Verzija na srpskohrvatskom
(cfr. http://www.egroups.com/message/crj-mailinglist/208?&start=188 )

> > ----- Original Message -----
> > From: Snezana Vitorovich <zana@...>
> > To: <drakulic@...>
> > Sent: 15 May, 2000 19:39
> > Subject: RE;Hitna poruka suborcima od Emila Vlajkija
> >
> >
> > izvinite, ali prva poruka nije bila kompletna.. Zana
> >
> >
> > NOTE: text in english comes after the serbian , thanks to our very
devoted
> > and tireless , very special friend of
> > serbian people, Prof. Peter Maher. Feel free to pass both text to as
many
> > people as you find have any interest
> > on the topic of the Blakans and the American involvement .
> > Zana
> >
> >
> >
> > GRADJANSKI RAT U CRNOJ GORI
> >
> > (hitna poruka suborcima)
> >
> > Prema tekstovima koji su se u posljednjih par tjedana pojavili na Zapadu
i
> > ciju sam analizu napravio,
> >
> > scenario gradjanskog rata u C.G. je pripremljen i treba samo da se
povuce
> > otponac. Kao sto sam naglasio
> >
> > u knjizi, predstojeci rat je u funkciji SAD predsjednickih izbora i
> tempiran
> > je za sept. i okt. ove godine ,
> >
> > kada se bude vodila odlucujuca trka dva glavna kandidata.
> >
> > Ukratko ponavljam dva glavna scenarija iz knjige:
> >
> > 1.Milijunske dolarske injekcije koje Zapad daje C.G. svaki dan, trebalo
bi
> > da urode plodom i da
> >
> > gradjani C.G. eventualno na referendumu glasaju za osamostaljenje.
> > Predstojeci lokalni izbori u junu
> >
> > su glavni test za ocjenu efikasnosti ove taktike.
> >
> > 2. Ako Zapad bude ocijenio, da se referendum ne moze dobiti, onda ce se
> ici
> > na vec dosad vidjenu semu:
> >
> > izazivanje konflikta u C.G. (preko provokacije armije), okrivljavanje
> > Srbije, bombardiranje Srbije dok
> >
> > ona sama 'svojevoljno' ne raskine odnose sa C.G. i ne povuce vojsku.
> >
> > 3. Postoji velika vjerovatnost da ce cak i i u slucaju referendumskog
> > odvajanja, doci do podjele C.G.,
> >
> > gradjanskog rata i nakon toga, do scenarija broj 2.
> >
> > Jos jednom apeliram na sve one koji na bilo koji nacin mogu utjecati na
> > javno mnijenje, da se odmah
> >
> > i sto glasnije angaziraju oko denunciranja ovog novog pripremljenog
> > krvoprolica. Ako se sada otpocne
> >
> > sa akcijom, mozda se nesto moze sprijeciti.
> >
> > Kada konflikt vec otpocne, onda vise nema pomoci. I svi oni 'branioci
> srpske
> > stvari' koji se tada budu
> >
> > oglasili, (a koji sada, povodom Crne Gore sute kao zaliveni) svijesno
ili
> > nesvijesno igraju igru Zapada
> >
> > u razbijanju Jugoslavije i Srbije.
> >
> > Emil Vlajki
> >
> > English translation!!!
> >
> > Subject: [sn-vesti 5990] GET READY FOR WAR IN MONTE NEGRO "a little
> > successful war" for the US
> > elections.
> > Sender:
> > Reply-To: john_peter maher <jpmaher@...>
> >
> > CIVIL WAR IN MONTE NEGRO
> > URGENT MESSAGE from Professor Emil Vlajki, author of
> >
> > THE NEW TOTALITARIAN SOCIETY and the destruction of Yugoslavia »
> >
> > According to documents published in the West in the last couple of
> > weeks which I have prepared an analysis, a scenario has been prepared
> > for war in Monte Negro. The only thing left to do is pull the plug.
> >
> > As I noted in my book, the coming war would play a part in the US
> > presidential elections and is timed for September and October 2000, when
> > the two leading candidates will be conducting the conclusion of their
> > campaigns.
> >
> > In brief I repeat two main scenarios from my book,
> >
> > 1. "Plan ." Injections of million dollars given by the West to Monte
> > Negro will come to fruition. Montenegrin citizens will soon vote in a
> > referendum for independence. The local elections in June will be the
> > test for evaluating the effectiveness of this tactic.
> >
> > 2. In case the West determines that the anti-Serbia referendum cannot be
> > won, then they will move on to "Plan B", which involves:
> >
> > provoking conflict between Monte Negro (by "provocations" of the Army),
> > blaming Serbia, bombing Serbia until she "voluntarily" breaks off
> > relations with Monte Negro and withdraws the army.
> >
> > 3. The greatest probably exists that in case of a split in the
> > referendum, it will come to a partition of Monte Negro, civil war, and
> > finally Scenario No. 3.
> >
> > Once again I appeal to all those who can bring any influence to bear on
> > public opinion to engage themselves immediately as loudly as possible to
> > denounce this newly planned wave of bloodshed. If we begin action now,
> > we may be able to block it.
> >
> > Once the conflict breaks out, there will be no more helping. And all
> > those "defenders of the Serb cause" who then vote (and those who right
> > now don't even make a squeak regarding Monte Negro) will have wittingly
> > or unwittingly played a role in the West's further destruction of
> > Yugoslavia and Serbia.
> >
> > Emil Vlajki
> > Professor
> > Ottawa
> >
> > Translated by Prof. J. P. Maher, Chicago
> > 15 May 2000
> >


