance of his fate there.
Nevertheless, he has not given up on the battle to prove the truth, even
though he himself believes in it less and less.
When he was imprisoned and sentenced, no one knew anything about him.
Neither the Red Cross, nor UNPROFOR, nor his parents nor the VRS, which
after his capture sought him as a deserter. He was carefully hidden and
the
reason become apparent immediately after the sentencing. At that time
the
Bosniak government desperately needed a Serb as a witness in the Hague
in
the case against Dusko Tadic. Dragan Opacic with his confession became
the
ideal witness. Ideal for the Hague investigators as well: they finally
found a Serb willing to say that he was under Tadic's direct command.
He became Witness L.
The only man at that time who was interested in Opacic and his fate was
Branislava Isailovic, an attorney from Paris, has a somewhat cynical
explanation of the manner in which Opacic became Witness L.
"I think that Opacic had many advantages from the perspective of the
Bosniaks. He was young, not too smart and he could be easily
influenced. He
was an ideal witness, created to be manipulated. He comes from a poor,
uneducated family, the chance of his parents initiating a search for
their
son were minimal. While Opacic was a prisoner, his family did not know
of
his whereabouts. What is more, Opacic was less than 18 years old during
the
period when he allegedly committed the crimes for which the Bosniaks
tried
to make him responsible. They used the fact that Opacic was a minor to
hold
his trial behind closed doors; by doing so, they created even greater
pressure on him to testify against Tadic," said Isailovic, who initiated
several motions for the revision of the case against her defendant. For
now
all her requests are at a standstill.
Preparations: Opacic, who testified against Dusko Tadic, had never seen
him
in his life. He was prepared to testify by AID. While he talks about
this
he shakes his head: "I was prepared for a long time. I lived through all
sorts of things. They worked on breaking me both physically and
psychologically. I viewed all the tapes, all the photos but I was
afraid to
step out and say that all of it was a lie prearranged by the Federation
and
the tribunal investigators. They knew it, too, but they wanted to
believe
the government here."
His story at times is accompanied by bitter twitching of a relatively
indifferent expression on his face.
Nevertheless, lying saved his life. Only in the Hague did the Red Cross
find out about him. He became famous as Witness L.
"I told them things but they are trying to justify themselves even today
and so they did not want to try me for false testimony because they knew
that they themselves were involved in it. I have always told them: I am
not
guilty; I was not there; I didn't do anything."
The solution was simple. They prepared him even "better". They took him
in
secret to the scene of the alleged crimes. Cheap movie plots became
Opacic's reality: "It was no use telling them that I had never been
there
and that I didn't know anything about the places they were showing us."
After that, he decided to nod his head at everything that they showed
him.
"I procrastinated as much as I could in order to delay as much as
possible
so that I would have some kind of guarantee for staying alive. I had no
idea whether my family was alive or not."
Washing hands: The deception with the witness, whom the prosecution had
already termed a key witness, was first noticed by professor Mischa
Vladimirof, then one of Tadic's defenders.
During the trial, on October 26, 1996, Opacic admitted to Tadic's
defender
that he was not the author of his confession. The hearing was held in
the
presence of the chief investigator of the tribunal, Reed, the day after
the
identity of "Witness L" was revealed.
"I know Trnopolje from 1993 when I was a refugee there. There were no
Muslims there at all. There were just a lot of refugees there and I
used to
tell them that they wouldn't accomplish anything and that in the end the
lie would be revealed. But they only believed what they were told by the
government in Sarajevo." Opacic remembers when he first saw Dusko
Tadic's
photograph: "When they brought the picture of Tadic, I had no idea that
this was Tadic. I saw him for the first time in person at the Hague, and
before the Hague I saw him on videos which were shown to me by the
Bosniak
police."
This was the sign for the beginning of the washing of hands of the
biggest
deception in the history of the Hague tribunal.
Judge Gabriella Kirk McDonald was the first. She immediately returned
Opacic into the uncertainty of Bosniak hands with the words: "We believe
that Bosnia will act in the appropriate manner."
A legal expert from the Netherlands who is following the work of the
tribunal, Heikelina Verrijn Stuart laughed at this. "The president of
the
tribunal based her decision on sympathies toward Bosnia at a time when
the
world still believed in the picture of 'the good guys and the bad guys'.
Which is probably understandable and motivated by humanism but from a
legal
aspect completely unjustified."
Opacic's request for asylum in the Netherlands was not even considered
and
on June 12, 1997 Opacic left the Schiphol airport despite the
opposition of
several legal experts and Dutch attorneys.
"The Netherlands could not have acted otherwise," was the position of
the
Dutch court and the state of Holland but in the opinion of Jeuran
Sluiter,
a researcher at the University of Utrecht, the European convention on
human
rights should have been taken into consideration.
Since then, Opacic has been in Bosnia. The only person who has remained
by
his side is Branislava Isailovic, who searched for him in vain for
almost a
year because Dragan Opacic was hidden once again. She found him at his
present location, in the Zenica prison, and since then has resumed her
battle on his behalf.
Turning heads: She appealed to Izetbegovic and Silajdzic but the most
powerful men in the Federation continued the trend of turning away their
heads. They did not want compromise the independence of their
judiciary.
Dragan Opacic turned to the institutions of RS: "I wrote a letter to
Dodik,
a letter to the RS government. Nothing yet," he says with resignation.
In the office of the RS government they know nothing about such a
letter;
they also do not know from what point any sort of action could be
initiated. The ministry of "smoothing over troubled waters" or the
ministry
of justice, as it is called in RS, has kept the promise of its minister
to
undertake something with regard to Opacic to the same extent that they
have
abolished criminal activity in RS.
The assistant to the minister of justice, Strahinja Djurkovic,
remembered
the case but could not tell us anything concrete about it.
"We have been in contact and spoken with the ministry in the BH
Federation
and this case has received some mention. We know that he has been
sentenced
to 10 years but we do not know the circumstances under which he was
arrested," the assistant to the minister demonstrated his enviable
interest
in the case. But he has problems in coordinating his schedule. "At that
time we did not have the time to visit him. When we find time..."
Djurkovic also mentioned something about a parole committee; even Opacic
does not believe in this. He is aware that as a prisoner from another
entity and someone accused of war crimes he has no chance for a weekend
visit, let alone a parole. The motion to retry his case was decidedly
rejected by the ministry of justice because "this must be done
according to
a universal plan and consistently throughout BH". The ministry of
defense
has never even heard of him, even though he was captured and sentenced
as a
member of the VRS.
After all this, Opacic's belief that one day when after his release from
prison he will have no place in either the Republic of Srpska or
Bosnia-Hercegovina is not surprising.
No one wants Witness L anymore.
The most accurate and tragic comment came from Opacic's mother, Zorka:
"We
are poor so I guess that is how it has to be."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
----
Village petition
The family of Dragan Opacic lives in the village of Hrnici near Kozarac,
230 kilometers from Zenica, where Dragan is imprisoned. The Opacic
family
lives in the last house, or more accurately, a hut, in the village.
Their
property consists of one cow. The hut itself is dark and damp. "We have
not
seen him for years," his mother, Zorka, grieves. She last saw her son
when
she saw him off to the Army. His father Janko and brother Pero saw him
in
the Hague where Dragan was afraid to admit he knew them. This was the
first
crack in the testimony of Witness L.
His mother, who cries every time Dragan's name is mentioned, swears
that he
was never in the Trnopolje camp. The local residents of the village even
managed to gather a few hundred signatures on a statement asserting
Opacic's innocence and his nonparticipation in anything that may have
occurred in Trnopolje.
They have not visited him in prison yet because they do not have the
money
to do so.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
----
Rights before and after Dayton
In addition to the attorney Isailovic, the only other active interest in
Opacic's case has been expressed by the Helsinki Committee for Human
Rights
of RS. The president of this organization, Branko Todorovic, believes
that
this was a clear instance of a staged trial which was useful to AID for
propaganda regarding "the bad guys". Todorovic also attempted to
approach
the Office for Human Rights but he received the same response as
Isailovic:
that the office has no jurisdiction in matters preceding the Dayton
agreement.
When asked why nothing could be done for Opacic and what is the purpose
of
the existence of the Office for Human Rights, Reporter received a
written
response which allotted this human tragedy two cold paragraphs. "The
office
has considered the report of Mr. Opacic and adopted its decision
regarding
this matter on January 12, 2000. The office has unanimously decided that
the report was unacceptable on the basis of the fact that one part of
his
report was inconsistent ratione temporis with article VIII(2)(c), while
one
part was completely unfounded with respect to article VIII(2)(c) annex
6 of
the Dayton peace agreement," it is stated in the response of Theresa
Nelson, the executive officer of the office.
Even more interesting was the reaction of the BH Federation judiciary.
Mustafa Bisic, the prosecutor of the cantonal court in Sarajevo, swooped
down on the Helsinki Committee, accusing them of requesting a retrial
for
political reasons, and saying that Opacic had a fair and honest trial.
How
fair and honest it really was, Opacic himself felt on his own skin.
