Informazione

"BABO", ALTRA VITTIMA DI UNA MONTATURA POLITICA


Il 20 settembre 1993 i musulmani della regione del Bihac, guidati da
Fikret Abdic, proclamano l'indipendenza dal governo di Sarajevo.
Abdic, uomo d'affari della Agrokomerc, una importante azienda
strutturata su base cooperativa, era entrato in politica nel 1991
quando aveva ottenuto piu' voti dello stesso Izetbegovic nelle
elezioni presidenziali della Bosnia-Erzegovina. Abdic aveva dovuto
rinunciare all'incarico, lasciandolo al reazionario integralista Alija
Izetbegovic, poi principale responsabile dell'esplosione sanguinosa del
conflitto inter-bosniaco, a causa di pressioni dal carattere mai
chiarito.

Con la proclamazione dell'indipendenza Abdic e decine di migliaia di
musulmani e semplici "jugoslavi" della Bosnia scelgono la strada della
collaborazione e della pacifica convivenza con i croati e con i serbi.
Per questo motivo, essi non saranno mai appoggiati dall'Occidente,
che viceversa li isolera' e non alzera' un dito di fronte alla
prevedibile vendetta di parte integralista musulmana. Il 19 agosto 1994
il V corpo d'armata bosniaco-musulmano attacca la sacca di Bihac
generando molti morti e la fuga di decine di migliaia di persone.

Di questi musulmani di Bosnia non legati all'SDA di Izetbegovic i media
occidentali si sono occupati in misura irrilevante, magari solo per
denigrarli come "traditori" (si veda anche il dispaccio ANSA, riportato
di seguito), probabilmente in quanto rappresentavano un grande punto
interrogativo sulla natura "democratica e pluralista" dello Stato
bosniaco governato dagli ultranazionalisti dell'SDA.

Fikret Abdic, detto "Babo", e' oggi sotto processo a Karlovac per
episodi avvenuti durante quel drammatico periodo, vittima come
Milosevic di un processo politico. Noi solidarizziamo con "Babo" e
con i suoi sostenitori, e nel rimpiangere la Bosnia-Erzegovina
multinazionale ispirata ai valori della Fratellanza e dell'Unita'
condanniamo la scelta deliberata di punire, tra tutte le parti
in conflitto, solamente quelle che meno di tutte furono responsabili
dello squartamento del loro paese.

Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia, 20/7/2001


BOSNIA: CRIMINI GUERRA, FIKRET ABDIC ALLA SBARRA IN CROAZIA
(ANSA) - ZAGABRIA, 19 LUG - Si e' aperto oggi a Karlovac, in Croazia,
il processo contro Fikret Abdic, 62 anni, ex leader musulmano della
regione di Velika Kladusa (Bosnia nord-ovest).Lo ha reso noto
l'agenzia di stampa croata 'Hina'.
Abdic, accusato della morte di 121 civili e di tre prigionieri di
guerra e delle torture contro oltre 400 civili, si e' dichiarato
innocente affermando che quello che si sta celebrando e' ''un
processo politico''.
Questa mattina intorno al tribunale di Karlovac, cinquanta chilometri
a sud di Zagabria, hanno manifestato circa duecento musulmani di
Velika Kladusa, suoi sostenitori, che da sempre definiscono Abdic
'babbo'. Dopo la lettura dell'atto d'accusa, il procedimento e' stato
rinviato alla riapertura dei tribunali a settembre.
Abdic e' stato arrestato su richiesta della magistraura bosniaca ma
non e' stato estradato a Sarajevo perche' oltre a quella bosniaca,
ha anche la cittadinanza della Croazia, dove si e' rifugiato nel 1995,
alla fine della guerra.
Uomo d'affari a capo di un impero economico a Velika Kladusa, durante
la guerra di Bosnia (1992-95) non ha esitato ad allearsi sia con
croati sia con i serbi, anche combattendo con il suo esercito privato
contro le truppe del governo di Sarajevo, dopo aver proclamato la
'Republica della Zapadna Bosna' (della Bosnia occidentale). (ANSA)
COR*VD 19/07/2001 16:36

Altre informazioni sulla vicenda alla URL:
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Charges against Milosevic reveal NATO's larger crimes

by Stephen Gowans

George Orwell once said that a lot of journalism is like prefabricated
hen
houses -- ready-made phrases and ideas slapped together without a lot of
thought. Orwell's ghost must have smiled knowingly, reading media
reports
of Milosevic's abduction and transfer to The Hague. Drawing from a
warehouse of ready made fallacies, one journalist noted there was an
estimated 10,000 deaths related to Milosevic's crackdown in Kosovo.
Passed
from journalist to journalist, this canard spreads like a virus. After
at
time, it becomes part of the zeitgeist, accepted by all, because it's
accepted by everyone else, even though it has no roots in reality, like
people believing the earth is flat in the face of plenty of
opportunities
to see it isn't. Alan Freeman, a correspondent for the Toronto Globe and
Mail, dragged out the 10,000 dead myth, even though his own newspaper
has
run articles on forensic pathologists failing to turn up the 10,000 dead
NATO warned darkly of. That is that NATO once warned darkly of. NATO
long
ago backed away from the 10,000 dead figure. But once a virus starts to
spread, it's difficult to stamp out.