--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------

E SE LO DICONO PERSINO GLI AMERICANI FORSE QUALCUNO
INIZIERA' PURE A PORSI QUALCHE INTERROGATIVO - O NO?


"L'associazione americana per i diritti civili
Freedom House ha stilato una graduatoria sulla attendibilita' dei
giornali nel mondo. L'Italia e' al 51 posto, al pari della Corea del
Sud e della Nuova Guinea ed e' penultima in Europa (prima della Grecia).
Sara' per questo che il numero di copie di giornali vendute oggi e' lo
stesso di quello degli anni '50?"

(dal bollettino del CICAP - http://www.cicap.org )

--------- COORDINAMENTO ROMANO PER LA JUGOSLAVIA -----------
RIMSKI SAVEZ ZA JUGOSLAVIJU
e-mail: crj@... - URL: http://marx2001.org/crj
http://www.egroups.com/group/crj-mailinglist/
------------------------------------------------------------

Il Coordinamento Romano per la Jugoslavia ADERISCE
all'appello conclusivo dei lavori del
Tribunale italiano contro i crimini della NATO in Jugoslavia
ed invita tutti ad ADERIRE a loro volta
sottoscrivendo i capi d'accusa formulati e
partecipando alla giornata del 3 giugno a Roma

===

ROMA 3 GIUGNO 2000

VIA PIETRO COSSA 40 – SALA UNIVERSITA’ VALDESE

DALLE ORE 9.00

PROIEZIONE VIDEO, MOSTRE FOTOGRAFICHE

TRIBUNA APERTA TRA I COMITATI E LE ASSOCIAZIONI



ORE 15.00

SESSIONE FINALE DELLA SEZIONE ITALIANA DEL TRIBUNALE INDIPENDENTE CONTRO
I CRIMINI DELLA NATO IN JUGOSLAVIA

Il 31 luglio 1999 hanno avuto inizio a New York le attivita' del
"TRIBUNALE INTERNAZIONALE INDIPENDENTE CONTRO I CRIMINI DELLA NATO IN
JUGOSLAVIA", promosso da Ramsey Clark, con la stesura di 19 punti di
accusa contro la NATO ed i governi occidentali.

Le attivita' del "Tribunale" hanno trovato seguito in molti altri paesi
del mondo. In Italia il primo
novembre 1999 alla presenza di Ramsey Clark ha preso il via la sezione
italiana del Tribunale. Nel corso di questi mesi, confortati dal
crescente interesse suscitato e dalle numerose iniziative di
presentazione del "Tribunale Italiano" in molte citta', abbiamo potuto
verificare con dati oggettivi la veridicita' delle nostre accuse.

A completamento del lavoro svolto in questi mesi, noi sottoscritti
firmatari di questo appello accusiamo le massime autorità della
Repubblica in carica nel marzo 1999 - in particolare il presidente del
Consiglio dei Ministri Massimo D'Alema e i ministri del governo per la
partecipazione alla guerra illegale e il Presidente della Repubblica
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro per non aver difeso la Costituzione - nonchè i loro
successori per quanto attiene ai crimini in continuità con l'aggressione
armata, ciascuno secondo la personale responsabilità scaturente dalle
diverse competenze, azioni e omissioni:

per avere collaborato attivamente all'aggressione contro la Repubblica
Federale Jugoslava, paese
sovrano da cui non era venuta nessuna minaccia nè all'Italia nè ai suoi
alleati;

per avere violato tutti i principi del diritto internazionale e in
particolare la Carta delle Nazioni
Unite, i principi del Tribunale di Norimberga, le Convenzioni di Ginevra
e i protocolli aggiuntivi
sulla tutela delle popolazioni civili nonchè lo stesso trattato
istitutivo della NATO;

