Informazione
ARCHIVIATE TUTTE LE DENUNCIE
Riceviamo dallo studio dell'Avvocato Mattina e trasmettiamo alla lista,
per la conoscenza di tutti:
---
Il Gruppo Giustizia del Partito della Rifondazione Comunista, con l'apporto
anche di altri compagni, ha denunciato il Governo Italiano per i delitti di
cui agli artt. 422 e 287, quest'ultimo in relazione agli artt. 78 e 87 Cost..
La denuncia è stata presentata il 18/05/1999 alla Procura della Repubblica
presso il Tribunale di Roma (prot. deleghe n. 3863). Il Procuratore dr.
Vecchione, solo in data 01 luglio 1999, in spregio del termine di 15 gg.
fissato dall'art. 7 L. Cost. 16/01/89 n. 1, ha trasmesso la denuncia,
unitamente alla sua richiesta al Collegio per i reati ministeriali senza
darne avviso ai denuncianti, quali parti interessate, ancora una volta in
spregio dell'art. 6, 6 co legge citata.
In realtà lo sciatto provvedimento del dr. Vecchione è costituito da
una motivazione di poche righe. La prima parte per giustificare (si fa per
dire) l'omessa comunicazione ai denuncianti, l'altra destinata a spiegare (si
fa sempre per dire) che la denuncia è infondata, anche se non si conclude
con una esplicita richiesta di archiviazione.
Il Collegio per i reati ministeriali, con provvedimento in data 26/10/1999
ha archiviato la denuncia con una motivazione scorretta da un punto di vista
giuridico e contenente affermazioni storicamente non corrispondenti al vero.
Il Procuratore della Repubblica di Roma, unitamente a quella da noi
presentata, ha trasmesso al Collegio per i reati ministeriali, anche molte
altre denunce, come ho saputo invia informale e come è dato evincere
dall'epigrafe dove viene citato, oltre i reati da noi ipotizzati, anche altra
ipotesi di reato.
Non mi è stato possibile avere l'elenco degli altri documenti per il
rifiuto della Cancelleria di fornirmi tale elenco. Invio quindi questa nota,
oltre che ai compagni che mi risulta per certo aver presentato a loro volta
denuncia per la guerra contro la Repubblica Federale Jugoslava, anche a tutti
gli altri, singoli compagni ovvero organizzazioni, interessati al problema,
nonché ai quotidiani comunisti "Liberazione" ed "Il Manifesto".
Scopo della presente nota è quello di sollecitare tutti i compagni che lo
riterranno opportuno, a prendere contatto con me per fissare una riunione per
discutere delle iniziative da prendere a fronte del provvedimento del Collegio
e in genere per gli interventi del tipo di quello del Kossovo, praticati in
disdegno del diritto interno e di quello internazionale.
(...)
avv. Giuseppe Mattina
per contatti: <simmassa@...>
---
Allegati: richiesta di archiviazione - P.M. Roma;
decreto di archiviazione Collegio per i reati ministeriali.
---
R.G. Coll. n. 17/99
R.G. P.M. n. 9521/99
COLLEGIO PER I REATI M1NISTERIALI
presso IL TRIBUNALE DI ROMA
Via Triboniano, n. 3
Il Collegio, composto dai Sig.ri magistrati:
dott. Costantino Fucci Presidente,
dott. Fausto Basile Giudice,
dott. Massimo Di Marziantonio Giudice,
ha pronunciato il seguente
DECRETO
nei confronti di D'Alema Massimo, nato a Roma, il 20.4.1949, indagato dei
reati di cui agli artt. 283, 287, 422 c.p., nella sua qualità di
Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri.
Il procedimento penale trae origine da una serie di denunzie sporte presso
diverse Procure della Repubblica da singoli cittadini o da gruppi (o enti),
trasmesse poi alla Procura della Repubblica di Roma per competenza.
Tali scritti - variamente articolati nel contenuto, nell' indicazione di
fattispecie penalmente rilevanti e dei pretesi autori dei reati (di volta in
volta individuati nel Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri, in quest'ultimo
in concorso con il Presidente della Repubblica, in alcuni dei Ministri, nella
totalità dei componenti del Governo ) - muovono dall'assunto
dell'illegittimità costituzionale della scelta del Governo della
Repubblica di partecipare ai ripetuti attacchi aerei organizzati da alcuni
Paesi della NATO ai danni della Repubblica Federale di Iugoslavia, nella
primavera del 1999.
L'illegittimità dell'operato governativo si pone, secondo i denunzianti,
innanzi tutto in relazione all'art. 11, 1° e 2° comma, Cost..
Invero, gli attacchi aerei (tanto quelli intrapresi direttamente da velivoli
italiani, quanto quelli intrapresi dai velivoli di altri Paesi della NATO, ma
comunque attribuibili in concorso al Governo italiano per la comune
preordinazione e per l'imprescindibile partecipazione, consistita nella messa
a disposizione delle basi di terra e degli spazi aerei nazionali)
concretano atti di guerra offensiva, pur se motivati con il preteso intento
di indurre il Governo iugoslavo al rispetto dei diritti civili e politici
della popolazione di etnia albanese della provincia del Kosovo.
L'operazione bellica, pertanto, non è giustificata dal trattato NATO,
anzi è stata compiuta in diretta violazione dello stesso, che prevede
l'obbligo degli Stati aderenti di muovere guerra soltanto in caso di
aggressione ad opera di un Paese terzo ai danni di un Paese aderente.
Per di più, pur essendo necessaria l'unanime deliberazione dei Paesi
alleati, nel caso di specie le operazioni militari sono state intraprese
a seguito della decisione congiunta di alcuni soltanto di essi.
Inoltre, i denuncianti sostengono che sussiste l'illegittimità
costituzionale dell'operato governativo sotto il profilo della violazione
degli artt. 78 e 87 della Costituzione.
In base al combinato disposto di tali norme, lo stato di guerra deve essere
dichiarato dal Presidente della Repubblica, previa deliberazione delle Camere,
le quali conferiscono al Governo i poteri necessari.
Nella fattispecie concreta, invece, il Governo ha assunto illegittimamente
l'iniziativa bellica in assenza dei necessari presupposti.
Alla stregua di quanto esposto, i denuncianti chiedono che l'Autorità
giudiziaria proceda a carico dei responsabili per i reati di attentato alla
costituzione dello Stato, di usurpazione di potere politico e di strage.
Con atto del 1°luglio 1999 (pervenuto alla Cancelleria di questo Collegio
il successivo giorno 3) il Procuratore della Repubblica di Roma, senza
compiere alcuna indagine, ha chiesto l'archiviazione del procedimento
n. 9521/1999 del R.G.P. (al quale è stato riunito il (I procedimento
n. 2279/1999 dello stesso registro) nei confronti del D'Alema, per i reati a
lui attribuiti nella veste di Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri.
In data 3 agosto 1999 sono pervenuti in Cancelleria gli atti del procedimento
iscritto nel R.G.N.R. n. 3767, sempre a carico del D'Alema, per i reati
indicati in epigrafe, in forza di varie denunzie raccolte da diverse Procure
della Repubblica e trasmesse "per competenza" alla locale Procura della
Repubblica.
Gli atti sono stati inviati a questo Collegio dal Procuratore "per unione"
a quelli del procedimento penale n. 9521/1 999 R.
Altre denunce di analogo contenuto sono state trasmesse a questo ufficio,
sempre "per unione" a quest'ultimo procedimento, in data 14.10.1999.
La richiesta di archiviazione del Pubblico Ministero poggia sulla
considerazione che le denunce sono manifestamente infondate non soltanto in
fatto, ma anche in punto di giurisdizione.
Osserva il Collegio - conformemente alla richiesta di archiviazione, da
intendersi riferita a tutti gli esposti e le denunce riuniti nel presente
procedimento - che a carico del D'Alema non si ravvisano gli estremi dei
reati a lui contestati, previsti dagli artt. 283 (attentato contro la
costituzione dello Stato), 287 (usurpazione di un potere politico o militare)
e 422 c.p. (strage).
In ordine alle prime due ipotesi di reato, va rilevato quanto segue.
Risulta dal tenore di alcune delle denunce depositate e dai documenti ad esse
allegati che il Presidente del Consiglio pro tempore ha sottoposto al
preventivo controllo del Parlamento (a mezzo di pubblico dibattito, concluso
con rituali dichiarazioni di voto) la deliberazione dell'intervento in Kosovo.
L'intervento - sia pure ideato e qualificato, alla stregua della esposizione
svolta dal Presidente del Consiglio dinanzi alle Assemblee, come volto alla
realizzazione dello scopo umanitario della preservazione dell'incolumità
e delle fondamentali libertà civili e politiche della popolazione di etnia
albanese del Kosovo - non poteva non comportare l'ingresso di forze militari
alleate (nell'ambito dell'organizzazione NATO) nel territorio della predetta
regione e, cioè, nello spazio di sovranità della Repubblica Federale
Iugoslava ed altresì l'impiego delle Forze Armate della Repubblica (anche
eventualmente delle sole strutture logistiche) in una prospettiva di guerra
offensiva.
L'intervento, del resto, tanto in corso di esecuzione quanto una volta
concluso, non è stato mai censurato dalle Camere nelle sue concrete e
storiche modalità di attuazione. Sicché, al di là della mancata
autorizzazione formale dello stato di guerra da parte del Parlamento, la
ratio della norma dell'art. 78 della Costituzione (secondo la quale "le
Camere deliberano lo stato di guerra e conferiscono al Governo i poteri
necessari") è stata sostanzialmente rispettata.
Invero, è stata realizzata la finalità di fare interloquire il
Parlamento, con pronunzia evidentemente vincolante, nel procedimento attivato
dall'iniziativa del Governo di intraprendere operazioni militari contro uno
Stato estero.
Quanto al mancato esercizio da parte del Capo dello Stato del potere di
dichiarare lo stato di guerra deliberato dalle Camere - ai sensi dell'art. 87,
nono comma, della Costituzione -, tale omissione non comporta alcun
sovvertimento o radicale deroga all'equilibrio dei poteri di governo delineati
dalla Carta fondamentale sul punto relativo alla giusta vigenza dello stato
bellico.
Da quanto precede, discende che nella condotta del Governo non si ravvisa
alcun vulnus alla forma di governo delineata dalla Costituzione.
Irrilevante è, inoltre, la questione della pretesa violazione dell'art. 11.
della Costituzione e delle fonti di diritto internazionale da tale norma
richiamate, la quale potrebbe in ipotesi dare luogo soltanto ad una
responsabilità politica del Governo e dello Stato italiano nell'ambito
dell'ordinamento internazionale.
Ciò premesso, non può non ulteriormente rilevarsi l'assoluta
estraneità della fattispecie in esame alle previsioni degli artt. 283 e
287 c.p..
La prima ipotesi di reato va radicalmente esclusa, mancando fatti o atti
oggettivamente in grado di mutare la Costituzione o la forma di governo della
Repubblica ed, in ogni caso, la cosciente volontà del Presidente del
Consiglio di realizzare un tale evento.
Da ciò consegue che l'azione del medesimo non è punibile, né sotto
il profilo oggettivo, né sotto quello soggettivo.
La ricorrenza della seconda fattispecie è da escludersi spettando al
Governo, a termini di Costituzione, il potere di impulso e di iniziativa
circa l'inizio delle operazioni belliche, sicché nessun potere spettante
ad altro organo costituzionale è stato illecitamente esercitato.
Difetta, pertanto, nella specie l'elemento materiale del reato, costituito
dalla arbitraria invasione della sfera giuridica di altro Potere dello Stato.
Parimenti, non sussiste il reato di strage, essendo tale fattispecie non
ipotizzabile neppure in astratto data la sua incompatibilità con il
carattere bellico delle operazioni militari.
Quanto detto, vale ad escludere anche la responsabilità penale dei singoli
Ministri in ordine ai fatti di cui è processo.
Va, infine, affermata l'assoluta infondatezza delle prospettate ipotesi di
reato previste dall'ordinamento internazionale, in quanto non sono stati
allegati comportamenti, penalmente rilevanti, direttamente attribuibili al
Presidente del Consiglio ed ai Ministri.
In conclusione, poiché i fatti contestati non sono previsti dalla legge
come reato e, per alcune ipotesi di reato, le accuse sono manifestamente
infondate, va emessa pronuncia di non doversi promuovere l'azione penale nei
confronti di D'Alema Massimo e, conseguentemente, va disposta l'archiviazione
del procedimento, in conformità alla richiesta del Pubblico Ministero.
P.Q.M.
Visto l'art. 8 della Legge Costituzionale del 16 gennaio 1989, n. 1,
DISPONE
l'archiviazione del procedimento nei confronti di D'Alema Massimo ed ordina
trasmettersi gli atti all'archivio.
Manda alla Cancelleria per la trasmissione di copia del presente provvedimento
al Procuratore della Repubblica presso il Tribunale di Roma perché ne dia
comunicazione al Presidente della Camera competente ai sensi dell'art. 8,
comma IV della stessa legge.
Roma, 26 ottobre 1999
I Giudici
Il Presidente
Dott. Fausto Basile
Dott. Fucci Costantino
Dr. Massimo Di Marziantonio
Il dr. Di Cancelleria
Livia Salmeri
depositato in Cancelleria il 26/10/99
PROCURA DELLA REPUBBLICA
Presso il Tribunale di Roma
ooOoo
n. 9521/99R
IL PUBBLICO MINISTERO
osserva:
1. Gli esposti-denuncia si presentano oggettivamente generici e
apodittici e come tali inidonei alla attribuzione di responsabilità
personali per le affermate ipotesi - tra le altre previste - dagli artt.
283, 287, 422c.p. sia nei confronti del Presidente del Consiglio protempore,
sia nei confronti di altri componenti del Governo.
2. I fatti oggetto di doglianza presentano connotati che non possono
essere ricondotti alla giurisdizione della magistratura ordinaria: essi,
infatti, sono riferibili a interessi politici essenziali dello Stato e a
scelte di valenza squisitamente costituzionale eseguite per effetto di
impegni assunti nell'ambito di organismi internazionali (sicchè l'A.G.O.
verrebbe a compiere valutazioni sui contenuti di impegni e obblighi
conseguenti a trattati internazionali; così travalicando, paradossalmente,
addirittura il principio di sovranità).
Si ritiene, quindi, che le denunce siano manifestamente infondate non solo
in fatto ma anche in punto di giurisdizione.
00000000
Si ritiene di omettere la comunicazione di cui aIl'art. 6 cpv. L.1/89
agli esponenti, non rivestendo essi la qualità di soggetti interessati".
E' evidente, invero, che questi ultimi non possono essere individuati con i
soggetti che siano meri "esponenti" o "denunzianti" (in tal caso ogni
cittadino sarebbe portatore di siffatto "interesse"). In realtà la
categoria indicata dalla L. 1/89 cit. non può che essere ricondotta ai
concetti del diritto processuale ordinario e in particolare alla norma
dell'art. 408/2 c.p.p.; sicché il denunciante (o l'esponente) deve essere
portatore di un interesse specifico qual' è quello della "persona offesa"
e/o del soggetto passivo del reato. Qualità che nel caso in questione è
palesemente insussistente.
Roma, 1lugllio 1999
IL PROCURATORE DELLA REPUBBLICA
Salvatore Vecchione
Riceviamo dallo studio dell'Avvocato Mattina e trasmettiamo alla lista,
per la conoscenza di tutti:
---
Il Gruppo Giustizia del Partito della Rifondazione Comunista, con l'apporto
anche di altri compagni, ha denunciato il Governo Italiano per i delitti di
cui agli artt. 422 e 287, quest'ultimo in relazione agli artt. 78 e 87 Cost..
La denuncia è stata presentata il 18/05/1999 alla Procura della Repubblica
presso il Tribunale di Roma (prot. deleghe n. 3863). Il Procuratore dr.
Vecchione, solo in data 01 luglio 1999, in spregio del termine di 15 gg.
fissato dall'art. 7 L. Cost. 16/01/89 n. 1, ha trasmesso la denuncia,
unitamente alla sua richiesta al Collegio per i reati ministeriali senza
darne avviso ai denuncianti, quali parti interessate, ancora una volta in
spregio dell'art. 6, 6 co legge citata.
In realtà lo sciatto provvedimento del dr. Vecchione è costituito da
una motivazione di poche righe. La prima parte per giustificare (si fa per
dire) l'omessa comunicazione ai denuncianti, l'altra destinata a spiegare (si
fa sempre per dire) che la denuncia è infondata, anche se non si conclude
con una esplicita richiesta di archiviazione.
Il Collegio per i reati ministeriali, con provvedimento in data 26/10/1999
ha archiviato la denuncia con una motivazione scorretta da un punto di vista
giuridico e contenente affermazioni storicamente non corrispondenti al vero.
Il Procuratore della Repubblica di Roma, unitamente a quella da noi
presentata, ha trasmesso al Collegio per i reati ministeriali, anche molte
altre denunce, come ho saputo invia informale e come è dato evincere
dall'epigrafe dove viene citato, oltre i reati da noi ipotizzati, anche altra
ipotesi di reato.
Non mi è stato possibile avere l'elenco degli altri documenti per il
rifiuto della Cancelleria di fornirmi tale elenco. Invio quindi questa nota,
oltre che ai compagni che mi risulta per certo aver presentato a loro volta
denuncia per la guerra contro la Repubblica Federale Jugoslava, anche a tutti
gli altri, singoli compagni ovvero organizzazioni, interessati al problema,
nonché ai quotidiani comunisti "Liberazione" ed "Il Manifesto".
Scopo della presente nota è quello di sollecitare tutti i compagni che lo
riterranno opportuno, a prendere contatto con me per fissare una riunione per
discutere delle iniziative da prendere a fronte del provvedimento del Collegio
e in genere per gli interventi del tipo di quello del Kossovo, praticati in
disdegno del diritto interno e di quello internazionale.
(...)
avv. Giuseppe Mattina
per contatti: <simmassa@...>
---
Allegati: richiesta di archiviazione - P.M. Roma;
decreto di archiviazione Collegio per i reati ministeriali.
---
R.G. Coll. n. 17/99
R.G. P.M. n. 9521/99
COLLEGIO PER I REATI M1NISTERIALI
presso IL TRIBUNALE DI ROMA
Via Triboniano, n. 3
Il Collegio, composto dai Sig.ri magistrati:
dott. Costantino Fucci Presidente,
dott. Fausto Basile Giudice,
dott. Massimo Di Marziantonio Giudice,
ha pronunciato il seguente
DECRETO
nei confronti di D'Alema Massimo, nato a Roma, il 20.4.1949, indagato dei
reati di cui agli artt. 283, 287, 422 c.p., nella sua qualità di
Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri.
Il procedimento penale trae origine da una serie di denunzie sporte presso
diverse Procure della Repubblica da singoli cittadini o da gruppi (o enti),
trasmesse poi alla Procura della Repubblica di Roma per competenza.
Tali scritti - variamente articolati nel contenuto, nell' indicazione di
fattispecie penalmente rilevanti e dei pretesi autori dei reati (di volta in
volta individuati nel Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri, in quest'ultimo
in concorso con il Presidente della Repubblica, in alcuni dei Ministri, nella
totalità dei componenti del Governo ) - muovono dall'assunto
dell'illegittimità costituzionale della scelta del Governo della
Repubblica di partecipare ai ripetuti attacchi aerei organizzati da alcuni
Paesi della NATO ai danni della Repubblica Federale di Iugoslavia, nella
primavera del 1999.
L'illegittimità dell'operato governativo si pone, secondo i denunzianti,
innanzi tutto in relazione all'art. 11, 1° e 2° comma, Cost..
Invero, gli attacchi aerei (tanto quelli intrapresi direttamente da velivoli
italiani, quanto quelli intrapresi dai velivoli di altri Paesi della NATO, ma
comunque attribuibili in concorso al Governo italiano per la comune
preordinazione e per l'imprescindibile partecipazione, consistita nella messa
a disposizione delle basi di terra e degli spazi aerei nazionali)
concretano atti di guerra offensiva, pur se motivati con il preteso intento
di indurre il Governo iugoslavo al rispetto dei diritti civili e politici
della popolazione di etnia albanese della provincia del Kosovo.
L'operazione bellica, pertanto, non è giustificata dal trattato NATO,
anzi è stata compiuta in diretta violazione dello stesso, che prevede
l'obbligo degli Stati aderenti di muovere guerra soltanto in caso di
aggressione ad opera di un Paese terzo ai danni di un Paese aderente.
Per di più, pur essendo necessaria l'unanime deliberazione dei Paesi
alleati, nel caso di specie le operazioni militari sono state intraprese
a seguito della decisione congiunta di alcuni soltanto di essi.
Inoltre, i denuncianti sostengono che sussiste l'illegittimità
costituzionale dell'operato governativo sotto il profilo della violazione
degli artt. 78 e 87 della Costituzione.
In base al combinato disposto di tali norme, lo stato di guerra deve essere
dichiarato dal Presidente della Repubblica, previa deliberazione delle Camere,
le quali conferiscono al Governo i poteri necessari.
Nella fattispecie concreta, invece, il Governo ha assunto illegittimamente
l'iniziativa bellica in assenza dei necessari presupposti.
Alla stregua di quanto esposto, i denuncianti chiedono che l'Autorità
giudiziaria proceda a carico dei responsabili per i reati di attentato alla
costituzione dello Stato, di usurpazione di potere politico e di strage.
Con atto del 1°luglio 1999 (pervenuto alla Cancelleria di questo Collegio
il successivo giorno 3) il Procuratore della Repubblica di Roma, senza
compiere alcuna indagine, ha chiesto l'archiviazione del procedimento
n. 9521/1999 del R.G.P. (al quale è stato riunito il (I procedimento
n. 2279/1999 dello stesso registro) nei confronti del D'Alema, per i reati a
lui attribuiti nella veste di Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri.
In data 3 agosto 1999 sono pervenuti in Cancelleria gli atti del procedimento
iscritto nel R.G.N.R. n. 3767, sempre a carico del D'Alema, per i reati
indicati in epigrafe, in forza di varie denunzie raccolte da diverse Procure
della Repubblica e trasmesse "per competenza" alla locale Procura della
Repubblica.
Gli atti sono stati inviati a questo Collegio dal Procuratore "per unione"
a quelli del procedimento penale n. 9521/1 999 R.
Altre denunce di analogo contenuto sono state trasmesse a questo ufficio,
sempre "per unione" a quest'ultimo procedimento, in data 14.10.1999.
La richiesta di archiviazione del Pubblico Ministero poggia sulla
considerazione che le denunce sono manifestamente infondate non soltanto in
fatto, ma anche in punto di giurisdizione.
Osserva il Collegio - conformemente alla richiesta di archiviazione, da
intendersi riferita a tutti gli esposti e le denunce riuniti nel presente
procedimento - che a carico del D'Alema non si ravvisano gli estremi dei
reati a lui contestati, previsti dagli artt. 283 (attentato contro la
costituzione dello Stato), 287 (usurpazione di un potere politico o militare)
e 422 c.p. (strage).
