SULLA SITUAZIONE INTERNA NELLA RFJ:

1. nuovi articoli su "Emperor's Clothes"

2. testo in inglese della intervista di
Djindjic a "Der Spiegel"

3. dispaccio Reuters in francese sulla
suddetta intervista

4. solo 75 milioni di euro sui 300 promessi
in arrivo per ora... e serviranno a
ripagare il debito!


---


1. nuovi articoli su "Emperor's Clothes"


> http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/warn.htm

"IF I FALL THE WEST LOSES $10 BILLION"
* Text of Zoran Djindjic's Interview with
'Der Spiegel'
* Comments by Jared Israel [19 July 2001]

> http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/
wilmer.htm

WILMER'S COMPLAINT: DJINDJIC WARNS WASHINGTON
by Jared Israel [19 July 2001]


---


2. testo in inglese della intervista di
Djindjic a "Der Spiegel"

L'INTERVISTA DI DJINDJIC A "DER SPIEGEL"


TITLE: Djindjic schl�gt Alarm (Djindjic
sounds the Alarm)
SUBTITLE: Wir brauchen aufrichtige
Hilfe" ("We need sincere help")
AUTHOR:
DATE: 16.7.2001
PUBLISHER: Der Spiegel

CONTENTS: Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic
feels the west has made a fool of him. In
this interview he complains about Brussels'
grotesque blockade maneuver concerning the
paying of the international reconstruction
help and warned of new crises in the
Balkans.

Spiegel: You took the risk of delivering
Milosevic to the War-Crimes Tribunal. Was it
worth it?

Djindjic: We set no conditions for the
extradition. That way we wanted to show our
good will for the integration into the
international community. At the same time, I
must admit that I am shocked over the farce
of "western aid", that is supposed to be at
$1.3 billion.

Sp.: ...What do you mean by Farce? That is a
whole lot of money.

Dj.: It would have been better if the Donor
Conference never had taken place and they
would have given us 50 Million DM in the
hand. We are trying to reform this country
and to espouse a pro-western course - in
spite of the NATO bombing – and in
Brussels 10 bureaucrats are sitting who
function in accordance with the motto: "when
the light goes out, apply the brakes."

Sp.: Would you explain what you mean?

Dj.: In August we were supposed to get a
first installment of 300 Million Euro.
Suddenly we were informed that from this
sum, 225 million Euro were being withheld
for outstanding debts, some of which date
back to Tito's time. Two-thirds of the sum
are "penalty interests" because Milosevic
refused for the past 10 years to pay back
this credit. The remaining 75 million Euro
we will be given - at the earliest - in
November. That is how western principles
are, we were told. That means: the dying man
gets the medicine, once he is dead. Our
crisis months are July, August and
September.

Sp.: Are you fearing the downfall of your
government.

Dj.: If we don't immediately get financial
aid, we will be confronting demonstrations
and social unrest by September at the
latest. Because we cannot keep our promises,
330 000 families living below 40 DM per
month, 600 000 refugees are weighing heavily
on our budget, and due to the reforms of the
economy demanded by the western creditors,
100 000 people are going to lose their jobs
There are no investments, nothing is being
worked on, nothing constructed. On the other
hand, Milosevic' old socialist cadre are
still sitting in the decisive functions in
the economy and want to see this land sink
into chaos.

Sp.: The socialists are evidently gaining
ground again. Could they again become a
danger for the DOS democratic governing
coalition?

Dj.: Socialists and Radicals will certainly
win more votes. Added to this Yugoslavia's
President, Kostunica, with his skeptical
attitude toward the west and his constant
warning, that nothing of the promised money
will ever be seen....

Sp.: ... and who labeled you a putschist
because of your extradition of Milosevic,
who brought disgrace to the nation.

Dj.: A bit more loyalty from [Kostunica]
would certainly do me good. But dangerous
is, if because this type of quasipatrotic
statements the anti-western trauma is
reawakened in the population. Then I would
not exclude that a new government –
perhaps even the radical leader Seselj that
will receive the first installment of the
Aid package. I wanted to set other
priorities with the economy and weaken other
problems. And I solemnly warn the west: if
my government falls, this will cost the
international community $10 million.

Sp.: Will there be war?

Dj.: There will be crises, in Vojvodina, in
Montenegro, in Kosovo, in Sandzak, in
Southern Serbia. The cooperation with The
Hague Tribunal will no longer exist. And as
always, hundreds of thousands of refugees
will leave. But for that the west has enough
money in their budgets. No one will ask:
Couldn't someone have prevented this crisis?
Everyone will join in singing the tune, that
the Balkans have not calmed down. What we
need is sincere help, not hollow
declarations of sympathy. When I was in the
opposition, the European Union promised us
three billion DM in cash to overthrow
Milosevic. Where are they?

Sp.: You wanted to step down if the
Milosevic extradition to the Tribunal had
not succeeded. Will you give up if the
finance ministers don't come around?

Dj.: I cannot constantly speak to the people
about help coming from the west if none of
it here is tangible. I would lose my
credibility and will not be able to
stabilize the country. Why should I take the
risk of having my family killed with an car
bomb, if everything will be set back to
point zero anyway.

Sp.: Will you hand over General Mladic to
the Hague Tribunal, if he comes again to his
Belgrade home?

Dj.: All of the problems of this region do
not have to be carried out on my back. I
hope that I don't run into him.


---


3. dispaccio Reuters in francese sulla
suddetta intervista


Berlin, le 14 juillet 2001 (Reuters) - Le
premier ministre serbe, Zoran Djindjic a
vivement critiqu� l'Ouest pour le retard du
versement de l'aide qu'il avait promise en
r�compense de la remise de Slobodan
Milosevic au Tribunal Criminel de La Haye

"Nous n'avions pos� aucune conditions pour
livrer Milosevic. Nous voulions montrer
notre bonne volont� d'int�grer la Communaut�
Internationale." a dit Djindjic �
l'hebdomadaire allemand Der Spiegel dans une
interview devant �tre publi�e ce dimanche
[15 juillet].

"Mais je dois reconna�tre que je suis choqu�
devant la farce de l'aide occidentale, qui
devrait s'�lever � 1.3 billion de dollars",
dit-il. "Si nous ne recevons pas d'injection
financi�re imm�diatement, nous allons avoir
des manifestations et des troubles pour
septembre au plus tard."

Djindjic, un des leaders du bloc r�formiste
serbe qui avait chass� Milosevic de la
pr�sidence yougoslave l'ann�e pass�e, a �t�
l'objet de lourdes critiques de la part de
ses anciens coll�gues, et de manifestants �
Belgrade pour avoir livr� clandestinement
Milosevic le mois pass�.