per aver consentito che dal proprio territorio partissero attacchi
contro istallazioni e popolazioni
civili, condotti su obiettivi e con armi appositamente studiate per
infliggere il massimo danno, anche
protratto nel tempo, alle persone e alle loro condizioni di vita
(attacchi deliberati contro strutture
civili, bombe a grappolo);

per aver danneggiato l’economia della costa adriatica con la chiusura
degli aeroporti civili;

per aver consentito lo smaltimento nelle acque territoriali italiane di
ordigni bellici non utilizzati
causando danni alle persone, all’ambiente all’economia;

per aver consentito l'utilizzo in maniera massiccia di proiettili e
missili all'uranio impoverito causando danni incalcolabili e per un
tempo indeterminato contro le popolazioni della Federazione Jugoslava e
dei paesi limitrofi, con enormi rischi attuali anche per i volontari
civili e per i militari italiani impegnati nel Kosovo.

per aver partecipato al bombardamento di impianti chimici e farmaceutici
causando deliberatamente danni ambientali di enorme rilevanza tali da
configurare una vera e propria guerra batteriologica, chimica e
nucleare;

per aver violato la Costituzione italiana e aggirato le procedure che
essa impone in caso di guerra
(concepibile solo come difesa da attacchi contro il nostro paese e i
suoi alleati);

per aver collaborato alla politica della forza di occupazione della NATO
che obiettivamente ha
portato alla instaurazione di un potere criminale nella provincia
jugoslava del Kosmet e alla
persecuzione ed espulsione della popolazione di etnia serba e di altre
etnie non albanesi, nonchè
degli albanesi considerati indesiderabili dal nuovo potere;

per avere obiettivamente tollerato l'emergere e il consolidarsi di un
potente centro di attività
criminali a ridosso del nostro paese nel triangolo
Albania-Kosovo-Montenegro;

per avere attivamente collaborato ad affamare e sacrificare la
popolazione della Jugoslavia con
l'imposizione di misure di embargo internazionalmente illeggittime;

per avere attivamente collaborato a esercitare pressioni e ingerenze
contro un paese sovrano e le
sue legittime istituzioni;

per avere inviato truppe e personale civile a governare territori
ridotti di fatto a nuovi protettorati e
colonie in violazione della stessa risoluzione ONU 1244;

per aver messo in piedi al fine di giustificare l'intervento militare
la scandalosa campagna della
MISSIONE ARCOBALENO e per avere mentito al popolo italiano al fine di
convincere
l'opinione pubblica della necessità di partecipare alla guerra;

per avere rinunciato all'esercizio della sovranità del nostro paese e al
diritto-dovere di controllo di
tutte le attività che vi svolgono comandi, strutture e mezzi militari
stranieri;

per avere acconsentito a modificare, senza nessuna decisione del
Parlamento, lo statuto della NATO.

Queste accuse, saranno esposte e ampiamente documentate il 3 giugno a
Roma nella sessione
plenaria del Tribunale Indipendente contro i crimini NATO costituitosi
in Italia che si terrà presso
l'Università Valdese (via Pietro Cossa 40) e saranno quindi portate a
New York, dove il 10
giugno si riunirà il Tribunale Internazionale Indipendente promosso
dall'ex Ministro della Giustizia
USA Ramsey Clark.

Invitiamo tutti i cittadini, le associazioni, le personalità consapevoli
della necessità di impedire che
tali crimini siano perpetuati e diventino anzi la norma delle relazioni
internazionali, a sostenere
l'iniziativa della sezione italiana del Tribunale Clark e la raccolta di
testimonianze e documenti e
partecipare attivamente all'assemblea del 3 giugno a Roma.

===

"Il manifesto", 15 Febbraio 2000

KOSOVO
Quell'intervento è stato illegittimo

MICHELE DI SCHIENA *

D urante la guerra nel Kosovo pervennero alla Procura della repubblica
presso il Tribunale di Roma diversi esposti e denunce di gruppi,
associazioni e privati cittadini che facevano presente l'illegittimità
costituzionale della scelta del nostro governo di partecipare nella
primavera del '99 ai ripetuti attacchi aerei organizzati da alcuni paesi
della Nato ai danni della Jugoslavia. L'illegittimità dell'operato del
governo discendeva, secondo gli esponenti, dalla considerazione che gli
attacchi aerei, pur se motivati da pretesi intenti umanitari,
costituivano
atti di guerra offensiva in aperta violazione dell'art. 11 della
Costituzione per il quale "l'Italia ripudia la guerra... come mezzo di
risoluzione delle controversie internazionali". I denunzianti
sostenevano in
particolare che sussisteva l'illegittimità costituzionale della
decisione
governativa sotto il profilo della violazione degli artt. 78 e 87 della
Costituzione dal momento che, per il combinato disposto di tali norme,
lo
stato di guerra doveva essere dichiarato dal presidente della Repubblica
previa deliberazione delle Camere che avrebbero dovuto conferire al
governo
i necessari poteri.