In ordine alle prime due ipotesi di reato, va rilevato quanto segue.
Risulta dal tenore di alcune delle denunce depositate e dai documenti ad esse
allegati che il Presidente del Consiglio pro tempore ha sottoposto al
preventivo controllo del Parlamento (a mezzo di pubblico dibattito, concluso
con rituali dichiarazioni di voto) la deliberazione dell'intervento in Kosovo.
L'intervento - sia pure ideato e qualificato, alla stregua della esposizione
svolta dal Presidente del Consiglio dinanzi alle Assemblee, come volto alla
realizzazione dello scopo umanitario della preservazione dell'incolumità
e delle fondamentali libertà civili e politiche della popolazione di etnia
albanese del Kosovo - non poteva non comportare l'ingresso di forze militari
alleate (nell'ambito dell'organizzazione NATO) nel territorio della predetta
regione e, cioè, nello spazio di sovranità della Repubblica Federale
Iugoslava ed altresì l'impiego delle Forze Armate della Repubblica (anche
eventualmente delle sole strutture logistiche) in una prospettiva di guerra
offensiva.
L'intervento, del resto, tanto in corso di esecuzione quanto una volta
concluso, non è stato mai censurato dalle Camere nelle sue concrete e
storiche modalità di attuazione. Sicché, al di là della mancata
autorizzazione formale dello stato di guerra da parte del Parlamento, la
ratio della norma dell'art. 78 della Costituzione (secondo la quale "le
Camere deliberano lo stato di guerra e conferiscono al Governo i poteri
necessari") è stata sostanzialmente rispettata.
Invero, è stata realizzata la finalità di fare interloquire il
Parlamento, con pronunzia evidentemente vincolante, nel procedimento attivato
dall'iniziativa del Governo di intraprendere operazioni militari contro uno
Stato estero.
Quanto al mancato esercizio da parte del Capo dello Stato del potere di
dichiarare lo stato di guerra deliberato dalle Camere - ai sensi dell'art. 87,
nono comma, della Costituzione -, tale omissione non comporta alcun
sovvertimento o radicale deroga all'equilibrio dei poteri di governo delineati
dalla Carta fondamentale sul punto relativo alla giusta vigenza dello stato
bellico.
Da quanto precede, discende che nella condotta del Governo non si ravvisa
alcun vulnus alla forma di governo delineata dalla Costituzione.
Irrilevante è, inoltre, la questione della pretesa violazione dell'art. 11.
della Costituzione e delle fonti di diritto internazionale da tale norma
richiamate, la quale potrebbe in ipotesi dare luogo soltanto ad una
responsabilità politica del Governo e dello Stato italiano nell'ambito
dell'ordinamento internazionale.
Ciò premesso, non può non ulteriormente rilevarsi l'assoluta
estraneità della fattispecie in esame alle previsioni degli artt. 283 e
287 c.p..
La prima ipotesi di reato va radicalmente esclusa, mancando fatti o atti
oggettivamente in grado di mutare la Costituzione o la forma di governo della
Repubblica ed, in ogni caso, la cosciente volontà del Presidente del
Consiglio di realizzare un tale evento.
Da ciò consegue che l'azione del medesimo non è punibile, né sotto
il profilo oggettivo, né sotto quello soggettivo.
La ricorrenza della seconda fattispecie è da escludersi spettando al
Governo, a termini di Costituzione, il potere di impulso e di iniziativa
circa l'inizio delle operazioni belliche, sicché nessun potere spettante
ad altro organo costituzionale è stato illecitamente esercitato.
Difetta, pertanto, nella specie l'elemento materiale del reato, costituito
dalla arbitraria invasione della sfera giuridica di altro Potere dello Stato.
Parimenti, non sussiste il reato di strage, essendo tale fattispecie non
ipotizzabile neppure in astratto data la sua incompatibilità con il
carattere bellico delle operazioni militari.
Quanto detto, vale ad escludere anche la responsabilità penale dei singoli
Ministri in ordine ai fatti di cui è processo.
Va, infine, affermata l'assoluta infondatezza delle prospettate ipotesi di
reato previste dall'ordinamento internazionale, in quanto non sono stati
allegati comportamenti, penalmente rilevanti, direttamente attribuibili al
Presidente del Consiglio ed ai Ministri.
In conclusione, poiché i fatti contestati non sono previsti dalla legge
come reato e, per alcune ipotesi di reato, le accuse sono manifestamente
infondate, va emessa pronuncia di non doversi promuovere l'azione penale nei
confronti di D'Alema Massimo e, conseguentemente, va disposta l'archiviazione
del procedimento, in conformità alla richiesta del Pubblico Ministero.
P.Q.M.
Visto l'art. 8 della Legge Costituzionale del 16 gennaio 1989, n. 1,
DISPONE
l'archiviazione del procedimento nei confronti di D'Alema Massimo ed ordina
trasmettersi gli atti all'archivio.
Manda alla Cancelleria per la trasmissione di copia del presente provvedimento
al Procuratore della Repubblica presso il Tribunale di Roma perché ne dia
comunicazione al Presidente della Camera competente ai sensi dell'art. 8,
comma IV della stessa legge.
Roma, 26 ottobre 1999
I Giudici
Il Presidente
Dott. Fausto Basile
Dott. Fucci Costantino
Dr. Massimo Di Marziantonio
Il dr. Di Cancelleria
Livia Salmeri
depositato in Cancelleria il 26/10/99
PROCURA DELLA REPUBBLICA
Presso il Tribunale di Roma
ooOoo
n. 9521/99R
IL PUBBLICO MINISTERO
osserva:
1. Gli esposti-denuncia si presentano oggettivamente generici e
apodittici e come tali inidonei alla attribuzione di responsabilità
personali per le affermate ipotesi - tra le altre previste - dagli artt.
283, 287, 422c.p. sia nei confronti del Presidente del Consiglio protempore,
sia nei confronti di altri componenti del Governo.
2. I fatti oggetto di doglianza presentano connotati che non possono
essere ricondotti alla giurisdizione della magistratura ordinaria: essi,
infatti, sono riferibili a interessi politici essenziali dello Stato e a
scelte di valenza squisitamente costituzionale eseguite per effetto di
impegni assunti nell'ambito di organismi internazionali (sicchè l'A.G.O.
verrebbe a compiere valutazioni sui contenuti di impegni e obblighi
conseguenti a trattati internazionali; così travalicando, paradossalmente,
addirittura il principio di sovranità).
Si ritiene, quindi, che le denunce siano manifestamente infondate non solo
in fatto ma anche in punto di giurisdizione.
00000000
Si ritiene di omettere la comunicazione di cui aIl'art. 6 cpv. L.1/89
agli esponenti, non rivestendo essi la qualità di soggetti interessati".
E' evidente, invero, che questi ultimi non possono essere individuati con i
soggetti che siano meri "esponenti" o "denunzianti" (in tal caso ogni
cittadino sarebbe portatore di siffatto "interesse"). In realtà la
categoria indicata dalla L. 1/89 cit. non può che essere ricondotta ai
concetti del diritto processuale ordinario e in particolare alla norma
dell'art. 408/2 c.p.p.; sicché il denunciante (o l'esponente) deve essere
portatore di un interesse specifico qual' è quello della "persona offesa"
e/o del soggetto passivo del reato. Qualità che nel caso in questione è
palesemente insussistente.
Roma, 1lugllio 1999
IL PROCURATORE DELLA REPUBBLICA
Salvatore Vecchione
* 3/2/00: Tre morti albanesi e 20 feriti serbi in incidenti a Mitrovica
dopo l'attentato contro l'autobus (AP)
* 3/2/00: Attacco terroristico contro un autobus ("Il Manifesto")
* 3/2/00: Un migliaio di slavi-musulmani scappano dal Kosovo verso la
Serbia centrale (B92)
* 3/2/00: Programmate per marzo esercitazioni in Kosovo in vista della
prossima aggressione della NATO contro la RF di Jugoslavia (B92)
* 2/2/00: Due morti e cinque feriti in un attacco terroristico contro
l'autobus (B92)
* 2/2/00: Rugova disfa le sue istituzioni del "Kosova" (B92)
* 2/2/00: Liti tra fazioni albanesi, anche un morto ("Il Manifesto")
* 28/1/00: "Visita di Stato" di Thaci "il serpente" in Bulgaria (Tanjug)
* 29/1/00: 38 chili di eroina sequestrata su di un TIR albanese in
Bulgaria (Reuters)
* Il numero speciale di "National Geographic" dedicato al Kosovo: una
completa riscrittura della storia e della realta' attuale. Vergogna!
* Fondi tedeschi ed olandesi per aprire una Banca kosovara nuova di
zecca (IWPR 28/1/00)
* Civili schipetari sottoposti a maltrattamento da parte delle truppe
statunitensi presso Vitina (Washington Post 27/1/00)
* Iniziato il lavoro dell'UCKFOR nella nuova veste di "Corpo di
Protezione del Kosovo" (B92 22/1/00)
* Per la perquisizione, con sequestro di un arsenale, a casa del
fratello di Thaci e per le indagini su altri capibanda il portavoce UCK
Krasniqi e' infuriato; Kouchner e Reinhardt chiedono scusa (AFP 26/1/00)
---
Grenade thrown into Serb cafe in Kosovo
9.40 p.m. ET (249 GMT) February 3, 2000
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia (AP) — Violence erupted across this
Kosovo city violence Thursday night with two grenade attacks against
Serb cafes that left at least 20 people wounded and shootings that
claimed the lives of three ethnic Albanians.
The violence began when the two Albanian men were shot to death, the
multinational peacekeeping force in Kosovo said Friday.
Half an hour later, a grenade was thrown into a Serb cafe, wounding
between 10 and 15 customers, said Lt. Col. Henning Philipp, spokesman
for the multinational force known as KFOR.
Minutes later, an ethnic Albanian woman was shot to death. That killing
was followed shortly afterwards by a grenade attack on another Serb cafe
that wounded 10 customers, Philipp said.
A day before, a rocket attack on a U.N. bus carrying Serb civilians left
two Serbs dead and three injured.
The attacks comes as ethnic tensions remain high in Kosovo.
Authorities say many ethnic Albanians were killed by Serb forces during
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's 18-month crackdown against
separatists here. After NATO bombing forced the Serb troops to withdraw
last spring, ethnic Albanians began attacking Serbs as revenge.
---
"Il Manifesto" del 3/2/2000:
KOSOVO
ATTENTATO A UN BUS DI CIVILI SERBI: DUE MORTI
Ennesimo attentato (è ormai un appuntamento quasi giornaliero) nei
confronti dei pochi serbi
ormai rimasti in Kosovo. Un autobus pieno di civili serbi è stato
colpito ieri, infatti, da un razzo
anticarro lanciato dai soliti "sconosciuti". Nell'attentato, due
passeggeri sono morti e altri cinque
sono rimasti feriti.
Il bus, messo a disposizione dall'organizzazione umanitaria Unhcr delle
Nazioni unite, era partito
da Kosovska Mitrovica (la città kosovara divisa in due - una parte
serba, l'altra albanese -
dall'odio etnico), nel nord della regione, nel pomeriggio di ieri, per
raggiungere la cittadina di
Durakovca. Dopo aver percorso appena quindici chilometri è stato colpito
dal razzo,
presumibilmente scagliato da albanesi. Gli uomini della Kfor (la forza
di pace della Nato), che
stavano scortando il veicolo, impotenti di fronte all'ennesima
aggressione, non hanno potuto far
altro che organizzare i soccorsi per le vittime.
La Unhcr organizza servizi di trasporto per i serbi che vogliono
spostarsi da una parte all'altra del
Kosovo nonostante gli innumerevoli rischi. Ma sono (come pure le forze
della Kfor) sempre più in
balia delle bande albanesi dell'ex Uck, cui hanno dato legittimità, e
che proseguono nella
campagna di "pulizia etnica" dei serbi e dei rom (di cui spesso sono
vittime anche quegli albanesi
considerati "collaborazionisti"), cominciata alla fine della guerra. E
che ha portato all'esodo dei
serbi e dei rom dal Kosovo.
---
Muslims flee Kosovo (B92 3/2/00)
PRISTINA, Thursday - About a thousand residents, most of them Muslim,
had
left the region of Prizren and Gora in Kosovo to take refuge in Novi
Pazar in
Central Serbia, UNHCR representative Maki Shinohara said today.
Shinohara
told media that the UNHCR had suspended all bus transport in Kosovo,
adding
that the services would not be continued until yesterday's attack on a
UNHCR
bus had been completed.
---
Socialists on NATO exercises in Kosovo (B92 3/2/00)
BELGRADE, Thursday - NATO is the key factor for destabilisation in
south-east
Europe, Socialist Party spokesman Ivica Dacic told media today. Dacic
was
commenting on the announcement that NATO forces will be on manoeuvres in
Kosovo in March. Brussels has justified the exercises saying that they
are a
preparation for a possible deterioration of the situation in the
province.
---
Serbs die in rocket attack on Kosovo bus (B92 2/2/00)
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Wednesday - Two Serbs are dead and another five
wounded
after a rocket attack on a bus near Kosovska Mitrovica this afternoon.
International forces representative Philip Anido said the UNHCR bus was
being
escorted by KFOR. No further details are available.
---
Rugova disbands parallel institutions (B92 2/2/00)
PRISTINA, Wednesday - The President of the Democratic League of Kosovo,
Ibrahim Rugova, announced today that he had disbanded the Kosovo
Albanian
parallel state government of which he was president. Rugova and the
president
of the parallel Kosovo Albanian Parliament, Idriz Ajeti, told media
today
that all parallel state institutions in the province were dissolved
yesterday. These included the parallel government and parliament, the
office
of the president of Kosovo and all related political, security and
administrative structures.
---
"Il Manifesto", 2/2/00:
KOSOVO UCCISO DALL'UCK IL LEADER DI UN PARTITO KOSOVARO
Non parte il governo "misto"
Onu delusa. Gli albanesi non rinunciano alle istituzioni parallele
- R. ES. - PRISTINA
D oveva essere un salto di qualità nella vita pubblica del Kosovo, ma è
finito in battibecchi tra
fazioni kosovaro-albanesi e con i funzionari dell'Onu. Ieri era prevista
la nascita ufficiale del
Struttura amministrativa unitaria ad interim (Jias), una sorta di
governo misto Onu-kosovari della
provincia, con tanto di ministeri (19) e un comitato di presidenza alla
cui testa c'è il
plenipotenziario delle Nazioni unite, Bernard Kouchner, dotato di potere
di veto su qualsiasi
decisione del collegio. Un governo comunque provvisorio, nell'attesa
delle elezioni - la cui
convocazione slitta di mese in mese - e della nascita di un "governo
dell'autonomia" tutto
kosovaro, come prevede la risoluzione 1244 del Consiglio di sicurezza
dell'Onu.
E se la leadership dei serbo-kosovari aveva declinato in un primo
momento l'invito a parteciparvi
- anzi era uscita da tutti gli organi consultivi creati dall'Onu, per
protestare contro la
trasformazione dell'Uck nei Corpi di protezione del Kosovo - negli
ultimi giorni ci ha ripensato e
sta trattando coi funzionari Onu per il suo ingresso nel governo
provvisorio e per la creazione di
entità "comunali" speciali nelle poche zone dove sono concentrati i
serbo-kosovari.
Ieri dunque doveva essere una giornata speciale. Così non è stato.
Convocati a Pristina, i vari
rappresentanti albanesi hanno inscenato una delle loro consuete liti
alla presenza degli avviliti
funzionari Onu. Il punto è che le isituzioni parallele create nel 1989
dalla Lega democratica del
Kosovo di Ibrahim Rugova - presidenza, governo e parlamento kosovaro
"clandestini" -
dovrebbero ora sciogliersi con la nascita della nuova istituzione. In
realtà il parlamento non ha
deliberato alcun autoscioglimento, il che ha mandato su tutte le furie i
falchi ex Uck di Thaci -
che intanto nel silenzio di Onu e Nato governano di fatto gran parte dei
comuni della provincia,
imponendo la loro legge. La sessione di ieri è finita dunque in insulti
ed è stata aggiornata a data
da definirsi.
Non si fermano intanto i regolamenti di conti dell'ex Uck nella
provincia; case bruciate (di serbi)
nei dintorni di Pristina e l'omicidio di un politico kosovaro-albanese,
Hassim Chuse, capo del
minuscolo Partito democrativo riformista. Il suo corpo con tre
proiettili in testa è stato trovato non
lontano da Prizren. Risultava scomparso dal 18 gennaio. Rapimento ed
esecuzione di un
avversario politico nel miglior stile Uck, che non tollera rivali nei
suoi territori. (...)
---
www.serbia-info.com/news
Thaqi's "state visit" to Sofia-giving political legitimacy to a
terrorist
January 29, 2000
SOFIA, Jan 28 (Tanjug) - The ruling structures in Sofia, taking their
cue from their NATO "allies," are sinking deeper and deeper in their
policy towards the situation in Kosovo. An instance of this is an
invitation by Ivan Kosov, leader of the Bulgarian rightist Alliance of
Democratic Forces and prime minister, to Hashim Thaqi, former leader of
the ethnic Albanian terrorist and separatist Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA), to visit Sofia.
It has been officially confirmed in Sofia that Thaqi is due here on
Saturday, and will be received by Kostov, a state of affairs which,
according to the Sofia newspaper 24 Casa, will make it a state visit."
This move has put the Bulgarian government in a position where it gives
political legitimacy to a man who is on an international wanted list for
terrorism. The Serbian police has earlier a warrant for the arrest of
Thaqui due to based suspicion that he had committed many grave crime
offences and several murders.
The Bulgarian government, however, is careful to steer clear of
mentioning this very important point in Thaqi's biography, whom it
describes as leader of the certain Kosovo Democratic Progress Party and
member of the provisional administrative council. This "provisional
government," set up by U.N. civilian mission (UNMIK) chief Bernard
Kouchner, is not recognized by Yugoslavia, if we exclude the Albanian
separatists.
Kostov's move, although at odds with international law, is not hard to
understand. The government in Sofia is trying by hook and by crook to
get close to and become a member of NATO and the European Union, and is
obviously willing to pay any price for a shortcut to Brussels. At the
time of NATO's aggression on Yugoslavia, Bulgarian government very
generously opened its air space to NATO planes, riggering a wave of
nationwide protests, which were especially bitter in Sofia. Protesters
condemned the country's officials, as well as U.S. President Bill
Clinton, telling the aggressors and their helpers that "the Balkans
belongs to the Balkan nations."
Evidently, the government in Sofia seems naively to believe that, if it
sells its sovereignty, it can get into NATO and the European Union more
easily and solve all its accumulated internal problems overnight.
However, at the recent Summit of the "fifteen" in Helsinki, Bulgaria
found itself in the second group of the country-candidates to enter EU,
which means it would have to wait at least 15 years, maybe longer. Ten
months ago, on the top meeting of 19 alliance countries in Washington,
it was clearly said that Bulgaria would not enter NATO easily and
swiftly.
The visit of Thaqi and Arben Xhaferi to Bulgaria has yet another
interesting aspect which the Bulgarian government will have to explain
to its citizens. Namely, Thaqui and Xhaferi, who are obviously trying to
project themselves as the Balkans' supreme Muslim leaders are to attend
a congress of the Rights and Freedoms Society, a party that rallies more
than a million ethnic Turks in Bulgaria. We should hope that Thaqi will
explain why even the Kosovo Turks have been targeted in ethnic Albanian
ethnic cleansing and forced conversion campaigns.
---
Sat, Jan 29 at Prague 03:45 pm, N.Y. 09:45 am
Bulgaria Seizes 38 Kg Heroin In Albanian Truck
SOFIA, Jan 29, 2000 -- (Reuters) Bulgarian customs said on Friday they
had seized 38.1 kg (84 lbs) of heroin hidden in an Albanian-registered
truck that was coming from Turkey.
Ivan Kutevski, spokesman for the Central Customs Directorate, told
Reuters the shipment was discovered at the Kapitan Andreevo border
checkpoint with Turkey and was hidden in the truck, which was
transporting metal doors.
The truck driver, a 43-year-old Albanian citizen, had been detained,
Kutevski added.
Crime experts said that the local street value of a dose of 0.250 grams
of heroin was between three levs ($1.5) and 10 levs.
Bulgaria, situated between Turkey, Greece, Macedonia, Yugoslavia and
Romania, lies on the so-called Balkan route for smuggling drugs from
Asia to Europe. Customs say a total of 261 kg of heroin were seized at
Bulgarian borders last year.
Earlier this month, Bulgaria opened the first office under a joint
United Nations - European Union project to fight drug trafficking in the
Balkans.
---
LA FINE DI "NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC"
Quello che segue e' un classico esempio di come la "political
correctness" puo' diventare "scorrettezza scientifica" senza colpo
ferire.
Una rivista prestigiosa come "National Geographic", anziche' descrivere
il patrimonio naturale, culturale ed etnico della regione del Kosmet,
sta facendo propaganda antijugoslava di basso profilo.
Non ho avuto purtroppo ancora occasione di avere la rivista fra le mani,
ma sarei veramente curioso di vedere cosa si dice dei monasteri
bizantini e della loro distruzione sistematica, che e' in corso (piu' di
80 sono gia' stati devastati dall'UCK grazie alla provvidenziale
disattenzione della KFOR... ed anche di tanti nostri "intellettuali di
servizio").
Andrea
------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
Date sent: Fri, 28 Jan 2000 13:33:41 -0500 (EST)
BCC to: From: sndlist@...
(balkanpeace automailer)
Subject: Mailing list 'Rapid_Response': National
Geographic
Visit us on http://www.balkanpeace.org
---------------------------------------------
Molimo vas da se obratite National Geographic-u za njihove odvratne lazi
o
Kosovu i Jugoslaviji!
Uvjerite se i sami o njihovim lazima na:
http://www.ngnews.com/kosovo/
Pisite im na:
ngsforum@...
Evo samo jednog od pisama koje smo dobili u Centru od ljudi koji su se
javili da nam skrenu paznju na februarsko izdanje:
From: jon & lillian
Subject: National Geographic: lies about yugoslavia
Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 22:06:30 -0500
Hello
We have a subscription to the National Geographic magazine and the
February issue has the most damning articles on Kosovo and Yugoslavia.
Just to begin with, all maps of Kosovo make it seem as if it is part
of
Albania. It is still part of Yugoslavia, which was part of the peace
accord signed at the end of the NATO bombing campaign.
The emphasis of the articles was on refugees, all on Kosovo, and never
once mentioned the fact the there are now one million refugees (acording
to the United Nations high commissioner) in Yugoslavia. There was a map
showing Kosovo and all the mass graves, hundreds of them. This, as we
have
found out lately is not true, which was verified by the FBI and RCMP,
among others.