Apr�s que Milosevic fut arriv� � La Haye,
les responsables occidentaux avaient promis
1.28 billions de $ pour aider � arr�ter la
mis�re �conomique de la Yougoslavie, et �
reconstruire un pays ravag� par la campagne
de bombardement de l'OTAN en 1999

Djindjic a d�clar� que Belgrade s'�tait
attendu � recevoir un premier versement de
300 millions d'euros (255 millions de $)
pour ao�t, mais s'�tait aper�u que sur ces
255 millions, 225 iraient directement pour
payer d'anciennes dettes, tandis que les 75
millions restants seraient seulement
transf�r�s en novembre au plus t�t.

"C'est comme donner � une personne gravement
malade le m�dicament quand il est mort. Les
mois critiques pour nous sont juillet, ao�t
et septembre" a d�clar� Djindjic au
magasine.

Djindjic a dit que le support pour les
socialistes et les radicaux augmenterait si
il n'y avait pas de transfert financier
imm�diat, sp�cialement si le pr�sident
yougoslave Vojislav Kostunica continuait �
�lever des doutes sur le fait que L'Occident
verserait bien l'argent...

"J'averti s�rieusement l'Occident. Si mon
gouvernement tombe, alors cela co�tera � la
communaut� internationale 10 billion de $"

Djindjic a mis en garde sur un possible
renversement de son gouvernement par les
radicaux, un retour des socialistes et une
nouvelle crise des Balkans, qui mettrait un
terme � la coop�ration avec le tribunal de
La Haye et engendrerait des centaines de
milliers de r�fugi�s

"Je suis en train de perdre ma cr�dibilit�
et je ne peux pas maintenir le pays dans la
stabilit� plus longtemps." dit-il. "Ce dont
nous avons besoin, c'est d'une aide sinc�re,
pas de vides d�clarations de sympathie.
Quand j'�tais dans l'opposition, l'Union
Europ�enne nous avait promis trois billions
de Deutch Mark en cash pour la chute de
Milosevic. O� est cet argent?"

Original en anglais:

14 Jul 2001 15:14
Serb PM attacks West over aid delay-report

> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
message/1181


---


4. solo 75 milioni di euro sui 300 promessi
in arrivo per ora... e serviranno a
ripagare il debito!


BAVARIAN PREMIER CRITICISES EU FOR CUTTING
BELGRADE'S ASSISTANCE

BERLIN, July 23 (Tanjug) Bavarian Premier
Edmund Stoiber on Monday strongly criticised
the EU for channelling most of the pledged
assistance for Yugoslavia into the settling
of existing debts, while only a small part
represented direct financial assistance. In
a letter to European Commission President
Romano Prodi, Stoiber said that he had been
shocked to learn about the EU decision to
give Yugoslavia just 75 million of the
recently pledged 300 mission euros of urgent
assistance. Stoiber also criticised the fact
that even these 75 million euros would be
sent to Belgrade in November. This policy
causes damage to citizens and political
stability in Yugoslavia and undermines the
European Union's good reputation, Stoiber
said.


---


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(2/2 - fine)

Today, more than ever, our young people are
going abroad to seek employment.

Tuitions have been imposed on high school.
Enormous tuitions have been imposed at
universities. In science and culture, in
publishing, in the media and in institutes
those who are 'politically acceptable'
dominate.

The new authorities say they value expertise
and professionalism. That does not prevent
them from appointing people who are
untrained and unable to perform basic duties
to ministerial, managerial and diplomatic
posts. For these rulers, the Supreme
principles are obedience, membership in the
'right' parties and nepotism.

Unprecedented pressure is being applied to
the judiciary as well as Orwellian control
of the media. Judges are exposed to the most
severe pressures and blackmail. If they do
not hand down the decisions DOS desires they
lose their jobs. If they lose the jobs, they
are forbidden to practice law as attorneys,
their only profession.

The total redistribution of our country's
foreign policy interests is carried out in
such a way that these are completely
surrendered to the West, e.g. NATO. In the
politics of the country, Anglo-Saxon and
German factors dominate, while each has its
direct proponents in the top leadership of
the state. Relations with other countries,
especially with those who extended support,
cooperation and solidarity to our country
and people when it was most difficult, are
completely forsaken or reduced to a mere
formality.

At the same time these authorities are
preparing the internationalization of
autonomism and separatism in Vojvodina. It
seems that what is apparent and completely
clear to every sane person is not clear or
known to the highest representatives of DOS.

The state is facing disintegration. People
do not know who is ruling the country. The
Constitution and laws are simply not
applied.

The President of the federal state, Vojislav
Kostunica, astonishes the Yugoslav and
foreign publics by claiming he was not
informed about fateful decisions. He
publicly asserts that a coup d'etat has been
executed by the republican Prime Minister
Zoran Djindjic, but that does not prevent
Kostunica from sitting with Djindjic at the
same table immediately after said coup, and
cooperating with him as if nothing had
happened. As if a coup d'etat is an everyday
occurrence in democracies. Prime Minister
Djindjic publicly admits that he has usurped
the domain of the Federal State. He only
complains in the German 'Die Spiegel' that,
while he did 'honestly' what was requested
of him the West is late with the promised
payments!

President Kostunica and Prime Minister
Djindjic are publicly contesting who would
have personal control over the Army of
Yugoslavia (AoY). Some leaders of DOS are
trying to dismantle AoY, to weaken it and
its morale since that is NATO's wish. They
are confronting the Army and police. They
are threatening a new wave of political
persecution and more extraditions of our
citizens to NATO.

It is clear that such authorities may not
suffer a long existence. Even those who
financed and organized DOS did not plan to
keep them around for long. But, for the
citizens of this country the question is:
what shall remain of the country, of the
state and of our economic resources after
such authorities leave? What will new
authorities have left at their disposal?

Dear guests,

The SPS is a party of free, creative and
courageous people, organized on the ideas of
social justice, multiparty parliamentary
democracy, mixed economy, freedom and
equality. Within the Party and its
leadership there is much room for different
opinions, especially on methods of
implementing the program's options.

Of course, full internal democracy in
working out political positions requires
total party discipline and responsibility
for public confirmation and implementation
of agreed-on political positions. All
members are subject to such Party
discipline, especially leaders of the SPS.
This basic principle is important to any
political party in all conditions. When
applied to a Party like the SPS, that by its
program covers the entire political space
from the center to the far left, to a Party
that is exposed to political persecution
never before recorded in the political
history of Serbia, then the strengthening of
unity and the honoring of party discipline
has the greatest and most fateful
importance. Our unity shall grow from
strength to strength in relation to
strengthening the Party's activities based
on implementing our Program's options.