Avendo il governo - sempre secondo gli esponenti - assunto l'iniziativa
bellica in assenza di detti presupposti, andavano accertate eventuali
responsabilità penali, con particolare riferimento al reato di
usurpazione
del potere politico previsto dall'art. 287 del Codice penale.

Di recente si è avuto notizia che il Collegio per i reati ministeriali
presso il Tribunale di Roma, con decisione del 26 ottobre scorso, ha
archiviato il procedimento sulla base di inconsistenti e sorprendenti
argomentazioni che mortificano lo spirito e la lettera di precise
disposizioni costituzionali. Per quanto attiene alla mancata
deliberazione
dello stato di guerra da parte delle Camere, il citato Collegio
riconosce,
invero, che non vi fu la "autorizzazione formale dello stato di guerra
da
parte del Parlamento" ma dice che venne "sostanzialmente rispettata" la
ratio dell'art. 78 della Costituzione per il quale "le Camere deliberano
lo
stato di guerra e conferiscono al Governo i poteri necessari". E ciò in
considerazione del fatto che l'intervento militare, presentato dal
governo
come operazione umanitaria, ottenne il conforto del dibattito
parlamentare e
tenuto conto che tale intervento "non poteva non comportare l'impiego
delle
Forze armate della Repubblica... in una prospettiva di guerra
offensiva".

Quanto poi alla mancata dichiarazione da parte del presidente della
Repubblica dello stato di guerra che avrebbero dovuto deliberare le
Camere,
afferma testualmente il Collegio che "tale omissione non comporta alcun
sovvertimento o radicale deroga all'equilibrio dei poteri di governo
delineati dalla carta fondamentale". E infine, con specifico riferimento
al
disposto dell'art. 287 c.p. che punisce, come si è detto, l'usurpazione
di
poteri politici, afferma lo stesso Collegio che la ricorrenza di tale
fattispecie va esclusa "spettando al governo, a termini di Costituzione,
il
potere di impulso e di iniziativa circa l'inizio delle operazioni
belliche,
sicché nessun potere spettante ad altro organo costituzionale è stato
illegittimamente esercitato".

Siamo quindi di fronte ad un provvedimento che archivia la procedura
mentre
riconosce nella partecipazione dell'Italia alle operazioni militari nel
Kosovo un vero e proprio "stato di guerra" in una prospettiva
"offensiva",
ammette la mancanza di una "formale" autorizzazione del Parlamento dello
stato bellico e giudica sostanzialmente irrilevante, e quindi eludibile
senza conseguenze giudiziarie, la mancata dichiarazione di tale stato da
parte del presidente della Repubblica.

Dimentica il Collegio che gli artt. 78 e 87 della Costituzione, i quali
condizionano l'inizio di attività belliche all'emanazione di atti
formali e
quindi tecnicamente "solenni", sono norme rigorosamente precettive la
cui
finalità è quella di richiamare l'attenzione delle istituzioni, delle
istanze democratiche e dell'intero paese sulla gravità di una scelta di
guerra, sulle ragioni che la determinano e sulle responsabilità
politiche
che tale decisione può comportare. Il citato organo giudiziario trascura
inoltre di considerare che per la sussistenza dell'elemento materiale
del
reato di "usurpazione di potere politico" non è necessario che sia stato
arbitrariamente esercitato un potere spettante ad altro organo
costituzionale con l'illegittima "invasione di altro potere dello stato"
ma
è sufficiente, come ritiene la dottrina e impone il comune buon senso,
l'arrogarsi e cioè l'assumere arbitrariamente un potere che per legge
non
spetta. E certamente il governo non aveva, per la nostra Costituzione,
il
potere di fare la guerra senza che le Camere ne avessero deliberato lo
"stato" conferendo anche formalmente al governo medesimo i poteri
necessari;
con la conseguenza che, in difetto di tale conferimento, la
partecipazione
alle operazioni belliche nel Kosovo ha assunto i caratteri
dell'arbitrarietà
e dell'"usurpazione".