So it is that media reports can be built around a myth, despite internal
inconsistencies in the report that surrounds it. Freeman, for example,
lays
out the charges against Milosevic: deportation, murder, persecution.
Nothing about genocide. Ten thousand deaths surely ranks as genocide.
But
Freeman doesn't ask why the genocide charge is absent, doesn't even seem
to
know that his prefabricated hen house is askew, its angles all wrong.

The charges against Milosevic involve the murder of 391 individuals, not
10,000, something Freeman might not even know. If he does, he's not
saying.
Nor does he know, or mention, that by the most conservative estimate --
that of Human Rights Watch -- NATO killed 500 civilians in its 78-day
aerial bombardment of Yugoslavia, a bombardment that, without the
backing
of the UN, was illegal. That's in excess of a hundred deaths more than
Milosevic is accused of. Other estimates put the civilian death toll
higher. Yet NATO said it had to bomb Yugoslavia to stop a genocide.

Of course, the NATO death toll was accidental, NATO-supporters, and
journalists, will object. NATO didn't mean to kill those civilians, so
killing them was excusable. They were unfortunate collateral damage,
the
phrase Timothy McVeigh, ex-US serviceman, invoked to explain away the
hundreds he murdered. He learned well.

Journalist haven't always had such an exculpatory attitude to aerial
bombardment and its inevitable toll of "accidental" civilian casualties.
Consider this, from the New York Times, May 10, 1940.

"(Three bombers) whipped down to the valley, whirled around and came
back
again...They knew what they were doing. They knew they were destroying
private houses in a helpless village...and people in those houses if
they
were not quick enough.

The story of air warfare of this sort has been told and retold...It is
not
an accidental atrocity'...It is an attested, studied, boasted method of
attack. These are the gangsters of the air."

It could have been a comment on NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia, or, in
particular, on the attack on the quiet Serb town of Varvaran, well away
from the fighting, where, one day, two years ago, a NATO jet fighter
swooped down on a bridge filled with civilians, fired a missile, and
then
came back for a second attack while rescuers were pulling the dead and
wounded from the rubble. But it wasn't. It was a comment on a Nazi air
raid
in Norway. The Nazis were the last to bomb Yugoslavia...that is, before
NATO decided to see what cluster bombs, depleted uranium, cruise
missiles
and high-altitude bombing could do to embassies, radio-television
buildings, trains, factories, refugee convoys, hospitals, bridges
and...people.

If you're going to be gangsters of the air for 78 days, in violation of
international law, killing hundreds, if not thousands of civilians,
destroying civilian and economic infrastructure in contravention of the
articles of war, then you'd better be able to show that you have a
compelling reason. The murder of 391 people, by most standards, is
hardly
compelling. Which is why it's handy that the media is willing to trot
out
the myth about 10,000 deaths in Kosovo. It makes the NATO assault seem
worth it, even necessary.

It's handy too that the media raises no embarrassing questions about the
timing of the bombing. All of the murders of which Milosevic is accused,
but one, happened after the NATO bombing commenced. And the one
pre-bombing
incident, the Racak massacre, is now believed to have been faked by the
KLA, an organization which has since been revealed to have been trained,
funded, and encouraged by Washington, to oust Milosevic. Before the
bombing
the State Department denounced the KLA as a terrorist organization. The
KLA
has since transmuted into the NLA, another terrorist organization, this
time bedevilling the Macedonian government.

And what of the deportation charges? The mass exodus from Kosovo, like
the
massacres Milosevic is accused of ordering, happened after the bombing.
In
other words, Milosevic is in The Hague to answer for crimes that could
not
have been the reason for NATO's bombing, unless, somehow the universe
has
become disordered and cause follows effect. So why did NATO trample
international law, don the cloak of humanitarianism, and reduce a
country
to rubble?

Stratfor, the strategic forecasting organization, warns that Americans
may
be hoisted on their petards. If you can send Milosevic to The Hague on
charges of deportation, persecution, and murder, you can send scores of
leaders, political and military, to The Hague, including Americans,
Stratfor warns. Imagine how many Israeli leaders could be sent to The
Hague. Imagine how many NATO leaders could stand in the docket on more
serious charges: crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, war
crimes.

The reality, however, as Stratfor is quick to point out, is that "No
court
in the world has the ability to coerce China, Russia or the United
States
to hand over a current or former leader." Or to hand over leaders of
strategic allies, like NATO partners.

Carla del Ponte, Chief UN Prosecutor, told a news conference that,
"Nobody
is above the law or beyond the reach of international justice." And yet
asked why the Tribunal isn't pursuing others who are alleged to have
committed war crimes, del Ponte replied, ""The primary focus of the
Office
of the Prosecutor must be on the investigation and prosecution of the
(leaders of Yugoslavia) and Serbia who have already been indicted." By
a
most curious logic, "nobody", in del Ponte's reasoning, is equivalent to
"all but the Serbs."

And so the second NATO campaign begins. The first was a campaign of
bombs,
missiles, and civilian deaths, explained away, Timothy McVeigh-like, as
unfortunate accidents. The second is a bombardment of lies.


Mr. Steve Gowans is a writer and political activist who lives in Ottawa,
Canada.