>From time to time in the public the idea
that it is necessary to change the SPS
Program is put forward. It is presented in
the form of 'well intentioned" suggestions,
advocacy of 'respect for new realities',
'modernization', 'engaging with' the private
sector, with the intelligentsia, with the
youth, and so on. Actually, the real motives
of such 'well intentioned' theses and
suggestions lie somewhere else.

Allow me, in respect of this, to refresh
your memory on one position from the SPS
Program:

"In its basic programmatic principles, the
Socialist Party of Serbia draws from the
development of socialist ideas in our
country and throughout the world, as well as
from the generally acknowledged positive
results of the democratic political practice
of socialist forces, especially in Western
Europe and from our own development since
the Second World War. Part of its political
and moral strength is drawn from the results
of the all-peoples' democratic and patriotic
movement in Serbia at the end of the 1980s.
Before the changes in Eastern Europe, this
mass struggle of ordinary people supported
the policy of democratization, national
emancipation and socialist reforms. It was
that mass movement and that policy that
showed the need to establish the Socialist
Party of Serbia".

This is why the SPS was and remains a strong
political party widely accepted in all
social structures and among all generations.
Its influence and importance have grown
because general developments within the last
ten months have caused even deeper concern
among the vast majority of citizens
regardless of their political views, their
age, or the party to which they might
belong.

It should be noted at this point that when
our opponents say the SPS should change its
Program, they say so because they are
conscious of the strong historical
foundations of our party. That bothers them.
They know that these foundations are rooted
in the freedom-loving and humanist spiritual
traditions of our people. They are rooted in
the more than two centuries of development
of socialist thought in Europe and Serbia,
but also in today's concrete circumstances.

When some of our comrades say the Program
should be changed, that indicates that they
do not understand what in the historical
sense is most advantageous for our Party.
For their sake and the sake of the general
public, it should be clearly stated what
programmatic and political potentials of our
Program have not been sufficiently utilized
and what programmatic oversights have now
mostly been overcome.

Why exactly have our people and our party
become the target of most brutal, most
illegal and most dishonorable methods of
contemporary imperial policy?

Above all because we implemented in an
authentic manner democratic and economic
reforms. We were first in Eastern Europe to
commence with reforms. However, we worked in
the interest of our people, and not
neo-colonial power centers. Ine the late
1980s we took power away from the corrupted
elements who had lost touch with the people.
During the 5th of October putsch, these same
elements, dregs of the old League of
Communists, who had betrayed its basic
principles, came back to power either
directly or through their children, anxious
to regain their never-forgotten privileges
and commissions and to impose authoritarian
rule by means of lawlessness, crime and
treason.

By defending national dignity and
sovereignty, by defending what are in fact
the most progressive European principles, as
embodied in its Program, the Socialist Party
of Serbia has led the nation along the only
possible path. This is the path of
preserving and developing economic potential
as the basis for social justice and
spiritual development, to renew and develop
integrative connections with our neighbors.

In that way we would enter the European
Home, not the pantry in the European
economic courtyard.

The SPS has not had problems in its Program
or in its basic political organization, but
in the practical implementation of its
Program.

Our program opposes the transformation of
the economic and financial power of any
individuals into political power. First, a
Party of the Left, born of the people,
should not allow arrogant and immodest
displays by its better-off members.
Secondly, the party and government, once we
regain it, should not be influenced by
careerists, profiteers and those who seek
shelter from the storm, nor give power to
forces without popular support.

These are lessons we have learned quite
well. Those who put their personal interests
over the general good have either left our
Party and joined the powers-that-be to
preserve their fortunes or else we ourselves
have removed them. To them and others that
would wish to emulate them, there is no
longer a place in the Socialist Party of
Serbia. In addition, we have decided that we
shall finally dispense with ill-founded
pre-election coalitions. Every party should
have power only in proportion to its real
popular support.

The position of the SPS was and remains
clear: the preservation of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, as a sovereign and
independent state, a community of equal
citizens and republics of Serbia and
Montenegro, is an expression of their
historical interests, the precondition of
their independence and modern economic
development. Struggle against separatism,
terrorism and organized international crime,
and a stronger drive for regional economic
integration are unthinkable without the
preservation of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia.

The last 10 months of totalitarianism,
lawlessness, persecution and darkness,
though difficult, have helped our party in
many respects.

We understood where we were mistaken and
also where our unused potentials lie.

We paid the price of opportunism towards
those who were with us only for their own
benefit because the SPS was in power.

We understand the importance of daily
contacts with the people and respect for
their desires.

Enriched with this knowledge and experience
the SPS shall strengthen its relations with
all the social strata acting as a factor of
unity that contributes creativity, wisdom,
energy and �lan for the benefit of general
progress. Openness and responsibility shall
be expressed above all towards the
membership and sympathizers who stood fast
with the policy and Program of the SPS when
this was most difficult. At the same time
that shall be the most important criteria in
selecting nominees for electoral lists.

We owe it to the young, not only in words,
but in practice also to give them much wider
possibilities for participation and
influence in the Party's life. They earned
that by their contribution in affirming our
policy and defending its values as well as
in the protests that have taken place within
the last few months.

The Federal Government fell because of the
violation of the state's Constitution and
laws. The SPS deems that in the new
Government there should not be a place for
those directly responsible for the
unconstitutional decree on extradition.

Expressing the mass requests of the citizens
of Serbia, the SPS demands the resignation
of the republican Government that is
responsible for the violation of the
Constitution of Yugoslavia and Serbia, of
the decision of the Federal Constitutional
Court, for usurpation of authority that does
not belong to it, for the abduction and
extradition of Slobodan Milosevic to NATO.

Elections must not be delayed further.

No one should interfere with new elections -
not the US, nor the EU nor Soros nor similar
forces.

The many difficulties we have endured and
struggled with have made us stronger. We are
facing old and new difficulties, challenges
and new possibilities.

If the SPS has been a support for Serbia and
Yugoslavia in defence of the state, of
freedom and of social justice up to now,
then the SPS shall be even more needed in
the future, exactly because those basic
values are even more jeopardized.

In the coming period it is our duty to pay
much more attention to the analysis of
economic and social problems and to
spreading SPS influence among workers, the
people who suffer most due to such problems.

Issues involving agriculture and rural areas
must be approached in a more organized
manner, a manner befitting the Party that
has always had its greatest support in rural
areas.

The intelligentsia is a natural support for
the SPS as a widely based, open Party with a
Left orientation. Even though daily more and
more intellectuals - scientific, cultural
and public workers - accept and support our
positions on actual issues, our actions and
have the same positions regarding the future
of the state and the people, we have to
contribute much more to fully activate that
potential support.

People's energy, stimulated by mass
protests, has to be maintained. The ideas
and requests of people's rallies must be
even more decisively affirmed and struggled
for via parliamentary caucuses, the media,
and through international contacts.