Non è allora possibile considerare chiuso in questo malinconico modo il
discorso sulla legittimità costituzionale dell'intervento dell'Italia
nella
guerra del Kosovo dal momento che sono in gioco il prestigio e il
rispetto
di principi e di regole che costituiscono il fondamento dello stato di
diritto. E poi, su di un piano diverso, non si può far finta di ignorare
che
il provvedimento di archiviazione del Collegio per i reati ministeriali
costituisce oggettivamente, ben oltre le sue contraddizioni e le sue
intenzioni, un atto di accusa di gravi responsabilità politiche che
meritano
rinnovata e preoccupata attenzione.

* presidente onorario aggiunto Cassazione

===

For Immediate Release
Attention: Assignment Editor
May 10, 2000

NEW REVELATIONS ARE FURTHER PROOF OF U.S. WAR
CRIMES

New revelations that NATO’s high-altitude bombing of Yugoslavia
was far less successful than claimed at the time, are “further proof of
U.S. war crimes against Yugoslavia,” said Sara Flounders, national
co-director of the International Action Center on May 10.

“This will provide additional evidence for the International War
Crimes Tribunal we will hold in New York June 9-10 to try U.S.
and NATO political and military leaders for war crimes, crimes
against humanity and crimes against peace,” Flounders said.

Newsweek magazine had gotten hold of an internal U.S. Air Force
report showing that only 58 of NATO’s so-called high-precision
strikes hit their targets. This compares with 744 NATO claimed at
the end of the bombing campaign.

“The claims of high accuracy with little harm to civilians,” said
Flounders, “was just another in the long line of lies NATO
spokespeople used to justify massive attacks on civilian targets in
Yugoslavia.”

A special investigation team from the U.S. and other NATO air
forces searched Kosovo on foot and by helicopter. U.S. top
officers boasted that NATO forces had disabled "around 120
tanks", "about 220 armored personnel carriers" and "up to 450
artillery and mortar pieces" in 78 days of bombing.

The investigators reported instead that NATO hit just 14 tanks, 18
APCs and 20 artillery and mortar pieces, less than one tenth of
NATO claims. These figures are quite close to the losses Yugoslav
forces reported at the end of the war. NATO dismissed the
Yugoslav report as "disinformation" at the time.

The investigators found out that U.S. and NATO high-altitude air
power was effective chiefly against civilian targets. It was the
bombing of cities and power stations that most damaged Serbia.

Flounders noted that the report, made last summer, had never been
made public. A second report, which reported hits closer to NATO
and the Pentagon’s boasts, was then used.

“The Newsweek article avoided the implications that the U.S. and
NATO commanders violated the rules of war by striking civilian
targets,” said Flounders. “Instead, it pointed to the efficacy of
striking the civilian infrastructure of a country, which in the case of
Yugoslavia includes hundreds of schools, dozens of hospitals and
almost every major industry. In effect it advocates new war crimes.”

Former Attorney General Ramsey Clark had drawn up the original
charge sheet against NATO leaders, which added up to 19 charges.
Charge number 9, said Flounders, was “Attacking Objects
Indispensable to the Survival of the Population of Yugoslavia,”
including depriving the population of Yugoslavia of food, water,
electric power, food production, medicines, medical care and other
essentials to their survival, [by engaging] in the systematic
destruction and damage by missiles and aerial bombardment of food
production and storage facilities, drinking water and irrigation works
for agriculture, fertilizer, insecticide, pharmaceutical, hospitals and
health care facilities, among other objects essential to human survival.

“The NATO commanders, fearing the complete failure of their
campaign against the Yugoslav military, concentrated on hitting
civilian targets,” said Flounders. “This is clearly a war crime, and we
will prove this before the world on June 10.”


CONTRIBUTE TO THE PROGRAM JOURNAL FOR THE JUNE 10
INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL ON U.S./NATO WAR CRIMES

A special Program Journal will be produced for the June 10
International Tribunal on U.S./NATO War Crimes in Yugoslavia.

The June 10 International Tribunal is the culmination of a global truth-
telling campaign. Scores of hearings in countries around the world have
collected eyewitness testimony, expert testimony and analysis. All of
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The Program Journal is a great opportunity for individuals and
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We will not let the history of war crimes be written by the
perpetrators. There
is nothing more important than to tell the truth about U.S.-NATO war
crimes
against Yugoslavia and the horrible reality of the occupation of Kosovo.
We
need your voice, your words and your support now.

-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the May 18, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------

EDITORIAL: PUT THE WAR CRIMINALS IN THE DOCK

The U.S. and NATO leaders thought they would get away with
the war against Yugoslavia.

They scraped through a 78-day war they had expected to win
in three days. They planned and provoked the war. They
bombed civilian targets. They used outlawed weapons. They
forced the Yugoslav government to draw its army out of its
own province, Kosovo.