Source:

by courtesy & � 2001 Steve Gowans

by the same author:
http://www.mediamonitors.net/gowans16.html

Miroslav Antic,
http://www.antic.org/

TARGETS - Independent monthly paper on international affairs
Sloterkade 20
1058 HE Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Ph. ++ 31 20 615 1122
Fax: ++ 31 20 615 1120

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VOCI DAL MONDO CONTRO IL RAPIMENTO DI SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC

(Parte delle traduzioni in italiano e' a cura di Curzio Bettio
di Soccorso Popolare di Padova)


---

NEW ON MILOSEVIC'S TRIAL at "Emperor's Clothes":

> http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/goodcase.htm
'Dutch Expert: Milosevic Has A Good Case'

> http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/blackpc13.htm
'Milosevic Kidnapping to be Challenged in Dutch Courts'

> http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/bl982.htm
"Milosevic: 'I Am the Moral Winner!'".
Report from Chris Black on his
meeting with Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague.

> http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm
"Reichstag Fire Trial, the Sequel,"
by Jared Israel. Biting account of
Slobodan Milosevic's appearance the the 'Tribunal.'

> http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/lovie.htm
'Arbour and Albright: Lovie-Dovie While Bombs Fell on Belgrade'
Excerpts from a joint press conference by Louise Arbour and U.S.
Secretary of State Albright, 1999.

> http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/h-list.htm
NATO's Tribunal: Straight From the Horse's Mouth
by Jared Israel [30 June 2001]

> http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/dis.htm
And Now, From London, Your Milosevic Misinfo for the Day
by Jared Israel [2 July 2001]

---

LA NATO COLPEVOLE DI CRIMINI DI GUERRA PER PROPRIA AMMISSIONE
di TIMOTHY BANCROFT-HINCHEY

In accordo con le definizioni usate dal Tribunale dell'Aja e dalla
Convenzione
di Ginevra sui Crimini di Guerra, la NATO � colpevole.
Pravda.Ru (Mensile indipendente di affari internazionali) mette in
evidenza
"il caso contro la NATO" in un tribunale come quello dell'Aja..

Articolo 3 dello Statuto della Corte Penale Internazionale dell'Aja
stabilisce
con chiarezza che uno dei criteri per accusare per crimini di guerra �:

"Attacco o bombardamento, con qualsiasi mezzo, contro civili indifesi,
citt�,
villaggi, fabbricati o case ".

Il continuo uso della NATO di obiettivi civili per scopi militari, lo
scenario
che questa organizzazione militare senza pudore e senza piet� chiama
"danno
collaterale", si adattano esattamente a questo articolo e possono essere
la pietra angolare del caso accusatorio contro questa organizzazione di
essere colpevole di crimini di guerra.

Un'altra clausola dello stesso Articolo 3 pu� essere cos� esaminata:
"La massiccia distruzione di centri abitati, citt� o villaggi non viene
giustificata da necessit� militari".

Gli attacchi ingiustificati della NATO contro la Yugoslavia e l' Iraq
negli
ultimi dieci anni dovrebbero cadere in questa categoria, in particolare
gli attacchi della NATO con bombardamenti su obiettivi e strutture
civili.
Ad esempio, il bombardamento dell'Ambasciata Cinese non era una
"necessit�
militare", per stessa ammissione della NATO, in quanto ufficialmente �
stato
classificato da questa organizzazione come "un tragico errore". In
questo
caso, e secondo l'Articolo 3, si tratta di distruzione non giustificata
da necessit� militari e quindi, per sua stessa affermazione e usando gli
Articoli applicati dal Tribunale per conto di questa organizzazione, la
NATO � colpevole di crimini di guerra.

Comunque, non ci si deve fermare a questo caso.
L'Articolo 147 della Convenzione di Ginevra sui Crimini di Guerra,
definisce
il caso pi� recente come "...deportazione o trasferimento illegale o
detenzione
illegale di una persona tutelata da leggi?o deliberata deprivazione di
una
persona, tutelata dei suoi diritti, di un giusto e regolare processo..."

Quello che � stato fatto nel caso di Mr. Slobodan Milosevic all'Aja, a
prescindere dal fatto che si tratta di un caso di pirateria, rapimento e
imprigionamento illegale, � in flagrante violazione della Convenzione di
Ginevra.
Non essendo stato designato dall'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite,
il Tribunale dell'Aja � sicuramente illegale o al massimo non legale.
Risulta
quindi incompetente a giudicare Slobodan
Milosevic, o qualsiasi altro, per presunti crimini.
Tranquillamente questo caso suscita la nostra ironia quando noi
scopriamo
che, per sua stessa ammissione, la NATO risulta colpevole dei crimini
che
addossa agli altri, davanti ad un organismo che non ha alcuna sostanza
legale.

Come la comunit� internazionale tolleri un tale stato scandaloso di
situazioni
e attribuisca a tutto ci� un certo grado di seriet�, risulta ridicolo e
vergognoso per ogni nazione che si vanta di dichiarare che questa � una
situazione legale.

TIMOTHY BANCROFT-HINCHEY
PRAVDA.Ru
LISBON PORTUGAL

http://english.pravda.ru/main/2001/07/05/9360.html

---

UN DEPUTATO RUSSO AFFERMA:
LA CONSEGNA DI MILOSEVIC SERVE ALLA NATO
Gioved� 28 giugno 2001

MOSCA (Reuters) - Un influente membro Russo del Parlamento ha dichiarato
questo gioved� che il trasferimento dell'ex Presidente Yugoslavo
Slobodan
Milosevic al Tribunale per i Crimini di Guerra dell'ONU fornisce una
copertura
alla NATO per i suoi bombardamenti sulla Yugoslavia.