Above all this applies to persistence in
demanding that responsibility be established
for those who violated the Constitution,
laws, moral and international rules in
connection with the abduction of President
Slobodan Milosevic. The vast majority of
Yugoslav people also demand the abolition of
the Hague Tribunal as an extended hand of
NATO. At the same time, this is a demand of
the international public and especially
scientific, cultural and legal
professionals.

For crimes in Yugoslavia the address is
NATO, not the defenders of freedom!

Whatever the intention of its master, until
the Hague 'Tribunal' is abolished it will be
a stage on which the conquering, Imperial
nature of NATO exposes itself.

The Socialist Party of Serbia calls upon all
citizens, all democratic parties and
organizations, all cultural and scientific
institutions to demand early elections, free
democratic life in the country, an end to
dictatorship, a dignified entrance into the
circle of free countries of Europe and the
world, without protectorate and colonial
servility, with belief in its own spiritual
strength and economic and creative
potentials.

Our Party has strength, decisiveness and
enough expert cadres to contribute towards
such a perspective for Serbia and
Yugoslavia.



To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the
world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international
committee to defend Slobodan Milosevic)

---

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solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
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Discorso di Z. Jovanovic ai delegati
dell'SPS in occasione dell'XI anniversario
della fondazione del partito (versione
inglese; la versione serbocroata si puo' reperire
sul sito dell'SPS: http://www.sps.org.yu)


Subject: The SPS: A POLICY OF JUSTICE
Date: Thu, 19 Jul 2001 16:03:22 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"


On its Eleventh Anniversary...

The SPS: A POLICY OF JUSTICE


Address of Mr. Zivadin Jovanovic,
Vice-president of the Head Committee, Acting
President of the Socialist Party of Serbia
at the solemn session of the Head Committee,
on July 16, 2001

Comrades,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Esteemed members of the Diplomatic Corps,

The Socialist Party of Serbia was formed
eleven years ago.

It has existed during a period of dramatic
historic events that have wiped out many
positive results of the First and Second
World Wars, with tragic consequences.

The opening and deepening of the Yugoslav
crisis and the violent secession of former
Yugoslav republics were directed primarily
against the Serbian people. Europe has
trampled the very basis of its stability,
the principle of non-violability of
internationally recognized borders. Europe
has legitimized separatism. Russia has
allowed it to happen.

Today this is coming back to haunt the world
in the form of spreading separatism,
terrorism and the rapid growth of
international crime. We can see this growth
of crime from Chechnya to the Caspian, the
Bosphorus, in Kosovo and Metohia, from
Macedonia to Gibraltar and Afghanistan, and
via Suez and Magreb to the North Atlantic.

For years our people were exposed to the
most massive violations of basic human
rights and to genocide. On one side there
was the violent fragmentation of the Serbian
national body. Vast numbers of Serbs were
expelled from centuries-old homesteads.
Millions became refugees. On the other side,
there were sanctions that denied a normal
existence to millions of citizens and
refugees.

For many wise men in Europe and the world
this was seen as revenge for the role played
and the contribution made by Serbia and the
Serbian people at fateful moments in
European history.

The SPS played the key role in 1992 in
constituting the Federal republic of
Yugoslavia as the state of continuity and as
a community-union of equal citizens of the
republics of Serbia and Montenegro. That was
a natural role and obligation for a
popularly based, progressive party with a
national vision and responsibilities,
reacting to separatism, to the crushing of
the Serbian people and to the re-tailoring
of this exceptionally important geopolitical
area. At the same time it was an expression
of a policy of regional peace and stability
that could hardly be possible without a
state uniting Serbia and Montenegro.

The constructive and responsible policy of
the SPS was confirmed by the role played by
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in
finding a peaceful political solution for
the civil war in Bosnia & Herzegovina. It is
today an irrefutable historical fact that
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia made the
most important contribution to achieving the
Dayton-Paris Agreement.

The alternative would have been a drastic
escalation of war.

The crucial leadership in halting this
conflict was provided by the founder and
president of the SPS, Slobodan Milosevic. It
is because of his contribution as president
of the Republic of Serbia and head of the
Yugoslav negotiating delegation in 1995 that
today there is peace and relative stability
in Bosnia & Herzegovina. These achievements
are today jeopardized by these who in the
name of some 'international community'
hinder and distort the implementation of the
Dayton-Paris Agreement and attempt to revise
that Agreement to the detriment of the
Republic of Srpska and the Serbian people.

In the Program adopted by the SPS in 1992,
and in its practice, our Party has fashioned
itself as a modern party of the Left. The
SPS is committed to the strengthening and
overall progress of Serbia and Yugoslavia,
for Kosovo and Metohia to be integral parts
of Serbia, for peace in the Balkans and for
Yugoslavia's integration and overall
cooperation with its neighbors, and with
Europe, Russia, the USA, China, India and
all other countries.

Our platform of cooperation is simple:
equality and non-interference.

The accusation that the SPS is a party
suited only to isolation and confrontation
is not only baseless, but made with
malicious intent by those whose own
"Europeanism" is expressed through their
daily sell-off of vital national and state
interests.

The best evidence that the SPS is open
towards its neighbors and the entire world
is the fact that the SPS maintains regular
contacts and cooperation with over 130
parties and movements in the Balkans, Europe
and worldwide. As the party in power, the
SPS, through the Federal government, made
possible the maintenance of diplomatic
relations and cooperation with over 170
countries. A system of close to 3000
international agreements functioned in
continuity, including those that the Kingdom
of Serbia had concluded with Western
countries at the end of 19th century.

The Government concluded or maintained
agreements abolishing visas with many
countries, normalizing relations with the
former Yugoslav republics, maintaining a
free trade zone with Macedonia and the
Russian federation involving favorable
credits and favorable terms amounting to
over 2 billion German marks, and many other
agreements affecting economics, investment,
traffic and culture.

The vast majority of UN member countries
gave their support to the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, including its right to
continuity of membership in the World
Organization. That's why the attempts of the
former US administration and the so-called
'Croatian initiative' to expel Yugoslavia
from the UN could not succeed.

But what our adversaries could not do was
done for them by the new 'democratic'
authorities in Belgrade. As soon as they
took over, by a stroke of the pen they
eliminated our country as a founding member
of the World Organization, submitting a
request to be admitted as a new member - the
189th!

Very quickly these new authorities violated
the Constitution, humiliated the National
Assembly and by the zeal of their
subservience surprised even the order-givers
from the outgoing Clinton administration.
History and the people shall assess and
suffer the consequences of that drastic
decline in the dignity of our state.