Wherever the author of the article could, Serbians were slandered. You
must read it for yourself, it is too disturbing for me to quote all the
passages. It is American propoganda at some of its worst.
We have cancelled our subscription and written an e-mail. I urge
veryone
to write at:
ngsforum@... Jon
---
http://www.iwpr.net
WELCOME TO IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 111, January 28, 2000
(...)
NEW KOSOVO BANK TO KICK-START ECONOMY
Kosovo's first commercial bank pledges to promote economic growth in one
of
the poorest regions in Europe.
By Llazar Semini in Pristina
Metal, a foundry in Pristina, is doing good business following the end
of
the Kosovo war last June.
The company has ambitious expansion plans, but needs investors. "We are
looking for partners and money," said Ymer Qerkini, Metal's manager,
who,
like many Kosovo businessmen, hopes the region's new commercial bank
will
help their enterprises grow.
The Micro Enterprise Bank (MEB), the first bank to be licensed in Kosovo
since last year's conflict, is aiming to meet an urgent demand for
financial
services. The bank, which began operating last Monday, January 24, said
it
acquired 70 new clients the following day.
"A bank is an indispensable part of daily life and Kosovo needed one now
that life is back to normal," said MEB's general manager Koen Wasmus.
MEB, located near the headquarters of the United Nations Mission in
Kosovo,
was founded at the initiative of several international financial
institutions and investment companies, with substantial funding from the
Dutch and German governments.
The bank will provide account management, money transfers, loans and
cashless payment transactions to small enterprises, as well as
individual
customers. Its credits will range from 2,000 to 200,000 German marks,
with
an interest rate of 18 per cent per year.
"Kosovo's economic recovery will increasingly depend on the availability
of
basic banking services," said Horst Koehler, president of the European
Bank
of Reconstruction, one of MEB's backers. "The Micro Enterprise Bank does
just that, giving ordinary people the means to provide for their own
livelihoods without resorting to handouts.
" It will also serve as a dependable, commercial-oriented source of
credit
for small businesses, which will form the backbone of a resurgent
Kosovar
economy."
Wasmus said he considered Kosovo's economy "a pyramid with a broad base
of
small firms with very strong committed people," but he warned that some
bigger corporations would not survive as they needed large investment.
"We have thought that we should assist small enterprises with the aim of
turning them into medium-sized ones," he said. "That is why we decided
to
work from the base of this pyramid and strengthen that."
"We aim to stay in Kosovo for some time," Wasmus said, adding that MEB's
shareholders wanted to see their money back in five to ten years.
At the end of the Kosovo conflict last year, the region's financial
system
was in a shambles, so the MEB had to start from scratch. "We have
provided
intensive training to a number of young and highly motivated banking
trainees - most of whom had no previous banking experience," said
Wasmus.
"They received on-the-job training with similar micro-credit banks in
Albania and Bosnia."
MEB will be based in Pristina with a staff of 31 - 26 of whom are
Albanian.
Branches are due to open soon in Prizren (early February) and Peje
(March or
April). After three years, the bank is expected to have seven branches.
A spokesman for the International Finance Corporation, another of the
bank's
sponsors, said the project would create jobs and improve people's lives.
"A
major impediment to growth has been the lack of access to credit which
is
one of the main vehicles for promoting economic growth.
"By demonstrating the commercial viability of properly structured and
organized lending institutions, we can catalyze considerable private
investments to build credit and other financial services for many poor
people in Kosovo."
Llazar Semini is IWPR Project Manager in Pristina.
IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 111
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Army Probes Behavior of U.S. Soldiers in Kosovo
By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday , January 28, 2000 ; A17
VITINA, Yugoslavia, Jan. 27 – Baki Ramadani slipped on
the ice that covered almost every street
in this city in eastern Kosovo three weeks ago and
accidentally jostled a U.S. Army soldier standing
guard at the NATO military base. Challenged to explain
himself, Ramadani signaled with his hands
because he is unable to speak or hear, as medical
documents stored in his breast pocket made clear.
Ramadani's efforts failed, however, and he quickly
found himself knocked to the ground, where the
soldier kicked him, striking him in the head,
according to his parents and two brothers. They said
they saw the bruises and got a description later from
Ramadani – who told them in sign language –
and from an ethnic Albanian friend of Ramadani who was
briefly arrested for attempting to intervene.
Army investigators flown here from a U.S. base in
Germany began a probe of the Jan. 6 incident this
week, along with several other allegations by ethnic
Albanians of mistreatment by U.S. soldiers –
including beatings, inappropriate body searches of
women and harassment.
The results of the investigation will not be released
for at least a week, but Western officials say the
investigators' goal is to examine what might have gone
awry with the U.S. peacekeeping mission in
this ethnically mixed and politically volatile city,
estranging some soldiers from the population they
came here to protect. It is the first large-scale
probe since NATO peacekeepers arrived last June
following the end of the allied air campaign against
Yugoslavia.
Already, the Army's "A" company, 3rd Battalion, 504th
Infantry, which was assigned here last
September, has been redeployed to another city, a
month sooner than normal.
Some Western officials say most of the tensions have
been provoked by former guerrillas with the
ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who
control the city and are resisting sharing
power and influence with either NATO troops or United
Nations administrators. The officials
suggest the charges have been largely manufactured to
discredit the U.S. troops, who have recently
arrested some prominent ethnic Albanians for
committing terrorist acts.
Before the war, Vitina was dominated by Serbs. Today
its population is 90 percent ethnic Albanian
as a result of the Albanians' post-war expulsion of
Serbs. The remaining 500 to 800 Serbs face a
persistent threat of grenade attacks, house burnings,
kidnappings or killings by ethnic Albanian
hard-liners, according to local and Western officials.
For some residents, "the war is not over," said Daut
Xhemajli, president of the municipal government
and a former official of the KLA, which waged a
guerrilla war to win Kosovo's independence from
Serbia, the dominant republic of Yugoslavia. The KLA
announced it was disbanding after NATO
troops entered the province following the withdrawal
of Serbian military and police forces.
Mirroring the attitude toward NATO forces throughout
Kosovo, U.S. troops arrived here to find an
enormous reservoir of public goodwill. As Ramadani's
father, Saqif, said, "we consider the
Americans our biggest friends" because of Washington's
tough policy toward Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic. He said the family "didn't want to
make anything of this. . . . We hushed this
thing up."
But the beating – along with other alleged misconduct
– became a major topic of protest after U.S.
troops arrested Xhauit Hasani, a prominent ethnic
Albanian here who commanded a KLA unit.
Some Army officials say that ex-KLA rebels are
orchestrating the criticism to gain the
ex-commander's release from a holding cell at Camp
Bondsteel, the immense U.S. military
headquarters 10 miles northwest of here.
At the same time, some of the misconduct charges
appear to have merit, according to officials who
said they could not provide details. Moreover, they
acknowledge that the arrest here on Jan. 16 of
Army Staff Sgt. Frank J. Ronghi on charges of raping
and killing an 11-year-old ethnic Albanian girl
had undermined the morale and reputation of the "A"
company unit – even though local politicians
said they held only Ronghi responsible. Ronghi, 35, of
Niles, Ohio, is being held in investigative
custody at a military detention center in Mannheim,
Germany.
Many of the charges against the U.S. troops stem from
"A" company police activities on Jan. 6, one
of the weekly market days when hundreds of villagers
stream into the city. On that day, according to
allegations by a number of residents and local
officials, soldiers manhandled as many as eight people
and improperly patted some female ethnic Albanians
while searching for weapons among those in the
crowd.
Capt. Kevin Lambert, the "A" company commander,
declined to comment on the substance of the
charges, citing the probe. But he said the day was no
different than any other, and he had no reason
to suspect any wrongdoing until three days later, when
local officials organized a protest against
Hasani's arrest and raised the allegations for the
first time.
U.S. and local sources said that Hasani had attained
local fame during the war by smuggling arms
and food to KLA units through his home village of
Kluc, located at the Kosovo-Macedonia border.
U.S. soldiers arrested Hasani on a warrant issued by
Macedonian police, who had charged him with
murdering a Macedonian policeman last year. But they
also suspected Hasani and others, including
members of the provisional Kosovo government's
Interior Ministry, of being linked to recent acts of
violence against ethnic Albanians who bought homes or
businesses from Serbs and to a recent
grenade attack on a Serbian cafe.
After a visit here, a senior U.N. official said in a
memorandum to the top U.N. administrator that
NATO "has seized large amounts of heavy weaponry" from
ministry officials, and that the U.S.
peacekeepers suspected that ex-KLA fighters from
Vitina "planted an anti-tank mine" that killed a
U.S. soldier driving a jeep near the village of
Kamenica on Dec. 15. The mine evidently was meant
to detonate beneath trucks driven by Serbian residents
or Russian peacekeepers, other officials said.
Hasani was given a lie detector test at Camp
Bondsteel, according to his sons, Ramiz and Azem.
NATO troops have told them in recent days that Hasani
would be released, they said.
---
Kosovo Protection Corps begins work (B92 26/1/00)
PRISTINA, Wednesday - The Kosovo Protection Corps, the civil defence
force
formally constituted last week from former members of the outlawed
Kosovo
Liberation Army, began its official duties today clearing snow from in
front
of the Government Building in Pristina. Corps Commander Agim Ceku, UN
civilian mission chief Bernard Kouchner and KFOR Commander Klaus
Reinhardt
visited members of the new force as they began work.
---
Wed, Jan 26 at Prague 07:04 pm, N.Y. 01:04 pm
Kosovo Ex-Rebel Spokesman Compares Certain Peacekeepers To Serbs
PRISTINA, Jan 26, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Kosovo's international
administrators were accused Tuesday of using security tactics similar to
those of the 'Serbian criminals.'
The charges were made by Jakup Krasniqi, a spokesman for Kosovo's former
ethnic Albanian guerrillas, in letters to General Klaus Reinhardt,
commander of the international peacekeeping force KFOR, and UN
administration head Bernard Kouchner.
Krasniqi, of the Kosovo Democratic Progress Party of ex-rebel leader
Hashim Thaci, told AFP: "Certain acts by KFOR, in conjunction with the
UN police, remind us of the time of repression" under the Serbs.
He was referring to searches in recent weeks of figures who "symbolize
the resistance against Belgrade."
These included a search earlier this month of the house of Thaci's
brother, who fired a gun in public during New Year's eve celebrations.
Security forces found a large sum of money in various currencies and an
unlicensed gun in the house.
Krasniqi also accused KFOR of actions against former Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) commander Sulejman Selimi, and a relative of one of the
founders of the KLA, Adem Jashari, whose killing by Serb forces in 1997
sparked Albanian resistance.
"I still have trust in the NATO flag, in Mr. Kouchner and General
Reinhardt, but they should control their men," said Krasniqi.
Reinhardt and Kouchner apologised to Thaci for any inconvenience after
his brother and a bodyguard were briefly detained and ordered their men
to consult them before taking any more action against local leaders.
"Did the international forces come to Kosovo to help the Albanian people
who suffered the last holocaust of the century, or to carry on using, in
a slightly gentler form, the methods of the criminal Serb police"
Krasniqi wrote in the letter dated January 22.
He also accused certain forces within KFOR, including Russians, of
"receiving their orders directly from Belgrade." ((c) 2000 Agence France
Presse)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
------------------------------------------------------------
dopo l'attentato contro l'autobus (AP)
* 3/2/00: Attacco terroristico contro un autobus ("Il Manifesto")
* 3/2/00: Un migliaio di slavi-musulmani scappano dal Kosovo verso la
Serbia centrale (B92)
* 3/2/00: Programmate per marzo esercitazioni in Kosovo in vista della
prossima aggressione della NATO contro la RF di Jugoslavia (B92)
* 2/2/00: Due morti e cinque feriti in un attacco terroristico contro
l'autobus (B92)
* 2/2/00: Rugova disfa le sue istituzioni del "Kosova" (B92)
* 2/2/00: Liti tra fazioni albanesi, anche un morto ("Il Manifesto")
* 28/1/00: "Visita di Stato" di Thaci "il serpente" in Bulgaria (Tanjug)
* 29/1/00: 38 chili di eroina sequestrata su di un TIR albanese in
Bulgaria (Reuters)
* Il numero speciale di "National Geographic" dedicato al Kosovo: una
completa riscrittura della storia e della realta' attuale. Vergogna!
* Fondi tedeschi ed olandesi per aprire una Banca kosovara nuova di
zecca (IWPR 28/1/00)
* Civili schipetari sottoposti a maltrattamento da parte delle truppe
statunitensi presso Vitina (Washington Post 27/1/00)
* Iniziato il lavoro dell'UCKFOR nella nuova veste di "Corpo di
Protezione del Kosovo" (B92 22/1/00)
* Per la perquisizione, con sequestro di un arsenale, a casa del
fratello di Thaci e per le indagini su altri capibanda il portavoce UCK
Krasniqi e' infuriato; Kouchner e Reinhardt chiedono scusa (AFP 26/1/00)
---
Grenade thrown into Serb cafe in Kosovo
9.40 p.m. ET (249 GMT) February 3, 2000
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia (AP) — Violence erupted across this
Kosovo city violence Thursday night with two grenade attacks against
Serb cafes that left at least 20 people wounded and shootings that
claimed the lives of three ethnic Albanians.
The violence began when the two Albanian men were shot to death, the
multinational peacekeeping force in Kosovo said Friday.
Half an hour later, a grenade was thrown into a Serb cafe, wounding
between 10 and 15 customers, said Lt. Col. Henning Philipp, spokesman
for the multinational force known as KFOR.
Minutes later, an ethnic Albanian woman was shot to death. That killing
was followed shortly afterwards by a grenade attack on another Serb cafe
that wounded 10 customers, Philipp said.
A day before, a rocket attack on a U.N. bus carrying Serb civilians left
two Serbs dead and three injured.
The attacks comes as ethnic tensions remain high in Kosovo.
Authorities say many ethnic Albanians were killed by Serb forces during
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's 18-month crackdown against
separatists here. After NATO bombing forced the Serb troops to withdraw
last spring, ethnic Albanians began attacking Serbs as revenge.
---
"Il Manifesto" del 3/2/2000:
KOSOVO
ATTENTATO A UN BUS DI CIVILI SERBI: DUE MORTI
Ennesimo attentato (è ormai un appuntamento quasi giornaliero) nei
confronti dei pochi serbi
ormai rimasti in Kosovo. Un autobus pieno di civili serbi è stato
colpito ieri, infatti, da un razzo
anticarro lanciato dai soliti "sconosciuti". Nell'attentato, due
passeggeri sono morti e altri cinque
sono rimasti feriti.
Il bus, messo a disposizione dall'organizzazione umanitaria Unhcr delle
Nazioni unite, era partito
da Kosovska Mitrovica (la città kosovara divisa in due - una parte
serba, l'altra albanese -
dall'odio etnico), nel nord della regione, nel pomeriggio di ieri, per
raggiungere la cittadina di
Durakovca. Dopo aver percorso appena quindici chilometri è stato colpito
dal razzo,
presumibilmente scagliato da albanesi. Gli uomini della Kfor (la forza
di pace della Nato), che
stavano scortando il veicolo, impotenti di fronte all'ennesima
aggressione, non hanno potuto far
altro che organizzare i soccorsi per le vittime.
La Unhcr organizza servizi di trasporto per i serbi che vogliono
spostarsi da una parte all'altra del
Kosovo nonostante gli innumerevoli rischi. Ma sono (come pure le forze
della Kfor) sempre più in
balia delle bande albanesi dell'ex Uck, cui hanno dato legittimità, e
che proseguono nella
campagna di "pulizia etnica" dei serbi e dei rom (di cui spesso sono
vittime anche quegli albanesi
considerati "collaborazionisti"), cominciata alla fine della guerra. E
che ha portato all'esodo dei
serbi e dei rom dal Kosovo.
---
Muslims flee Kosovo (B92 3/2/00)
PRISTINA, Thursday - About a thousand residents, most of them Muslim,
had
left the region of Prizren and Gora in Kosovo to take refuge in Novi
Pazar in
Central Serbia, UNHCR representative Maki Shinohara said today.
Shinohara
told media that the UNHCR had suspended all bus transport in Kosovo,
adding
that the services would not be continued until yesterday's attack on a
UNHCR
bus had been completed.
---
Socialists on NATO exercises in Kosovo (B92 3/2/00)
BELGRADE, Thursday - NATO is the key factor for destabilisation in
south-east
Europe, Socialist Party spokesman Ivica Dacic told media today. Dacic
was
commenting on the announcement that NATO forces will be on manoeuvres in
Kosovo in March. Brussels has justified the exercises saying that they
are a
preparation for a possible deterioration of the situation in the
province.
---
Serbs die in rocket attack on Kosovo bus (B92 2/2/00)
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Wednesday - Two Serbs are dead and another five
wounded
after a rocket attack on a bus near Kosovska Mitrovica this afternoon.
International forces representative Philip Anido said the UNHCR bus was
being
escorted by KFOR. No further details are available.
---
Rugova disbands parallel institutions (B92 2/2/00)
PRISTINA, Wednesday - The President of the Democratic League of Kosovo,
Ibrahim Rugova, announced today that he had disbanded the Kosovo
Albanian
parallel state government of which he was president. Rugova and the
president
of the parallel Kosovo Albanian Parliament, Idriz Ajeti, told media
today
that all parallel state institutions in the province were dissolved
yesterday. These included the parallel government and parliament, the
office
of the president of Kosovo and all related political, security and
administrative structures.
---
"Il Manifesto", 2/2/00:
KOSOVO UCCISO DALL'UCK IL LEADER DI UN PARTITO KOSOVARO
Non parte il governo "misto"
Onu delusa. Gli albanesi non rinunciano alle istituzioni parallele
- R. ES. - PRISTINA
D oveva essere un salto di qualità nella vita pubblica del Kosovo, ma è
finito in battibecchi tra
fazioni kosovaro-albanesi e con i funzionari dell'Onu. Ieri era prevista
la nascita ufficiale del
Struttura amministrativa unitaria ad interim (Jias), una sorta di
governo misto Onu-kosovari della
provincia, con tanto di ministeri (19) e un comitato di presidenza alla
cui testa c'è il
plenipotenziario delle Nazioni unite, Bernard Kouchner, dotato di potere
di veto su qualsiasi
decisione del collegio. Un governo comunque provvisorio, nell'attesa
delle elezioni - la cui
convocazione slitta di mese in mese - e della nascita di un "governo
dell'autonomia" tutto
kosovaro, come prevede la risoluzione 1244 del Consiglio di sicurezza
dell'Onu.
E se la leadership dei serbo-kosovari aveva declinato in un primo
momento l'invito a parteciparvi
- anzi era uscita da tutti gli organi consultivi creati dall'Onu, per
protestare contro la
trasformazione dell'Uck nei Corpi di protezione del Kosovo - negli
ultimi giorni ci ha ripensato e
sta trattando coi funzionari Onu per il suo ingresso nel governo
provvisorio e per la creazione di
entità "comunali" speciali nelle poche zone dove sono concentrati i
serbo-kosovari.
Ieri dunque doveva essere una giornata speciale. Così non è stato.
Convocati a Pristina, i vari
rappresentanti albanesi hanno inscenato una delle loro consuete liti
alla presenza degli avviliti
funzionari Onu. Il punto è che le isituzioni parallele create nel 1989
dalla Lega democratica del
Kosovo di Ibrahim Rugova - presidenza, governo e parlamento kosovaro
"clandestini" -
dovrebbero ora sciogliersi con la nascita della nuova istituzione. In
realtà il parlamento non ha
deliberato alcun autoscioglimento, il che ha mandato su tutte le furie i
falchi ex Uck di Thaci -
che intanto nel silenzio di Onu e Nato governano di fatto gran parte dei
comuni della provincia,
imponendo la loro legge. La sessione di ieri è finita dunque in insulti
ed è stata aggiornata a data
da definirsi.
Non si fermano intanto i regolamenti di conti dell'ex Uck nella
provincia; case bruciate (di serbi)
nei dintorni di Pristina e l'omicidio di un politico kosovaro-albanese,
Hassim Chuse, capo del
minuscolo Partito democrativo riformista. Il suo corpo con tre
proiettili in testa è stato trovato non
lontano da Prizren. Risultava scomparso dal 18 gennaio. Rapimento ed
esecuzione di un
avversario politico nel miglior stile Uck, che non tollera rivali nei
suoi territori. (...)
---
www.serbia-info.com/news
Thaqi's "state visit" to Sofia-giving political legitimacy to a
terrorist
January 29, 2000
SOFIA, Jan 28 (Tanjug) - The ruling structures in Sofia, taking their
cue from their NATO "allies," are sinking deeper and deeper in their
policy towards the situation in Kosovo. An instance of this is an
invitation by Ivan Kosov, leader of the Bulgarian rightist Alliance of
Democratic Forces and prime minister, to Hashim Thaqi, former leader of
the ethnic Albanian terrorist and separatist Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA), to visit Sofia.
It has been officially confirmed in Sofia that Thaqi is due here on
Saturday, and will be received by Kostov, a state of affairs which,
according to the Sofia newspaper 24 Casa, will make it a state visit."
This move has put the Bulgarian government in a position where it gives
political legitimacy to a man who is on an international wanted list for
terrorism. The Serbian police has earlier a warrant for the arrest of
Thaqui due to based suspicion that he had committed many grave crime
offences and several murders.
The Bulgarian government, however, is careful to steer clear of
mentioning this very important point in Thaqi's biography, whom it
describes as leader of the certain Kosovo Democratic Progress Party and
member of the provisional administrative council. This "provisional
government," set up by U.N. civilian mission (UNMIK) chief Bernard
Kouchner, is not recognized by Yugoslavia, if we exclude the Albanian
separatists.
Kostov's move, although at odds with international law, is not hard to
understand. The government in Sofia is trying by hook and by crook to
get close to and become a member of NATO and the European Union, and is
obviously willing to pay any price for a shortcut to Brussels. At the
time of NATO's aggression on Yugoslavia, Bulgarian government very
generously opened its air space to NATO planes, riggering a wave of
nationwide protests, which were especially bitter in Sofia. Protesters
condemned the country's officials, as well as U.S. President Bill
Clinton, telling the aggressors and their helpers that "the Balkans
belongs to the Balkan nations."
Evidently, the government in Sofia seems naively to believe that, if it
sells its sovereignty, it can get into NATO and the European Union more
easily and solve all its accumulated internal problems overnight.
However, at the recent Summit of the "fifteen" in Helsinki, Bulgaria
found itself in the second group of the country-candidates to enter EU,
which means it would have to wait at least 15 years, maybe longer. Ten
months ago, on the top meeting of 19 alliance countries in Washington,
it was clearly said that Bulgaria would not enter NATO easily and
swiftly.