``Aver tradotto Milosevic all'Aja, nei fatti significa che la NATO in
conclusione ha ricevuto la copertura per la sua aggressione contro la
Yugoslavia nel 1999,'' Dmitry Rogozin ha dichiarato alla televisione di
Stato RTR.

Rogozin, Presidente della Commissione per gli Affari internazionali
della
Camera Bassa della Duma di Stato, ha anche previsto che la Yugoslavia
sprofonder� in una grave crisi.
Egli ha fatto questi commenti dopo che un portavoce del Tribunale aveva
affermato che Milosevic era sulla via dell'Aja per essere messo di
fronte
alle accuse di crimini di guerra.

Le autorit� Russe non hanno rilasciato dichiarazioni sulla questione.
Il Ministro degli Esteri Igor Ivanov ha rifiutato di commentare
l'avvenimento
questa settimana, affermando che questa era materia di decisioni per gli
Yugoslavi.
La Duma aveva in precedenza deliberato una risoluzione che raccomandava
le autorit� di Belgrado di non consegnare Milosevic, in quanto una tale
mossa avrebbe insidiato la sicurezza dell'Europa e diviso la societ�
Yugoslava.

La Russia aveva sostenuto Milosevic nel 1999 contro la campagna aerea
della
NATO.
In seguito, questo ha giocato un ruolo chiave nell'assicurare un
tranquillo
trasferimento di poteri dopo Milosevic, che non ha tentato di
abbarbicarsi
al potere e ha ammesso di aver perso le elezioni presidenziali
dell'ultimo
anno, in favore di Vojislav Kostunica.

Rogozin, che era atteso alla assemblea del Consiglio di Europa nella
citt�
Francese di Strasburgo, ha dichiarato alla televisione di Stato della
Russia
RTR che il trasferimento di Milosevic indicava che la comunit�
internazionale
diffidava del sistema legale Yugoslavo.

Inoltre ha affermato che questo indica che le autorit� di Belgrado si
sono
arrese alle richieste di trasferire l'ex Presidente, in cambio delle
promesse
degli USA di prendere parte alla conferenza dei "donatori" a sostegno
delle
riforme Yugoslave.

"Essi stanno trovando quello che hanno cercato. Il ricatto � in piena
azione.''
ha dichiarato Rogozin "inevitabilmente questo sprofonder� la Yugoslavia
in una crisi.''

---

MILOSEVIC A-T-IL L'OMBRE D'UNE CHANCE DEVANT LE TRIBUNAL DE LA HAYE ?

Par Gertie Schouten

Journal 'TROUW' (�d. matin)

Samedi 14 juillet 2001

Slobodan Milosevic a de bons arguments � faire valoir
lorsque, d'ici peu, il va r�clamer sa lib�ration face � un juge
hollandais. Telle est l'opinion de Gerard Strijards,
professeur de droit p�nal international � l'Universit� de Groningen.

D'abord, l'Article 15 de la Constitution des Pays-Bas
pr�tend que personne ne peut �tre gard� en d�tention
autrement que sur base de la l�gislation en vigueur aux
Pays-Bas ou d'un mandat judiciaire de ce m�me pays, et la
chose n'est donc pas applicable � Milosevic.

Secundo, selon Strijards, Milosevic peut pr�tendre avoir
�t� ill�galement enlev� dans son pays. En effet, son
extradition � destination du Tribunal pour la Yougoslavie
est en infraction vis-�-vis de la Constitution des Pays-Bas
(Art. 2), de la l�gislation yougoslave ainsi que du
trait� europ�en des Droits de l'Homme (Art. 5), lequel d�finit le
droit pour chaque personne de pouvoir faire appel au
moins une fois devant une cour de justice avant d'�tre renvoy�e.

Toutefois, Strijards s'attend � ce que la Cour de
District et, en instance sup�rieure d'appel, la Cour f�d�rale et la
Cour supr�me, d�clarent l'affaire non recevable,
sur base de la charte des Nations unies, dont l'Article 103 - une
r�glementation � effet de "guillotine" - stipule
que les r�glementations de l'ONU se basent sur des pr�c�dents de la
l�gislation hollandaise, et sans tenir aucunement
compte des principes constitutionnels des Pays-Bas.

Cependant, toujours selon Strijards, la o� la chose
devient int�ressante, c'est lorsque, d'ici un an ou deux, apr�s que
les proc�dures hollandaises seront termin�es, les
avocats de Milosevic vont se retrouver dans la Cour europ�enne
des Droits de l'Homme, � Strasbourg. Ce tribunal compte
de nombreux juges originaires de l'Europe de l'Est et
nombre d'entre eux sont particuli�rement critiques
vis-�-vis du Tribunal pour la Yougoslvaie. Ce tribunal pourrait
tr�s bien conclure que la d�tention de Milosevic constitue
une violation des droits fondamentaux. Cela pourrait
mettre les Pays-Bas dans une position judiciaire tr�s
inconfortable au cas o� la Cour europ�enne demanderait sa
lib�ration contre la volont� du Tribunal de La Haye.

Strijards pense que la fa�on dont le Tribunal a trait�
l'extradition a �t� "particuli�rement d�plorable" et que le fait que
le pr�sident du Tribunal, le juge Jorda, a d�clar� d'avance
aux m�dias - et bien avant que le proc�s ait d�but� - que
l'extradition de Milosevic �tait "l�gitime sur un plan
judiciaire", constitue une imprudence. "Peut-on parler de
juridiction ind�pendante et impartiale? "Il aurait d�
attendre le proc�s", ajoute Strijards.