Literally.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
----
Moment of truth
Reporter has received a transcript of the moment when professor
Vladimirof
discovered that Witness L was "planted" by the former and current
Bosniak
authorities.
Vladimirof: Have you ever read any kind of statement yourself or has
someone read any kind of statement to you?
Opacic: No.
Vladimirof: Did you read your own statement?
Opacic: I just got the statement to sign.
Vladimirof: So you signed the statement without reading it first?
Opacic: Yes.
Vladimirof: Why?
Opacic: They beat me. I was hurt and they threatened me. They constantly
beat me and told me the most horrible things.
Vladimirof: Did you tell the judge that you were forced to sign the
statement?
Opacic: No one asked me anything, not even my own attorney.
Vladimirof: You were in court, with a judge, police and someone who
recorded everything. Surely you could have told the judge that you were
forced to sign the statement?
Opacic: How could I? They said that they would kill me.
Vladimirof: I understand. Why didn't you tell Bob Reed what had
happened?
Opacic: They told me that I needed to testify in the Tadic case. After
that
I would go back and then my prison sentence would be reduced or I would
be
freed. That is why they told me in the [Bosniak] Internal Security
Service
and in the court.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
Translated by Snezana Lazovic [23 June 2000]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
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Data: 12/08/2001 08:23
Da: TiM Publisher
Oggetto: Bob Djurdjevic on NWO mantra of perpetual
war/commerce (+ Black on Juournalism in Attachment)
Summary of Western help to Macedonia:
About the West, (I wish to say) only one thing. Two days ago, in full
view
of our (Macedonian) army, they had dropped off to them (the Albanian
rebels) two containers full of weapons. The next day, they attacked
Tetovo. Is there anything more left to say?"
FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2001/tim2001-8-1.html
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A Cover Story for the Australian New Dawn Magazine
1. Another Farcical American Oil War
Macedonia: Bosnia III, Kosovo II in the Making; Macedonia Section of
the
�Green Interstate� under Construction
By Bob Djurdjevic
PHOENIX, Aug. 10 - On Monday, government troops kill five Albanian
guerrillas while �peace negotiations� continued at a lake resort on the
Macedonian-Greek border. On Tuesday, Albanian terrorists ambush and
kill
10 government soldiers in the worst single act of violence since the
conflict began in February of this year. On Wednesday, the Lake Ohrid
�peace negotiators� emerge to announce a �breakthrough deal.�
Sane people laugh. The rest applaud.
�Let's give peace another chance," said Macedonia�s defense minister,
Vlado
Buckovski, considered a moderate, a euphemism for a Washington stooge.
He
spoke at a news conference Aug. 9 about the killing of the 10
Macedonian
soldiers.
A Hollywood farce? No. Just a few farcical scenes from America�s
farcical
oil war in Macedonia.
If it weren�t so tragic, the war that has claimed over 100 lives in the
last six months would be downright boring. Were it a film, it could be
titled �Bosnia III,� or �Kosovo II,� just well as �Macedonia.� It�s a
�been there, done that�-production using the same scenario as that in
Bosnia (1993-1995) and Kosovo (1998-1999). Only actors and scenery are
different.
The plot goes like this� American government, acting on behalf of the
Princes of the 20th Century - the New World Order�s real masters,
multinational corporations - incites a regional conflict where none had
existed before. It does it by training and arming ethnic (Islamic)
terrorists. Or by using some of our �allies� to its bidding (such as
Iran,
in the case of Bosnian Muslims; or Germany, in the case of Kosovo
Albanians).
The NWO lapdog media echo the State Department pronunciations. Soon
enough, western public are told that the Washington-trained and funded
terrorists are �[insert name here] Liberation Army,� or �ethnic
insurgents.� They are supposedly fighting for �independence� or greater
�minority rights.�
When the local government responds militarily to gruesome acts of
violence
by the western-trained thugs, such authorities, not the terrorists, are
portrayed by the western media as �rogue� governments.
The intent is, of course, to play on emotions of tens of millions of
legal
or illegal immigrants in the United States, Western Europe and
Australia. After all, these newcomers, many with �green cards� if not
citizenship papers in their pockets, know better than most stupefied
native
citizens about government abuses (some also sponsored by Washington,
such
as in Indonesia, El Salvador or Chile, for example).
Both citizen groups, however, are equally gullible, and thus easily
duped,
by the NWO media. Which is why the greatest violations of sovereignty
and
human rights since the Soviet or Hitler�s invasions of neighboring
countries have been carried out by the NWO forces in the last 10 years
without as much as a whimper from the Coke- and McDonald�s-infatuated
western masses.
The ultimate goal of the Balkans clashes has been to send in the
American
and other international troops as �peacekeepers.� Their presence claims
another piece of the geopolitically strategic ground for NATO, at
Russia�s
expense. And it provides security for a future pipeline from the Black
Sea
to the Adriatic (see the map).
As a result, NATO has now occupied virtually all of the former
Yugoslavia,
once a buffer zone between the West and the (Soviet) East. Since the
quisling Bulgarian and Romanian governments are pleading to be admitted
to
NATO, this Cold War relic, a military alliance created to defend the
West
against the now non-existent threat from a non-existent country (the
Soviet
Union), has practically achieved its goal of reaching the Black Sea. In
its wake, a new �Iron Curtain� has descended upon Europe (see the map):
No wonder the American president, who said during his 2000 election
campaign that he would pull the U.S. troops out of the Balkans, has
done a
turn-about-face. By doing so, George W. Bush proved that the interests
of
American oil and other multinational companies come first, that of the
American public - a distant second.
Bush pushed the U.S. deeper into the Balkans quagmire in late June when
her
ordered some 80 American G.I.�s in to rescue about 320 Albanian
terrorists
from Aracinovo, a small town only six miles northeast of Skopje,
Macedonia�s capital. The U.S. troops marshaled 15 buses, 3 trucks, 3
ambulances and 16 Humvees for an operation in which the Albanian rebels
were whisked off to safety of the NATO-occupied Kosovo (see the map).
The news of the American G.I.�s coming to the aid of Albanian
terrorists
spawned a huge riot in Skopje, during which the Macedonian Parliament
was
occupied by some of the over 5,000 angry citizens for several
hours. Protesters fired guns in the air and shouted anti-western
slogans
during the night of June 25-26.
The June 26 New York Times edition carried a front page photo of the
Macedonian troops trying to prevent some citizens of the Umin Dol
village
from attacking the 101st Airborne Division G.I.�s who were rescuing the
Aracinovo Albanian rebels. Outside the capital, an American diplomat
was
slightly wounded, apparently accidentally, by the Macedonian army
soldiers.
Several other anti-western protests erupted in Skopje during the month
of
July, usually after new acts of terrorism by the Albanian insurgents.
The
targets of the local Slavic populace�s wrath were American, German and
British embassies, as well as a local McDonald�s restaurant and an OSCE
(Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) car.
Macedonian government spokesman, Antonio Milososki, called NATO in a
July
23 news conference �a big friend of our enemies.� The truth could not
have
been spoken any more plainly. No wonder the State Department ordered
all
of its non-essential embassy employees to leave Skopje.
It is especially ironic that the U.S. troops were sent to rescue
Albanian
rebels less than a week after George W. Bush and his senior foreign
affairs
officials declared that they did NOT want the U.S. troops involved in
any
NATO operations that were to follow an eventual ceasefire. Estimated at
about 3,500, this NATO �peacekeeping� contingent is likely to be led by
the
British, whose government has agreed to deploy in Macedonia some 3,000
of
its troops. (No, regrettably British Petroleum isn�t paying for them,
although it probably should be since they serve its interests).
Using American soldiers to save Albanian terrorists was evidently
deemed by
the White House and the Pentagon a legitimate mission. Why? Because
birds
of a feather flock together. Albanian insurgents in Macedonia were
fighting a Washington fight, just as they were three years ago in
Kosovo
(see �Kosovo: Bosnia II, Serbia�s Aztlan, Chechnya�, Mar. 6, 1998 -
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins/tim98-3-1.html). No wonder a top
NATO official in Macedonia (Daniel Speckhard) defensively told the New
York
Times that the late June U.S. action was �a one-time offer (to save the
rebels) aimed at bolstering peace.�
Really? If so, why did NATO, the Albanian terrorists� air wing in
Kosovo,
and a bus company in Macedonia, let the terrorist leave with their
weapons,
rather than disarm them first?
Details, details� The NATO �lie and deny� spokespeople have never been
very
big on details or logic, as those who have followed the TiM reports
during
the 1999 bombing of Serbia know very well (see
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Kosovo/war-peace.html). Fortunately, they
fooled only the ignorant or the gullible. Here�s, for example, what
Colonel David Hackworth, America�s most decorated living soldier, said
about the U.S. Aracinovo escapade in his July 10 column:
�This operation didn't pass the smell test for me. I couldn't stop
asking
myself why NATO brass would risk the lives of 80 American paratroopers
to
save a band of heavily armed cutthroats bent on overthrowing the
established government of a country that our president and State
Department
have repeatedly stated they are committed to save.