The visit of Thaqi and Arben Xhaferi to Bulgaria has yet another
interesting aspect which the Bulgarian government will have to explain
to its citizens. Namely, Thaqui and Xhaferi, who are obviously trying to
project themselves as the Balkans' supreme Muslim leaders are to attend
a congress of the Rights and Freedoms Society, a party that rallies more
than a million ethnic Turks in Bulgaria. We should hope that Thaqi will
explain why even the Kosovo Turks have been targeted in ethnic Albanian
ethnic cleansing and forced conversion campaigns.
---
Sat, Jan 29 at Prague 03:45 pm, N.Y. 09:45 am
Bulgaria Seizes 38 Kg Heroin In Albanian Truck
SOFIA, Jan 29, 2000 -- (Reuters) Bulgarian customs said on Friday they
had seized 38.1 kg (84 lbs) of heroin hidden in an Albanian-registered
truck that was coming from Turkey.
Ivan Kutevski, spokesman for the Central Customs Directorate, told
Reuters the shipment was discovered at the Kapitan Andreevo border
checkpoint with Turkey and was hidden in the truck, which was
transporting metal doors.
The truck driver, a 43-year-old Albanian citizen, had been detained,
Kutevski added.
Crime experts said that the local street value of a dose of 0.250 grams
of heroin was between three levs ($1.5) and 10 levs.
Bulgaria, situated between Turkey, Greece, Macedonia, Yugoslavia and
Romania, lies on the so-called Balkan route for smuggling drugs from
Asia to Europe. Customs say a total of 261 kg of heroin were seized at
Bulgarian borders last year.
Earlier this month, Bulgaria opened the first office under a joint
United Nations - European Union project to fight drug trafficking in the
Balkans.
---
LA FINE DI "NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC"
Quello che segue e' un classico esempio di come la "political
correctness" puo' diventare "scorrettezza scientifica" senza colpo
ferire.
Una rivista prestigiosa come "National Geographic", anziche' descrivere
il patrimonio naturale, culturale ed etnico della regione del Kosmet,
sta facendo propaganda antijugoslava di basso profilo.
Non ho avuto purtroppo ancora occasione di avere la rivista fra le mani,
ma sarei veramente curioso di vedere cosa si dice dei monasteri
bizantini e della loro distruzione sistematica, che e' in corso (piu' di
80 sono gia' stati devastati dall'UCK grazie alla provvidenziale
disattenzione della KFOR... ed anche di tanti nostri "intellettuali di
servizio").
Andrea
------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
Date sent: Fri, 28 Jan 2000 13:33:41 -0500 (EST)
BCC to: From: sndlist@...
(balkanpeace automailer)
Subject: Mailing list 'Rapid_Response': National
Geographic
Visit us on http://www.balkanpeace.org
---------------------------------------------
Molimo vas da se obratite National Geographic-u za njihove odvratne lazi
o
Kosovu i Jugoslaviji!
Uvjerite se i sami o njihovim lazima na:
http://www.ngnews.com/kosovo/
Pisite im na:
ngsforum@...
Evo samo jednog od pisama koje smo dobili u Centru od ljudi koji su se
javili da nam skrenu paznju na februarsko izdanje:
From: jon & lillian
Subject: National Geographic: lies about yugoslavia
Date: Thu, 27 Jan 2000 22:06:30 -0500
Hello
We have a subscription to the National Geographic magazine and the
February issue has the most damning articles on Kosovo and Yugoslavia.
Just to begin with, all maps of Kosovo make it seem as if it is part
of
Albania. It is still part of Yugoslavia, which was part of the peace
accord signed at the end of the NATO bombing campaign.
The emphasis of the articles was on refugees, all on Kosovo, and never
once mentioned the fact the there are now one million refugees (acording
to the United Nations high commissioner) in Yugoslavia. There was a map
showing Kosovo and all the mass graves, hundreds of them. This, as we
have
found out lately is not true, which was verified by the FBI and RCMP,
among others.
Wherever the author of the article could, Serbians were slandered. You
must read it for yourself, it is too disturbing for me to quote all the
passages. It is American propoganda at some of its worst.
We have cancelled our subscription and written an e-mail. I urge
veryone
to write at:
ngsforum@... Jon
---
http://www.iwpr.net
WELCOME TO IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 111, January 28, 2000
(...)
NEW KOSOVO BANK TO KICK-START ECONOMY
Kosovo's first commercial bank pledges to promote economic growth in one
of
the poorest regions in Europe.
By Llazar Semini in Pristina
Metal, a foundry in Pristina, is doing good business following the end
of
the Kosovo war last June.
The company has ambitious expansion plans, but needs investors. "We are
looking for partners and money," said Ymer Qerkini, Metal's manager,
who,
like many Kosovo businessmen, hopes the region's new commercial bank
will
help their enterprises grow.
The Micro Enterprise Bank (MEB), the first bank to be licensed in Kosovo
since last year's conflict, is aiming to meet an urgent demand for
financial
services. The bank, which began operating last Monday, January 24, said
it
acquired 70 new clients the following day.
"A bank is an indispensable part of daily life and Kosovo needed one now
that life is back to normal," said MEB's general manager Koen Wasmus.
MEB, located near the headquarters of the United Nations Mission in
Kosovo,
was founded at the initiative of several international financial
institutions and investment companies, with substantial funding from the
Dutch and German governments.
The bank will provide account management, money transfers, loans and
cashless payment transactions to small enterprises, as well as
individual
customers. Its credits will range from 2,000 to 200,000 German marks,
with
an interest rate of 18 per cent per year.
"Kosovo's economic recovery will increasingly depend on the availability
of
basic banking services," said Horst Koehler, president of the European
Bank
of Reconstruction, one of MEB's backers. "The Micro Enterprise Bank does
just that, giving ordinary people the means to provide for their own
livelihoods without resorting to handouts.
" It will also serve as a dependable, commercial-oriented source of
credit
for small businesses, which will form the backbone of a resurgent
Kosovar
economy."
Wasmus said he considered Kosovo's economy "a pyramid with a broad base
of
small firms with very strong committed people," but he warned that some
bigger corporations would not survive as they needed large investment.
"We have thought that we should assist small enterprises with the aim of
turning them into medium-sized ones," he said. "That is why we decided
to
work from the base of this pyramid and strengthen that."
"We aim to stay in Kosovo for some time," Wasmus said, adding that MEB's
shareholders wanted to see their money back in five to ten years.
At the end of the Kosovo conflict last year, the region's financial
system
was in a shambles, so the MEB had to start from scratch. "We have
provided
intensive training to a number of young and highly motivated banking
trainees - most of whom had no previous banking experience," said
Wasmus.
"They received on-the-job training with similar micro-credit banks in
Albania and Bosnia."
MEB will be based in Pristina with a staff of 31 - 26 of whom are
Albanian.
Branches are due to open soon in Prizren (early February) and Peje
(March or
April). After three years, the bank is expected to have seven branches.
A spokesman for the International Finance Corporation, another of the
bank's
sponsors, said the project would create jobs and improve people's lives.
"A
major impediment to growth has been the lack of access to credit which
is
one of the main vehicles for promoting economic growth.
"By demonstrating the commercial viability of properly structured and
organized lending institutions, we can catalyze considerable private
investments to build credit and other financial services for many poor
people in Kosovo."
Llazar Semini is IWPR Project Manager in Pristina.
IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 111
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Army Probes Behavior of U.S. Soldiers in Kosovo
By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday , January 28, 2000 ; A17
VITINA, Yugoslavia, Jan. 27 – Baki Ramadani slipped on
the ice that covered almost every street
in this city in eastern Kosovo three weeks ago and
accidentally jostled a U.S. Army soldier standing
guard at the NATO military base. Challenged to explain
himself, Ramadani signaled with his hands
because he is unable to speak or hear, as medical
documents stored in his breast pocket made clear.
Ramadani's efforts failed, however, and he quickly
found himself knocked to the ground, where the
soldier kicked him, striking him in the head,
according to his parents and two brothers. They said
they saw the bruises and got a description later from
Ramadani – who told them in sign language –
and from an ethnic Albanian friend of Ramadani who was
briefly arrested for attempting to intervene.
Army investigators flown here from a U.S. base in
Germany began a probe of the Jan. 6 incident this
week, along with several other allegations by ethnic
Albanians of mistreatment by U.S. soldiers –
including beatings, inappropriate body searches of
women and harassment.
The results of the investigation will not be released
for at least a week, but Western officials say the
investigators' goal is to examine what might have gone
awry with the U.S. peacekeeping mission in
this ethnically mixed and politically volatile city,
estranging some soldiers from the population they
came here to protect. It is the first large-scale
probe since NATO peacekeepers arrived last June
following the end of the allied air campaign against
Yugoslavia.
Already, the Army's "A" company, 3rd Battalion, 504th
Infantry, which was assigned here last
September, has been redeployed to another city, a
month sooner than normal.
Some Western officials say most of the tensions have
been provoked by former guerrillas with the
ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who
control the city and are resisting sharing
power and influence with either NATO troops or United
Nations administrators. The officials
suggest the charges have been largely manufactured to
discredit the U.S. troops, who have recently
arrested some prominent ethnic Albanians for
committing terrorist acts.
Before the war, Vitina was dominated by Serbs. Today
its population is 90 percent ethnic Albanian
as a result of the Albanians' post-war expulsion of
Serbs. The remaining 500 to 800 Serbs face a
persistent threat of grenade attacks, house burnings,
kidnappings or killings by ethnic Albanian
hard-liners, according to local and Western officials.
For some residents, "the war is not over," said Daut
Xhemajli, president of the municipal government
and a former official of the KLA, which waged a
guerrilla war to win Kosovo's independence from
Serbia, the dominant republic of Yugoslavia. The KLA
announced it was disbanding after NATO
troops entered the province following the withdrawal
of Serbian military and police forces.
Mirroring the attitude toward NATO forces throughout
Kosovo, U.S. troops arrived here to find an
enormous reservoir of public goodwill. As Ramadani's
father, Saqif, said, "we consider the
Americans our biggest friends" because of Washington's
tough policy toward Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic. He said the family "didn't want to
make anything of this. . . . We hushed this
thing up."
But the beating – along with other alleged misconduct
– became a major topic of protest after U.S.
troops arrested Xhauit Hasani, a prominent ethnic
Albanian here who commanded a KLA unit.
Some Army officials say that ex-KLA rebels are
orchestrating the criticism to gain the
ex-commander's release from a holding cell at Camp
Bondsteel, the immense U.S. military
headquarters 10 miles northwest of here.
At the same time, some of the misconduct charges
appear to have merit, according to officials who
said they could not provide details. Moreover, they
acknowledge that the arrest here on Jan. 16 of
Army Staff Sgt. Frank J. Ronghi on charges of raping
and killing an 11-year-old ethnic Albanian girl
had undermined the morale and reputation of the "A"
company unit – even though local politicians
said they held only Ronghi responsible. Ronghi, 35, of
Niles, Ohio, is being held in investigative
custody at a military detention center in Mannheim,
Germany.
Many of the charges against the U.S. troops stem from
"A" company police activities on Jan. 6, one
of the weekly market days when hundreds of villagers
stream into the city. On that day, according to
allegations by a number of residents and local
officials, soldiers manhandled as many as eight people
and improperly patted some female ethnic Albanians
while searching for weapons among those in the
crowd.
Capt. Kevin Lambert, the "A" company commander,
declined to comment on the substance of the
charges, citing the probe. But he said the day was no
different than any other, and he had no reason
to suspect any wrongdoing until three days later, when
local officials organized a protest against
Hasani's arrest and raised the allegations for the
first time.
U.S. and local sources said that Hasani had attained
local fame during the war by smuggling arms
and food to KLA units through his home village of
Kluc, located at the Kosovo-Macedonia border.
U.S. soldiers arrested Hasani on a warrant issued by
Macedonian police, who had charged him with
murdering a Macedonian policeman last year. But they
also suspected Hasani and others, including
members of the provisional Kosovo government's
Interior Ministry, of being linked to recent acts of
violence against ethnic Albanians who bought homes or
businesses from Serbs and to a recent
grenade attack on a Serbian cafe.
After a visit here, a senior U.N. official said in a
memorandum to the top U.N. administrator that
NATO "has seized large amounts of heavy weaponry" from
ministry officials, and that the U.S.
peacekeepers suspected that ex-KLA fighters from
Vitina "planted an anti-tank mine" that killed a
U.S. soldier driving a jeep near the village of
Kamenica on Dec. 15. The mine evidently was meant
to detonate beneath trucks driven by Serbian residents
or Russian peacekeepers, other officials said.
Hasani was given a lie detector test at Camp
Bondsteel, according to his sons, Ramiz and Azem.
NATO troops have told them in recent days that Hasani
would be released, they said.
---
Kosovo Protection Corps begins work (B92 26/1/00)
PRISTINA, Wednesday - The Kosovo Protection Corps, the civil defence
force
formally constituted last week from former members of the outlawed
Kosovo
Liberation Army, began its official duties today clearing snow from in
front
of the Government Building in Pristina. Corps Commander Agim Ceku, UN
civilian mission chief Bernard Kouchner and KFOR Commander Klaus
Reinhardt
visited members of the new force as they began work.
---
Wed, Jan 26 at Prague 07:04 pm, N.Y. 01:04 pm
Kosovo Ex-Rebel Spokesman Compares Certain Peacekeepers To Serbs
PRISTINA, Jan 26, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Kosovo's international
administrators were accused Tuesday of using security tactics similar to
those of the 'Serbian criminals.'
The charges were made by Jakup Krasniqi, a spokesman for Kosovo's former
ethnic Albanian guerrillas, in letters to General Klaus Reinhardt,
commander of the international peacekeeping force KFOR, and UN
administration head Bernard Kouchner.
Krasniqi, of the Kosovo Democratic Progress Party of ex-rebel leader
Hashim Thaci, told AFP: "Certain acts by KFOR, in conjunction with the
UN police, remind us of the time of repression" under the Serbs.
He was referring to searches in recent weeks of figures who "symbolize
the resistance against Belgrade."
These included a search earlier this month of the house of Thaci's
brother, who fired a gun in public during New Year's eve celebrations.
Security forces found a large sum of money in various currencies and an
unlicensed gun in the house.
Krasniqi also accused KFOR of actions against former Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) commander Sulejman Selimi, and a relative of one of the
founders of the KLA, Adem Jashari, whose killing by Serb forces in 1997
sparked Albanian resistance.
"I still have trust in the NATO flag, in Mr. Kouchner and General
Reinhardt, but they should control their men," said Krasniqi.
Reinhardt and Kouchner apologised to Thaci for any inconvenience after
his brother and a bodyguard were briefly detained and ordered their men
to consult them before taking any more action against local leaders.
"Did the international forces come to Kosovo to help the Albanian people
who suffered the last holocaust of the century, or to carry on using, in
a slightly gentler form, the methods of the criminal Serb police"
Krasniqi wrote in the letter dated January 22.
He also accused certain forces within KFOR, including Russians, of
"receiving their orders directly from Belgrade." ((c) 2000 Agence France
Presse)
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
------------------------------------------------------------
* ROMA: INIZIATIVE IN CANTIERE PER IL TRIBUNALE CONTRO I CRIMINI NATO
* PUGLIA: Calendario definitivo incontri con i delegati Zastava
* BOLOGNA: dibattito sabato 8/2 su "Imbrogli di guerra"
---
PER IL 24 MARZO PREPARIAMO UNA INIZIATIVA NAZIONALE A ROMA,
PER L'INCRIMINAZIONE DI D'ALEMA, PER LO SCIOGLIMENTO DELLA NATO, CONTRO
L'EMBARGO ALLA JUGOSLAVIA
RIUNIONE PREPARATORIA
VENERDI 4 FEBBRAIO 2000
ROMA VICOLO SCAVOLINO,61c/o Italia-Cuba
tribunale italiano contro i crimini della nato, convoglio di
solidarieta' giorgiana masi, un ponte per, coordinamento
romano per la jugoslavia, gamadi,servizio civile internazionale,
fondazione pasti,
per adesioni e informazioni
065181048
ROMA 28 GENNAIO 2000
COMUNICATO
SI E? SVOLTA OGGI LA RIUNIONE DEL TRIBUNALE ITALIANO INDIPENDENTE CONTRO
I CRIMINI DELLA NATO IN JUGOSLAVIA,
Per continuare le iniziative seguendo il metodo iniziale della nostra
attivita? si e? deciso nella riunione di oggi pomeriggio
di svolgere a Roma cinque iniziative preparatorie, che chiameremo
?sedute? , della riunione finale dove il ?tribunale
italiano processera? gli imputati? italiani, per poi partecipare
all?inizio di giugno della riunione internazionale di New
Yorkpromossa da Ramsey Clark.
Le cinque sedute italiane che si svolgeranno a Roma presso la libreria
del Manifesto in Via Tomacelli, avranno il seguente
calendario :
23 febbraio ore 17.00 - La violazione del diritto internazionale e
della Costituzione e delle leggi italiane.
3 marzo ore 17.00 ? Crimini contro l?ambiente, l?uranio impoverito, le
bombe a grappolo.
17 marzo ore 17.00 - La sovranita? nazionale, le basi militari e la
Nato in Italia
7 aprile ore 17.00 - L?attuale situazione nella Repubblica Federale
Yugoslava, gli effetti dell?embargo sulla
popolazione, la presenza delle forze occidentali nel territorio del
Kosmet, i crimini e la pulizia etnica contro i serbi.
21 aprile ore 17.00 - La disinformazione strategica, la missione
arcobaleno.
La sessione finale sara? probabilmente il 3 o il 4 giugno.
Fra le altre iniziative preannunciamo la prossima uscita di una
pubblicazione del Tribunale Italiano, inoltre cominciano ad
aumentare le iniziative in calendario in diverse parti di Italia, dopo
Pisa le prossime saranno il 5 febbraio a Perugia con
Falco Accame, Fulvio Grimaldi e Stefano de Angelis, e con data da
definire sono previste iniziative a Torino, Cagliari,
Lecco, Taranto
Tutti i comitati che volessero preparare iniziative possono mettersi in
contatto con noi.
A tutti i compagni e le associazioni che hanno aderito al Tribunale
Italiano ricordiamo che la quota di adesione necessaria
per lo svolgimento delle attivita? e? di lire 100.000 per i gruppi,
50.000 per i singoli.
La cifra con la causale ?per il tribunale??.? Devono essere inviate al
CCP 82046004.
Per contattarci tel.065181048, fax 068174010, e-mail
s.deangelis@..., pona@...
---
>
>
> UN PONTE PER BELGRADO IN TERRA DI BARI
>
> MOST ZA BEOGRAD NA ZEMLJI BARIJA Associazione culturale e di
> solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava C/o RDB, via M. Cristina di
> Savoia 40, BARI tel/fax 0805562663 e-mail: ponte@... sito Web:
> www.isf.it/ponte
>
>
>
>
>
> Con i delegati della Zastava
>
>
>
> Su iniziativa del "Ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari - associazione
> culturale di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava", del
> coordinamento nazionale RSU e di diverse altre associazioni saranno in
> Italia tre delegati della Zastava, la fabbrica di automobili di
> Kragujevac distrutta dai bombardamenti della NATO nella primavera
> dello scorso anno: Rajka Veljovic, Sreten Milicevic, Milan Doncic per
>
>
>
> - testimoniare della situazione in Jugoslavia distrutta dai
> bombardamenti della NATO e strangolata dall'embargo;
>
> - presentare il libro di ?poeti dilettanti contro la guerra? Gli
> assassini della tenerezza, illustrato con disegni di bambini di
> Kragujevac e con prefazione di Fulvio Grimaldi (edizioni La città del
> Sole, Napoli, L. 15.000), il ricavato delle cui vendite sarà devoluto
> in solidarietà ai lavoratori della Zastava;
>
> - trarre un primo bilancio dell'iniziativa di "adozione a distanza"
> dei bambini di Kragujevac;
>
> - discutere insieme con tutti i cittadini e i lavoratori che si
> sono opposti alla guerra della NATO il modo in cui promuovere e
> organizzare iniziative di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava;
>
> - partecipare ad iniziative di critica della guerra e contro
> l?embargo.
>
>
>
>
>
> Il programma in Puglia è il seguente
>
>
>
> Lunedì 7 febbraio, ore 17.00, Conversano, Municipio. Incontro con gli
> assessori alla cultura e alla solidarietà sociale
>
>
>
> Lunedì 7 febbraio, ore 19.00, Putignano sala Fidas, corso Vittorio
> Emanuele 61- Incontro organizzato dalle associazioni La Goccia,
> L?Isola che non c?è, Legambiente, Pax Christi, Porta Maggiore, con
> l?adesione delle sezioni locali di CGIL, CISL e UIL. Dibattito,
> proiezione del video di F. Grimaldi Serbi da morire e presentazione
> del libro Gli assassini della tenerezza.
>
>
>
> Martedì 8 febbraio, ore 10.20, all'ITG 'Pitagora' (C.so Cavour 249
> Bari). Incontro con le classi coinvolte nel progetto d'istituto
> "Critica della guerra e cultura della pace".
>
>
>
> Martedì 8 febbraio al Liceo scientifico 'Scacchi' (C.so Cavour 241
> Bari):
>
> ore 16.30, incontro con i sostenitori del progetto di adozione a
> distanza dei bambini di Kragujevac
>
> ore 18.00, sempre al Liceo 'Scacchi', testimonianze da un paese
> bombardato e sottoposto ad embargo;
>
> ore 19.00 presentazione del libro di poesie Gli assassini della
> tenerezza
>
>
>
> Mercoledì 9 febbraio, ore 9 Assemblea con i lavoratori della
> Serono-Pharma, Bari
>
> Mercoledì 9 febbraio ore 11.30, Putignano, incontro con gli studenti
> delle quinte classi del Liceo scientifico (via Turi 43)
>
> Mercoledì 9 febbraio, ore 18.30 Bisceglie Auditorium ex monastero di
> S. Croce, via G. Frisari 5. Intervengono: Franco Napoletano, sindaco
> della città, Luciana Sorgé, assessore alla pace e alla solidarietà
> sociale, Andrea Catone (Un ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari),
> moderatrice Agata Diakoviez di Pax Christi.
>
>
>
> sabato 26 febbraio, Taranto, ore 17.00, Aula magna ITI "Righi" (via
> Dante), dibattito e presentazione del libro di poesie Gli assassini
> della tenerezza.
>
>
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Wed, 2 Feb 2000 20:23:09 +0100
From: Comitato Cittadino Bologna <controguerra@...>
Reply-To: pck-yugoslavia@...
IMBROGLI DI GUERRA
Grdelica, 12 Aprile 1999, un F15 E "Strike Eagle" della US Air Force in
volo
sulla Jugoslavia colpisce un convoglio ferroviario uccidendo al-meno 14
persone. Nella conferenza stampa del giorno dopo il generale W. Clark
parlò
di "danni collaterali" giustificando l'errore del pilota a causa
dell'elevata velocità dell'operazione, documentata da un video, ed
inaugurando quel linguag-gio pieno di "interventi umanitari" e "bombe
intelligenti" che avrebbe do-vuto coprire con l'imbroglio le nefan-dezze
della guerra.