NATO's armed aggression in 1999 was
recognized by the world as a dangerous
violation of the basic principles of
international relations and the UN Charter
and a blow to the foundations of the
international legal order. It was a crime
against peace and humanity executed by an
unprecedented alliance of the mightiest
military machinery in human history working
with an openly terrorist organization, the
so-called KLA.

It shall remain as a record of the utmost
cynicism that this aggression, in the course
of which about 3000 of our citizens were
killed, in which radiation and other
forbidden weapons were used, and which
inflicted war damages exceeding 100 billion
dollars, was given the name: "Operation
Merciful Angel."

The NATO criminals created the show in
Rambouillet and stage-managed the "Racak
Massacre," but their masks of 'mercy' fell
away during the aggression. They destroyed
our bridges, our children's schools, our TV
broadcast facilities; they bombed columns of
refugees and the homes of ordinary people.
They sent cluster bombs and cruise missiles
encased in depleted uranium to blow up our
hospitals.

And all the while they spoke of the
protection of human rights and democracy.

After the aggression, Albanian terrorists
were sent from Kosovo and Metohia into other
areas of Serbia and then into Macedonia.
This has shown even many people who were
poorly informed that NATO is using the
Balkans as a testing ground for new
doctrines and new weapons, for the
intimidation of all peoples who will not
accept neo-imperialism and who dare to
confront hegemonies.

Yugoslavia defended its freedom. It did so
decisively. It will be written in history
that Yugoslavia stunned the world with its
courage, its unity and its patriotism.

This resistance enabled the world to
understand the real nature of NATO.

NATO's aggression was ended by UN Security
Council resolution 1244/99. This Resolution
explicitly guaranteed the territorial
integrity of the FRY. It guaranteed that
Kosovo and Metohia would be an autonomous
part of Serbia providing security and the
equal enjoyment of human rights to all
citizens and all communities, regardless of
ethnicity, culture or religion.

These conditions under which the war ended
constitute guarantees by the World
organization. No one has the right to
diminish the importance of these facts, and
especially not to allow developments and
situations contrary to this UN document.

The Serbian and Yugoslav powers-that-be have
no authority to make a single concession to
the detriment of the Serbian people, or to
the integrity and sovereignty of Serbia and
Yugoslavia. They bear the responsibility for
accepting the so-called Haekkerup's
"Constitutional Framework" that both
formally and in essence violates Security
Council Resolution 1244. The Belgrade
authorities are responsible for accepting
the setting-up of customs stations in
Kosovo, for doing nothing to facilitate the
safe and free return of several hundred
thousand expelled Serbs, Roma, Gorani,
Muslims and other non-Albanian peoples, for
doing nothing regarding the more than 1300
citizens who are missing, most likely
kidnapped, and about 1300 who have been
killed since the deployment of UNMIK and
KFOR (the UN and NATO).

These authorities are also responsible for
cooperating in preparing the public to
accept so-called provincial elections. The
aim of these elections is to sanction ethnic
cleansing and all the crimes carried out in
Kosovo during the last two years.

It must be clear that the Serbian people
would never accept this policy that injures
its legitimate national and state interests,
this policy executed through the cooperation
between KFOR and UNMIK (read: NATO) and the
Belgrade authorities, this policy that
violates UN documents through fait
accomplis. On this occasion we decisively
condemn Haekkerup's "Constitutional
Framework" as an attempt to legalese
secession and the plan for creating a
"Greater Albania." We condemn the so-called
provincial elections, since the conditions
that would make elections possible do not
exist. The SPS calls upon Serbs, Roma,
Gorani, Muslims as well as all other
communities in Kosovo and Metohia not to
accept the census and to boycott such
elections, until everyone is guaranteed
security, freedom of movement and the free
and safe return of 360,000 expelled
citizens. A political solution regarding
autonomy may be reached only through
political dialogue between the legitimate
representatives of all ethnic communities.

Comrades,

What have we done during the past eleven
years?

Faced with a blockade, with sanctions, with
civil wars raging around us, with a million
refugees on our territory, our Government of
national unity above all protected the state
and the freedom and dignity of the people.
It protected all the most important natural,
economic and human resources. It has not
allowed the sell-off of our national wealth.
It has managed to satisfy the basic needs of
the population, the functioning of the
economy and basic social services. Under
these difficult conditions, our farmers have
made an extraordinary contribution to
fulfilling the basic needs of the
population, even making it possible to
export farm products.

>From 1995 on, the Government intensified
reforms, mobilized domestic resources, and
strengthened cooperation with countries that
refused to apply sanctions and started new
industrial production. In the very midst of
NATO's aggression, the process of
reconstruction and renewal began. Our
government, our people reconstructed or
newly built more than 50 bridges. Free
housing was provided for families whose
homes were destroyed by NATO. A program to
build 100,000 apartments for young couples
and members of the army and police was
begun. A program for the intensive
employment of young, skilled workers was
implemented.

By means of special measures and programs,
the development of agriculture and the
construction industry and exports were
stimulated. Prices of foodstuffs,
electricity, communal services and other
basic needs were kept in harmony with the
buying power of the population.

Such efforts were supported by the people in
our Diaspora, for which we owe them
recognition and thanks.

All this clearly shows that the policy
conducted by the SPS was in harmony with its
Program. This policy preserved the state and
defended the freedom, sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the country and
social justice. We did not wait for foreign
"donations." It was clear to the Party that
these rich "donors" are not rich because
they give away; they are rich because they
take. That's why the Party always tended
towards co-operation and exchange only on
the basis of mutual benefit. Nothing else is
real. Thanks to that policy we have had the
highest economic growth rate and highest
living standards in our neighborhood. While
during the period from 1995 to 2000, Eastern
Europe had an average annual growth of 1,5 %
of gross national product, our country
achieved 5 to 7 %.

All these efforts and results drew on the
energy and political and diplomatic
understanding of Slobodan Milosevic, founder
and president of the SPS.

After the coup d'etat on the 5th of October,
in which the national Assembly and Serbian
Broadcasting Corporation were set ablaze,
our party and membership were exposed to
pressures and persecution never before seen
in the political history of Serbia. Several
hundred members of the SPS have been
imprisoned and a large number have been
brought before politically motivated trials.
By means of surprise attacks, crisis
committees and the abuse of workers, 20,000
managers of enterprises, banks, power
production and distribution companies,
education, cultural, health care,
transportation and state administration
facilities were removed overnight. The
so-called DOS usurped local authorities in
20 municipalities where SPS had in fact won
the elections.

Comrades,

Dear guests,

The abduction and arrest of SPS president
Slobodan Milosevic on March 31st and then
his abduction on June 28th, St. Vitus Day,
and his extradition to the Hague 'Tribunal,'
represent the height of violent lawlessness.