The act was kind of like an FBI SWAT team rescuing Timothy McVeigh
minutes
before the execution. My first thought was, Whose side are we really
on? My
second was, What's the objective here -- stabilizing or destabilizing
Macedonia?
The UCK (an acronym for the Kosovo Liberation Army) brigade -- dug in
around Aracinovo, four miles north of Skopje, the capital of Macedonia
--
had been surrounded for two weeks, under heavy attack by Macedonian
government forces and on the verge of destruction. Imagine how we'd
feel if
one of our units was about to take out a rebel brigade whose objective
was
to overthrow our government, when out of nowhere a Canadian paratroop
company swooped in and saved the enemy force?
Of course, the Macedonians were fit to be tied.
Sources in the U.S. Army in Kosovo familiar with the 3/502nd Airborne
Battalion's rescue operation confirm that the mission was all about
saving
the "17 'instructors' among the withdrawing rebels -- former U.S.
officers,
who were providing the rebels with continued military education. But
that
was not enough: The Macedonian security forces claim that 70 percent of
the
equipment taken away by the guerrillas had been U.S. made -- to include
even the most modern third-generation night vision devices," as
reported by
the German newspaper Hamburger Abendblatt on June 28.
Other sources say the "17 instructors" were members of a high-ticket
Rent-a-Soldier outfit called MPRI -- Military Professional Resources
Incorporated -- that operates in the shadow of the Pentagon and has
been
hired by the CIA and our State Department for ops in ex-Yugoslavia. The
company, headed up by former U.S. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Carl E.
Vuono,
is filled with former U.S. Army personnel, from generals to senior
sergeants, all of whom draw handsome wages on top of their Army retired
salaries.
This is the same outfit that in the early 1990s trained Croatian
soldiers
for Operation Storm -- which resulted in the brutal ethnic cleansing of
200,000 unarmed Serb civilians -- as well as bringing Croatian Gen.
Agim
Ceku up to speed. Ceku, who played a central role in the slaughter, is
alleged to have killed thousands of other Serb civilians before joining
the
KLA in 1999, where he again received training and assistance from CIA
and
State Department contractors operating overtly and covertly throughout
ex-Yugoslavia and around the globe.�
Naturally, actions like this make Hackworth and other honorable
American
veterans furious. One still-serving three-war vet, for example, told
Hackworth: �A number of contractors have been pitching me to work for
them
after I retire. I said no. There's no principles, no love of country,
no
honor -- just MONEY. I can't ... sell my soul for a buck.�
�There are laws on the books that prevent American citizens from
serving
foreign governments,� Hackworth railed. �It's about time Congress did
its
duty and enforced them.�
True. But �who will guard the guards themselves?� (Juvenal, a.d. 60-
130).
What if the American government, including Congress, is in service of
the
multinational Princes?
Frankfurter Rundschau, a respected German paper, virtually said that in
its
July 9 report on Macedonia. Quoting Andreas Buro, a political analyst
and
a representative of the Committee for Basic Rights and Democracy, the
German daily said that, �the West has never seriously followed a policy
of
conflict-prevention in Macedonia, at least partly because the United
States
wants to increase its influence in that part of the world.�
�The United States wants a reason to beef up its military and political
influence in the Balkans,� Buro said. He cited the huge U.S. base
(Bondsteel) near Pristina, Kosovo, one of the largest in the world,
from
which �the U.S. forces can oversee transport routes and pipelines.�
To support his claim, Buro cited a letter from Willi Wimmer, a security
expert from Germany's conservative Christian Democratic Union party.
Wimmer
sent the letter, which has received relatively little public notice, to
German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder after a meeting of heads of state,
foreign ministers and defense ministers in Bratislava, Slovakia, in
early
May. The United States, he wrote, wants to correct an oversight from
the
World War II era, and station U.S. military forces in the (Balkans)
area
for strategic reasons.
This writer first pointed out in November 1995, right after the Dayton
accords that ended the Bosnian war were signed, that the �Green
Interstate�
(see http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins/tim95-11.html), an Islamic
demographic �highway� from Bihac (Bosnia) to Istanbul, represents a
confluence of NATO and Islamic interests. And I predicted that next
conflagration point after Bosnia would be Kosovo, followed by Macedonia.
This also helped explain why the former U.S. president, George Bush
Sr.,
announced in December 1992 (see
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-7-5.html ), after he
had
already lost the election, that he would the U.S. troops to this
yet-to-be-formed �country.� And why Bush Jr. is now following in his
Dad�s
and Bill Clinton�s footsteps. Because they are all puppets controlled
by
the same puppeteers - the global multinational Princes.
The fact that Bush Jr. chose a defense contractor and an oil company
executive (Dick Cheney, who also served as Secretary of Defense in Bush
St.�s government) for his vice president and overseer of national
security,
speaks volumes about which side an American president�s bread is
buttered
on (see �Weep Mankind,� this writer�s July 2000 article on that topic -
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-7-5.html). Of course,
George Bush Sr. was himself a former oil company executive when he
wasn�t
in government service, doing virtually the same job.
(Also check out the article �Blood for Oil, Drugs for Arms,� (April
2000),
which was published as a front-page story in the New Dawn magazine�s
July-August 2000 issue).
It is worthy of note that Macedonia was being hailed in the mid-1990s
by
the New World Order globalist elite as a model multicultural
country. George Soros, for example, publicly praised Macedonia and
often
met with its former president Kiro Gligorov, who narrowly survived an
assassination attempt in September 1995. By that stage, some 500
American
troops had been showing the flag in this former Yugoslav republic for
over
two years.
The Frankfurter Rundschau report also said that the British and U.S.
military advisors have been training members of the ethnic Albanian
rebels
from the National Liberation Army (NLA). One of the Western goals was
to
prevent Russia from establishing a presence in the Balkans, Buro said.
But
for Macedonia and the Balkans themselves, a Russian involvement could
be
important. Or that of Russia�s friends, such as the Ukraine.
Which is why the Bush administration is evidently trying to stop it.
While
publicly proclaiming its support for the Macedonian government, the
National Security Advisor, Condoleezza Rice, said during her visit to
Kiev
on July 25, that she had received assurances from the Ukraine
government
that it would no longer sell arms to Macedonia. Between May and July,
the
Ukraine had reportedly sent to Macedonia two Sukhoi-25 fighter jets,
six
Mi-24 attack helicopters, and four Mi-8 military transport helicopters,
according to a July 26 Tanjug news agency report.
At the same time, U.S. military aid seems to be pouring in to its
Albanian
rebel prot�g�s even as the �peace talks� are being pushed by American
diplomats. Like William Walker in Kosovo during the 1998-1999 period
(see
�Washington Crisis Factory� -
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Columns/new-dawn.html and �CIA Ties to KLA�
-
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-3-3.HTML), special
State
Department envoy, James Pardee, is Washington�s �Trojan Horse� in
Macedonia. His job is to distract and confuse.
But many Macedonians aren�t falling for it as evident by the almost
daily
anti-American protests in Skopje these days. That�s because many
Macedonians have seen or heard firsthand reports of the American
support of
the Albanian insurgents. Here�s, for example, our translation of a
message
the Truth in Media received on July 24 from a Macedonian whose identity
is
known to us, but whose name is being withheld for his own security:
�The last two days have been terrible. The Shiptars (Albanians) have
taken
half of Tetovo (a town northwest of Skopje - see the map), and 80% of
villages around Tetovo. There are quite a few dead and wounded
civilians
who are being driven from their homes� About the West, (I wish to say)
only
one thing. Two days ago, in full view of our army, they had dropped off
to
them (the Albanian rebels) two containers full of weapons. The next
day,
they attacked Tetovo. Is there anything more left to say?�
If still in doubt about the real reason for Washington�s support of the
Albanians (oil), take a look at the map at the start of this article.
Note
that the flashpoints of the latest Albanian insurgency lie north and
northeast of Skopje. In other words, trouble spots are AWAY from the
areas
in which the Albanians are ethnically dominant. But they do lie along
the
route of the future oil corridor - the �Green Interstate,� as we put it.
So much for the Albanian rebels having anything to do with �liberation�
or
�secession� of the 23% Albanian minority from Macedonia. Like their KLA
predecessors in Kosovo from which many of the fighters come, they are
mercenaries of the New World Order.
So what does this tell us about �Dubya,� the current American
president,
and his foreign policy team?
(1) The best way of fighting international terrorism is to save the
terrorists so they can fight for us another day. Except for domestic
terrorists, of course (McVeigh, Waco women and children; Ruby Ridge
�rebels��), who must be killed to set an example for other Americans
who
may be unhappy with the NWO�s usurpation of the U.S. government.
(2) Words are cheap. Dubya�s actions speak louder than words.
(3) Any differences between the Dubya and Bill Clinton foreign policy
is
purely accidental. No similarities are.
No wonder Bush�s approval rating back home has now dropped to 50%, the
lowest level for a sitting president in five years. What the American
public seems to be saying is: Clinton was bad, but a Clinton look-alike
is
worse.