And they thought they were home free.

Clinton, Albright, Gen. Wesley Clark, and their
counterparts in Western Europe hoped they had heard the end
of protests against their dirty war against Yugoslavia.

But by last July, former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey
Clark and the International Action Center were charging
U.S./NATO leaders with 19 counts of war crimes, crimes
against peace and crimes against humanity.

By October, tens of thousands of people protesting in
Athens made it clear that Clinton was a war criminal and
unwelcome.

Others in 14 countries from Russia to Australia held
popular tribunal hearings that called the NATO political
and military leaders war criminals. These hearings showed
that Washington had planned the war for 10 years. They
showed that the "massacre" charges against the Belgrade
government were lies.

They showed that U.S. and German intelligence agencies
built up the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army--a terrorist
gang. They showed that the so-called Racak massacre was a
provocation by U.S. agent William Walker and the KLA. They
showed that the Rambouillet "Accord" was an ultimatum to
Yugoslavia that no government could accept.

Now these hearings are reaching a climax. In Rome and
Berlin on June 2-3, and in New York on June 10, the
International Tribunals on U.S./NATO War Crimes in
Yugoslavia will take place. The tribunal will prove to the
world and to history that these political and military
leaders are indeed war criminals.

The progressive movement in the United States should give
its full support to this tribunal and make sure that the
June 10 public hearing plays before a packed house.

- END -

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* 24 MAGGIO: FIRENZE DICE NO AL SUMMIT DELLA NATO
* LA NATO AL DI SOPRA DI OGNI LEGGE? (D. Pavlovic)


---

FLORENCE SAYS NO TO THE NATO SUMMIT!

On the 24 and 25 May, NATO will hold a summit meeting in Florence, a
city declared to be an "Operator for Peace," with a gold medal for its
Resistance against the Nazi/Facists in WW II.

In this highest-level meeting, the NATO Alliance intends to further
define its strategies with regards to various areas of the world (the
Balkans and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, North Africa), the
reorganization in a more explicitly offensive way of its military
apparatus, and its expansion to the East.

The NATO military alliance which, as in the past, continues to be an
instrument of aggression against national sovereignty and of
interference in the internal political affairs of member states, as well
as a constant threat to peace, is today in a process of transformation
of its role and its military apparatus to adapt itself to the growing
requirements of capitalist dominion in its contemporary form: "the free
market."

It is in this sense that the Treaty of Washington of April 1999, also
signed by the Italian government, must be understood, in which NATO
formally arrogates to itself the right to intervene everywhere and
anywhere in support of the new world order, as demonstrated in the war
against Yugoslavia.

War is thus established and increasingly reconfirmed as a concrete
possibility, practicable and in fact practiced, as a major and decisive
instrument for the imposition of the "free market."

For this reason there is an evident connection between the struggles
against wars of aggression, against the presence of NATO's military
bases, against militarism, and against the embargoes, with the struggles
in the North and South of the world which are rising up against the
sanctuaries of capitalism (WTO, IMF, World Bank), against temporary
labor and "flexibility", against exploitation and poverty, for social
and citizenship rights, for the right to a decent life and future, for
the liberation of peoples.

The forces organizing this mobilization express their opposition to the
holding of the NATO summit in Florence and call on the entire population
to boycott and mobilize against this unacceptable provocation.

WEDNESDAY 24 MAY
DAY OF MOBILIZATION AGAINST NATO
concluding with a
DEMONSTRATION
meeting point: PIAZZA SAN MARCO
5:30 p.m.

Endorsers: Women in Black, Tuscan Antagonistic Movement, Casa for
Social Rights, Association for Renewal of the Left, CPA Occupied Social
Center, Communist Refoundation Party, Young Communists, Liberazione
newspaper, Forum of the Women of Communist Refoundation, Peace Charter,
Coordinamento of Leftist Students, Political Science Collective,
Programmatic Area of Communists in CGIL trade union, RDB Healthworkers
union (Tuscany), Camera del Lavoro Sociale labor council, Fuori
Binario
newspaper, Peace Tent, Ass. Senza Confine, Missing Links Ass., Ass.
for Defense of Minorities, Movement for the Confederation of Communists,
Cobas school union, Sincobas union, Slai Cobas union (Florence), Cobas
Union Confederation (Florence), Gulf Committee, National Coordinamento
of RSU workplace union councils, National Coord. of Committees Against
the War, Guerre e Pace magazine, Coord. of World March of Women, Coord.
Rete Lilliput (Florence), CSOA il Mulino Occupied Social Center,
National, Ass. AZAD - Freedom for the Kurdish People, Val di Sieve Peace
Committee, ASSOPACE, PMLI, Nuova Unita' newspaper, North Americans
Against War, Coord. University Language Teachers (Florence), 1968
Archives, Forum of Associations Against the Free Market (Milan), Ass.
Village of Peoples, Economy Group "E. Balducci", RACS, Ass. "Friendship"
Rom (Florence), Florence Committee for the Liberation of Mumia
Abu-Jamal, Valdarno Committee Against the War, Ernesto de Martino
Institute, Ass. Chiama Africa, Cultural Ass. Punto Rosso (Massa
Carrara), RSU union council of University of Florence. Mani Tese
(Florence).