Les avocats de Milosovic ont �galement d�clar� mercredi
dernier qu'ils allaient contester la l�galit� du Tribunal
devant la Cour de justice des Pays-Bas, parce qu'il a
�t� instaur� par le Conseil de S�curit� de l'ONU et non par son
Assembl�e g�n�rale.

Enfin, selon Strijards, cet argument n'aura pas l'ombre
d'une chance face au juge hollandais: "Il n'interviendra pas,
dans cette question", a estim� le professeur.

Traduit par Jean-Marie FLEMAL.

HAS MILOSEVIC A CHANCE BEFORE THE DUTCH COURT?

By Gertie Schouten

Dutch morningpaper 'TROUW'
Saturday, July 14, 2001

Slobodan Milosevic has good arguments when he shortly will demand his
release before a Dutch judge. That is the opinion of Gerard Strijards,
professor of international criminal law at the University of Groningen.

First, Article 15 of the (Dutch) Constitution says that no one can be
hold
in detention, other than on basis of the Dutch law or judicial order,
something that is not applicable on Milosevic.

Second, according to Strijards, Milosevic can allege that he has been
illegally 'kidnapped from his country. His extradition to the Yugoslav
Tribunal is namely in violation with Article 2 of the (Dutch)
Constitution,
the Yugoslav law, and also Article 5 of the European Treaty of Human
Rights, in which is laid down the right for every person to at least one
time to appeal before a court, before his removal.

Nevertheless, Strijards expect that the District Court, and in higher
appeal the Federal Court and the Supreme Court will declare the case
non-receptive, on the basis of the charter of the United Nations.
Article
103 of the Charter - a 'guillotine-regulation' - stipulates that
UN-regulations take precedents of the Dutch law, no matter the Dutch
constitutional principles.

However, it becomes interesting according to Strijards, when the lawyers
of
Milosevic in about a year of two, after all Dutch procedures have been
finished, will end at the European court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
I
this court there are also many judges from Eastern Europe and many of
them
are very critical of the Yugoslav Tribunal.

This court could possibly decide that the detention of Milosevic indeed
is
in violation with fundamental rights. That could bring The Netherlands
in a
very difficult judicial position, when the European court demands his
release against the wish of the Tribunal.

Strijards is of opinion the way the Tribunal has handled the
extradition,
has been 'very unfortunate'. The fact that the President of the
Tribunal,
judge Jorda, in advance and already before the lawsuit has started, to
the
media has declared that the extradition of Milosevic 'judicial
legitimate'
was, is according to Strijards unwise. "Can you than speak of
independent
and impartial jurisdiction? He should have waited till the lawsuit".

The lawyers of Milosevic have said last Wednesday also to challenge the
legality of the Tribunal before the Dutch court, because it is created
by
the UN Security Council and not the General Assembly.

According to Strijards, this argument will not have a chance with the
Dutch
judge. "He will not judge that."

---

----- Original Message -----
From: Walter Lippmann
To: CubaNews
Sent: Friday, June 29, 2001 11:04 PM
Subject: [CubaNews] Castro Brands Milosevic Detention 'Illegal'

Friday June 29 4:49 PM ET
Cuba's Castro Brands
Milosevic Detention 'Illegal'
By Nelson Acosta

HAVANA (Reuters) - Cuba's President Fidel Castro, one of the
few world leaders to back ex-Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic's government during the 1999 Kosovo crisis, said on
Friday his handover to a U.N. war crimes court broke
international law.

``The sending of Milosevic over there is illegal, it does not
correspond with international laws,'' the communist leader
told reporters, stressing, however, that ``it's not my role to
judge'' and that he did not know Milosevic personally.

Castro, who fiercely opposed NATO-led bombing of Yugoslavia
two years ago, added that it was ``madness to concede the
right of extra-territorial action for their penal laws and
judicial authorities to NATO and the powerful nations.''

He was speaking at the end of a protest rally outside the U.S.
diplomatic mission where more than 30,000 state-mobilized
Havana residents demanded the freedom of five Cuban agents
jailed in the United States on spy-related charges.

Castro said Milosevic was ``paying the price for not having
resisted three or four weeks longer'' during the NATO bombing
''because that war was planned for seven days ... NATO didn't
have plans or calculations for a longer resistance.''

The 11-week-long NATO air campaign came in response to
Yugoslav army action against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

``If he had fought four weeks more, the ground troops would
have had to intervene in Kosovo, and the Yugoslav army, the
Serb army, was intact,'' Castro added. ``However, this man did
not resist the pressures. They squeezed him, they forced him
into a sort of surrender, and the war was over.''

The transfer to The Hague of Milosevic, who ruled for more
than a decade, delighted many Western nations but displeased
some of Belgrade's traditional allies like Russia.

Referring to another internationally famous detainee -- Peru's
disgraced spy-master Vladimiro Montesinos, who was caught in
Venezuela at the weekend and is now in jail in Lima -- --
Castro noted his close links to the United States.

CIA LINKS

``Everyone knew his close relations with the CIA and the
U.S. authorities,'' Castro said. ``He was the prototype of
the efficient official, but he had to flee ... Now, I think, he
will occupy a very prominent position in jail.''