NATO to Use Yugoslav Military Bases?
Dubya�s approval ratings would probably sink even lower if the American
media were to carry one of the more bizarre Balkans news items that
emerged
in the last few days. Two years ago after trying to bomb a defiant
Yugoslavia into the stone age, NATO officials are asking that country�s
government for permission to use the Serb military bases, according to
an
Aug. 5 report by the London Sunday Times
(http://www.sunday-
times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/2001/08/05/stifgneur01004.html
).
The reason? The NATO �supermen� seem to have miscalculated a little
when
they started the Macedonian war. An all-out war in Macedonia would cut
off
the Thessalonika-Kosovo supply route, a vital lifeline for some 40,000+
NATO troops in Kosovo.
So NATO officials, hat in hand and checkbook in pocket, are now talking
with Yugoslav government officials about supplying their Kosovo troops
through Serbia (from Hungary, a NATO country). The alliance would need
to
send up to 80 trucks a day through Yugoslavia, with stop-offs at
Yugoslav
Army bases in Novi Sad in the north, and in Nis in the south.
�There are 40,000 guys in Kosovo - and they need feeding, water, tents,
whatever. We've got to look at the alternatives,� a NATO planner told
the
Times. He admitted that the options of going through the Montenegrin
mountains, or the bandit-infested north of Albania, had been ruled
out. Planners have calculated it would take a year to build a suitable
road through Kukes in northern Albania.
A source close to recent talks in Belgrade between the five leading
NATO
countries and Yugoslavia, said the U.S., which is heading the
negotiations,
wants relations between the Pentagon and Belgrade to get back to where
they
were before Slobodan Milosevic came to power in 1987. Among other
things,
this means that Yugoslav officers would be sent to West Point and Fort
Lauderdale for training.
Details of a NATO supply line through Serbia were discussed at an early
August meeting in Germany between American officers, the Yugoslav
foreign
minister, Goran Svilanovic, and the Serbian deputy prime minister,
Nebojsa
Covic, the Times also said.
Given the current Yugoslav government�s subservient attitude toward
Washington, Serbia may become a de facto NATO country even before some
of
the current Balkans frontrunners make it (Slovenia, Romania, Croatia,
Bulgaria�).
So is that bad? Not if NATO pays up. And what would be a fair price?
How
about $30 billion and counting, roughly the amount of unconditional war
reparations that the Yugoslav government should have, but did not,
demand
before becoming a western vassal. Instead, Belgrade sold out its
sovereignty and its honor by shipping Milosevic to the Hague kangaroo
court
for a mere promise of $1.3 billion, of which it has received one far
zero
so far.
Which is why the Serb prime minister, Zoran Djindjic, who orchestrated
the
Milosevic handover, railed against western treachery during a mid-July
visit to Germany. �When I was in the opposition, the European Union
promised us three million marks (about $1.4 billion) in cash for
Milosevic,� he said in an interview with the German Der Spiegel
(Mirror)
magazine. �Where is it? I am seriously warning the West. If my
government
falls, that would cost the international community $10 billion."
Only $10 billion?
Djindjic said Belgrade had been expecting to receive a first
installment of
300 hundred million euros ($255 million) by August, but had discovered
that
225 million euros of that would go toward paying off old debts.... �I
am
losing my credibility and cannot stabilize the country anymore. We
didn't
make any conditions for the handover. We wanted to show our goodwill to
integrate into the international community.�
�But I must admit that I am shocked about the farce of the western aid
which should amount to $1.3 billion,� he said. �If we do not receive a
financial injection immediately, we will have demonstrations and unrest
by
September at the latest.�
Maybe not if NATO pays up, huh? After all, �first you knock them down,
then you build them up,� this writer wrote in 1995, in reference to the
NWO/NATO occupation of Bosnia. That�s when I also pointed out that the
real NWO mantra was �perpetual war for perpetual commerce,� not �world
peace through world trade,� as the globalist leaders claim.
Guess the Yugoslav and Macedonian leaders are only now getting around
to
realizing it?
-----------
2. British Big Brother �Watching Over� Macedonia President�s, Prime
Minister�s Residences
SKOPJE, July 21 - Macedonian Ministry of the Interior announced that a
KFOR
helicopter bearing British insignia flew over the residences of
President
Boris Trajkovski and Prime Minister Ljubcho Georgievski at the Vodno
hillsides on three separate occasions on July 19-20, the Macedonian MIA
news agency reported on July 21.
Observers noted some �lightning balls� being ejected from the
helicopter. A representative of KFOR was contacted about the matter,
and
he explained that they were only performing their regular observatory
maneuvers, during which a security shield of the helicopter reacted to
the
presence of certain radiation in that area.
For detailed investigation of these occurrences, the Ministry of
Interior
requested that a commission to be established, to be made up of
representatives of KFOR, the EU Monitoring Mission, the Ministry of
Defense, and the Ministry of Interior. TiM has received no further
information about the formation of, or the activities of, any such
commission.
Regardless of the nature and the origin of these �lightning balls,� the
mere presence and spying of the British Big Brother over the heads of
state
residences in a foreign country shows that Macedonia is neither a free
nor
a sovereign country. And why should one be surprised? How can a country
that has allowed unfettered access by NATO to its territory during the
Kosovo war call itself sovereign?
(...)
---
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Da: TiM Publisher
Oggetto: Bob Djurdjevic on NWO mantra of perpetual
war/commerce (+ Black on Juournalism in Attachment)
Summary of Western help to Macedonia:
About the West, (I wish to say) only one thing. Two days ago, in full
view
of our (Macedonian) army, they had dropped off to them (the Albanian
rebels) two containers full of weapons. The next day, they attacked
Tetovo. Is there anything more left to say?"
FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2001/tim2001-8-1.html
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A Cover Story for the Australian New Dawn Magazine
1. Another Farcical American Oil War
Macedonia: Bosnia III, Kosovo II in the Making; Macedonia Section of
the
�Green Interstate� under Construction
By Bob Djurdjevic
PHOENIX, Aug. 10 - On Monday, government troops kill five Albanian
guerrillas while �peace negotiations� continued at a lake resort on the
Macedonian-Greek border. On Tuesday, Albanian terrorists ambush and
kill
10 government soldiers in the worst single act of violence since the
conflict began in February of this year. On Wednesday, the Lake Ohrid
�peace negotiators� emerge to announce a �breakthrough deal.�
Sane people laugh. The rest applaud.
�Let's give peace another chance," said Macedonia�s defense minister,
Vlado
Buckovski, considered a moderate, a euphemism for a Washington stooge.
He
spoke at a news conference Aug. 9 about the killing of the 10
Macedonian
soldiers.
A Hollywood farce? No. Just a few farcical scenes from America�s
farcical
oil war in Macedonia.
If it weren�t so tragic, the war that has claimed over 100 lives in the
last six months would be downright boring. Were it a film, it could be
titled �Bosnia III,� or �Kosovo II,� just well as �Macedonia.� It�s a
�been there, done that�-production using the same scenario as that in
Bosnia (1993-1995) and Kosovo (1998-1999). Only actors and scenery are
different.
The plot goes like this� American government, acting on behalf of the
Princes of the 20th Century - the New World Order�s real masters,
multinational corporations - incites a regional conflict where none had
existed before. It does it by training and arming ethnic (Islamic)
terrorists. Or by using some of our �allies� to its bidding (such as
Iran,
in the case of Bosnian Muslims; or Germany, in the case of Kosovo
Albanians).
The NWO lapdog media echo the State Department pronunciations. Soon
enough, western public are told that the Washington-trained and funded
terrorists are �[insert name here] Liberation Army,� or �ethnic
insurgents.� They are supposedly fighting for �independence� or greater
�minority rights.�
When the local government responds militarily to gruesome acts of
violence
by the western-trained thugs, such authorities, not the terrorists, are
portrayed by the western media as �rogue� governments.
The intent is, of course, to play on emotions of tens of millions of
legal
or illegal immigrants in the United States, Western Europe and
Australia. After all, these newcomers, many with �green cards� if not
citizenship papers in their pockets, know better than most stupefied
native
citizens about government abuses (some also sponsored by Washington,
such
as in Indonesia, El Salvador or Chile, for example).
Both citizen groups, however, are equally gullible, and thus easily
duped,
by the NWO media. Which is why the greatest violations of sovereignty
and
human rights since the Soviet or Hitler�s invasions of neighboring
countries have been carried out by the NWO forces in the last 10 years
without as much as a whimper from the Coke- and McDonald�s-infatuated
western masses.
The ultimate goal of the Balkans clashes has been to send in the
American
and other international troops as �peacekeepers.� Their presence claims
another piece of the geopolitically strategic ground for NATO, at
Russia�s
expense. And it provides security for a future pipeline from the Black
Sea
to the Adriatic (see the map).