Many facts regarding the extradition of
Slobodan Milosevic are widely known. The
immediate and especially the near future
will complete that knowledge and also allow
a complete assessment of the goals and
consequences of this criminal act.

Already three things can be stated.

First, the acts of seizing Milosevic and
turning him over to The Hague do not have
local or regional motives and goals.

Second, these motives and goals are not
related to law and justice; rather, they are
political.

And third, this kidnapping will neither in
the short nor long term end the crisis in
Yugoslavia and the Balkans.

Rather, this dangerous criminal act will
lead to the deepening of mistrust and the
continuation of the mistakes of the
so-called international community, with
unforeseen consequences.

Slobodan Milosevic is not only the founder
and president of the Socialist Party of
Serbia, one of the strongest political
parties in the Balkans, but also has been
the president of the Republic of Serbia and
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for many
years. For Serbian people and for the
greater part of contemporary mankind,
Slobodan Milosevic is a leader in the
struggle for a just cause, both on the
national and international levels. He is a
symbol of resistance to hegemonism and
domination, a leader that unified the whole
nation against NATO aggression and
contributed towards exposing NATO's second,
hidden face, completely different from the
aims proclaimed in its founding act. Crimes
committed by NATO in the course of the 78
days it bombed all of Yugoslavia are known.
Concerning those crimes, large,
indestructible documentation exists.

Because of the clear facts about NATO's
crimes, the so-called trial they are
preparing, whose farcical beginning
indicates how it will proceed, cannot fool
most people. Virtually all Serbian people
and a vast part of the real international
community knows that this stage-managed
affair aims to justify the crimes of NATO's
leaders, especially the leaders of the
former American administration, crimes
against peace and humanity.

By putting Milosevic and other former
leaders of Serbia and Yugoslavia on trial,
the victim is being presented as the
culprit. An attempt is being made to impose
on all Serbian people the responsibility and
lasting obligations for all that transpired
in Kosovo and Metohia before, during and
after the aggression, as well as for the
violent secession of former Yugoslav
republics and the consequences of the civil
wars in Bosnia & Herzegovina and Croatia.

Such an approach represents the continuation
of the aggression against Yugoslavia and the
Serbian people by other but no less
dangerous means. This is apparent due to the
orchestrated demonization of the Serbian
people. The demonization is now being
conducted not only in the same international
media that wholeheartedly justified the
armed NATO aggression. It is also being
broadcast in the so-called independent media
in Belgrade.

All that is being done now was in essence
seen beforehand and predicted and the real
aims are known. The Serbian people will not
be turned against itself. It will not take
the side of those who treat it in a racist
manner, who are breaking it up and
transforming it into refugees, who killed
Serbs, who destroyed their homes and sacred
places, who poisoned their soil, their water
and their air!

Not only did these new Belgrade authorities
execute the criminal seizure and extradition
of Slobodan Milosevic, delivering him into
the hands of the NATO executioners. Not only
did they trample the Constitution and laws
of Serbia and Yugoslavia. But they chose to
commit this crime on June 28th, thus
desecrating Vidovdan, St. Vid's Day, the
Serbs' most sacred symbol. This confirmed
the belief that the kidnapping was carried
out to humiliate the Serbian people, whose
self-respect has been toughened through
centuries of struggle. The fact that for
this treason the authorities say they were
promised some kind of money only strengthens
the disgust, condemnation and loathing among
ordinary people, whose exceptional sense of
morality and dignity have not died away
despite exceptional misery. Indeed, the
morality and dignity of the people has grown
stronger.

All that the Belgrade authorities have done
to the people has strengthened the belief
that with DOS there can be no future. These
authorities have crossed the Rubicon of what
can be endured. It is hard to imagine
anything that can save them now, certainly
not some so-called donations.

Whether West and East understand this
reality we shall soon find out.

What else is to be said about the fruits of
the rule of the DOS authorities?

People have realized that DOS is a notorious
NATO swindle. DOS abused the citizens'
desire for change. People voted to live
better, but today they live far worse than a
year ago.

The new authorities are not interested in
production but only in covering their budget
through higher taxes.

Industrial production is 10% lower than
before. In the factories, four out of five
machines stand silent.

Everything is enormously expensive. The only
thing we've gotten from Europe is its
prices. By removing customs protections for
domestic industries and food production our
manufacture has been suffocated, and the
market has been given to foreign
manufacturers. Unemployment and social
misery are spreading. One million people are
unemployed. Two million of our people live
just this side of survival. The sell-off of
our factories, mines and infrastructure to
foreign speculators has been prepared. The
economic sovereignty of our country is being
betrayed.

Those are the results of the much-heralded
'reforms' of DOS.

DOS halted the reconstruction of the
country, because such reconstruction
offended their masters by recalling NATO's
crimes of destruction.

(1/2 - segue)

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Da "Il Manifesto" di Domenica 22 luglio 2001

I non imputati dell'Aja

Eguali crimini Se � legittimo il processo a Milosevic
per "crimini di guerra", lo � altrettanto incriminare
i leader della Nato

MICHAEL MANDEL *

" Esperti legali" citati ieri dalla stampa hanno
liquidato la denuncia-condanna del tribunale dell'Aja
da parte di Slobodan Milosevic nelle prima udienza
davanti ai giudici, definendola "non utile alla sua
difesa" e sostendo che "� improbabile che essa possa
contribuire al suo proscioglimento".
E' davvero spassoso. Le probabilit� che ha Milosevic
di ottenere un processo equo da questa corte sono
tante quante ne aveva di sconfiggere la Nato in un
conflitto aereo.
In realt� c'� molto da dire a favore della tesi di
Milosevic, secondo cui il tribunale � un "falso
tribunale, e le imputazioni false imputazioni"
(grammatica a parte). E quando ha detto "lo scopo di
questo tribunale � produrre false giustificazioni per
i crimini di guerra della Nato commessi in
Jugoslavia", egli in realt� stava semplicemente
citando l'uomo che ha scritto lo statuto del tribunale
per Madeleine Albright: "Il tribunale � stato
largamente percepito all'interno del governo come poco
pi� di uno stratagemma di pubbliche relazioni e uno
strumento politico potenzialmente utile... Le
incriminazioni sarebbero servite anche a isolare dal
punto di vista diplomatico i leader che avessero
trasgredito, a rafforzare i loro rivali interni e a
fortificare la volont� politica internazionale di
impiegare sanzioni economiche o usare la forza" ha
scritto proprio Michael Scharf su The Washington Post
il 3 ottobre 1999).