Chile's former dictator Augusto Pinochet, who is waiting for a
court to decide if he can be tried for human rights' abuses in
his homeland, was also a U.S. puppet, Castro said.

``Pinochet is nothing more than a servant of the United
States. They accuse him, they capture him, but none of his
accomplices appear anywhere,'' he said.

Castro himself is also termed a ``dictator'' by his foes,
particularly in the fiercely anti-communist Cuban American
community in Florida where there have been moves to indict him
for alleged ``genocide'' and rights' abuses on the island.

The 74-year-old Cuban leader has laughed that off as
ridiculous, but warned he will fight to the death if there is
ever any attempt to arrest him.

He underlined that fighting spirit in his comments Friday,
warning President Bush's administration that Cuba will not bow
to pressure to reform its socialist system and would resist
any military aggression.

``Cuba will never surrender if the country is invaded.
Cuba would negotiate only the immediate and unconditional
withdrawal of the aggressors,'' he said.

Although there has been no serious attempt to invade Cuba
since the failed expedition by a CIA-backed exile force at the
Bay of Pigs in 1961, the ruling Communist Party frequently
invokes the possibility of a U.S.-led intervention.

``Cuba would have resisted not just four weeks more, but 40
years more,'' he said, supposing it found itself in a similar
situation as the air strikes on Yugoslavia in 1999.

``Many of us would have died. I say it like this because
I know the people, and the more these people are attacked,
the more they will resist. Their spirit will grow,'' he said.

CUBA SI
************
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================================================================
Wednesday July 11 6:35 AM ET

Diaspora to Defend 'Innocent' Milosevic -Backers
By Andrew Gray

BELGRADE (Reuters) - A member of Slobodan Milosevic's
international support committee said he is innocent of
any crimes, evidence of mass graves is dubious and
Serbs worldwide are ready to help defend him from a
NATO ``lynching.''

Christopher Black, a Canadian lawyer who met the
former Yugoslav president in jail this week, says the
committee plans a series of public events to highlight
what it sees as the gross injustice of Milosevic's
detention on war crimes charges.

``We are hoping to organize publicity campaigns,
cultural campaigns -- all sorts of methods to raise
public consciousness about what's really going on,''
Black told Reuters on Tuesday evening after arriving
in Belgrade to meet Milosevic supporters.

Black, 51, described Milosevic as ``in good spirits''
and in no way suicidal during their talks on legal
strategy on Monday at the U.N. war crimes tribunal's
jail in The Hague.

The lawyer said members of the 60,000-strong Serb
community in his own home city of Toronto had already
offered support for the campaign backing Milosevic,
charged with responsibility for mass killings and
expulsions of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

``Even those who hate him have, through contacts,
contacted me and said they're disgusted by him being
handed over and they're willing to fund his defense,''
he said. ``And that's common in Australia and the
United States.''

The International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic was formed on March 24 this year, exactly
two years after NATO launched its air war against
Yugoslavia with the declared aim of ending Serb
repression of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo province.

Founded by opponents of the bombing shortly before his
arrest in a domestic corruption investigation, the
committee is now focusing on the trial Milosevic faces
in The Hague since his transfer there last month by
the reformers who ousted him.

SUPPORTERS ACCUSE NATO

The committee sees Milosevic's indictment as part of a
NATO effort to justify its bombing campaign, during
which the bloody upheaval in Kosovo's conflict reached
its peak, and punish the former president for daring
to challenge the might of the West.

Milosevic has refused to recognize the authority of
the U.N. tribunal and has not engaged any defense
counsel. Tribunal judges have entered a plea of not
guilty on his behalf.

``He's determined to fight NATO wherever he is,''
Black said. ''I think he wins no matter what. This
man's being railroaded. We haven't seen any evidence
and no one else has. He's not guilty of anything.''

British playwright Harold Pinter is among those on the
committee, which Black said he believed now included
around 200 academics, politicians, journalists,
lawyers and others.

The committee Web site (www.icdsm.org) under the
banner ``Free Slobodan Milosevic!!!'' claims the
support of ``600 personalities from 30 countries.'' It
lists around 70 people who are actually members from
countries from Russia to the United States.

Black dismissed much of the material offered to
justify Milosevic's indictment and transfer to The
Hague, such as the recent discovery of several mass
graves inside Serbia proper believed to be filled with
the bodies of Kosovo Albanians.

``We've been hearing stories about mass graves since
the start of the (Balkan) wars and every time you
examine those alleged mass graves... they just
disappear,'' he said, appearing to take issue with the
widely accepted findings of many investigators and
forensic experts over the past decade.

He claimed rallies in support of Milosevic in Belgrade
had attracted far more people than the few thousand
estimated by widely respected local and international
media organizations.

``It's just a bunch of lies,'' he said of the media
reports.

The lawyer, who is already defending a Rwandan general
accused of genocide at another U.N. tribunal, met
Milosevic in The Hague for about an hour and a half on
Monday.

He said talk the ex-president might commit suicide --
as both his parents did -- was Western propaganda.
``Any rumors of him being suicidal are absolute
nonsense and a plant, in case they try to eliminate
him some other way,'' he said.

---

NO UNBIASED HAGUE INDICTMENT FOR MILOSEVIC, PREDICTS
NORTH OSSETIAN PRESIDENT

VLADIKAVKAZ, JULY 5, 2001. /RIA Novosti correspondent/
-- The Hague tribunal will be unable to make an
unbiased indictment on the Slobodan Milosevic case,
says President Alexander Dzasokhov of North Ossetia,
Russia's constituent republic in the North Caucasus.