Menzogne: i video di quella strage sono stati alterati, aumentandone la
velocità per far risultare inevitabile l'errore del pilota ... Ma non è
l'unico "imbroglio":
Danni sanitari Danni ambientali
che colpiscono la Popolazione Civile, che si ripercuotono sull'intero
Pianeta e che colpiranno domani le Nuove Generazioni, vengono an-cora
spacciati dal Governo Italiano come "guerra giusta"
Il Comitato Cittadino contro la Guerra - Bologna - invita la
cit-tadinanza,
martedì 8 febbraio alle ore 21, presso la Sala Ben-jamin, via del
Pratello
n° 53, alla presentazione del volume:
"Imbrogli di Guerra" Scienziate e scienziati contro la guerra.
Contributi al
Seminario sulla guerra nei Balcani
ed. Odradek 1999
Interverranno:
- Vincenzo Caffarelli, ENEA-Casaccia Roma
- Alberto Di Fazio, Osservatorio Astronomico Roma
- Franco Marenco, CNR Roma
- Andrea Martocchia, SISSA-ISAS - Trieste
- Lucio Triolo, ENEA-Casaccia Roma
Comitato cittadino contro la guerra - v.Cuccoli 1/c - BO - t/f
051.50.31.80
email: controguerra@...
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
** NO COPYRIGHT ! **
------------------------------------------------------------
* PUGLIA: Calendario definitivo incontri con i delegati Zastava
* BOLOGNA: dibattito sabato 8/2 su "Imbrogli di guerra"
---
PER IL 24 MARZO PREPARIAMO UNA INIZIATIVA NAZIONALE A ROMA,
PER L'INCRIMINAZIONE DI D'ALEMA, PER LO SCIOGLIMENTO DELLA NATO, CONTRO
L'EMBARGO ALLA JUGOSLAVIA
RIUNIONE PREPARATORIA
VENERDI 4 FEBBRAIO 2000
ROMA VICOLO SCAVOLINO,61c/o Italia-Cuba
tribunale italiano contro i crimini della nato, convoglio di
solidarieta' giorgiana masi, un ponte per, coordinamento
romano per la jugoslavia, gamadi,servizio civile internazionale,
fondazione pasti,
per adesioni e informazioni
065181048
ROMA 28 GENNAIO 2000
COMUNICATO
SI E? SVOLTA OGGI LA RIUNIONE DEL TRIBUNALE ITALIANO INDIPENDENTE CONTRO
I CRIMINI DELLA NATO IN JUGOSLAVIA,
Per continuare le iniziative seguendo il metodo iniziale della nostra
attivita? si e? deciso nella riunione di oggi pomeriggio
di svolgere a Roma cinque iniziative preparatorie, che chiameremo
?sedute? , della riunione finale dove il ?tribunale
italiano processera? gli imputati? italiani, per poi partecipare
all?inizio di giugno della riunione internazionale di New
Yorkpromossa da Ramsey Clark.
Le cinque sedute italiane che si svolgeranno a Roma presso la libreria
del Manifesto in Via Tomacelli, avranno il seguente
calendario :
23 febbraio ore 17.00 - La violazione del diritto internazionale e
della Costituzione e delle leggi italiane.
3 marzo ore 17.00 ? Crimini contro l?ambiente, l?uranio impoverito, le
bombe a grappolo.
17 marzo ore 17.00 - La sovranita? nazionale, le basi militari e la
Nato in Italia
7 aprile ore 17.00 - L?attuale situazione nella Repubblica Federale
Yugoslava, gli effetti dell?embargo sulla
popolazione, la presenza delle forze occidentali nel territorio del
Kosmet, i crimini e la pulizia etnica contro i serbi.
21 aprile ore 17.00 - La disinformazione strategica, la missione
arcobaleno.
La sessione finale sara? probabilmente il 3 o il 4 giugno.
Fra le altre iniziative preannunciamo la prossima uscita di una
pubblicazione del Tribunale Italiano, inoltre cominciano ad
aumentare le iniziative in calendario in diverse parti di Italia, dopo
Pisa le prossime saranno il 5 febbraio a Perugia con
Falco Accame, Fulvio Grimaldi e Stefano de Angelis, e con data da
definire sono previste iniziative a Torino, Cagliari,
Lecco, Taranto
Tutti i comitati che volessero preparare iniziative possono mettersi in
contatto con noi.
A tutti i compagni e le associazioni che hanno aderito al Tribunale
Italiano ricordiamo che la quota di adesione necessaria
per lo svolgimento delle attivita? e? di lire 100.000 per i gruppi,
50.000 per i singoli.
La cifra con la causale ?per il tribunale??.? Devono essere inviate al
CCP 82046004.
Per contattarci tel.065181048, fax 068174010, e-mail
s.deangelis@..., pona@...
---
>
>
> UN PONTE PER BELGRADO IN TERRA DI BARI
>
> MOST ZA BEOGRAD NA ZEMLJI BARIJA Associazione culturale e di
> solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava C/o RDB, via M. Cristina di
> Savoia 40, BARI tel/fax 0805562663 e-mail: ponte@... sito Web:
> www.isf.it/ponte
>
>
>
>
>
> Con i delegati della Zastava
>
>
>
> Su iniziativa del "Ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari - associazione
> culturale di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava", del
> coordinamento nazionale RSU e di diverse altre associazioni saranno in
> Italia tre delegati della Zastava, la fabbrica di automobili di
> Kragujevac distrutta dai bombardamenti della NATO nella primavera
> dello scorso anno: Rajka Veljovic, Sreten Milicevic, Milan Doncic per
>
>
>
> - testimoniare della situazione in Jugoslavia distrutta dai
> bombardamenti della NATO e strangolata dall'embargo;
>
> - presentare il libro di ?poeti dilettanti contro la guerra? Gli
> assassini della tenerezza, illustrato con disegni di bambini di
> Kragujevac e con prefazione di Fulvio Grimaldi (edizioni La città del
> Sole, Napoli, L. 15.000), il ricavato delle cui vendite sarà devoluto
> in solidarietà ai lavoratori della Zastava;
>
> - trarre un primo bilancio dell'iniziativa di "adozione a distanza"
> dei bambini di Kragujevac;
>
> - discutere insieme con tutti i cittadini e i lavoratori che si
> sono opposti alla guerra della NATO il modo in cui promuovere e
> organizzare iniziative di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava;
>
> - partecipare ad iniziative di critica della guerra e contro
> l?embargo.
>
>
>
>
>
> Il programma in Puglia è il seguente
>
>
>
> Lunedì 7 febbraio, ore 17.00, Conversano, Municipio. Incontro con gli
> assessori alla cultura e alla solidarietà sociale
>
>
>
> Lunedì 7 febbraio, ore 19.00, Putignano sala Fidas, corso Vittorio
> Emanuele 61- Incontro organizzato dalle associazioni La Goccia,
> L?Isola che non c?è, Legambiente, Pax Christi, Porta Maggiore, con
> l?adesione delle sezioni locali di CGIL, CISL e UIL. Dibattito,
> proiezione del video di F. Grimaldi Serbi da morire e presentazione
> del libro Gli assassini della tenerezza.
>
>
>
> Martedì 8 febbraio, ore 10.20, all'ITG 'Pitagora' (C.so Cavour 249
> Bari). Incontro con le classi coinvolte nel progetto d'istituto
> "Critica della guerra e cultura della pace".
>
>
>
> Martedì 8 febbraio al Liceo scientifico 'Scacchi' (C.so Cavour 241
> Bari):
>
> ore 16.30, incontro con i sostenitori del progetto di adozione a
> distanza dei bambini di Kragujevac
>
> ore 18.00, sempre al Liceo 'Scacchi', testimonianze da un paese
> bombardato e sottoposto ad embargo;
>
> ore 19.00 presentazione del libro di poesie Gli assassini della
> tenerezza
>
>
>
> Mercoledì 9 febbraio, ore 9 Assemblea con i lavoratori della
> Serono-Pharma, Bari
>
> Mercoledì 9 febbraio ore 11.30, Putignano, incontro con gli studenti
> delle quinte classi del Liceo scientifico (via Turi 43)
>
> Mercoledì 9 febbraio, ore 18.30 Bisceglie Auditorium ex monastero di
> S. Croce, via G. Frisari 5. Intervengono: Franco Napoletano, sindaco
> della città, Luciana Sorgé, assessore alla pace e alla solidarietà
> sociale, Andrea Catone (Un ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari),
> moderatrice Agata Diakoviez di Pax Christi.
>
>
>
> sabato 26 febbraio, Taranto, ore 17.00, Aula magna ITI "Righi" (via
> Dante), dibattito e presentazione del libro di poesie Gli assassini
> della tenerezza.
>
>
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Wed, 2 Feb 2000 20:23:09 +0100
From: Comitato Cittadino Bologna <controguerra@...>
Reply-To: pck-yugoslavia@...
IMBROGLI DI GUERRA
Grdelica, 12 Aprile 1999, un F15 E "Strike Eagle" della US Air Force in
volo
sulla Jugoslavia colpisce un convoglio ferroviario uccidendo al-meno 14
persone. Nella conferenza stampa del giorno dopo il generale W. Clark
parlò
di "danni collaterali" giustificando l'errore del pilota a causa
dell'elevata velocità dell'operazione, documentata da un video, ed
inaugurando quel linguag-gio pieno di "interventi umanitari" e "bombe
intelligenti" che avrebbe do-vuto coprire con l'imbroglio le nefan-dezze
della guerra.
Menzogne: i video di quella strage sono stati alterati, aumentandone la
velocità per far risultare inevitabile l'errore del pilota ... Ma non è
l'unico "imbroglio":
Danni sanitari Danni ambientali
che colpiscono la Popolazione Civile, che si ripercuotono sull'intero
Pianeta e che colpiranno domani le Nuove Generazioni, vengono an-cora
spacciati dal Governo Italiano come "guerra giusta"
Il Comitato Cittadino contro la Guerra - Bologna - invita la
cit-tadinanza,
martedì 8 febbraio alle ore 21, presso la Sala Ben-jamin, via del
Pratello
n° 53, alla presentazione del volume:
"Imbrogli di Guerra" Scienziate e scienziati contro la guerra.
Contributi al
Seminario sulla guerra nei Balcani
ed. Odradek 1999
Interverranno:
- Vincenzo Caffarelli, ENEA-Casaccia Roma
- Alberto Di Fazio, Osservatorio Astronomico Roma
- Franco Marenco, CNR Roma
- Andrea Martocchia, SISSA-ISAS - Trieste
- Lucio Triolo, ENEA-Casaccia Roma
Comitato cittadino contro la guerra - v.Cuccoli 1/c - BO - t/f
051.50.31.80
email: controguerra@...
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
** NO COPYRIGHT ! **
------------------------------------------------------------
*** Fondo per lo sviluppo della democrazia, Belgrado: LETTERA APERTA
ALLA SIGNORA CARLA DAL PONTE (con traduzione in italiano)
*** R. Etinski, I. Cukalovic: L'AGGRESSIONE CONTRO LA RFJ ED IL DIRITTO
INTERNAZIONALE AL PASSAGGIO DEL SECOLO; LE TENDENZE GLOBALI NEL MONDO
*** M. Gee: I LEADERS OCCIDENTALI SONO CRIMINALI DI GUERRA?
Cronistoria del difficile tentativo di un gruppo di avvocati, guidati da
M. Mandel, per imporre al Tribunale dell'Aia di prendere in
considerazione le azioni genocide dei nostri governanti.
*** G. Samuely: PROCEDERE NEI CONFRONTI DELLA NATO
*** W.J. Rockler (ex-pubblico ministero del Tribunale di Norimberga che
giudico' i criminali nazisti): LA LEGGE SUI CRIMINI DI GUERRA SI APPLICA
ANCHE AGLI STATI UNITI
*** CILIEGINA !!! Carla Dal Ponte chiede agli imputati della NATO di
essere "piu' aggressivi" nel perseguire i criminali !!!
---
>Fund for the Development of Democracy
>11000 Beograd (YU), M. Birjuzova 13a
>Tel/Fax: +381 11/ 328 2898
>e-mail: fondbmb@...
>
>
>INTERNATIONAL CRIME TRIBUNAL FOR FORMER YUGOSLAVIA
>Chief Prosecutor Carla del Ponte
>AEGON Building, Churchillplein 1
>2517 JW
>The Hague (Netherlands
>
>Fax: +31 70/416 5345 Tel: 416 5000
>
>
>As the victims of international demonisation and isolation,
>
>Disposing with the data on a calculated dismemberment of the SFRY,
>ethical extermination and displacement of Serbs,
>
>Aware of organised demonisation and isolation of Serbs, deliberated to
>cover up the true reasons of Europes re-acrchitecturing and of the
>breach of the agreements from Westphalia, Versailles, Yalta, Triannon,
>
>Concerned over realising legal security,
>
>Familiar with the Tribunals regulations,
>
>As authorised initiators, we put forward a motion to the Tribunal on 18
>March 1999, six days before the bombing of Serbia started, to initiate
>proceedings against persons whom we consider organisers of Europes
>re-architecturing, notably responsible for the planning, preparing and
>committing of the crimes related to Articles 2-5 of the Tribunals
>Statute (killing Serbs because of their nationality, ethnicity or
>religious affiliation; intentionally causing great physical suffering,
>or undermining health of Serb nationals; subjecting Serb nationals to
>living conditions meant to bring forth their utter or partial physical
>destruction, ... etc.)
>
>Following your statement of 26 December 1999, that your justice shall
>not by-pass NATO officials, if they have violated regulations in the
>campaign against Serbia, and that legal proceedings shall be
>instituted also against them, we expect you to check the status of our
>motion regarding the responsibility, notably the role of Bill Clinton,
>NATO, Richard Holbrooke, Kofi Annan and Pope John Paul II in the
>dismemberment of the SFRY, displacement, ethnical cleansing,
>demonisation and international isolation of Serbs in the period June 25,
>1991 --March 18, 1999.
>
>Willing to believe that you yet wish to execute your office
>conscientiously and in accord with the rules of professional ethics,
>unlike your predecessors, we hope to soon see a response to our question
>
>and a decision to institute proceedings.
>
>Yours sincerely,
>BMB Fund
"
- In quanto vittime della demonizzazione e dell'isolamento
internazionale;
- avendo a disposizione i dati relativi allo smembramento programmato
della RFSJ, allo sterminio etico ed alla dispersione dei serbi;
- consci della demonizzazione e dell'isolamento organizzati a danno dei
serbi, mirati a coprire le vere ragioni della ristrutturazione
dell'Europa politica con la rottura degli accordi di Westphalia,
Versailles, Yalta, Triannon;
- preoccupati circa l'applicazione della sicurezza legale;
- essendo a conoscenza dei regolamenti di questo Tribunale;
In qualita' di suoi iniziatori indendiamo dare seguito alla Mozione
presentata al Tribunale il 18 marzo 1999, sei giorni prima dell'inizio
dei bombardamenti sulla Serbia, per dar vita ai procedimenti legali
contro quelle persone che consideriamo organizzatori della
ristrutturazione dell'Europa politica, in particolare responsabili della
pianificazione, preparazione ed esecuzione dei crimini di cui agli
Articoli 2-5 dello Statuto del Tribunale (uccisione di serbi in base
alla loro nazionalita', appartenenza etnica o religiosa; intenzionale
procuramento di gravi sofferenze fisiche o minaccia alla salute di
persone di nazionalita' serba; sottomissione dei serbi a condizioni di
vita atte a proseguire nella loro devastazione fisica totale o parziale,
eccetera).
In base alla sua dichiarazione del 26 dicembre 1999, per cui la
giustizia non dovrebbe scansarsi di fronte ai rappresentanti della NATO,
se questi hanno violato delle regole nella loro campagna contro la
Serbia, e che procedimenti legali sarebbero stati aperti anche contro di
loro, noi ci aspettiamo che Lei voglia considerare lo status della
nostra Mozione riguardante le responsabilita', in particolare il ruolo
di Bill Clinton, della NATO, di Richard Holbrooke, Kofi Annan e Papa
Giovanni Paolo II nello smembramento della RFSJ, nella dispersione,
pulizia etnica, demonizzazione ed isolamento internazionale dei serbi
nel periodo compreso tra il 25 giugno 1991 ed il 18 marzo 1999.
Nel desiderio di poter ritenere che Lei voglia ancora eseguire il suo
dovere coscienziosamente ed in accordo con le regole dell'etica
professionale, diversamente dai suoi predecessori, speriamo di vedere
presto un riscontro alla nostra richiesta e la decisione di aprire i
procedimenti.
Distinti saluti
Fondo BMB
"
---
Prof. Dr. Rodoljub Etinski
Prof. Dr. Ivan Cukalovic
AGGRESSION AGAINST THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA AND INTERNATIONAL
LAW AT A CROSSROADS OF CENTURIES AND GLOBAL INTERNATIONAL TRENDS
The basic and most important principles of international law,
forming
the basis of the United Nations, world peace and stability, have been
grossly
violated by the aggression of the NATO member States against the FR of
Yugoslavia. During this aggression, on 29 April 1999, the FR of
Yugoslavia
submitted an application and a request to the International Court of
Justice to
indicate preliminary measures against these States for gravest breaches
of
international law and for most serious crimes. Understandably, the
application
of our country was received with great attention worldwide, both by the
international public at large and even more by the international legal
profession, experts and scientific circles. A symbolic manifestation of
it was
the fact that the courtroom at the Palais de justice in the Hague was
packed
during the oral hearings held on 10-12 May 1999, regarding Yugoslavia's
request
for indication of temporary measures to stop the bombing.
The ICJ hearings were the focus of attention of the world media.
They
were attended by international lawyers, peace movement activists,
champions of
the cause against the use of depleted uranium from the remotest parts of
the
world and also by many people from the aggressor countries wishing to
support
and encourage representatives of the FR of Yugoslavia before the
Court(*1). All
ten respondent State appeared before the Court. On the benches for the
Respondents there sat representatives of the United States, Britain,
Germany,
France, Italy, the Netherlands, Canada, Belgium, Spain and Portugal. As
expected, they challenged the Court's jurisdiction in the case. This
fact
speaks for itself quite sufficiently. Why was it that these States were
reluctant at the time to accept the jurisdiction of the Court? Did they
doubt
that the Court, of whose fifteen judges six had the nationality of NATO
member
States, could be partial in favour of the FR of Yugoslavia?
In a situation where ten aggressor States rejected the Court's
jurisdiction, it did not accept the requested preliminary measures with
the
explanation that it did not find that it had a jurisdiction in these
cumulative
proceedings. The judges, however, were aware of the importance and
significance
of the dispute and in such a situation could not be silent on the
destruction
of a sovereign State, on daily deaths of civilians, women, children and
elderly
people. By its orders of 2 June 1999, the Court gave a "legal framework"
for
the settlement of the dispute. The Court indicated that all States which
appeared before it must fulfil their obligations under the United
Nations
Charter as well as those established under humanitarian law. The Court
used the
word "must", although it does not use such an imperative expression in
its
orders related to preliminary measures, in which it usually uses the
word
"should" so as to avoid prejudicing the adjudication. The Court,
further,
confirmed that the parties were bound to resolve the dispute by peaceful
means
in accordance with the UN Charter. Regardless of whether the
Respondents
accepted or refused the jurisdiction of the Court, the Court said, they
were
responsible for breaches of international law. Additionally, the Court
warned
the Respondents not to do anything that might complicate and widen the
dispute(*2). The Court set the deadline of 5 January 2000 for the FR of
Yugoslavia to submit its Memorial, which corresponds in our
jurisprudence to a
lawsuit, and the deadline of 5 July 2000 for the Respondents to submit
their
Counter-Memorials.
Besides competent Government authorities, prominent Yugoslav
experts in
some fields of law also participated in the preparation of the Yugoslav
Memorial. Its text was finalized with the help of the Federal Ministry
of
Foreign Affairs. It was elaborated on 350 pages and divided into four
parts.
The text of the Memorial is accompanied by documentary evidence
contained in a
separate annex, consisting of two volumes of the White Paper on NATO
Crimes,
described on 965 pages and published by the Federal Foreign Ministry.
Also
attached as an annex is the reprinted 1899 edition of the Department of
Foreign
Affairs of the Kingdom of Serbia entitled "Correspondence on the
Albanian
violence in the old Serbia 1898-1899" which comprises diplomatic
correspondence
of Mr. Stojan Novakovic, the then Serbian Envoy in Turkey, and deals
with the
crimes committed at that time by Albanian gangs against the Serbs in
Kosovo and
Metohija. These communications are important for understanding the
historical
background of problems in Kosovo and Metohija, i.e. to deny the argument
that
the problems started in 1989. Part I of the Memorial contains
information on
facts related to aerial bombardment and the genocide against the Serbs
and
persons belonging to other non-Albanian ethnic groups following the
deployment
of KFOR in Kosovo and Metohija. Part II presents the relevant law. Part
III is
devoted to the question of jurisdiction of the Court. The last part,
Part IV,
of the Yugoslav Memorial contains the application itself. The
application was
extended in comparison with the one submitted on 29 April 1999. Namely,
the
respondent States, as the States contributing to the Kosovo Force (KFOR)
under
United Nations Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), are obliged to
ensure
security for all the population of Kosovo and Metohija. They not only
failed to
do so, but failed to prevent the genocide of the Serb people and other
ethnic
groups living in Kosovo and Metohija, in breach of the obligation
established
by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide.
The extended application requested that the Court declare the respondent
States
responsible not only for breach of obligations committed by air strikes
but
also for breach of obligations committed through these failures or
omissions.
The case in point are the most important international obligations
including
the obligation not to use force against other States, not to interfere
in the
internal affairs of States, to respect the sovereignty of another State,
the
obligation to protect civilians, civilian facilities and other specially
protected facilities in international armed conflicts, the obligation
not to
use certain types of weapons, the obligation to protect the environment.
The
Court is requested to order these States to go back to the respect of
rights
and to carry out their obligations, as well as to compensate for the
damages.
Most of the Memorial is devoted to the information on the damage caused
by air
attacks that contains data on the destroyed bridges, residential
housing,
hospitals, roads, power supply system and material and other damage. The
Memorial cites information on the loss of lives of Sanja Milenkovic,
Milica
Rakic and other innocent and defenceless children, even though we know
that
such losses are irreparable.
The Yugoslav application was the subject of widespread interest
in the
world. Some people have asked how come that we submitted the application
to the
Court and yet we did not want to co-operate with it. In fact, there are
two
courts in the Hague: the International Court of Justice and the
International
Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Grave Violations
of
International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territories of the
Former
Yugoslavia Since 1991 (hereinafter: the International Criminal
Tribunal). These
are two fundamentally different courts, established at different
periods, in
different ways and for different reasons, and they have completely
dissimilar,
even opposite functions.