Trattare il tribunale come un mero strumento di
propaganda della Nato �, in realt�, il solo modo di
spiegarne le violazioni dei pi� fondamentali principi
di imparzialit� giudiziaria, da un piccolo dettaglio
come l'utile link alla Nato sul sito web del Tribunale
(eliminato solo molto di recente), fino
all'incriminazione dello stesso Milosevic il 22 maggio
1999, nello stesso momento in cui i "danni
collaterali" dei bombardamenti Nato stavano
disgustando il mondo. Quasi tutte le accuse in quella
incriminazione concernevano azioni che sarebbero
avvenute dopo l'inizio dei bombardamenti, sulla base
di prove non rivelate fornite dalla stessa Nato. In
altre parole, una incriminazione per eventi che erano
avvenuti, in alcuni casi, soltanto sei settimane prima
nel mezzo di quella che era ancora una zona di guerra.
Una accusa imparziale avrebbe considerato queste prove
molto sospette e inaffidabili, forse la base per una
indagine da compiere dopo la fine dei bombardamenti,
ma che dire di una incriminazione durante la guerra?
Quale poteva essere lo scopo se non, per usare le
parole di Milosevic, "produrre false giustificazioni
per i crimini di guerra della Nato commessi in
Jugoslavia"?
E questo � l'altro punto, in realt� il punto
fondamentale. Perch� se all'Aja ci fosse un tribunale
onesto, Milosevic sarebbe soltanto uno delle circa due
dozzine di capi di governo e di stato, passati e
presenti, da Aznar, Blair, Chr�tien e Clinton e cos�
via, in ordine alfabetico. Per non parlare dei loro
ministri degli esteri, della difesa, dei generali e
dei loro portavoce. Essi hanno commesso ciascuno dei
crimini di guerra compiuti da Milosevic, e anche di
pi�. Per "di pi�" intendo il "crimine contro la pace"
della guerra di aggressione, ci� che la sentenza di
Norimberga chiamava "il supremo crimine
internazionale, che differisce dagli altri crimini di
guerra solo per il fatto che contiene in se stesso i
mali di quelli messi insieme".

"Qualunque tipo di guerra"
Ecco che cosa disse il giudice Robert Jackson
sull'argomento a Norimberga: "Qualunque ricorso alla
guerra - qualunque tipo di guerra - � un ricorso a
mezzi di per s� criminali. La guerra inevitabilmente �
un susseguirsi di uccisioni, attentati, privazioni
della libert� e distruzione di beni. Una guerra
onestamente difensiva �, naturalmente, legale e salva
dalla criminalit� coloro che la conducono in modo
legittimo. Ma atti di per s� criminali non possono
essere difesi mostrando che coloro che li hanno
commessi erano impegnati in una guerra, quando la
guerra stessa � illegale. La conseguenza davvero
minima dei trattati che considerano illegale la guerra
d'aggressione � spogliare coloro che incitano alla
guerra, o che ne intraprendono una, di qualunque
appiglio la legge abbia mai fornito, e lasciare che i
signori della guerra siano sottoposti al giudizio in
base ai principi solitamente accettati della legge
penale".
La guerra della Nato � stata una violazione
consapevole del diritto internazionale e della Carta
delle Nazioni Unite. Nessuno ha mai seriamente
dubitato della sua illegalit�.
Un "intervento umanitario"? Da quando in qua gli Stati
Uniti, nei loro interventi militari, hanno agito per
motivi umanitari? Gli Usa hanno una storia di
aggressioni dovute unicamente ai loro interessi nel
mondo, e nessun rispetto per le vite dei civili: dalle
bombe atomiche su Hiroshima e Nagasaki, all'uso del
napalm in Vietnam e i bombardamenti a tappeto della
Cambogia, fino alla distruzione dell'Iraq e la morte
di centinaia di migliaia di bambini iracheni
attraverso un brutale regime di sanzioni. Questo � il
paese che ha impedito al Consiglio di sicurezza
dell'Onu di intervenire in Ruanda perch� non era
disposto ad aiutare e non voleva fare brutta figura.
Questo � il paese che ha sostenuto regimi repressivi
da Somoza, a Pinochet, a Suharto. E non dimentichiamo
che gli Stati Uniti sono un paese che notoriamente
v�ola i diritti umani dei suoi stessi cittadini: un
paese fatto di segregazione razziale, di povert� in
mezzo a ricchezze favolose, di brutalit� da parte
della polizia, di prigioni che scoppiano, di pena di
morte.
E non dimentichiamo l'enorme responsabilit� morale dei
paesi Nato per la violenza in Jugoslavia - dalle
politiche economiche aggressive che per prime hanno
precipitato la Jugoslavia nella depressione e nella
guerra civile, alla sponsorizzazione sulla base dei
confini etnici delle repubbliche balcaniche, che hanno
lasciato ampie minoranze al loro interno in attesa
solo di subire la "pulizia etnica" da parte delle
maggioranze, all'appoggio fornito all'esercito di
liberazione del Kosovo, la distruzione di qualunque
chance di pace, dagli accordi Vance-Owen in Bosnia
alla farsa di Rambouillet, e la stessa campagna di
bombardamenti.

Il nuovo ruolo della Nato
L'esigenza di inventare un ruolo nuovo per la Nato
dopo la Guerra fredda, l'instancabile campagna degli
Usa per minare le Nazioni Unite, l'industria delle
armi, il desiderio di testare le armi, una guerra
dimostrativa "pour d�courag�r les autres" (come
Saddam) che pensano di potersi opporre alla volont�
degli americani, una guerra contro un nemico debole
che potesse essere combattuta senza perdere una sola
vita americana in combattimento, lucrosi contratti di
ricostruzione, un sicuro oleodotto sul Mar Caspio,
persino Monica Lewinsky - tutto ci� spiega questa
guerra meglio dei motivi umanitari.
Perci� mettiamo questa guerra nella categoria della
classica guerra d'aggressione illegale, classicamente
travestita come le altre da guerra umanitaria.
Ora, lo Statuto del tribunale dell'Aja non contempla
la "guerra d'aggressione" come un crimine. Gli Usa non
lo hanno voluto, cos� come non lo hanno voluto nello
statuto di Roma del 1998 (che gli Usa non hanno ancora
ratificato), un fatto che di pers� mina la legittimit�
della corte. Ma la legge contempla i "crimini contro
l'umanit�", includendo in ci� "l'omicidio" e "altri
atti inumani". L'omicidio � definito universalmente
come il causare la morte, intenzionalmente (il che
include consapevolmente) senza giustificazioni legali.