"Historic bungle," he describes Serbia's decision to
extradite Milosevic to the international tribunal - a
move which clashes with Yugoslavia's federal
Constitution and a Constitutional Court verdict. The
president accuses the present-day Yugoslav regime of
political incompetence in ruling the country.

"Milosevic and I are personal acquaintances. I am sure
the history of Yugoslav peoples will present him as
staunch partisan of Yugoslavia's territorial
integrity," President Dzasokhov said to the republican
television.

He is sure the Yugoslav movement in Milosevic's favour
will gain momentum.

---

----- Original Message -----
From: Danielle Bleitrach
Sent: dimanche 1 juillet 2001 21:57
Subject: p�titionTPI

MILOSEVIC AU TPI : NON A UN ODIEUX MARCHANDAGE

Ceux qui sont attach�s � un minimum de d�cence dans la pratique des
relations internationales ne peuvent qu'�tre choqu�s devant l'indigne
spectacle ayant abouti � l'extradition de l'ancien pr�sident �lu de la
Yougoslavie Slobodan Milosevic au Tribunal P�nal International et ce
dans
le cadre d'un marchandage consistant � conditionner une aide �conomique
au
diktat des Etats-Unis exigeant cette extradition.
Pour ce faire, les grands d�cideurs internationaux n'ont pas h�site �
obliger le gouvernement de Belgrade � violer de multiples mani�res sa
propre l�galit� et � adopter une conduite digne de la plus servile des
r�publiques banani�res.
Notre rejet total de ces comportements gravement antid�mocratiques
n'implique aucune adh�sion aux pratiques politiques de l'ancien
pr�sident.
Il signifie, par contre, notre refus d'une hypocrisie institutionnalis�e
consistant en une tentative d'occultation des responsabilit�s
occidentales
dans la d�sint�gration de l'ancienne RSFY et dans la trag�die qui
s'ensuivit, en faisant de l'ancien pr�sident un bouc �missaire diabolis�
sur mesure.
Son extradition sert aussi � banaliser le crime que nos arm�es ont
commis
en bombardant un pays apr�s que nos diplomaties aient mont�, �
Rambouillet,
une mascarade de n�gociations. Et tout cela en violant les principes les
plus �l�mentaires du droit, les chartes fondatrices des organismes
internationaux et les conventions de guerre.
Non, nous n'acceptons pas que ces gens l�, qui ont pi�tin� toute
l�galit�,
puissent pr�tendre aujourd'hui s'�riger en r�f�rence morale de la
d�mocratie et du droit. C'est dans ce sens-l�, et seulement dans ce
sens-l�, que nous manifestons notre totale opposition aux honteuses
pressions qui on conduit � livrer Slobodan Milosevic � un tribunal
d�pourvu de toute l�gitimit�.

Bruxelles, juin, 2001

> "Chers amis,
> Face aux �v�nements qui nous interpellent tous, nous avons cru
n�cessaire
> de vous proposer � votre consid�ration et signature le texte joint
>
> Georges Berghezan
> Jean Bricmont
> Vladimir Caller "
>
> merci d'adresser votre r�action par "reply", ou � 'appeldeb@...'

---

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testo italiano:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1178

---

ITALIJANSKA KOORDINACIJA ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
COORDINAMENTO NAZIONALE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA (CNJ)


KONSTITUTIVNI DOKUMENT


CNJ je sastavljena od osoba razlicitog zvanja
koje su angazovane na jugoslovenskim
problematikama, a ticu se geografskog ,
kulturnog i politickog prostora razbijene
Socijalisticke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije.

Radjanje jedne ovakve Nacionalna Koordinacija
je postalo neophodno da bi se,
na koristan nacin ,ako je to moguce, obnovile
sve aktivnosti koje smo, u nasim
odgovarajucim okvirima, zapoceli. Medju ovim
aktivnostima podsecamo na:

1.SOLIDARNOST

Smatramo da je vazna materijalna solidarnost
u odnosu na jugoslovenske narode, narocito
u odnosu na gradjane sadasnje Federativne
Republike Jugoslavije koja je bombardovana
avionima koji su poleteli sa naseg tla u
prolece 1999, izrazena kroz usvajanja na daljinu,
prikupljanja novcanih sredstava, posiljki
lekova, odece i ostalih sredstava, bratimljenja,
pomoci razlicitog tipa radnicima sa tog
prostora. Takvu solidarnost ne shvatamo samo u
iskljucivo humanitarnom smislu vec kao izraz
naseg internacionalistickog osecanja,
i nase osude u odnosu na politicke, diplomatske
i vojne postupke za koje je nasa zemlja
postala odgovorna i zbog kojih Jugosloveni
imaju pravo na ostetu.
CNJ tezi da olaksa uzajamno upoznavanje
kroz razlicite inicijative solidarnosti kao
i da olaksa sam cin pomoci radnicima i
najslabijim i najsiromasnijim slojevima sa tih prostora,
narocito prema izbeglicama-zrtvama desetogodisnjeg
vestackog rasparcavanja teritorije.