---

Above or Beyond the Law

Dragan Pavlovic
Editor in chief, "Dialogue", Paris
____________________________________________________________________


The First World War Has Not Happened Yet

We seem to be dreaming. We look at the world as if it were not much
older
than we can remember. We do not doubt that we have made progress through
history as human beings, and we are proud of it. As children we may not
even have had a bicycle or ridden the train; and now we can have
breakfast
in one part of the world and dinner on the opposite side of our planet
Earth. Basic essential human rights are not an issue any more in this,
our
part of the world; we struggle for even more rights - extra rights are
the
order of the day: homosexual rights, even animal rights, and so on. War?
That is the business of fools, of lower people, they can have wars if
they
wish, but here war is forgotten. If we hear about such things from the
other
side of the world, it all sounds as remote as tales from an old history
book. We have moved beyond ... The new era is on its way; the world has
profoundly changed forever.
But is it so?
If we would shake our heads, open wide our eyes, and look back through
history, we could clearly see how profound an illusion this is. The
reality
is cruel. Conflicts between states have been constant and have all too
often
escalated into bloody wars. This has been an infallible pattern now for
not
only hundreds but many thousands of years. History looks rather like
conflict - war periods randomly distributed over the planet, with
uninhabited areas proportionally less exposed. When it has happened that
some large region remained relatively spared for a fairly long period of
time, then people always, without exception, started to believe that the
time of war was past and gone. However, those exceptional periods always
came to an end and the hopes for lasting peace proved to be in vain.
Today we have no serious reasons to believe that the future will not
resemble the past. The present period of peace in the Western world is
negligibly short, if compared to the sweep of history, and the cycle of
war
and peace periods following endlessly one upon another -- much too short
to
enable us to conclude that the miracle has occurred. Hence, there are
more
wars to come in the future.
The same applies to the frontiers between states. They have been
changing
over the centuries, and the long history of changes only offers the
promise
that there will be more changes to come, the Europe of the future is not
going to resemble the one we know now, and that this is going to happen,
unfortunately, through conflicts and wars.
In the past, the slowness of communications and the restricted range of
deadly weapons resulted in more or less local wars. With the advance of
technology, communications and the world population, people have been
able
to travel faster and attack at greater distance, and wars have been
becoming
more universal. Yet so far, the real World War has not quite been
possible, even though very major wars, particularly in the past century,
were possible. Some of you may still remember what they looked like.
Today at last, thanks to technological progress, truly universal war is
practically at hand. So this is the sort of war we can expect to see
next.
All major wars in the past were fought for a "universal" cause, for
freedom,
for world order, for a prosperous and peaceful future, for improved
humanity, for "high" human ideals. We know today that all without
exception
were ruthless lies and the result of ignoble motives, immoral purposes
and
self-deception. Significantly, it was always the leaders of the most
powerful states, the ones most advanced in military technology, who took
it
for granted that eternal wisdom and utmost humanity went hand in hand
with
power. They believed that their concept of a better world then had to be
imposed - indeed even that failing to impose it would had been highly
immoral and unjust. Thinkers who opposed those attitudes were
marginalised
since the reigning power had their own thinkers, their own philosophers,
own
writers, own wise men, own elite. And so it went on. In short, there
were
many common features to distinguish aggressive states that probably
could be
recognised should they appear again today.
Yet absurd as it may be, in the past, they were seldom identified in
time by
large sections of the populations. Why, I do not know. Perhaps it was
because they were never exactly the same, born in different times and
different places, in different cultural environments; and in spite of
this,
they all displayed these similar features.