E le vittime civili dei bombardamenti?
I leader della Nato hanno pianificato e messo in atto
una campagna di bombardamenti, sapendo che essa era
contraria ai principi pi� fondamentali del diritto
internazionale e che avrebbe causato la morte e
l'invalidit� di migliaia di civili: bambini, donne e
uomini. Lo hanno ammesso ripetutamente dicendo "ci
dispiace, ma questo � ci� che succede in una guerra",
e hanno continuato a bombardare. Gi� solo per questo,
ossia l'uccisione consapevole di centinaia e centinaia
di civili - tra cui molti bambini - al di fuori della
legge, questi leader sono colpevoli di omicidio di
massa. Milosevic � stato incriminato per l'omicidio di
385 vittime, poi pi� recentemente nuovamente
incriminato per un totale di 671. Bene! I leader della
Nato hanno ucciso almeno 500 persone (secondo Human
Right Watch e Amnesty Internationa), ma forse pi� di
1.500 secondo le nuove autorit� di Belgrado.
E poi ci sono le Convenzioni di Ginevra e le "leggi e
costumi di guerra" per le quali � un crimine, anche in
una guerra legale, uccidere e ferire civili
intenzionalmente o per incuria, ossia non curarsi di
colpire solo target militari.
Tuttavia, secondo ammissioni rese in pubblico per
tutta la durata della guerra (ricordate Jamie Shea con
gli occhiali da sole e il suo sciocco sorrisetto?),
secondo resoconti di testimoni oculari e secondo
precise prove circostanziali mostrate sugli schermi
televisivi del pianeta durante i bombardamenti - prove
sufficienti per una condanna in qualunque tribunale
del mondo - questi leader della Nato hanno
deliberatamente e illegalmente preso di mira luoghi e
cose di interesse militare scarso o nullo: ponti
cittadini, fabbriche, ospedali, mercati, quartieri in
centro o residenziali, studi televisivi. Con le
cluster bomb a frammentazione che hanno minato il
territorio, i target ambientali con la distruzione di
interi complessi chimici e l'uso massiccio di uranio
impoverito. Le stesse prove mostrano che, cos�
facendo, i leader della Nato miravano a demoralizzare
la popolazione e spezzarne la volont�, non a
sconfiggere il suo esercito. (Michael Dobbs, biografo
di Madeleine Albright, il 26 luglio '99 ha scritto sul
Washington Post che "� evidente, per chiunque abbia
visitato la Serbia durante la guerra, che fiaccare il
morale dei civili costituiva una parte essenziale
della strategia perseguita dall'alleanza per
vincere".)
Dunque la sola differenza giuridica tra Milosevic e i
leader della Nato � che Milosevic � un criminale di
guerra imputato, mentre loro sono criminali di guerra
non imputati.

Leggete il rapporto di Amnesty
Ma naturalmente i leader della Nato non saranno mai
imputati. Un anno fa Carla Del Ponte ha prodotto un
rapporto in cui, pur ammettendo l'evidenza delle
uccisioni di civili, dichiarava di assolvere i leader
della Nato dai loro crimini senza neanche aprire
un'indagine. Dovreste leggere questo rapporto, se
volete sapere quanto sensate fossero le parole
pronunciate da Milosevic all'Aja. Dovreste anche
leggere il rapporto di Amnesty International che era
uscito contemporaneamente. Difficile non concludere
che quello della Del Ponte non sia una truffa.
Mentre il rapporto di Amnesty, in modo attento e
prudente, elenca dettagliatamente una quantit� di
crimini di guerra contro i civili, quello di Carla Del
Ponte sembra piuttosto la sciatta memoria di un
avvocato della Nato. E in effetti esso � stato scritto
da un ex avvocato della Nato, un certo William J.
Fenrick, un ex capitano di fregata delle forze armate
canadesi che, dal suo incarico di "Director of Law for
Operations and Training" presso il Dipartimento della
Difesa canadese, � passato direttamente al tanto
"oggettivo" Tribunale dell'Aja.
D'altro canto, il rapporto spesso oltrepassa persino
il documento di un avvocato e diventa quanto di pi�
simile a un vero e proprio comunicato stampa della
Nato che avrebbe potuto essere diffuso da Jamie Shea o
James Rubin. Il meglio viene alla fine del rapporto,
quando esso dichiara che la sua tecnica operativa di
indagine � consistita nella lettura dei comunicati
stampa della Nato e nel prenderli per buoni:

"90. Il comitato ha condotto il suo esame basandosi
essenzialmente su documenti pubblici che includono
affermazioni fatte dalla Nato e dai paesi Nato in
conferenze stampa e documenti pubblici prodotti dalla
Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia. Esso � partito dal
presupposto che le affermazioni della Nato e dei paesi
Nato siano generalmente attendibili e che le
spiegazioni siano state fornite in buona fede."

Riuscite a immaginare che tipo di applicazione della
legge avrebbe un paese se la polizia prendesse per
buone le spiegazioni dei presunti colpevoli? Riuscite
a immaginare quante incriminazioni sarebbero state
prodotte contro la leadership serba se il
rappresentante dell'accusa si fosse fermato ai
comunicati stampa della Repubblica Federale di
Jugoslavia?

Le conclusioni? Il Tribunale ha dichiarato che non
avrebbe neanche "aperto un'indagine", dopo aver
ricevuto per un anno prove schiaccianti, di dominio
pubblico, dei crimini dei leader della Nato che,
secondo le stime pi� prudenti, avrebbero causato la
morte di molti pi� civili di quelli per cui � stata
incriminata la leadership serba. Questo dato va
comparato, naturalmente, con l'episodio di Racak del
15 gennaio 1999 (l'altro importante capo d'imputazione
contro Milosevic), quando Louise Arbour si prese un
giorno per volare in Kosovo (con le telecamere della
Cnn al seguito) e melodrammaticamente "aprire
un'indagine" su segnalazione di un diplomatico
americano. Per dichiararlo un crimine di guerra le
sono bastate due settimane di consultazioni con la
Nato.
Milosevic pu� essere o no colpevole dei crimini che
gli sono stati contestati da Arbour e Del Ponte, ma
all'Aja non otterr� mai un processo equo. E anche se
fosse colpevole di tutto ci� di cui � accusato, il
fatto di non avere perseguito i crimini della Nato
rende questo tribunale peggiore che nessun tribunale.
Esso, semplicemente, rassicura gli Stati Uniti e tutti
i loro amici e clienti (se Pinochet trema, non � per
paura della giustizia internazionale e ormai nemmeno
di quella nazionale) che se vogliono violare il
diritto internazionale e uccidere dei civili, possono
contare sul fatto che qualche tribunale si girer�
dall'altra parte, per poi fare una retata e punire i
soliti sospetti.

* Michael Mandel � docente di diritto presso la
Osgoode hall Law School all'Universit� di York,
Toronto, Canada. Ha guidato un team internazionale di
avvocati e professori che si � battuto e si batte
perch� i leader della Nato vengano accusati di crimini
di guerra per la campagna di bombardamenti contro la
Jugoslavia del 1999.

traduzione di Marina Impallomeni

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