2. INFORMACIJA

CNJ smatra neophodnom kontrainformaciju
da bi se razotkrile manje poznati
razlozi balkanske katastrofe poslednjih
deset godina, raskrinkavanje imperijalistickih
uplitanja i neokolonijalistickih interesa,
vodjenje bitke za demonizaciju protiv bilo koje
strane u konfliktu i citavih naroda, kao
i stavljanje u jednu istorijsku perspektivu
skorasnjeg i dugotrajnog razbijanja
jugoslovenskog jedinstva.
Kao CNJ se zalazemo za omogucavanje veceg
objedinjavanje istorijskih i politickih
saznanja po tom pitanju. Zalazemo se da
vodjenje arhiva u kome su dostupne
informacije koje su veoma cesto ne mogu
pronaci, za objavljivanje knjiga, brosura,
za sirenje informacija preko interneta
ili pak za organizovanje narocitih inicijativa.

3. KULTURA

Smatramo nedovoljnim poznavanje jugoslovenske
i balkanske realnosti u nasoj zemlji . Upravo
zbog toga nastojimo da to sirimo kroz muziku,
literaturu, istoriju tih prostora. Osim
inicijativa koje smo mi zapoceli,
spremni smo da koordiniramo i da budemo
rezonantna kutija za inicijative
koje su organizovale lokalne grupe.

4. POLITIKA

Po nasem misljenju treba odrzavati
stabilne odnose sa drustvenom i politickom
levicom razlicitih jugoslovenskih republika.
Zbog toga postavljamo sebi cilj
da u Italiji budemo jedinstveni i pouzdani
referent, pouzdana tacka oslonca.
Nameravamo da organizujemo i uprilicimo
susrete sa predstavnicima partija, sindikata,
grupa ili pokreta ili pak pojedinaca da
bismo omogucili upoznavanje citavog spektra
politickih i ideoloskih stanovista
jugoslovenske antifasisticke i internacionalisticke
levice prisutne u raznim republikama.

5. PRIJATELJSTVO

Hteli bismo da budemo polazna tacka
okupljanja i susreta, u Italiji, za sve one Jugoslovene
- bilo kog drzavljanstva ili nacionalnosti -
koji nisu prihvatili krvavo rusenje sopstvene zemlje,
nego supostali zrtve, primorani na iseljenje
ili pak na usamljenost. Ziveci danas u Italiji,
ti Jugosloveni, veoma cesto nemaju kulturno
asocijativni okvir da bi izrazili vlastiti identitet.

NASE OSNOVNE VREDNOSTI

25 juna 2001. bila je desetogodisnjica
od pocetka rata na Balkanu, koji je
istovremeno bratoubilacki i rat imperijalistickog
podcinjavanja. Uprkos patnjama svih lokalnih
naroda i uprkos grubog medjunarodnog mesanja
- ovo poslednje ,veoma cesto, sa apsolutno
pogubnim dejstvom - predvidjeni razvoj dogadjaja,
tokom vremena, je sve drugo, osim sto stabilizovan.
Stoga je, potrebno prikazati u odgovarajucem
okviru, veoma tesku sadasnju situaciju u sirem
politickom kontestu, sa pazljivim pogledom na ekonomske
dinamike, na tranzicije koje su u toku u susednim,
granicnim balkanskim drzavama, na strategijske
scenarije koji podsticu dogadjaje raznih zemalja:
"strukturalne" reforme, pitanje snabdevanje
prirodnim bogatstavima, sirenje na istok
Evropske unije i Nato pakta.

CNJ se temelji na istim vrednostima na
kojima je utemeljeno pola veka miroljubivog
zivota i razvoja Jugoslavije, protiv svake
secesije i svakog nacionalistickog i etnickog
suprotstavljanja, pocevsi od Oslobodilackog
rata u kome je ucestvovalo na hiljade Italijana.

Nasom aktivnoscu postavljamo sebi cilj da
ispravimo duboki istorijski i kulturni dug i
dezinformaciju o jugoslovenskim zbivanjima
i nase istocne granice koja je, upravo u Italiji,
nasledjena odavno, kroz italijanski post-unitarni
nacionalizam, kolonijalne aneksije i fasizam,
kroz rasparcavanje SFRJ. U tome se osecamo u
kontinuitetu sa duhom zajednicke borbe
jugoslovenskih i italijanskih partizana protiv
nacionalfasizma.

UNUTRASNJA STRUKTURA

Pristupanje CNJ je individualno. Na ovaj nacin
svako moze da razlikuje eventualno
pristupanje ovoj nacionalnoj inicijativi od toka
svojih posebnih inicijativa koje mogu
da napreduju i da se razvijaju u savrsenoj autonomiji.
Svaki clan, na nacionalnom planu, daje inspiracije,informacije,
inicijative, ideje koje poticu iz njegovog licnog okruzenja.
U CNJ je siroko sacuvana politicka i organizacijska
autonomija pojedinacnih instanci. Za ove poslednje CNJ je
sediste razmene ideja i informacija i polazna tacka za
saradnju i uzajamno obogacenje.

Bolonja, 1.jul. 2001.

---

ZA INFORMACIJE NA SRPSKOHRVATSKOM:
Tamara Bellone <BELLONE@...> tel.011-5647709
Ivana Kerecki <ivanak011@...> tel. 02-2482118

---

Questa lista e' curata da componenti del
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia (CNJ).
I documenti distribuiti non rispecchiano necessariamente
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vengono fatti circolare per il loro contenuto informativo al
solo scopo di segnalazione e commento ("for fair use only").
Archivio:
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