The International Court of Justice is the principal judicial
authority
of the United Nations, set up in 1945 under Article 92 of the UN
Charter(*3).
ICJ operates on the basis of its Statute, which forms an integral part
of the
Charter of the United Nations. All UN Member States are ipso facto
States
Parties to the Statute of the Court. The Court settles disputes between
States
and gives its opinions on legal matters of principle at the request of
the
Security Council, the General Assembly and an organization or body
authorized
by the General Assembly to seek an advisory opinion. The Court is based
on the
notion of sovereign equality of States, respect for the sovereignty and
independence of States, implying voluntary consent to the jurisdiction
of the
Court. Confidence in the ICJ, especially of small and medium-sized
countries,
has increased in the last twenty years. More and more States are
submitting
their disputes to the Court or are seeking its protection. Confidence in
this
Court has increased especially after the case Nicaragua v. the United
States of
America, concerning interference of the latter in the civil war in
Nicaragua,
ended by the Court declaring the United States responsible and obliged
to pay
the compensation. Thus, the Court has demonstrated that a small country
can win
a case against a large State. As a result of such an opinion of the
Court, it
is not favoured by those financing the United Nations, as reflected in
its
budget, number of personnel, etc.
Contrary to this, the Hague is also the site of the seat of the
International Criminal Tribunal, which often creates confusion and the
mixing
of the two institutions. The Tribunal is not very flattering for the
residents
of the Hague, and a Hague newspaper published some time ago a letter
from a
non-governmental organization proposing its residents to banish the
International Criminal Tribunal from this city, so that it may not
tarnish the
good reputation of the city as the seat of the headquarters of
respectable
international organizations. The International Criminal Tribunal was
established by Security Council resolution 827 (1993) with a purported
aim of
prosecuting serious violations of humanitarian law committed in the
territory
of the former Yugoslavia. Many international lawyers, Remsey Clark
included,
deny the validity of the establishment of the Tribunal by the decision
of the
Security Council. However, the composition, procedure, method of
funding,
gathering of evidence and bringing of indictments all indicate that the
International Criminal Tribunal is the tool of world power wielders,
which was
set up primarily with the political goal dictated, first and foremost,
by the
interests of those aspiring to an exclusive global power. The
composition of
judges sitting on the Tribunal does not reflect the geographic regions
as
elsewhere in the UN system, which is otherwise the practice and the rule
at the
United Nations. There is not a single Russian or a representative of
Orthodox
Christian nations, while representatives of some regions are
disproportionately
highly represented. The Tribunal has a budget and an administration that
are
several times those of the ICJ, a fact which speaks much of its
relationship
with the power wielders whose interests it protects. The Prosecutor of
the
International Criminal Tribunal has introduced the practice of sealed
indictments, unknown in any legal system. Indictees are tricked into
being
arrested lured by false promises, and sometimes by staging a show for
the
purposes of the media and interests standing behind these media. So
far, the
Tribunal mostly indicted and arrested Serbs. Those well-informed know
that the
Tribunal sticks to an unwritten formula: 70 per cent of Serbs, 25 per
cent of
Croats and 5 per cent of Muslims must be in its penitentiary unit or in
the
docks at any time(*4). Dr. Kovacevic died in detention because of the
lack of
appropriate care at the penitentiary unit, while the detainee Slavko
Dokmanovic
committed suicide. General Djukic died immediately after he had been
released
from prison. Indictees Simo Drljaca and Dragan Gagovic were killed
during the
action to arrest them. Gen. Momir Talic was arrested by means of
treachery as
he attended a meeting of military officials hoseds by the Organization
for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in Vienna. In both cases
there are
serious indications that powers had been exceeded, but no one was held
responsible. The international community rightfully asks, if the goal is
really
justice and not the diktat of the mighty, why similar tribunals were not
established to prosecute the crimes committed in Vietnam, Grenada,
Panama,
Ethiopia, in other words, wherever the crimes were done by soldiers of
the
great Powers. A great many individuals like Nikolai Rishkov, Chairman of
the
Russian State Duma Commission for the gathering and collation of
information on
crimes committed during the NATO aggression against the FR of
Yugoslavia; Greek
attorney Likouresos; Prof. Mendel and fifteen other professors from
Canada;
Monsieur R. Monsigni from France; British Professor of International Law
Glen
Rangwell and others have asked the Hague Tribunal to bring indictments
against
those responsible for the crimes committed during the aggression against
the FR
of Yugoslavia, against persons coming from the United States, Germany,
Britain,
France, etc. Although the evidence on this is abundant, Tribunal's
Prosecutor
Carla del Ponte has not reacted by issuing indictments, regardless of
the fact
that evidence on the crimes is notorious, thus proving once again that
the
Tribunal is not impartial and even-handed.
The Tribunal was set up riding the wave of international
developments
that run contrary to those beginning in the Hague in 1899 and that bring
into
question the results of the development of international law. The idea
of
international criminal justice is not a new one. It appeared after the
First
World War. However, it was not before 1998 that a Statute of the
Permanent
Criminal Court was adopted at the UN Conference in Rome. This Statute
substantially differs from the Statute of the International Criminal
Tribunal.
The Rome Statute, like the Statute of the ICJ, is based on the principle
of
voluntary consent that stems from the sovereign equality of States. It
is valid
not only for one territory and one time, especially not for members of
one
nation, but for all the States which have accepted it and for all future
times.
It does not relate only to violations of humanitarian law but includes
also the
most serious international crime, that of aggression, and other crimes.
The
position of its Prosecutor is fundamentally different in comparison with
the
position of the Prosecutor envisaged under the Statute of the
International
Criminal Tribunal.
Someone has written that the International Criminal Tribunal
serves
allegedly as a Security Council's Disciplinary Commission. As a matter
of fact,
it serves as a Disciplinary Commission of some permanent members of the
Security Council. They refuse to accept the Permanent Criminal Court,
which
could put them in the dock.
In brief, there is a substantial difference between the ICJ and
ICT.
The FR of Yugoslavia has, therefore, addressed the ICJ whose practice
has
proven that it can resist the pressures of world power wielders, rather
than to
the ICT which is, in essence, an extended hand of the above-mentioned
power
wielders.
* * *
Footnotes:
1. The FR of Yugoslavia, in addition to Yugoslav lawyers, was
represented by
reputed international lawyers such as Ian Brownlie, Professor of
International
Law at OXFORD University, member of the United Nations International Law
Commission (ILC), one of the leading international lawyers and a man who
has,
over the past twenty years, most defended victims in the cases before
the ICJ;
Eric Soy, Professor of International Law at Louvun, Belgium, former
Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations for Legal Affairs; Paul de
Vart,
Professor of International Law at Open University in Amsterdam; and
Olivier
Corten, a young and talented international lawyer from the Open
University in
Brussels. These are respectable lawyers who have, despite the fact that
they
come from the respondent States, agreed to represent the FR of
Yugoslavia
before the Court.
2. The Court, on that occasion, suspended proceedings against the United
States
and Spain, considering that there were no chances that it established
its
jurisdiction in the later stages of the dispute, since these two States
have
excluded the jurisdiction of the Court as envisaged under the Genocide
Convention by their reservations, while it decided to resume proceedings
against the eight other States.
3. Its forerunner is the Permanent Court of International Justice which
was the
principal judicial authority of the League of Nations. The latter Court,
in
turn, was preceded by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, established at
the
First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. Indeed, the Department of Foreign
Affairs
of the Kingdom of Serbia prepared for that conference the above
publication
containing the diplomatic corresondence of Envoy Stojan Novakovic, but
it was
never forwarded to the Conference. The roots of the ICJ, therefore, go
back to
the end of the nineteenth century. This instrument of peaceful
settlement of
disputes has developed and strengthened alongside the development and
strengthening of contemporary international law, whose foundations have
been
codified in the constitution of the international community, i.e. the
Charter
of the United Nations. It is a mechanism on whose improvement worked the
best
lawyers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Kingdoms of
Serbia and
Montenegro, later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and Democratic Federative
Yugoslavia all the way to the present Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
have
continuously participated in this process. The Kingdoms of Serbia and
Montenegro participated at the First Hague Peace Conference in 1899 and
they
were parties to the Convention on the Permanent Court of Arbitration.
The
Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which resolved its disputes before the Permanent
Court
of International Justice, had its citizens among the judges of that
court.
Yugoslavia is a founding Member of the United Nations and as such, is
party to
the 1945 Statute of the International Court of Justice since 1945. Judge
Zoricic was a permanent judge of this Court.
4. Currently, the following Serbs are detained in the penitentiary unit
at
Scheweningen: Mladjo Radic, Miroslav Kvocka, Milojica Kos, Zoran Zigic,
Dragan
Kolund`ija, Damir Dosen, Milorad Krnojelac, Dragoljub Kunarac, Goran
Kovac,
Zoran Vukovic, Miroslav Tadic, Dusko Tadic, Goran Jelisic, Simo Zoric,
Brdjanin, Momir Talic, Svetislav Galic, Radoslav Krstic, Stevan
Todorovic and
Miroslav Simic; the following Croats: Zdravko Mucic, Vlatko, Marijan and
Zoran
Kupreskic, Vlado Santic, Drago Josipovic, Tihomir Blaskic, Dario Kordic,
Mario
Cerkez, Martinovic; and the following Muslims: Hazim Delic and Esad
Landzo.
AMBASCIATA DELLA REPUBBLICA FEDERALE
DI JUGOSLAVIA PRESSO LA SANTA SEDE
Via dei Monti Parioli, 20 - 00197 Roma
Tel: 06 3200 099/06 3214 998
Fax: 06 3204 530
E-Mail: sveta.stolica@...
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
THE GLOBE AND MAIL, Saturday, January 29, 2000 p. A13
Are Western leaders war criminals?
Group wants top officials tried for NATO's bombing campaign
MARCUS GEE
The Globe and Mail
Is Jean Chretien a war criminal?
Michael Mandel says so, and he thinks he can prove it.
The Toronto law professor is in the vanguard of an international effort
to have the Prime Minister and 67 other Western leaders charged with war
crimes before a United Nations tribunal in The Hague.
Along with colleagues from Greece, Norway and Britain, he has compiled a
thick dossier of potential charges against the leaders for their conduct
in last spring's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, an assault Prof.
Mandel calls a "coward's war."
Those charges include "willful killing," wanton destruction of cities,
town or villages," and waging unlawful war. Along with Mr. Chretien, the
dossier names Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy and Defence
Minister Art Eggleton.
"They might not match the archetype of a war criminal," Prof. Mandel
said, "but they snuffed out a lot of lives, and they should be condemned
for it."
The Mandel dossier now rests in the hands of Carla Del Ponte, the Swiss
lawyer who is the chief prosecutor for the UN International Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia. She must decid whether to launch a formal
investigation into the conduct of the North Atlantic Treaty organization
during the 78-day war.
Legal experts say that is unlikely. Ms. Del Ponte needs NATO's help to
gather evidence and apprehend suspected war criminals in Bosnia and
other parts of the former Yugoslavia. Indicting NATO leaders would hurt
that relationship.
But Prof. Mandel and his friends won't give up, and their relentless
campaign against NATO has caused a stir of discomfort in the alliance.
Cases such as his are precisely why the United States is so worried
about the spreading grasp of international law. Washington opposed the
creation of a new international criminal court partly because of
concerns that Americans might be hauled before it for overseas military
intervention such as the invasion of Grenada or the bombing of Cambodia
during the Vietnam War.
So when the tribunal revealed last month that it had prepared an
internal report on the accusations against NATO, the White House lashed
out. It said the idea of investigating NATO was "completely
unjustified." Ms. Del Ponte rushed to clarify things, saying that no
formal investigation of NATO was under way.
That prompted Prof. Mandel to write a sharp letter to Ms. Del Ponte,
urging her to take the accusations against NATO seriously.
"The tribunal has not given us much reason to trust in its
impartiality," said Prof. Mandel, who teaches at York University's
Osgoode Hall Law School.
An intense 51-year-old in black wire-framed glasses, he has thrown
himself into many causes over his 25 years of teaching, from the Israeli
peace movement to the international campaign for nuclear disarmament.
Few have seized him as powerfully as the campaign against NATO's war.
He was a visiting professor at the University of Bologna in Italy in
March when NATO started bombing Yugoslavia in an attempt, NATO said, to
stop President Slobodan Milosevic from crushing the ethnic Albanians in
the rebellious province of Kosovo.
As civilian casualties in Yugoslavia rose and Albanians fled Kosovo by
the hundreds of thousands, Prof. Mandel's anger grew.
As a peace activist, he was appalled by the use of overwhelming military
force against a far weaker adversary.
As a teacher of international law for 25 years, he was shocked by NATO's
decision to go ahead with their air strikes without the approval of the
UN Security Council.
As a Jew, he was offended that NATO justified the bombing by equating
what was happening to the Kosovo Albanians to what had happened to the
Jews of Europe in the Second World War – a grotesque comparison, he
says.
"It was a crime against the truth and a crime against the victims of the
Holocaust."
Returning to Canada, he began communicating by phone and e-mail with law
professors in other countries who opposed the war. Their original aim
was to end the bombing. "There was this horrible thing going on," Prof.
Mandel said, "and the question was how to stop it."
Now that the war is over, they want to hold NATO to account for its
actions. Drawing on Yugoslav government figures, Prof. Mandel says that
1,800 people were killed and 5,000 wounded in Yugoslavia during the
bombing campaign.
Many were children or old people. Flipping through a Yugoslav government
booklet filled with colour pictures of blackened bodies and horrifying
wounds, he recalls the long series of NATO accidents: the accidental
attack on a passenger train crossing a bridge, the accidental bombing of
a Belgrade hospital, the accidental destruction of a bridge filled with
people at the height of a busy market day.
He says he is not sure those were accidents at all, but even if they
were, NATO had to know that such things would happen. It went ahead
anyway.
"We believe they knowingly killed people with no justifiable excuse, and
that's murder," he said in an interview in his cramped university
office.
Under his interpretation of the laws of war, only two things could
excuse NATO's conduct: bombing for a lawful reason such as self-defence
or bombing without knowing their bombs would cause such carnage.
He dismisses both. NATO, he says, broke off negotiations with Mr.
Milosevic over Kosovo and started bombing without bothering about the
niceties of international law.
As for the casualties, NATO leaders said over and over that they knew
that some civilians would be killed as a side effect of the bombing.
Such "collateral damage" was, in their words, "inevitable."
Far from being a humanitarian intervention in defence of human rights,
Prof. Mandel says, the bombing was a deliberate attempt to terrorize the
Yugoslav population.
Few experts share that view. "I don't know of a campaign in history
where targets have been selected so painstakingly," said David Rudd,
executive director of the Canadian Institute of Strategic Studies. "NATO
had the power to level Serbia's cities, but it didn't."
Michael Byers, a Canadian who teaches law at Duke University, agrees
that the accidental casualties caused by NATO didn't compare with the
executions and mass expulsions carried out by Mr. Milosevic's forces.
All the same, he is glad that Prof. Mandel is pressing his case. "Of
course NATO doesn't like it," he said, "but if you accept that there
should be some kind of international legal system, you have to
understand that it applies to all sides, including yourself."
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Prosecute NATO
by George Szamuely
New York Press
1/25/99
"I must do my job, otherwise I am not independent, and the independence
of the prosecutor is the most important element... I just depend on the
law, and that's it." The noble sentiments are those of Carla Del Ponte,
chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY). She'd just been asked whether she intended to
investigate the possibility that NATO might have committed war crimes
during its murderous bombing spree last year. What about those
smashed-up refugee convoys, the destroyed housing estates, the bridges
turned into rubble, trains full of dead passengers, devastated
monasteries, bombed electrical grids and tv stations, cluster bombs,
depleted uranium? What about all of that? "It's not my priority," she
explained, "because I have inquiries about genocide, about bodies who
are in mass graves, and that's what I am doing now."
Oh, that's all right then. These inquiries, carried out by NATO
government agencies like the FBI and Scotland Yard, have one objective
only: to nail NATO's enemies. Though the media likes to paint her as an
upright Katharine Hepburn type, Del Ponte is a shameless liar. She is
not "independent" in any sense whatsoever. Her Tribunal is a creature of
the United States. Established in 1993 by Resolution 827 of the UN
Security Council, its objective was to use the aura of "international
law" to persecute the Serbs. Startup funds of $6 million came courtesy
of the U.S. ambassador to the UN, Madeleine Albright. She also hired the
initial staff of 25 lawyers. As the president of the Tribunal, Judge
Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, explained in a speech at the U.S. Supreme Court
last April: "[W]e benefited from the strong support of concerned
governments and dedicated individuals such as Secretary Albright. As the
permanent representative to the United Nations, she had worked with
unceasing resolve to establish the Tribunal. Indeed, we often refer to
her as the 'Mother of the Tribunal.'" In May, before the Council on
Foreign Relations, she stated: "The U.S. Government has very generously
agreed to provide $500,000 and to help to encourage other states to
contribute. However, the moral imperative to end the violence in the
region is shared by all, including the corporate sector. I am pleased,
therefore, that a major corporation has recently donated computer
equipment worth $3 million."
During last year's bombing, moreover, Bill Clinton secured a $27 million
appropriation for the Tribunal. In other words, money is rolling in from
people who have a vested interest in the outcome of the trials. This is
a flagrant violation of the Statutes of the Tribunal. Article 32 states
that the "the expenses of the International Tribunal shall be borne by
the regular budget of the United Nations." Soon after NATO launched its
bombing campaign, Louise Arbour, Del Ponte's predecessor, appeared at a
press conference where British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook made a great
show of presenting her with a dossier of Serbian war crimes.
Last year, Prof. Michael Mandel of Toronto wrote to Arbour arguing that,
according to its Statutes, the Tribunal is obligated to investigate
NATO. Article 2, for instance, states that the Tribunal "shall have the
power to prosecute persons committing or ordering to be committed grave
breaches of the Geneva Conventions...willful killing...willfully causing
great suffering or serious injury to body or health; extensive
destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military
necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly." Article 3 cites
"wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not
justified by military necessity" and the "attack, or bombardment, by
whatever means, of undefended towns, villages, dwellings, or
buildings..."
There is not the slightest chance that Del Ponte will investigate NATO's
war crimes. She cannot do it for a simple reason. Yugoslavia broke no
international laws whatsoever and got bombed. NATO broke every
international law in the book and still got to decide who had to stand
trial. And it is the NATO governments that pay her wages.
Here is a quick summary of just a few of the international laws NATO
violated: Article 2 (4) of the UN Charter states: "All Members shall
refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force
against the territorial integrity or political independence of any
state." Article 39 states: "The Security Council shall determine the
existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of
aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall
be taken." The Rambouillet Agreement, Serbia's refusal to sign which
provoked the bombing campaign, violated Article 51 of the 1969 Vienna
Convention on the Law of Treaties: "The expression of a State's consent
to be bound by a treaty which has been procured by the coercion of its
representative through acts or threats directed against him shall be
without legal effect." Not to mention the Geneva Convention and the
targeting of civilians.
Del Ponte's little court is a truly sinister organization. It operates
on the basis of sealed indictments, so that people do not even know if
there is an arrest warrant pending against them. They can be seized
anywhere and hauled off to the Hague. There, cut off from family,
friends and country, they can be held up to 90 days without being
charged. There is no bail or any form of release before trial. Detention
without trial could last several years. Mail is censored. Visits are
severely restricted. Trial witnesses can testify anonymously.
Prosecutors do not have to disclose the sources of their information.
Prosecutors may even appeal an acquittal and ensure that the accused
remain in detention during such an appeal.
The International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia serves for
the United States the same purpose courts of this nature served for
Hitler and Stalin: it terrorizes the opposition. A couple of weeks ago
the U.S. Export-Import Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), the World Bank and the U.S.-based
Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil Company (AMBO) met and resolved to
build an oil pipeline extending from the Bulgarian Black Sea across
Macedonia and Albania to Western Europe. This is what U.S. policy in the
Balkans is about. Anyone likely to object will find himself bombed and
then yanked off to the Hague–there to rot forever.
---
Chicago Tribune, Sec 2 Perspective, Sunday, May 23, 1999, pp1 and 5
WAR CRIMES LAW APPLIES TO U.S. TOO
by Walter J. Rockler
As justification for our murderously destructive bombing campaign in
Yugoslavia, it is of coarse necessary for the U.S. to charge that the
Serbs have engaged in inhuman conduct, and that President Slobodan
Milosevic, the head Serb demon, is a war criminal almost without peer.
President Clinton assures us of this in frequent briefings, during which
he engages in rhetorical combat with Milosevic. But shouting "war
criminal" only emphasizes that those who live in glass houses should be
careful about throwing stones.
We have engaged in fragrant military aggression, ceaselessly attacking a
small country primarily to demonstrate that we run the world. The
rationale that we are simply enforcing international morality, even if
it were true, would not excuse the military aggression and wide spread
killing that it entails. It also does not lessen the culpability of the
authors of this aggression.
As a primary source of international law, the judgment of the Nuremberg
Tribunal in the 1945-1946 case of the major Nazi war criminals is plain
and clear. Our leaders often invoke and praise the judgement, but
obviously have not read it. The International Court declared:
"To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an
international crime, it is the supreme international crime deferring
only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the
accumulated evil of the whole."
At Nuremberg, the United States and Britain pressed the prosecution of
Nazi leaders for planing and initiating aggressive war. Supreme Court
Justice Robert Jackson, the head of American prosecution staff, asserted
"that launching a war aggression is a crime and that no political or
economic situation can justify it." He also declared that "if certain
acts in violation of treaties are crimes, they are crimes whether the
United States does them or whether Germany does them, and we are not
prepared to lay down a rule of criminal conduct against others which we
would not be willing to have invoked against us."
The United Nations Charter views aggression similarly. Articles 2(4) and
(7) prohibit interventions in the domestic jurisdiction of any country
and threats of force or the use of force by one state against the
another. The General Assembly of the UN in Resolution 2131, "declaration
on the Inadmissibility of Intervention," reinforced the view that a
forceful military intervention in any country is aggression and crime
without justification.
Putting a "NATO" label on aggressive policy and conduct does not give
that conduct any sanctity. This is simply a perversion of the North
Atlantic Treaty organization, formed as a defensive alliance under the
UN Charter. The North Atlantic Treaty pledged its signatories to
refrain from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with
the purposes of the United Nations, and it explicitly recognized "the
primary responsibility of the Security Council (of United Nations) for
the maintenance of international peace and security." Obviously, in
bypassing UN approval for the current bombing, the U.S. and NATO have
violated the basic obligation.
>>From another standpoint of international law, the current conduct of the
bombing by United States and NATO constitutes a continued war crime.