As a result, NATO has now occupied virtually all of the former
Yugoslavia,
once a buffer zone between the West and the (Soviet) East. Since the
quisling Bulgarian and Romanian governments are pleading to be admitted
to
NATO, this Cold War relic, a military alliance created to defend the
West
against the now non-existent threat from a non-existent country (the
Soviet
Union), has practically achieved its goal of reaching the Black Sea. In
its wake, a new �Iron Curtain� has descended upon Europe (see the map):
No wonder the American president, who said during his 2000 election
campaign that he would pull the U.S. troops out of the Balkans, has
done a
turn-about-face. By doing so, George W. Bush proved that the interests
of
American oil and other multinational companies come first, that of the
American public - a distant second.
Bush pushed the U.S. deeper into the Balkans quagmire in late June when
her
ordered some 80 American G.I.�s in to rescue about 320 Albanian
terrorists
from Aracinovo, a small town only six miles northeast of Skopje,
Macedonia�s capital. The U.S. troops marshaled 15 buses, 3 trucks, 3
ambulances and 16 Humvees for an operation in which the Albanian rebels
were whisked off to safety of the NATO-occupied Kosovo (see the map).
The news of the American G.I.�s coming to the aid of Albanian
terrorists
spawned a huge riot in Skopje, during which the Macedonian Parliament
was
occupied by some of the over 5,000 angry citizens for several
hours. Protesters fired guns in the air and shouted anti-western
slogans
during the night of June 25-26.
The June 26 New York Times edition carried a front page photo of the
Macedonian troops trying to prevent some citizens of the Umin Dol
village
from attacking the 101st Airborne Division G.I.�s who were rescuing the
Aracinovo Albanian rebels. Outside the capital, an American diplomat
was
slightly wounded, apparently accidentally, by the Macedonian army
soldiers.
Several other anti-western protests erupted in Skopje during the month
of
July, usually after new acts of terrorism by the Albanian insurgents.
The
targets of the local Slavic populace�s wrath were American, German and
British embassies, as well as a local McDonald�s restaurant and an OSCE
(Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) car.
Macedonian government spokesman, Antonio Milososki, called NATO in a
July
23 news conference �a big friend of our enemies.� The truth could not
have
been spoken any more plainly. No wonder the State Department ordered
all
of its non-essential embassy employees to leave Skopje.
It is especially ironic that the U.S. troops were sent to rescue
Albanian
rebels less than a week after George W. Bush and his senior foreign
affairs
officials declared that they did NOT want the U.S. troops involved in
any
NATO operations that were to follow an eventual ceasefire. Estimated at
about 3,500, this NATO �peacekeeping� contingent is likely to be led by
the
British, whose government has agreed to deploy in Macedonia some 3,000
of
its troops. (No, regrettably British Petroleum isn�t paying for them,
although it probably should be since they serve its interests).
Using American soldiers to save Albanian terrorists was evidently
deemed by
the White House and the Pentagon a legitimate mission. Why? Because
birds
of a feather flock together. Albanian insurgents in Macedonia were
fighting a Washington fight, just as they were three years ago in
Kosovo
(see �Kosovo: Bosnia II, Serbia�s Aztlan, Chechnya�, Mar. 6, 1998 -
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins/tim98-3-1.html). No wonder a top
NATO official in Macedonia (Daniel Speckhard) defensively told the New
York
Times that the late June U.S. action was �a one-time offer (to save the
rebels) aimed at bolstering peace.�
Really? If so, why did NATO, the Albanian terrorists� air wing in
Kosovo,
and a bus company in Macedonia, let the terrorist leave with their
weapons,
rather than disarm them first?
Details, details� The NATO �lie and deny� spokespeople have never been
very
big on details or logic, as those who have followed the TiM reports
during
the 1999 bombing of Serbia know very well (see
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Kosovo/war-peace.html). Fortunately, they
fooled only the ignorant or the gullible. Here�s, for example, what
Colonel David Hackworth, America�s most decorated living soldier, said
about the U.S. Aracinovo escapade in his July 10 column:
�This operation didn't pass the smell test for me. I couldn't stop
asking
myself why NATO brass would risk the lives of 80 American paratroopers
to
save a band of heavily armed cutthroats bent on overthrowing the
established government of a country that our president and State
Department
have repeatedly stated they are committed to save.
The act was kind of like an FBI SWAT team rescuing Timothy McVeigh
minutes
before the execution. My first thought was, Whose side are we really
on? My
second was, What's the objective here -- stabilizing or destabilizing
Macedonia?
The UCK (an acronym for the Kosovo Liberation Army) brigade -- dug in
around Aracinovo, four miles north of Skopje, the capital of Macedonia
--
had been surrounded for two weeks, under heavy attack by Macedonian
government forces and on the verge of destruction. Imagine how we'd
feel if
one of our units was about to take out a rebel brigade whose objective
was
to overthrow our government, when out of nowhere a Canadian paratroop
company swooped in and saved the enemy force?
Of course, the Macedonians were fit to be tied.
Sources in the U.S. Army in Kosovo familiar with the 3/502nd Airborne
Battalion's rescue operation confirm that the mission was all about
saving
the "17 'instructors' among the withdrawing rebels -- former U.S.
officers,
who were providing the rebels with continued military education. But
that
was not enough: The Macedonian security forces claim that 70 percent of
the
equipment taken away by the guerrillas had been U.S. made -- to include
even the most modern third-generation night vision devices," as
reported by
the German newspaper Hamburger Abendblatt on June 28.
Other sources say the "17 instructors" were members of a high-ticket
Rent-a-Soldier outfit called MPRI -- Military Professional Resources
Incorporated -- that operates in the shadow of the Pentagon and has
been
hired by the CIA and our State Department for ops in ex-Yugoslavia. The
company, headed up by former U.S. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Carl E.
Vuono,
is filled with former U.S. Army personnel, from generals to senior
sergeants, all of whom draw handsome wages on top of their Army retired
salaries.
This is the same outfit that in the early 1990s trained Croatian
soldiers
for Operation Storm -- which resulted in the brutal ethnic cleansing of
200,000 unarmed Serb civilians -- as well as bringing Croatian Gen.
Agim
Ceku up to speed. Ceku, who played a central role in the slaughter, is
alleged to have killed thousands of other Serb civilians before joining
the
KLA in 1999, where he again received training and assistance from CIA
and
State Department contractors operating overtly and covertly throughout
ex-Yugoslavia and around the globe.�
Naturally, actions like this make Hackworth and other honorable
American
veterans furious. One still-serving three-war vet, for example, told
Hackworth: �A number of contractors have been pitching me to work for
them
after I retire. I said no. There's no principles, no love of country,
no
honor -- just MONEY. I can't ... sell my soul for a buck.�
�There are laws on the books that prevent American citizens from
serving
foreign governments,� Hackworth railed. �It's about time Congress did
its
duty and enforced them.�
True. But �who will guard the guards themselves?� (Juvenal, a.d. 60-
130).
What if the American government, including Congress, is in service of
the
multinational Princes?
Frankfurter Rundschau, a respected German paper, virtually said that in
its
July 9 report on Macedonia. Quoting Andreas Buro, a political analyst
and
a representative of the Committee for Basic Rights and Democracy, the
German daily said that, �the West has never seriously followed a policy
of
conflict-prevention in Macedonia, at least partly because the United
States
wants to increase its influence in that part of the world.�
�The United States wants a reason to beef up its military and political
influence in the Balkans,� Buro said. He cited the huge U.S. base
(Bondsteel) near Pristina, Kosovo, one of the largest in the world,
from
which �the U.S. forces can oversee transport routes and pipelines.�
To support his claim, Buro cited a letter from Willi Wimmer, a security
expert from Germany's conservative Christian Democratic Union party.
Wimmer
sent the letter, which has received relatively little public notice, to
German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder after a meeting of heads of state,
foreign ministers and defense ministers in Bratislava, Slovakia, in
early
May. The United States, he wrote, wants to correct an oversight from
the
World War II era, and station U.S. military forces in the (Balkans)
area
for strategic reasons.
This writer first pointed out in November 1995, right after the Dayton
accords that ended the Bosnian war were signed, that the �Green
Interstate�
(see http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins/tim95-11.html), an Islamic
demographic �highway� from Bihac (Bosnia) to Istanbul, represents a
confluence of NATO and Islamic interests. And I predicted that next
conflagration point after Bosnia would be Kosovo, followed by Macedonia.
This also helped explain why the former U.S. president, George Bush
Sr.,
announced in December 1992 (see
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-7-5.html ), after he
had
already lost the election, that he would the U.S. troops to this
yet-to-be-formed �country.� And why Bush Jr. is now following in his
Dad�s
and Bill Clinton�s footsteps. Because they are all puppets controlled
by
the same puppeteers - the global multinational Princes.
The fact that Bush Jr. chose a defense contractor and an oil company
executive (Dick Cheney, who also served as Secretary of Defense in Bush
St.�s government) for his vice president and overseer of national
security,
speaks volumes about which side an American president�s bread is
buttered
on (see �Weep Mankind,� this writer�s July 2000 article on that topic -
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-7-5.html). Of course,
George Bush Sr. was himself a former oil company executive when he
wasn�t
in government service, doing virtually the same job.