Above or Beyond the Law

There is in particular one feature, so systematically present, so well
represented, that always followed sometimes long periods of maturation
of
those so characteristic and yet atypical and unrecognisable ideological
traits that I mention, which is so strong that its appearance should by
itself be able to wake up the most somnolent from their deadly dreams:
THEY
(the states i.e., their leaders) always put themselves above the law,
violating their own laws, the laws of other countries, agreements
between
states, treaties, international conventions. Always. In the earlier
times
those were not the laws in narrow sense but rather customs or frequently
unwritten agreements. In the twentieth century the laws par excellence,
just
borne to assure everlasting peace, were violated. To do this, very
strong
reasons were given, always, without exception. The essence of all
reasons
was that fulfilment of essential human duties had to overcome humanly
made,
imperfect laws. THEY would promote first an untenable thesis that
violence
could be combated by equal or even greater violence. To achieve their
ultimate goals, THEY had to turn upside down the famous Greek argument
of
the justice beyond the law, justice emanating out of human categorical
imperatives, a priory knowledge of right and wrong, our ideal of
justice.
(Antigones' refusal not to bury the body of her brother and to let it be
torn apart by animals; she was convinced that the universal law is
higher
than human made laws and that such a vicious act could not be let
happen).
The ancient Greeks knew that laws couldn't entail the entire human moral
intuition. They knew that we may, in the rare cases, in order to fulfil
that
ideal of justice - the laws steam to and just fall short of - and go
beyond
the law, but only to forgive and to pardon. What a tyrants would do is
that
they would either virtually apply the law but exceeding what it
prescribes,
or go above it and violate it (for the "higher" cause!) punishing more,
oppressing more, destroying and killing, and this makes the "fine"
difference of the moral and immoral.
Here is the famous passage form Sophocles" "Antigone".

CREON. And thou didst indeed dare to transgress that law?

ANTIGONE. Yes; for it was not Zeus that had published me that edict; not
such are the laws set among men by the justice who dwells with the gods
below; nor deemed I that thy decrees were of such force, that a mortal
could
override the unwritten and unfailing statutes of heaven. For their life
is
not of today or yesterday, but from all time, and no man knows when they
were first put forth.

Not through dread of any human pride could I answer to the gods for
breaking
these. Die I must,-I knew that well (how should I not?)-even without thy
edicts. But if I am to die before my time, I count that a gain: for when
any
one lives, as I do, compassed about with evils, can such an one find
aught
but gain in death?

So for me to meet this doom is trifling grief; but if I had suffered my
mother's son to lie in death an unburied corpse, that would have grieved
me;
for this, I am not grieved. And if my present deeds are foolish in thy
sight, it may be that a foolish judge arraigns my folly.

In the other words, Sophocles was saying that we can break the law only
if
in doing this we commit a less violent act, and then we certainly do not
increase the punishment, we diminish it or pardon altogether. Only then
we
may, in some special circumstances, break the human-made and imperfect
human
laws. But what THEY (the states mentioned above i.e., their actual
leaders)
would so systematically do, and we should so easily see it if we just
open
our eyes, is that, contrary to Sophocles - who would break the law only
to
pardon - those states would introduce more cruel, more violent measures,
not
only to impose by force the "utmost human values", but to punish,
repress
and even exterminate. They would do all of this in a simple and clear
way -
with sword and fire. This, and at least this - we must always be able to
recognise at its very beginning. Before the announced (first) world war,
before it is too late.


Morals about Imperatives

I will let the reader discover examples of that pattern in history.
Ancient
Macedonia, the Romans, the Ottomans, Napoleonic France, our colonial
predecessors, Nazi Germany, are some of the most obvious cases. And
there
were others as well. Today, we must be very well aware that quite
recently,
the UN Charter and more then 50 treaties and international conventions,
as
well as a few national Constitutions, were violated.
In politics, not declared desires, promises and bare words, but acts and
results of those acts show what was really wanted. 78 days of bombing of
Yugoslavia, led to NATO occupation of Kosovo and installation of second
huge
military NATO basis in the Balkans (against small Serbia!?), ethnic
cleansing of the totality of Serbs from Kosovo (those who still rest
there
are in the "reserves"), having as a result reinforcement of Belgrade
government, subtotal destruction of the country's industry, death of
couple
of thousands of civilians, pushing the entire population deep in misery.
Those who did it all recognise now (secretly though) their failure and
plan
further (again military) actions to correct it. This will further help
"revive" the history, some were so anxious that was dying.
Again, we should not confuse entire nations with states, actual
governments,
and some political leaders. At the very end of the 20th century, we are
witnessing a dangerous, perhaps deadly, turn, taken by some of our
leaders
of the Western world, with the NATO Alliance at the summit. The pattern
is
easy to recognise, although, some of us have missed to spot it.
Fortunately,
we are the creatures able to learn, and this could be learned. Only
knowledge, under condition that we use it, and this being an imperative
today, could help us, probably, make that future does not resemble the
past.
Yes, not an easy task, but possible.

_____________________________________
Dragan Pavlovic
dragan@...


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