Contrary to the beliefs of our war planners, unrestricted air bombing is
barred under international law. Bombing the "infrastructure" of a
country - waterworks, electricity, plants, bridges, factories,
television and radio locations -is not an attack limited to legitimate
military objectives. Our bombing has also caused an excessive loss of
life and injury to civilians, which violates another standard. We have
now killed hundreds, if not thousands, of Serbs, Montenegrins and
Albanians, even some Chinese, in our pursuit of humanitarian ideals.
In addition to shredding the UN Charter and perverting the purpose of
NATO, Clinton also has violated at least two provisions of the United
States Constitution. Under Article I, Section 8, of the Constitution,
Congress, not the president, holds the power to declare war and to
punish offenses against the law of nations. Alexander Hamilton in The
Federalist No. 69 pointed out one difference between a monarchy and the
presidency under the new form of government: A king could use his army
as he pleased; the president would have no such unlimited power. Under
Article VI of the Constitution, treaties, far from being mere scraps of
paper as we now deem them to be, are part of the supreme law of the
United States. Of course, these days a supine Congress, fascinated only
by details of sexual misconduct, can hardly be expected to enforce
constitutional requirements.
Nor can a great deal be expected from the media. Reports rely on
controlled handouts of the State Department, Pentagon and NATO, seeing
their duty as one adding colorful details to official intimations of
Serbs atrocities. Thus, the observation of a NATO press relations
officer that a freshly plowed field, seen from 30,000 feet up, might be
the site of a massacre has been disseminated as news.
The notion that humanitarian violations can be redressed with random
destruction and killing by advanced technological means is inherently
suspect. This is mere pretext for our arrogant assertion of dominance
and power in defiance of international law. We make the nonnegotiable
demands and rules, and implement them by military force. It is all
remindful of Henrik Ibsen's "Don't use that foreign word "ideals." We
have that excellent word "lies."
---------------------------------------------------------------
Walter J. Rockler, a Washington lawyer, was a prosecutor at Nuremberg
War Crimes Trial.
---
http://www.iwpr.net
TRIBUNAL UPDATE 160
Last Week in The Hague (January 17-22, 2000)
DEL PONTE ASKS NATO TO BE "MORE AGGRESSIVE"
In addition to visiting the EC, Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte also visited
NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) headquarters in Brussels last
week.
During talks with NATO Secretary General Lord George Robertson and the
permanent representatives of the 19 member states, Del Ponte urged NATO
to be more aggressive in hunting down and arresting indictees, in
particular "the most wanted Radovan Karadzic", the former leader of the
Bosnian Serbs.
"He is the symbol of this year, the fugitive who has been longest on the
loose," Del Ponte said before adding that capturing him is "crucial for
a stable peace."
Addressing journalists after the meeting Del Ponte, Robertson said
NATO's commitment to apprehending all those indicted of war crimes in
Yugoslavia was "beyond question."
Robertson returned to the same question two days later when talking to
journalists at NATO headquarters.
Talking about his and NATO's priorities for the year 2000, Robertson
said it was essential that those indicted but still at large be brought
to The Hague for trial and concluded: "I have got a personal commitment
to making sure that they do."
British commandos, as members of SFOR, have carried out as many as 90%
of operations aimed at arresting people accused of war crimes. These
operations only really got underway after Robertson became British
Secretary of Defence in 1997. Karadzic and other accused still at large
should not, therefore, brush away or underestimate such "personal
commitment" from the NATO Secretary General.
Copyright (c) 2000 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
-
Tribunal Update 161
Issue 161: January 24-29, 2000
DEL PONTE DISMISSES CHARGES SHE "BACKPEDALLED" ON NATO DOSSIER.
In an interview with Tribunal Update last week we asked ICTY Chief
Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte to clarify the position on the famous
'dossier'
on alleged breaches of the Geneva Conventions by NATO forces during the
air
strikes on Serbia. We asked whether she had studied the evidence, drawn
any
conclusions and whether the fierce criticism levelled against her by
some in
Washington D.C. had caused her to "backpedal" on the issue as claimed by
U.S. Senator Jesse Helms.
"First I will tell you something - I never backpedal, never, never! If
the
press received it in some other way - that is another question. I am not
responsible for that. I have only one voice and I am always saying the
same!" Del Ponte declared.
"What I said in that interview [to London's Observer newspaper on
December
26, 1999] was that no formal investigation is opened against NATO, that
is,
against individuals of NATO. I said that to the journalist: No formal
inquiry! I said I have just received a preliminary report on the
documentation and complaints that [former Chief Prosecutor Louise]
Arbour
had received from many different sources."
"Second, I said I would read it and take a decision. But in the meantime
I
received professor Mandel here and he brought to me another pile of
documents. A few day before Christmas I received a group of members from
the
Russian parliament who brought me a lot of new documents. They told me
that
the Duma [Russian parliament] had created an inquiry commission, which
is
working together with Belgrade, so they have a lot of information."
"I gave all those documents to the same working group in our office to
analyse them. They are doing that now."
"In the meantime I studied the first report and for it I need some
answers
from NATO. So I was in Brussels and spoke with the people there and said
I
have some questions on which I needed answers. So now we are preparing
the
questions and we will send them to NATO."
"In the meantime I am waiting for the second report and an analysis of
the
other documentation. And after, when I finish my work on the preliminary
analysis of that, I will take a decision on whether I must or not open
an
investigation. That's the whole story. So I did not absolutely
backpedal! E
una bruta parola [It is an ugly word]: 'backpedalling'! And it is not my
way
of working. I pedal only forwards."
Copyright (c) 2000 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
------------------------------------------------------------
ALLA SIGNORA CARLA DAL PONTE (con traduzione in italiano)
*** R. Etinski, I. Cukalovic: L'AGGRESSIONE CONTRO LA RFJ ED IL DIRITTO
INTERNAZIONALE AL PASSAGGIO DEL SECOLO; LE TENDENZE GLOBALI NEL MONDO
*** M. Gee: I LEADERS OCCIDENTALI SONO CRIMINALI DI GUERRA?
Cronistoria del difficile tentativo di un gruppo di avvocati, guidati da
M. Mandel, per imporre al Tribunale dell'Aia di prendere in
considerazione le azioni genocide dei nostri governanti.
*** G. Samuely: PROCEDERE NEI CONFRONTI DELLA NATO
*** W.J. Rockler (ex-pubblico ministero del Tribunale di Norimberga che
giudico' i criminali nazisti): LA LEGGE SUI CRIMINI DI GUERRA SI APPLICA
ANCHE AGLI STATI UNITI
*** CILIEGINA !!! Carla Dal Ponte chiede agli imputati della NATO di
essere "piu' aggressivi" nel perseguire i criminali !!!
---
>Fund for the Development of Democracy
>11000 Beograd (YU), M. Birjuzova 13a
>Tel/Fax: +381 11/ 328 2898
>e-mail: fondbmb@...
>
>
>INTERNATIONAL CRIME TRIBUNAL FOR FORMER YUGOSLAVIA
>Chief Prosecutor Carla del Ponte
>AEGON Building, Churchillplein 1
>2517 JW
>The Hague (Netherlands
>
>Fax: +31 70/416 5345 Tel: 416 5000
>
>
>As the victims of international demonisation and isolation,
>
>Disposing with the data on a calculated dismemberment of the SFRY,
>ethical extermination and displacement of Serbs,
>
>Aware of organised demonisation and isolation of Serbs, deliberated to
>cover up the true reasons of Europes re-acrchitecturing and of the
>breach of the agreements from Westphalia, Versailles, Yalta, Triannon,
>
>Concerned over realising legal security,
>
>Familiar with the Tribunals regulations,
>
>As authorised initiators, we put forward a motion to the Tribunal on 18
>March 1999, six days before the bombing of Serbia started, to initiate
>proceedings against persons whom we consider organisers of Europes
>re-architecturing, notably responsible for the planning, preparing and
>committing of the crimes related to Articles 2-5 of the Tribunals
>Statute (killing Serbs because of their nationality, ethnicity or
>religious affiliation; intentionally causing great physical suffering,
>or undermining health of Serb nationals; subjecting Serb nationals to
>living conditions meant to bring forth their utter or partial physical
>destruction, ... etc.)
>
>Following your statement of 26 December 1999, that your justice shall
>not by-pass NATO officials, if they have violated regulations in the
>campaign against Serbia, and that legal proceedings shall be
>instituted also against them, we expect you to check the status of our
>motion regarding the responsibility, notably the role of Bill Clinton,
>NATO, Richard Holbrooke, Kofi Annan and Pope John Paul II in the
>dismemberment of the SFRY, displacement, ethnical cleansing,
>demonisation and international isolation of Serbs in the period June 25,
>1991 --March 18, 1999.
>
>Willing to believe that you yet wish to execute your office
>conscientiously and in accord with the rules of professional ethics,
>unlike your predecessors, we hope to soon see a response to our question
>
>and a decision to institute proceedings.
>
>Yours sincerely,
>BMB Fund
"
- In quanto vittime della demonizzazione e dell'isolamento
internazionale;
- avendo a disposizione i dati relativi allo smembramento programmato
della RFSJ, allo sterminio etico ed alla dispersione dei serbi;
- consci della demonizzazione e dell'isolamento organizzati a danno dei
serbi, mirati a coprire le vere ragioni della ristrutturazione
dell'Europa politica con la rottura degli accordi di Westphalia,
Versailles, Yalta, Triannon;
- preoccupati circa l'applicazione della sicurezza legale;
- essendo a conoscenza dei regolamenti di questo Tribunale;
In qualita' di suoi iniziatori indendiamo dare seguito alla Mozione
presentata al Tribunale il 18 marzo 1999, sei giorni prima dell'inizio
dei bombardamenti sulla Serbia, per dar vita ai procedimenti legali
contro quelle persone che consideriamo organizzatori della
ristrutturazione dell'Europa politica, in particolare responsabili della
pianificazione, preparazione ed esecuzione dei crimini di cui agli
Articoli 2-5 dello Statuto del Tribunale (uccisione di serbi in base
alla loro nazionalita', appartenenza etnica o religiosa; intenzionale
procuramento di gravi sofferenze fisiche o minaccia alla salute di
persone di nazionalita' serba; sottomissione dei serbi a condizioni di
vita atte a proseguire nella loro devastazione fisica totale o parziale,
eccetera).
In base alla sua dichiarazione del 26 dicembre 1999, per cui la
giustizia non dovrebbe scansarsi di fronte ai rappresentanti della NATO,
se questi hanno violato delle regole nella loro campagna contro la
Serbia, e che procedimenti legali sarebbero stati aperti anche contro di
loro, noi ci aspettiamo che Lei voglia considerare lo status della
nostra Mozione riguardante le responsabilita', in particolare il ruolo
di Bill Clinton, della NATO, di Richard Holbrooke, Kofi Annan e Papa
Giovanni Paolo II nello smembramento della RFSJ, nella dispersione,
pulizia etnica, demonizzazione ed isolamento internazionale dei serbi
nel periodo compreso tra il 25 giugno 1991 ed il 18 marzo 1999.
Nel desiderio di poter ritenere che Lei voglia ancora eseguire il suo
dovere coscienziosamente ed in accordo con le regole dell'etica
professionale, diversamente dai suoi predecessori, speriamo di vedere
presto un riscontro alla nostra richiesta e la decisione di aprire i
procedimenti.
Distinti saluti
Fondo BMB
"
---
Prof. Dr. Rodoljub Etinski
Prof. Dr. Ivan Cukalovic
AGGRESSION AGAINST THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA AND INTERNATIONAL
LAW AT A CROSSROADS OF CENTURIES AND GLOBAL INTERNATIONAL TRENDS
The basic and most important principles of international law,
forming
the basis of the United Nations, world peace and stability, have been
grossly
violated by the aggression of the NATO member States against the FR of
Yugoslavia. During this aggression, on 29 April 1999, the FR of
Yugoslavia
submitted an application and a request to the International Court of
Justice to
indicate preliminary measures against these States for gravest breaches
of
international law and for most serious crimes. Understandably, the
application
of our country was received with great attention worldwide, both by the
international public at large and even more by the international legal
profession, experts and scientific circles. A symbolic manifestation of
it was
the fact that the courtroom at the Palais de justice in the Hague was
packed
during the oral hearings held on 10-12 May 1999, regarding Yugoslavia's
request
for indication of temporary measures to stop the bombing.
The ICJ hearings were the focus of attention of the world media.
They
were attended by international lawyers, peace movement activists,
champions of
the cause against the use of depleted uranium from the remotest parts of
the
world and also by many people from the aggressor countries wishing to
support
and encourage representatives of the FR of Yugoslavia before the
Court(*1). All
ten respondent State appeared before the Court. On the benches for the
Respondents there sat representatives of the United States, Britain,
Germany,
France, Italy, the Netherlands, Canada, Belgium, Spain and Portugal. As
expected, they challenged the Court's jurisdiction in the case. This
fact
speaks for itself quite sufficiently. Why was it that these States were
reluctant at the time to accept the jurisdiction of the Court? Did they
doubt
that the Court, of whose fifteen judges six had the nationality of NATO
member
States, could be partial in favour of the FR of Yugoslavia?
In a situation where ten aggressor States rejected the Court's
jurisdiction, it did not accept the requested preliminary measures with
the
explanation that it did not find that it had a jurisdiction in these
cumulative
proceedings. The judges, however, were aware of the importance and
significance
of the dispute and in such a situation could not be silent on the
destruction
of a sovereign State, on daily deaths of civilians, women, children and
elderly
people. By its orders of 2 June 1999, the Court gave a "legal framework"
for
the settlement of the dispute. The Court indicated that all States which
appeared before it must fulfil their obligations under the United
Nations
Charter as well as those established under humanitarian law. The Court
used the
word "must", although it does not use such an imperative expression in
its
orders related to preliminary measures, in which it usually uses the
word
"should" so as to avoid prejudicing the adjudication. The Court,
further,
confirmed that the parties were bound to resolve the dispute by peaceful
means
in accordance with the UN Charter. Regardless of whether the
Respondents
accepted or refused the jurisdiction of the Court, the Court said, they
were
responsible for breaches of international law. Additionally, the Court
warned
the Respondents not to do anything that might complicate and widen the
dispute(*2). The Court set the deadline of 5 January 2000 for the FR of
Yugoslavia to submit its Memorial, which corresponds in our
jurisprudence to a
lawsuit, and the deadline of 5 July 2000 for the Respondents to submit
their
Counter-Memorials.
Besides competent Government authorities, prominent Yugoslav
experts in
some fields of law also participated in the preparation of the Yugoslav
Memorial. Its text was finalized with the help of the Federal Ministry
of
Foreign Affairs. It was elaborated on 350 pages and divided into four
parts.
The text of the Memorial is accompanied by documentary evidence
contained in a
separate annex, consisting of two volumes of the White Paper on NATO
Crimes,
described on 965 pages and published by the Federal Foreign Ministry.
Also
attached as an annex is the reprinted 1899 edition of the Department of
Foreign
Affairs of the Kingdom of Serbia entitled "Correspondence on the
Albanian
violence in the old Serbia 1898-1899" which comprises diplomatic
correspondence
of Mr. Stojan Novakovic, the then Serbian Envoy in Turkey, and deals
with the
crimes committed at that time by Albanian gangs against the Serbs in
Kosovo and
Metohija. These communications are important for understanding the
historical
background of problems in Kosovo and Metohija, i.e. to deny the argument
that
the problems started in 1989. Part I of the Memorial contains
information on
facts related to aerial bombardment and the genocide against the Serbs
and
persons belonging to other non-Albanian ethnic groups following the
deployment
of KFOR in Kosovo and Metohija. Part II presents the relevant law. Part
III is
devoted to the question of jurisdiction of the Court. The last part,
Part IV,
of the Yugoslav Memorial contains the application itself. The
application was
extended in comparison with the one submitted on 29 April 1999. Namely,
the
respondent States, as the States contributing to the Kosovo Force (KFOR)
under
United Nations Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), are obliged to
ensure
security for all the population of Kosovo and Metohija. They not only
failed to
do so, but failed to prevent the genocide of the Serb people and other
ethnic
groups living in Kosovo and Metohija, in breach of the obligation
established
by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide.
The extended application requested that the Court declare the respondent
States
responsible not only for breach of obligations committed by air strikes
but
also for breach of obligations committed through these failures or
omissions.
The case in point are the most important international obligations
including
the obligation not to use force against other States, not to interfere
in the
internal affairs of States, to respect the sovereignty of another State,
the
obligation to protect civilians, civilian facilities and other specially
protected facilities in international armed conflicts, the obligation
not to
use certain types of weapons, the obligation to protect the environment.
The
Court is requested to order these States to go back to the respect of
rights
and to carry out their obligations, as well as to compensate for the
damages.
Most of the Memorial is devoted to the information on the damage caused
by air
attacks that contains data on the destroyed bridges, residential
housing,
hospitals, roads, power supply system and material and other damage. The
Memorial cites information on the loss of lives of Sanja Milenkovic,
Milica
Rakic and other innocent and defenceless children, even though we know
that
such losses are irreparable.
The Yugoslav application was the subject of widespread interest
in the
world. Some people have asked how come that we submitted the application
to the
Court and yet we did not want to co-operate with it. In fact, there are
two
courts in the Hague: the International Court of Justice and the
International
Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Grave Violations
of
International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territories of the
Former
Yugoslavia Since 1991 (hereinafter: the International Criminal
Tribunal). These
are two fundamentally different courts, established at different
periods, in
different ways and for different reasons, and they have completely
dissimilar,
even opposite functions.
The International Court of Justice is the principal judicial
authority
of the United Nations, set up in 1945 under Article 92 of the UN
Charter(*3).
ICJ operates on the basis of its Statute, which forms an integral part
of the
Charter of the United Nations. All UN Member States are ipso facto
States
Parties to the Statute of the Court. The Court settles disputes between
States
and gives its opinions on legal matters of principle at the request of
the
Security Council, the General Assembly and an organization or body
authorized
by the General Assembly to seek an advisory opinion. The Court is based
on the
notion of sovereign equality of States, respect for the sovereignty and
independence of States, implying voluntary consent to the jurisdiction
of the
Court. Confidence in the ICJ, especially of small and medium-sized
countries,
has increased in the last twenty years. More and more States are
submitting
their disputes to the Court or are seeking its protection. Confidence in
this
Court has increased especially after the case Nicaragua v. the United
States of
America, concerning interference of the latter in the civil war in
Nicaragua,
ended by the Court declaring the United States responsible and obliged
to pay
the compensation. Thus, the Court has demonstrated that a small country
can win
a case against a large State. As a result of such an opinion of the
Court, it
is not favoured by those financing the United Nations, as reflected in
its
budget, number of personnel, etc.
Contrary to this, the Hague is also the site of the seat of the
International Criminal Tribunal, which often creates confusion and the
mixing
of the two institutions. The Tribunal is not very flattering for the
residents
of the Hague, and a Hague newspaper published some time ago a letter
from a
non-governmental organization proposing its residents to banish the
International Criminal Tribunal from this city, so that it may not
tarnish the
good reputation of the city as the seat of the headquarters of
respectable
international organizations. The International Criminal Tribunal was
established by Security Council resolution 827 (1993) with a purported
aim of
prosecuting serious violations of humanitarian law committed in the
territory
of the former Yugoslavia. Many international lawyers, Remsey Clark
included,
deny the validity of the establishment of the Tribunal by the decision
of the
Security Council. However, the composition, procedure, method of
funding,
gathering of evidence and bringing of indictments all indicate that the
International Criminal Tribunal is the tool of world power wielders,
which was
set up primarily with the political goal dictated, first and foremost,
by the
interests of those aspiring to an exclusive global power. The
composition of
judges sitting on the Tribunal does not reflect the geographic regions
as
elsewhere in the UN system, which is otherwise the practice and the rule
at the
United Nations. There is not a single Russian or a representative of
Orthodox
Christian nations, while representatives of some regions are
disproportionately
highly represented. The Tribunal has a budget and an administration that
are
several times those of the ICJ, a fact which speaks much of its
relationship
with the power wielders whose interests it protects. The Prosecutor of
the
International Criminal Tribunal has introduced the practice of sealed
indictments, unknown in any legal system. Indictees are tricked into
being
arrested lured by false promises, and sometimes by staging a show for
the
purposes of the media and interests standing behind these media. So
far, the
Tribunal mostly indicted and arrested Serbs. Those well-informed know
that the
Tribunal sticks to an unwritten formula: 70 per cent of Serbs, 25 per
cent of
Croats and 5 per cent of Muslims must be in its penitentiary unit or in
the
docks at any time(*4). Dr. Kovacevic died in detention because of the
lack of
appropriate care at the penitentiary unit, while the detainee Slavko
Dokmanovic
committed suicide. General Djukic died immediately after he had been
released
from prison. Indictees Simo Drljaca and Dragan Gagovic were killed
during the
action to arrest them. Gen. Momir Talic was arrested by means of
treachery as
he attended a meeting of military officials hoseds by the Organization
for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in Vienna. In both cases
there are
serious indications that powers had been exceeded, but no one was held
responsible. The international community rightfully asks, if the goal is
really
justice and not the diktat of the mighty, why similar tribunals were not
established to prosecute the crimes committed in Vietnam, Grenada,
Panama,
Ethiopia, in other words, wherever the crimes were done by soldiers of
the
great Powers. A great many individuals like Nikolai Rishkov, Chairman of
the
Russian State Duma Commission for the gathering and collation of
information on
crimes committed during the NATO aggression against the FR of
Yugoslavia; Greek
attorney Likouresos; Prof. Mendel and fifteen other professors from
Canada;
Monsieur R. Monsigni from France; British Professor of International Law
Glen
Rangwell and others have asked the Hague Tribunal to bring indictments
against
those responsible for the crimes committed during the aggression against
the FR
of Yugoslavia, against persons coming from the United States, Germany,
Britain,
France, etc. Although the evidence on this is abundant, Tribunal's
Prosecutor
Carla del Ponte has not reacted by issuing indictments, regardless of
the fact
that evidence on the crimes is notorious, thus proving once again that
the
Tribunal is not impartial and even-handed.
The Tribunal was set up riding the wave of international
developments
that run contrary to those beginning in the Hague in 1899 and that bring
into
question the results of the development of international law. The idea
of
international criminal justice is not a new one. It appeared after the
First
World War. However, it was not before 1998 that a Statute of the
Permanent
Criminal Court was adopted at the UN Conference in Rome. This Statute
substantially differs from the Statute of the International Criminal
Tribunal.
The Rome Statute, like the Statute of the ICJ, is based on the principle
of
voluntary consent that stems from the sovereign equality of States. It
is valid
not only for one territory and one time, especially not for members of
one
nation, but for all the States which have accepted it and for all future
times.
It does not relate only to violations of humanitarian law but includes
also the
most serious international crime, that of aggression, and other crimes.