(Also check out the article �Blood for Oil, Drugs for Arms,� (April
2000),
which was published as a front-page story in the New Dawn magazine�s
July-August 2000 issue).
It is worthy of note that Macedonia was being hailed in the mid-1990s
by
the New World Order globalist elite as a model multicultural
country. George Soros, for example, publicly praised Macedonia and
often
met with its former president Kiro Gligorov, who narrowly survived an
assassination attempt in September 1995. By that stage, some 500
American
troops had been showing the flag in this former Yugoslav republic for
over
two years.
The Frankfurter Rundschau report also said that the British and U.S.
military advisors have been training members of the ethnic Albanian
rebels
from the National Liberation Army (NLA). One of the Western goals was
to
prevent Russia from establishing a presence in the Balkans, Buro said.
But
for Macedonia and the Balkans themselves, a Russian involvement could
be
important. Or that of Russia�s friends, such as the Ukraine.
Which is why the Bush administration is evidently trying to stop it.
While
publicly proclaiming its support for the Macedonian government, the
National Security Advisor, Condoleezza Rice, said during her visit to
Kiev
on July 25, that she had received assurances from the Ukraine
government
that it would no longer sell arms to Macedonia. Between May and July,
the
Ukraine had reportedly sent to Macedonia two Sukhoi-25 fighter jets,
six
Mi-24 attack helicopters, and four Mi-8 military transport helicopters,
according to a July 26 Tanjug news agency report.
At the same time, U.S. military aid seems to be pouring in to its
Albanian
rebel prot�g�s even as the �peace talks� are being pushed by American
diplomats. Like William Walker in Kosovo during the 1998-1999 period
(see
�Washington Crisis Factory� -
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Columns/new-dawn.html and �CIA Ties to KLA�
-
http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-3-3.HTML), special
State
Department envoy, James Pardee, is Washington�s �Trojan Horse� in
Macedonia. His job is to distract and confuse.
But many Macedonians aren�t falling for it as evident by the almost
daily
anti-American protests in Skopje these days. That�s because many
Macedonians have seen or heard firsthand reports of the American
support of
the Albanian insurgents. Here�s, for example, our translation of a
message
the Truth in Media received on July 24 from a Macedonian whose identity
is
known to us, but whose name is being withheld for his own security:
�The last two days have been terrible. The Shiptars (Albanians) have
taken
half of Tetovo (a town northwest of Skopje - see the map), and 80% of
villages around Tetovo. There are quite a few dead and wounded
civilians
who are being driven from their homes� About the West, (I wish to say)
only
one thing. Two days ago, in full view of our army, they had dropped off
to
them (the Albanian rebels) two containers full of weapons. The next
day,
they attacked Tetovo. Is there anything more left to say?�
If still in doubt about the real reason for Washington�s support of the
Albanians (oil), take a look at the map at the start of this article.
Note
that the flashpoints of the latest Albanian insurgency lie north and
northeast of Skopje. In other words, trouble spots are AWAY from the
areas
in which the Albanians are ethnically dominant. But they do lie along
the
route of the future oil corridor - the �Green Interstate,� as we put it.
So much for the Albanian rebels having anything to do with �liberation�
or
�secession� of the 23% Albanian minority from Macedonia. Like their KLA
predecessors in Kosovo from which many of the fighters come, they are
mercenaries of the New World Order.
So what does this tell us about �Dubya,� the current American
president,
and his foreign policy team?
(1) The best way of fighting international terrorism is to save the
terrorists so they can fight for us another day. Except for domestic
terrorists, of course (McVeigh, Waco women and children; Ruby Ridge
�rebels��), who must be killed to set an example for other Americans
who
may be unhappy with the NWO�s usurpation of the U.S. government.
(2) Words are cheap. Dubya�s actions speak louder than words.
(3) Any differences between the Dubya and Bill Clinton foreign policy
is
purely accidental. No similarities are.
No wonder Bush�s approval rating back home has now dropped to 50%, the
lowest level for a sitting president in five years. What the American
public seems to be saying is: Clinton was bad, but a Clinton look-alike
is
worse.
NATO to Use Yugoslav Military Bases?
Dubya�s approval ratings would probably sink even lower if the American
media were to carry one of the more bizarre Balkans news items that
emerged
in the last few days. Two years ago after trying to bomb a defiant
Yugoslavia into the stone age, NATO officials are asking that country�s
government for permission to use the Serb military bases, according to
an
Aug. 5 report by the London Sunday Times
(http://www.sunday-
times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/2001/08/05/stifgneur01004.html
).
The reason? The NATO �supermen� seem to have miscalculated a little
when
they started the Macedonian war. An all-out war in Macedonia would cut
off
the Thessalonika-Kosovo supply route, a vital lifeline for some 40,000+
NATO troops in Kosovo.
So NATO officials, hat in hand and checkbook in pocket, are now talking
with Yugoslav government officials about supplying their Kosovo troops
through Serbia (from Hungary, a NATO country). The alliance would need
to
send up to 80 trucks a day through Yugoslavia, with stop-offs at
Yugoslav
Army bases in Novi Sad in the north, and in Nis in the south.
�There are 40,000 guys in Kosovo - and they need feeding, water, tents,
whatever. We've got to look at the alternatives,� a NATO planner told
the
Times. He admitted that the options of going through the Montenegrin
mountains, or the bandit-infested north of Albania, had been ruled
out. Planners have calculated it would take a year to build a suitable
road through Kukes in northern Albania.
A source close to recent talks in Belgrade between the five leading
NATO
countries and Yugoslavia, said the U.S., which is heading the
negotiations,
wants relations between the Pentagon and Belgrade to get back to where
they
were before Slobodan Milosevic came to power in 1987. Among other
things,
this means that Yugoslav officers would be sent to West Point and Fort
Lauderdale for training.
Details of a NATO supply line through Serbia were discussed at an early
August meeting in Germany between American officers, the Yugoslav
foreign
minister, Goran Svilanovic, and the Serbian deputy prime minister,
Nebojsa
Covic, the Times also said.
Given the current Yugoslav government�s subservient attitude toward
Washington, Serbia may become a de facto NATO country even before some
of
the current Balkans frontrunners make it (Slovenia, Romania, Croatia,
Bulgaria�).
So is that bad? Not if NATO pays up. And what would be a fair price?
How
about $30 billion and counting, roughly the amount of unconditional war
reparations that the Yugoslav government should have, but did not,
demand
before becoming a western vassal. Instead, Belgrade sold out its
sovereignty and its honor by shipping Milosevic to the Hague kangaroo
court
for a mere promise of $1.3 billion, of which it has received one far
zero
so far.
Which is why the Serb prime minister, Zoran Djindjic, who orchestrated
the
Milosevic handover, railed against western treachery during a mid-July
visit to Germany. �When I was in the opposition, the European Union
promised us three million marks (about $1.4 billion) in cash for
Milosevic,� he said in an interview with the German Der Spiegel
(Mirror)
magazine. �Where is it? I am seriously warning the West. If my
government
falls, that would cost the international community $10 billion."
Only $10 billion?
Djindjic said Belgrade had been expecting to receive a first
installment of
300 hundred million euros ($255 million) by August, but had discovered
that
225 million euros of that would go toward paying off old debts.... �I
am
losing my credibility and cannot stabilize the country anymore. We
didn't
make any conditions for the handover. We wanted to show our goodwill to
integrate into the international community.�
�But I must admit that I am shocked about the farce of the western aid
which should amount to $1.3 billion,� he said. �If we do not receive a
financial injection immediately, we will have demonstrations and unrest
by
September at the latest.�
Maybe not if NATO pays up, huh? After all, �first you knock them down,
then you build them up,� this writer wrote in 1995, in reference to the
NWO/NATO occupation of Bosnia. That�s when I also pointed out that the
real NWO mantra was �perpetual war for perpetual commerce,� not �world
peace through world trade,� as the globalist leaders claim.
Guess the Yugoslav and Macedonian leaders are only now getting around
to
realizing it?
-----------
2. British Big Brother �Watching Over� Macedonia President�s, Prime
Minister�s Residences
SKOPJE, July 21 - Macedonian Ministry of the Interior announced that a
KFOR
helicopter bearing British insignia flew over the residences of
President
Boris Trajkovski and Prime Minister Ljubcho Georgievski at the Vodno
hillsides on three separate occasions on July 19-20, the Macedonian MIA
news agency reported on July 21.
Observers noted some �lightning balls� being ejected from the
helicopter. A representative of KFOR was contacted about the matter,
and
he explained that they were only performing their regular observatory
maneuvers, during which a security shield of the helicopter reacted to
the
presence of certain radiation in that area.
For detailed investigation of these occurrences, the Ministry of
Interior
requested that a commission to be established, to be made up of
representatives of KFOR, the EU Monitoring Mission, the Ministry of
Defense, and the Ministry of Interior. TiM has received no further
information about the formation of, or the activities of, any such
commission.
Regardless of the nature and the origin of these �lightning balls,� the
mere presence and spying of the British Big Brother over the heads of
state
residences in a foreign country shows that Macedonia is neither a free
nor
a sovereign country. And why should one be surprised? How can a country
that has allowed unfettered access by NATO to its territory during the
Kosovo war call itself sovereign?
(...)
---
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Data: 16/08/2001 21:55
Da: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
A: "Belgrade Forum"
Cc: "Internet team of SPS"
Oggetto: Jovanovic on visit to Milosevic
STATEMENT
OF MR. ZIVADIN JOVANOVIC, VICE-PRESIDENT
OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF SERBIA,
given at the press-conference in Belgrade on August 16, 2001
A delegation, determined by the president of the Socialist Party of
Serbia Slobodan Milosevic, in the following composition: Zivadin
Jovanovic, vice-president of SPS, Zivorad Igic, member of the
Secretariat of the Executive Committee, and Professor Slavica Djukic-
Dejanovic, Bogoljub Bjelica, Boro Drakulovic - members of the Executive
Committee, has visited president Milosevic on August 14, in his
detention in the Hague.
The delegation conveyed to president Milosevic greetings, expressions
of solidarity and of moral and political support from SPS members and
supporters and from citizens of our country. These expressions of
support and solidarity have been articulated in the mass popular
rallies in Belgrade and other cities of Serbia and Yugoslavia, as well
as in numerous public meetings of citizens, scientists, cultural and
other public workers. In all these rallies and meetings criminal, anti-
constitutional and illegal abduction of president Milosevic and his
delivery to the Hague have been condemned and personal responsibility
of the executors of this shamefull act has been demanded.
President Milosevic has been also greeted by the delegation on the
occasion of his 60th birthday.
President Milosevic acknowledged solidarity, support and birthday
greetings. He expressed the special gratitude to all citizens and SPS
members who have been sent many letters of support and solidarity,
since he has been detained in the Hague.
He said that he feels well, that his consciousness is completely clean,
that everything he did as president of Serbia and Yugoslavia was based
on the Constitution, Law and on legitimate interests of the people and
State. He especially underlined that he organized resistance to NATO
military aggression because it was his main constitutional obligation
as a head of State and as a patriot. On other side were the ones who
violated UN Charter and basic principles of the international law,
caused numerous human victims and mass destruction and who by
groundless charges against him want to cover their indisputable
responsibility.
During the hours-long talk, actual situation in Serbia, Yugoslavia and
in the Balkans, continuous worsening of the economic, social, political
and security conditions, attacks on freedom, independence and
territorial integrity of our and other countries in this part of
Europe, have been discussed. Special attention has been paid to the
activities of the Socialist Party of Serbia as the most influential and
biggest opposition party in situation when there is an overall
deterioration of the life conditions, when consciousness about the
disastrous consequences of the DOS regime policy increases and when
early elections become inevitable.
Position of president Milosevic is that in such conditions the most
important is strengthening of unity within SPS, respecting the will and
expectations of the members and supporters of SPS and everyday
strengthening of the thighs with and of the presence of SPS among
citizens, workers, peasants, intellectuals - all those who live from
their work and whose interests are directly damaged by the policy of
the regime. The Socialist Party of Serbia as the only political force
that always consequently struggles for the protection of the State and
its integrity, that firmly opposes any separatism and terrorism, that
stands for social equality and justice, that has proved its strategic
orientation to equal cooperation in the region, in Europe and in the
world - is the only force capable to secure conditions for peaceful and
stable development of the country, he underlined. Exactly for that
reason, SPS is exposed to enormous pressures and threats and is obliged
to oppose these pressures and threats by stronger determination in
political struggle and by clearer oppositional stands of its
parliamentary clubs, party organs and leadership. The Socialist Party
of Serbia should not allow to anybody and anything in this critically
important period to turne the Party from its strategic course of the
strongest defense of national, social, cultural and other legitimate
interests of our country and its citizens.
This was the first visit of SPS representatives to president Milosevic,
since he has been detained in the Hague. Visits of the representatives
and delegations of SPS will continue regularly in the future.
During its short stay in the Hague, the delegation had meetings and
talks with several scientists, jurists and public personalities from
the Netherlands, Russia, Canada, Italy and other countries, who have
just visited president Milosevic, or who shall visit him in following
days.
The delegation did not have any difficulties neither in the Hague
detention unit, nor during the two days stay in the Netherlands.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
---
The URL for this article is
http://www.icdsm.org/more/20th.htm
======================================Let's Send A Message To The Hague 'Humanitarians'
-Authors listed below
======================================
The people who bombed Yugoslavia are punishing President Slobodan
Milosevic
for defying them. Let's do some defying ourselves. Flood The Hague with
telegrams and letters on Milosevic's 60th birthday, Aug. 20, supporting
his
resistance.
Please send letters and especially telegrams to:
President Slobodan Milosevic
Huis van Bewaring Pompstationsweg 46a
2597GX Den Haag
The Netherlands
Why send telegrams and letters? And why before August 20th?
****************************
The Full Treatment
****************************
When former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic appeared before The
Hague
Tribunal on July 2, Judge Richard May told him (and the world):
'You will be accorded the full rights of the accused, according to
international law, '
One analyst asked: What are the rights of a kidnap victim under
international
law? ( http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm )
This has been clarified.
1) The right to isolation. President Milosevic has been held in
solitary
confinement for six weeks despite his protest and the official UN
position,
that: "Efforts addressed to the abolition of solitary confinement as a
punishment, or to the restriction of its use, should be undertaken and
encouraged." (http://www.hri.ca/uninfo/treaties/35.shtml)
2) The right not to sleep. During the first several days, the lights
were
never turned off in Milosevic's cell. As a corollary, video cameras are
trained on Milosevic at all times, thus providing the right to no
privacy
3) The right to be denied counsel of your choice. After weeks of
haggling,
one of Mr. Milosevic's Yugoslav attorneys has finally been allowed to
see
him. However, the Dutch government, acting, it says, under instructions
from
the 'Tribunal,' has denied the other Yugoslav attorney a visa.
4) The right to witness the mistreatment of your loved ones. Mr.
Milosevic's
wife is treated like a criminal when she comes to Holland, confined to
a
hotel room when not visiting her husband from whom she is separated by
a
plane of glass. (Thus the Tribunal, a United Nations organization,
expresses
the UN's declared goal that: "All prisoners shall be treated with the
respect
due to their inherent dignity and value as human beings."
*********************************************
The 'Tribunal' Makes It Perfectly Clear
*********************************************
The treatment of Milosevic, a former head of state, and of the other
Serbian
prisoners in The Hague, clarifies what the NATO leaders who control
this jail
mean when they speak of bringing humanitarian values to the world. Is
it an
accident that the Tribunal's jail is located in Schevenieng, the very
village
where the German Nazi's detained members of the Dutch Resistance before
shooting them?
For ten years a compliant media has drummed anti-Milosevic horror tales
into
our heads until it's hard to think straight. But who is really guilty?
Who
has murdered thousands of Yugoslavs with bombs dropped from a coward's
height? Who has driven over a million people of all nationalities into
homelessness in Serbia? Who has unleashed fascist secessionists
throughout
the Balkans, supporting them with arms and training, and lauding them
as
democrats, forcing victims to 'negotiate' with their murderers? Who has
waged
low-level nuclear war, turning Kosovo, focus of one 'humanitarian
crusade,'
into a radioactive dump?
To his great credit Milosevic used his July appearance at the Tribunal
to
declare: "This Tribunal aims to produce false justification for the war
crimes of NATO committed in Yugoslavia."
(http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm)
******************************************************
You Can Take A Stand - Before August 20th!
******************************************************
By refusing to bow before the NATO criminals, Milosevic has done the
world an
incalculable service. In response NATO is trying to break his spirit.
Therefore we urge every individual and every group to send letters and
Telegrams of support to Milosevic. August 20th is his 60th birthday. It
is in
no way sentimental to urge people: send Milosevic letters and
especially
Telegrams before his birthday August 20th. Through this small gesture
you
will serve notice on the 'Tribunal' that you are watching everything
they do,
and you will also help sustain the courage of this man who, kept in
isolation
and mistreated, is sustained in his principled stance by the justice of
his
defense of Yugoslav sovereignty, and his opposition to NATO, and by the
support that burns in your heart.
Please send letters and especially telegrams to:
President Slobodan Milosevic
Huis van Bewaring Pompstationsweg 46a
2597GX Den Haag
The Netherlands
Signed:
Klaus Hartmann, Vice-Chairman, Committee to Defend Milosevic, Germany
Jared Israel, www.emperors-clothes.com , USA
Ian Johnson, North West Regional Secretary, Socialist Labour Party,
England
Mihail N. Kuznecov, Professor of International Law, Russian Federation
Nico
Varkevisser, www.targets.org , The Netherlands
http://www.icdsm.org
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
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Da: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
A: "Belgrade Forum"
Cc: "Internet team of SPS"
Oggetto: Jovanovic on visit to Milosevic
STATEMENT
OF MR. ZIVADIN JOVANOVIC, VICE-PRESIDENT
OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF SERBIA,
given at the press-conference in Belgrade on August 16, 2001
A delegation, determined by the president of the Socialist Party of
Serbia Slobodan Milosevic, in the following composition: Zivadin
Jovanovic, vice-president of SPS, Zivorad Igic, member of the
Secretariat of the Executive Committee, and Professor Slavica Djukic-
Dejanovic, Bogoljub Bjelica, Boro Drakulovic - members of the Executive
Committee, has visited president Milosevic on August 14, in his
detention in the Hague.