The
position of its Prosecutor is fundamentally different in comparison with
the
position of the Prosecutor envisaged under the Statute of the
International
Criminal Tribunal.
Someone has written that the International Criminal Tribunal
serves
allegedly as a Security Council's Disciplinary Commission. As a matter
of fact,
it serves as a Disciplinary Commission of some permanent members of the
Security Council. They refuse to accept the Permanent Criminal Court,
which
could put them in the dock.
In brief, there is a substantial difference between the ICJ and
ICT.
The FR of Yugoslavia has, therefore, addressed the ICJ whose practice
has
proven that it can resist the pressures of world power wielders, rather
than to
the ICT which is, in essence, an extended hand of the above-mentioned
power
wielders.
* * *
Footnotes:
1. The FR of Yugoslavia, in addition to Yugoslav lawyers, was
represented by
reputed international lawyers such as Ian Brownlie, Professor of
International
Law at OXFORD University, member of the United Nations International Law
Commission (ILC), one of the leading international lawyers and a man who
has,
over the past twenty years, most defended victims in the cases before
the ICJ;
Eric Soy, Professor of International Law at Louvun, Belgium, former
Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations for Legal Affairs; Paul de
Vart,
Professor of International Law at Open University in Amsterdam; and
Olivier
Corten, a young and talented international lawyer from the Open
University in
Brussels. These are respectable lawyers who have, despite the fact that
they
come from the respondent States, agreed to represent the FR of
Yugoslavia
before the Court.
2. The Court, on that occasion, suspended proceedings against the United
States
and Spain, considering that there were no chances that it established
its
jurisdiction in the later stages of the dispute, since these two States
have
excluded the jurisdiction of the Court as envisaged under the Genocide
Convention by their reservations, while it decided to resume proceedings
against the eight other States.
3. Its forerunner is the Permanent Court of International Justice which
was the
principal judicial authority of the League of Nations. The latter Court,
in
turn, was preceded by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, established at
the
First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. Indeed, the Department of Foreign
Affairs
of the Kingdom of Serbia prepared for that conference the above
publication
containing the diplomatic corresondence of Envoy Stojan Novakovic, but
it was
never forwarded to the Conference. The roots of the ICJ, therefore, go
back to
the end of the nineteenth century. This instrument of peaceful
settlement of
disputes has developed and strengthened alongside the development and
strengthening of contemporary international law, whose foundations have
been
codified in the constitution of the international community, i.e. the
Charter
of the United Nations. It is a mechanism on whose improvement worked the
best
lawyers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Kingdoms of
Serbia and
Montenegro, later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and Democratic Federative
Yugoslavia all the way to the present Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
have
continuously participated in this process. The Kingdoms of Serbia and
Montenegro participated at the First Hague Peace Conference in 1899 and
they
were parties to the Convention on the Permanent Court of Arbitration.
The
Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which resolved its disputes before the Permanent
Court
of International Justice, had its citizens among the judges of that
court.
Yugoslavia is a founding Member of the United Nations and as such, is
party to
the 1945 Statute of the International Court of Justice since 1945. Judge
Zoricic was a permanent judge of this Court.
4. Currently, the following Serbs are detained in the penitentiary unit
at
Scheweningen: Mladjo Radic, Miroslav Kvocka, Milojica Kos, Zoran Zigic,
Dragan
Kolund`ija, Damir Dosen, Milorad Krnojelac, Dragoljub Kunarac, Goran
Kovac,
Zoran Vukovic, Miroslav Tadic, Dusko Tadic, Goran Jelisic, Simo Zoric,
Brdjanin, Momir Talic, Svetislav Galic, Radoslav Krstic, Stevan
Todorovic and
Miroslav Simic; the following Croats: Zdravko Mucic, Vlatko, Marijan and
Zoran
Kupreskic, Vlado Santic, Drago Josipovic, Tihomir Blaskic, Dario Kordic,
Mario
Cerkez, Martinovic; and the following Muslims: Hazim Delic and Esad
Landzo.
AMBASCIATA DELLA REPUBBLICA FEDERALE
DI JUGOSLAVIA PRESSO LA SANTA SEDE
Via dei Monti Parioli, 20 - 00197 Roma
Tel: 06 3200 099/06 3214 998
Fax: 06 3204 530
E-Mail: sveta.stolica@...
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
THE GLOBE AND MAIL, Saturday, January 29, 2000 p. A13
Are Western leaders war criminals?
Group wants top officials tried for NATO's bombing campaign
MARCUS GEE
The Globe and Mail
Is Jean Chretien a war criminal?
Michael Mandel says so, and he thinks he can prove it.
The Toronto law professor is in the vanguard of an international effort
to have the Prime Minister and 67 other Western leaders charged with war
crimes before a United Nations tribunal in The Hague.
Along with colleagues from Greece, Norway and Britain, he has compiled a
thick dossier of potential charges against the leaders for their conduct
in last spring's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, an assault Prof.
Mandel calls a "coward's war."
Those charges include "willful killing," wanton destruction of cities,
town or villages," and waging unlawful war. Along with Mr. Chretien, the
dossier names Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy and Defence
Minister Art Eggleton.
"They might not match the archetype of a war criminal," Prof. Mandel
said, "but they snuffed out a lot of lives, and they should be condemned
for it."
The Mandel dossier now rests in the hands of Carla Del Ponte, the Swiss
lawyer who is the chief prosecutor for the UN International Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia. She must decid whether to launch a formal
investigation into the conduct of the North Atlantic Treaty organization
during the 78-day war.
Legal experts say that is unlikely. Ms. Del Ponte needs NATO's help to
gather evidence and apprehend suspected war criminals in Bosnia and
other parts of the former Yugoslavia. Indicting NATO leaders would hurt
that relationship.
But Prof. Mandel and his friends won't give up, and their relentless
campaign against NATO has caused a stir of discomfort in the alliance.
Cases such as his are precisely why the United States is so worried
about the spreading grasp of international law. Washington opposed the
creation of a new international criminal court partly because of
concerns that Americans might be hauled before it for overseas military
intervention such as the invasion of Grenada or the bombing of Cambodia
during the Vietnam War.
So when the tribunal revealed last month that it had prepared an
internal report on the accusations against NATO, the White House lashed
out. It said the idea of investigating NATO was "completely
unjustified." Ms. Del Ponte rushed to clarify things, saying that no
formal investigation of NATO was under way.
That prompted Prof. Mandel to write a sharp letter to Ms. Del Ponte,
urging her to take the accusations against NATO seriously.
"The tribunal has not given us much reason to trust in its
impartiality," said Prof. Mandel, who teaches at York University's
Osgoode Hall Law School.
An intense 51-year-old in black wire-framed glasses, he has thrown
himself into many causes over his 25 years of teaching, from the Israeli
peace movement to the international campaign for nuclear disarmament.
Few have seized him as powerfully as the campaign against NATO's war.
He was a visiting professor at the University of Bologna in Italy in
March when NATO started bombing Yugoslavia in an attempt, NATO said, to
stop President Slobodan Milosevic from crushing the ethnic Albanians in
the rebellious province of Kosovo.
As civilian casualties in Yugoslavia rose and Albanians fled Kosovo by
the hundreds of thousands, Prof. Mandel's anger grew.
As a peace activist, he was appalled by the use of overwhelming military
force against a far weaker adversary.
As a teacher of international law for 25 years, he was shocked by NATO's
decision to go ahead with their air strikes without the approval of the
UN Security Council.
As a Jew, he was offended that NATO justified the bombing by equating
what was happening to the Kosovo Albanians to what had happened to the
Jews of Europe in the Second World War – a grotesque comparison, he
says.
"It was a crime against the truth and a crime against the victims of the
Holocaust."
Returning to Canada, he began communicating by phone and e-mail with law
professors in other countries who opposed the war. Their original aim
was to end the bombing. "There was this horrible thing going on," Prof.
Mandel said, "and the question was how to stop it."
Now that the war is over, they want to hold NATO to account for its
actions. Drawing on Yugoslav government figures, Prof. Mandel says that
1,800 people were killed and 5,000 wounded in Yugoslavia during the
bombing campaign.
Many were children or old people. Flipping through a Yugoslav government
booklet filled with colour pictures of blackened bodies and horrifying
wounds, he recalls the long series of NATO accidents: the accidental
attack on a passenger train crossing a bridge, the accidental bombing of
a Belgrade hospital, the accidental destruction of a bridge filled with
people at the height of a busy market day.
He says he is not sure those were accidents at all, but even if they
were, NATO had to know that such things would happen. It went ahead
anyway.
"We believe they knowingly killed people with no justifiable excuse, and
that's murder," he said in an interview in his cramped university
office.
Under his interpretation of the laws of war, only two things could
excuse NATO's conduct: bombing for a lawful reason such as self-defence
or bombing without knowing their bombs would cause such carnage.
He dismisses both. NATO, he says, broke off negotiations with Mr.
Milosevic over Kosovo and started bombing without bothering about the
niceties of international law.
As for the casualties, NATO leaders said over and over that they knew
that some civilians would be killed as a side effect of the bombing.
Such "collateral damage" was, in their words, "inevitable."
Far from being a humanitarian intervention in defence of human rights,
Prof. Mandel says, the bombing was a deliberate attempt to terrorize the
Yugoslav population.
Few experts share that view. "I don't know of a campaign in history
where targets have been selected so painstakingly," said David Rudd,
executive director of the Canadian Institute of Strategic Studies. "NATO
had the power to level Serbia's cities, but it didn't."
Michael Byers, a Canadian who teaches law at Duke University, agrees
that the accidental casualties caused by NATO didn't compare with the
executions and mass expulsions carried out by Mr. Milosevic's forces.
All the same, he is glad that Prof. Mandel is pressing his case. "Of
course NATO doesn't like it," he said, "but if you accept that there
should be some kind of international legal system, you have to
understand that it applies to all sides, including yourself."
---
STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.HOME-PAGE.ORG
Prosecute NATO
by George Szamuely
New York Press
1/25/99
"I must do my job, otherwise I am not independent, and the independence
of the prosecutor is the most important element... I just depend on the
law, and that's it." The noble sentiments are those of Carla Del Ponte,
chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY). She'd just been asked whether she intended to
investigate the possibility that NATO might have committed war crimes
during its murderous bombing spree last year. What about those
smashed-up refugee convoys, the destroyed housing estates, the bridges
turned into rubble, trains full of dead passengers, devastated
monasteries, bombed electrical grids and tv stations, cluster bombs,
depleted uranium? What about all of that? "It's not my priority," she
explained, "because I have inquiries about genocide, about bodies who
are in mass graves, and that's what I am doing now."
Oh, that's all right then. These inquiries, carried out by NATO
government agencies like the FBI and Scotland Yard, have one objective
only: to nail NATO's enemies. Though the media likes to paint her as an
upright Katharine Hepburn type, Del Ponte is a shameless liar. She is
not "independent" in any sense whatsoever. Her Tribunal is a creature of
the United States. Established in 1993 by Resolution 827 of the UN
Security Council, its objective was to use the aura of "international
law" to persecute the Serbs. Startup funds of $6 million came courtesy
of the U.S. ambassador to the UN, Madeleine Albright. She also hired the
initial staff of 25 lawyers. As the president of the Tribunal, Judge
Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, explained in a speech at the U.S. Supreme Court
last April: "[W]e benefited from the strong support of concerned
governments and dedicated individuals such as Secretary Albright. As the
permanent representative to the United Nations, she had worked with
unceasing resolve to establish the Tribunal. Indeed, we often refer to
her as the 'Mother of the Tribunal.'" In May, before the Council on
Foreign Relations, she stated: "The U.S. Government has very generously
agreed to provide $500,000 and to help to encourage other states to
contribute. However, the moral imperative to end the violence in the
region is shared by all, including the corporate sector. I am pleased,
therefore, that a major corporation has recently donated computer
equipment worth $3 million."
During last year's bombing, moreover, Bill Clinton secured a $27 million
appropriation for the Tribunal. In other words, money is rolling in from
people who have a vested interest in the outcome of the trials. This is
a flagrant violation of the Statutes of the Tribunal. Article 32 states
that the "the expenses of the International Tribunal shall be borne by
the regular budget of the United Nations." Soon after NATO launched its
bombing campaign, Louise Arbour, Del Ponte's predecessor, appeared at a
press conference where British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook made a great
show of presenting her with a dossier of Serbian war crimes.
Last year, Prof. Michael Mandel of Toronto wrote to Arbour arguing that,
according to its Statutes, the Tribunal is obligated to investigate
NATO. Article 2, for instance, states that the Tribunal "shall have the
power to prosecute persons committing or ordering to be committed grave
breaches of the Geneva Conventions...willful killing...willfully causing
great suffering or serious injury to body or health; extensive
destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military
necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly." Article 3 cites
"wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not
justified by military necessity" and the "attack, or bombardment, by
whatever means, of undefended towns, villages, dwellings, or
buildings..."
There is not the slightest chance that Del Ponte will investigate NATO's
war crimes. She cannot do it for a simple reason. Yugoslavia broke no
international laws whatsoever and got bombed. NATO broke every
international law in the book and still got to decide who had to stand
trial. And it is the NATO governments that pay her wages.
Here is a quick summary of just a few of the international laws NATO
violated: Article 2 (4) of the UN Charter states: "All Members shall
refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force
against the territorial integrity or political independence of any
state." Article 39 states: "The Security Council shall determine the
existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of
aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall
be taken." The Rambouillet Agreement, Serbia's refusal to sign which
provoked the bombing campaign, violated Article 51 of the 1969 Vienna
Convention on the Law of Treaties: "The expression of a State's consent
to be bound by a treaty which has been procured by the coercion of its
representative through acts or threats directed against him shall be
without legal effect." Not to mention the Geneva Convention and the
targeting of civilians.
Del Ponte's little court is a truly sinister organization. It operates
on the basis of sealed indictments, so that people do not even know if
there is an arrest warrant pending against them. They can be seized
anywhere and hauled off to the Hague. There, cut off from family,
friends and country, they can be held up to 90 days without being
charged. There is no bail or any form of release before trial. Detention
without trial could last several years. Mail is censored. Visits are
severely restricted. Trial witnesses can testify anonymously.
Prosecutors do not have to disclose the sources of their information.
Prosecutors may even appeal an acquittal and ensure that the accused
remain in detention during such an appeal.
The International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia serves for
the United States the same purpose courts of this nature served for
Hitler and Stalin: it terrorizes the opposition. A couple of weeks ago
the U.S. Export-Import Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), the World Bank and the U.S.-based
Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil Company (AMBO) met and resolved to
build an oil pipeline extending from the Bulgarian Black Sea across
Macedonia and Albania to Western Europe. This is what U.S. policy in the
Balkans is about. Anyone likely to object will find himself bombed and
then yanked off to the Hague–there to rot forever.
---
Chicago Tribune, Sec 2 Perspective, Sunday, May 23, 1999, pp1 and 5
WAR CRIMES LAW APPLIES TO U.S. TOO
by Walter J. Rockler
As justification for our murderously destructive bombing campaign in
Yugoslavia, it is of coarse necessary for the U.S. to charge that the
Serbs have engaged in inhuman conduct, and that President Slobodan
Milosevic, the head Serb demon, is a war criminal almost without peer.
President Clinton assures us of this in frequent briefings, during which
he engages in rhetorical combat with Milosevic. But shouting "war
criminal" only emphasizes that those who live in glass houses should be
careful about throwing stones.
We have engaged in fragrant military aggression, ceaselessly attacking a
small country primarily to demonstrate that we run the world. The
rationale that we are simply enforcing international morality, even if
it were true, would not excuse the military aggression and wide spread
killing that it entails. It also does not lessen the culpability of the
authors of this aggression.
As a primary source of international law, the judgment of the Nuremberg
Tribunal in the 1945-1946 case of the major Nazi war criminals is plain
and clear. Our leaders often invoke and praise the judgement, but
obviously have not read it. The International Court declared:
"To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an
international crime, it is the supreme international crime deferring
only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the
accumulated evil of the whole."
At Nuremberg, the United States and Britain pressed the prosecution of
Nazi leaders for planing and initiating aggressive war. Supreme Court
Justice Robert Jackson, the head of American prosecution staff, asserted
"that launching a war aggression is a crime and that no political or
economic situation can justify it." He also declared that "if certain
acts in violation of treaties are crimes, they are crimes whether the
United States does them or whether Germany does them, and we are not
prepared to lay down a rule of criminal conduct against others which we
would not be willing to have invoked against us."
The United Nations Charter views aggression similarly. Articles 2(4) and
(7) prohibit interventions in the domestic jurisdiction of any country
and threats of force or the use of force by one state against the
another. The General Assembly of the UN in Resolution 2131, "declaration
on the Inadmissibility of Intervention," reinforced the view that a
forceful military intervention in any country is aggression and crime
without justification.
Putting a "NATO" label on aggressive policy and conduct does not give
that conduct any sanctity. This is simply a perversion of the North
Atlantic Treaty organization, formed as a defensive alliance under the
UN Charter. The North Atlantic Treaty pledged its signatories to
refrain from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with
the purposes of the United Nations, and it explicitly recognized "the
primary responsibility of the Security Council (of United Nations) for
the maintenance of international peace and security." Obviously, in
bypassing UN approval for the current bombing, the U.S. and NATO have
violated the basic obligation.
>>From another standpoint of international law, the current conduct of the
bombing by United States and NATO constitutes a continued war crime.
Contrary to the beliefs of our war planners, unrestricted air bombing is
barred under international law. Bombing the "infrastructure" of a
country - waterworks, electricity, plants, bridges, factories,
television and radio locations -is not an attack limited to legitimate
military objectives. Our bombing has also caused an excessive loss of
life and injury to civilians, which violates another standard. We have
now killed hundreds, if not thousands, of Serbs, Montenegrins and
Albanians, even some Chinese, in our pursuit of humanitarian ideals.
In addition to shredding the UN Charter and perverting the purpose of
NATO, Clinton also has violated at least two provisions of the United
States Constitution. Under Article I, Section 8, of the Constitution,
Congress, not the president, holds the power to declare war and to
punish offenses against the law of nations. Alexander Hamilton in The
Federalist No. 69 pointed out one difference between a monarchy and the
presidency under the new form of government: A king could use his army
as he pleased; the president would have no such unlimited power. Under
Article VI of the Constitution, treaties, far from being mere scraps of
paper as we now deem them to be, are part of the supreme law of the
United States. Of course, these days a supine Congress, fascinated only
by details of sexual misconduct, can hardly be expected to enforce
constitutional requirements.
Nor can a great deal be expected from the media. Reports rely on
controlled handouts of the State Department, Pentagon and NATO, seeing
their duty as one adding colorful details to official intimations of
Serbs atrocities. Thus, the observation of a NATO press relations
officer that a freshly plowed field, seen from 30,000 feet up, might be
the site of a massacre has been disseminated as news.
The notion that humanitarian violations can be redressed with random
destruction and killing by advanced technological means is inherently
suspect. This is mere pretext for our arrogant assertion of dominance
and power in defiance of international law. We make the nonnegotiable
demands and rules, and implement them by military force. It is all
remindful of Henrik Ibsen's "Don't use that foreign word "ideals." We
have that excellent word "lies."
---------------------------------------------------------------
Walter J. Rockler, a Washington lawyer, was a prosecutor at Nuremberg
War Crimes Trial.
---
http://www.iwpr.net
TRIBUNAL UPDATE 160
Last Week in The Hague (January 17-22, 2000)
DEL PONTE ASKS NATO TO BE "MORE AGGRESSIVE"
In addition to visiting the EC, Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte also visited
NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) headquarters in Brussels last
week.
During talks with NATO Secretary General Lord George Robertson and the
permanent representatives of the 19 member states, Del Ponte urged NATO
to be more aggressive in hunting down and arresting indictees, in
particular "the most wanted Radovan Karadzic", the former leader of the
Bosnian Serbs.
"He is the symbol of this year, the fugitive who has been longest on the
loose," Del Ponte said before adding that capturing him is "crucial for
a stable peace."
Addressing journalists after the meeting Del Ponte, Robertson said
NATO's commitment to apprehending all those indicted of war crimes in
Yugoslavia was "beyond question."
Robertson returned to the same question two days later when talking to
journalists at NATO headquarters.
Talking about his and NATO's priorities for the year 2000, Robertson
said it was essential that those indicted but still at large be brought
to The Hague for trial and concluded: "I have got a personal commitment
to making sure that they do."
British commandos, as members of SFOR, have carried out as many as 90%
of operations aimed at arresting people accused of war crimes. These
operations only really got underway after Robertson became British
Secretary of Defence in 1997. Karadzic and other accused still at large
should not, therefore, brush away or underestimate such "personal
commitment" from the NATO Secretary General.
Copyright (c) 2000 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
-
Tribunal Update 161
Issue 161: January 24-29, 2000
DEL PONTE DISMISSES CHARGES SHE "BACKPEDALLED" ON NATO DOSSIER.
In an interview with Tribunal Update last week we asked ICTY Chief
Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte to clarify the position on the famous
'dossier'
on alleged breaches of the Geneva Conventions by NATO forces during the
air
strikes on Serbia. We asked whether she had studied the evidence, drawn
any
conclusions and whether the fierce criticism levelled against her by
some in
Washington D.C. had caused her to "backpedal" on the issue as claimed by
U.S. Senator Jesse Helms.
"First I will tell you something - I never backpedal, never, never! If
the
press received it in some other way - that is another question. I am not
responsible for that. I have only one voice and I am always saying the
same!" Del Ponte declared.
"What I said in that interview [to London's Observer newspaper on
December
26, 1999] was that no formal investigation is opened against NATO, that
is,
against individuals of NATO. I said that to the journalist: No formal
inquiry! I said I have just received a preliminary report on the
documentation and complaints that [former Chief Prosecutor Louise]
Arbour
had received from many different sources."
"Second, I said I would read it and take a decision. But in the meantime
I
received professor Mandel here and he brought to me another pile of
documents. A few day before Christmas I received a group of members from
the
Russian parliament who brought me a lot of new documents. They told me
that
the Duma [Russian parliament] had created an inquiry commission, which
is
working together with Belgrade, so they have a lot of information."
"I gave all those documents to the same working group in our office to
analyse them. They are doing that now."
"In the meantime I studied the first report and for it I need some
answers
from NATO. So I was in Brussels and spoke with the people there and said
I
have some questions on which I needed answers. So now we are preparing
the
questions and we will send them to NATO."
"In the meantime I am waiting for the second report and an analysis of
the
other documentation. And after, when I finish my work on the preliminary
analysis of that, I will take a decision on whether I must or not open
an
investigation. That's the whole story. So I did not absolutely
backpedal! E
una bruta parola [It is an ugly word]: 'backpedalling'! And it is not my
way
of working. I pedal only forwards."
Copyright (c) 2000 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
------------------------------------------------------------