The delegation conveyed to president Milosevic greetings, expressions
of solidarity and of moral and political support from SPS members and
supporters and from citizens of our country. These expressions of
support and solidarity have been articulated in the mass popular
rallies in Belgrade and other cities of Serbia and Yugoslavia, as well
as in numerous public meetings of citizens, scientists, cultural and
other public workers. In all these rallies and meetings criminal, anti-
constitutional and illegal abduction of president Milosevic and his
delivery to the Hague have been condemned and personal responsibility
of the executors of this shamefull act has been demanded.
President Milosevic has been also greeted by the delegation on the
occasion of his 60th birthday.
President Milosevic acknowledged solidarity, support and birthday
greetings. He expressed the special gratitude to all citizens and SPS
members who have been sent many letters of support and solidarity,
since he has been detained in the Hague.
He said that he feels well, that his consciousness is completely clean,
that everything he did as president of Serbia and Yugoslavia was based
on the Constitution, Law and on legitimate interests of the people and
State. He especially underlined that he organized resistance to NATO
military aggression because it was his main constitutional obligation
as a head of State and as a patriot. On other side were the ones who
violated UN Charter and basic principles of the international law,
caused numerous human victims and mass destruction and who by
groundless charges against him want to cover their indisputable
responsibility.
During the hours-long talk, actual situation in Serbia, Yugoslavia and
in the Balkans, continuous worsening of the economic, social, political
and security conditions, attacks on freedom, independence and
territorial integrity of our and other countries in this part of
Europe, have been discussed. Special attention has been paid to the
activities of the Socialist Party of Serbia as the most influential and
biggest opposition party in situation when there is an overall
deterioration of the life conditions, when consciousness about the
disastrous consequences of the DOS regime policy increases and when
early elections become inevitable.
Position of president Milosevic is that in such conditions the most
important is strengthening of unity within SPS, respecting the will and
expectations of the members and supporters of SPS and everyday
strengthening of the thighs with and of the presence of SPS among
citizens, workers, peasants, intellectuals - all those who live from
their work and whose interests are directly damaged by the policy of
the regime. The Socialist Party of Serbia as the only political force
that always consequently struggles for the protection of the State and
its integrity, that firmly opposes any separatism and terrorism, that
stands for social equality and justice, that has proved its strategic
orientation to equal cooperation in the region, in Europe and in the
world - is the only force capable to secure conditions for peaceful and
stable development of the country, he underlined. Exactly for that
reason, SPS is exposed to enormous pressures and threats and is obliged
to oppose these pressures and threats by stronger determination in
political struggle and by clearer oppositional stands of its
parliamentary clubs, party organs and leadership. The Socialist Party
of Serbia should not allow to anybody and anything in this critically
important period to turne the Party from its strategic course of the
strongest defense of national, social, cultural and other legitimate
interests of our country and its citizens.
This was the first visit of SPS representatives to president Milosevic,
since he has been detained in the Hague. Visits of the representatives
and delegations of SPS will continue regularly in the future.
During its short stay in the Hague, the delegation had meetings and
talks with several scientists, jurists and public personalities from
the Netherlands, Russia, Canada, Italy and other countries, who have
just visited president Milosevic, or who shall visit him in following
days.
The delegation did not have any difficulties neither in the Hague
detention unit, nor during the two days stay in the Netherlands.
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
---
The URL for this article is
http://www.icdsm.org/more/20th.htm
======================================Let's Send A Message To The Hague 'Humanitarians'
-Authors listed below
======================================
The people who bombed Yugoslavia are punishing President Slobodan
Milosevic
for defying them. Let's do some defying ourselves. Flood The Hague with
telegrams and letters on Milosevic's 60th birthday, Aug. 20, supporting
his
resistance.
Please send letters and especially telegrams to:
President Slobodan Milosevic
Huis van Bewaring Pompstationsweg 46a
2597GX Den Haag
The Netherlands
Why send telegrams and letters? And why before August 20th?
****************************
The Full Treatment
****************************
When former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic appeared before The
Hague
Tribunal on July 2, Judge Richard May told him (and the world):
'You will be accorded the full rights of the accused, according to
international law, '
One analyst asked: What are the rights of a kidnap victim under
international
law? ( http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm )
This has been clarified.
1) The right to isolation. President Milosevic has been held in
solitary
confinement for six weeks despite his protest and the official UN
position,
that: "Efforts addressed to the abolition of solitary confinement as a
punishment, or to the restriction of its use, should be undertaken and
encouraged." (http://www.hri.ca/uninfo/treaties/35.shtml)
2) The right not to sleep. During the first several days, the lights
were
never turned off in Milosevic's cell. As a corollary, video cameras are
trained on Milosevic at all times, thus providing the right to no
privacy
3) The right to be denied counsel of your choice. After weeks of
haggling,
one of Mr. Milosevic's Yugoslav attorneys has finally been allowed to
see
him. However, the Dutch government, acting, it says, under instructions
from
the 'Tribunal,' has denied the other Yugoslav attorney a visa.
4) The right to witness the mistreatment of your loved ones. Mr.
Milosevic's
wife is treated like a criminal when she comes to Holland, confined to
a
hotel room when not visiting her husband from whom she is separated by
a
plane of glass. (Thus the Tribunal, a United Nations organization,
expresses
the UN's declared goal that: "All prisoners shall be treated with the
respect
due to their inherent dignity and value as human beings."
*********************************************
The 'Tribunal' Makes It Perfectly Clear
*********************************************
The treatment of Milosevic, a former head of state, and of the other
Serbian
prisoners in The Hague, clarifies what the NATO leaders who control
this jail
mean when they speak of bringing humanitarian values to the world. Is
it an
accident that the Tribunal's jail is located in Schevenieng, the very
village
where the German Nazi's detained members of the Dutch Resistance before
shooting them?
For ten years a compliant media has drummed anti-Milosevic horror tales
into
our heads until it's hard to think straight. But who is really guilty?
Who
has murdered thousands of Yugoslavs with bombs dropped from a coward's
height? Who has driven over a million people of all nationalities into
homelessness in Serbia? Who has unleashed fascist secessionists
throughout
the Balkans, supporting them with arms and training, and lauding them
as
democrats, forcing victims to 'negotiate' with their murderers? Who has
waged
low-level nuclear war, turning Kosovo, focus of one 'humanitarian
crusade,'
into a radioactive dump?
To his great credit Milosevic used his July appearance at the Tribunal
to
declare: "This Tribunal aims to produce false justification for the war
crimes of NATO committed in Yugoslavia."
(http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm)
******************************************************
You Can Take A Stand - Before August 20th!
******************************************************
By refusing to bow before the NATO criminals, Milosevic has done the
world an
incalculable service. In response NATO is trying to break his spirit.
Therefore we urge every individual and every group to send letters and
Telegrams of support to Milosevic. August 20th is his 60th birthday. It
is in
no way sentimental to urge people: send Milosevic letters and
especially
Telegrams before his birthday August 20th. Through this small gesture
you
will serve notice on the 'Tribunal' that you are watching everything
they do,
and you will also help sustain the courage of this man who, kept in
isolation
and mistreated, is sustained in his principled stance by the justice of
his
defense of Yugoslav sovereignty, and his opposition to NATO, and by the
support that burns in your heart.
Please send letters and especially telegrams to:
President Slobodan Milosevic
Huis van Bewaring Pompstationsweg 46a
2597GX Den Haag
The Netherlands
Signed:
Klaus Hartmann, Vice-Chairman, Committee to Defend Milosevic, Germany
Jared Israel, www.emperors-clothes.com , USA
Ian Johnson, North West Regional Secretary, Socialist Labour Party,
England
Mihail N. Kuznecov, Professor of International Law, Russian Federation
Nico
Varkevisser, www.targets.org , The Netherlands
http://www.icdsm.org
---
Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
le posizioni ufficiali o condivise da tutto il CNJ, ma
vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
> http://www.domeus.it/circles/jugoinfo oppure:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
Per iscriversi al bollettino: <jugoinfo-subscribe@...>
Per cancellarsi: <jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...>
Per inviare materiali e commenti: <jugocoord@...>
---- Spot ------------------------------------------------------------
TI PIACE IL CINEMA MA NON USCIRE DI CASA?
Sei un appassionato di DVD, Home Theatre,
Videocamere digitali?
Da oggi tutte le migliori offerte
direttamente nella tua casella di posta
http://www.domeus.it/ad3227130/valuemail.domeus
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Per cancellarti da questo gruppo, invia un messaggio vuoto a: jugoinfo-unsubscribe@...
