Informazione
Da: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
Data: Gio 18 Dic 2003 16:06:35 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: Transcript of the "testimony" of war criminal W.Clark
Almost full transcripts of the war between lie and truth - criminals vs.
invinsible President Milosevic can be read at:
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031215ED.htm
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031216ED.htm
The pictures can be seen at:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/draftWC.htm
Airing and spreading of the comments is most welcome!
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Lun 22 Dic 2003 23:34:29 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Excerpts From ICTY Transcripts...
A. War criminal Wesley Clark testifies at Hague
B. Wesley Clark, War Criminal: Excerpts From ICTY Transcripts
--- A
------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/hague1225.php
War criminal Wesley Clark testifies at Hague
By John Catalinotto
Ex-NATO commander and current U.S. presidential candidate Gen. Wesley
Clark began testifying Dec. 15 at the trial of former Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague,
Netherlands.
Outside the courtroom of the Inter national Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia, a group of demonstrators protested both Clark's
appearance and the court's plans to keep his testimony secret, at least
until Dec. 19. U.S. authorities will be allowed to censor any of the
testimony they consider endangering U.S. "national interests" if made
public.
Two of the protesters held a banner reading, "Yankee kangaroo court
secretly fears the truth."
At a news conference organized by the International Committee for the
Defense of Slobodan Milosevic across from the court, Canadian attorney
Tiphaine Dickson pointed out what lay behind the court's decision to
keep the testimony secret. "Any doubt over the political nature of the
ICTY has been erased after the judge let it be known that they accepted
the conditions the U.S. regime demanded of them."
Many lawyers and law professors have pointed out this court's political
nature, and its illegal setup by the United Nations Security Council
under U.S. pressure. Among the ICTY's critics have been former U.S.
Attorney General Ramsey Clark and Canadian attorney Chris Black.
The court only hears alleged crimes of Yugoslavs. It refuses to hear
any charges brought against U.S. or other NATO military or political
leaders.
Though he poses as a "peace candidate," Gen. Wesley Clark directed the
aggressive 78-day U.S.-NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 and admits
responsibility for choosing civilian targets in Serbia during that
bombing campaign.
At least three initiatives recognized Clark's responsibility for these
crimes by naming him along with other NATO political and military
leaders in war crimes indictments.
The three included a war-crimes case in a Belgrade, Yugoslavia, court
that found him and the other leaders guilty on Sept. 22, 2000; a
request, drafted in 1999 by Toronto law professors Michael Mandel and
David Jacobs, that the prosecutor for the ICTY investigate and indict
Gen. Clark and others for war crimes; and a June 10, 2000, People's
Tribunal organized by the International Action Center and others that
found Clark and others guilty of war crimes.
In another repressive move, the ICTY cut President Slobodan Milosevic
off from contact with the public, using as an excuse his candidacy in
the Dec. 28 national elections in Serbia. The Socialist Party of Serbia
chose Milosevic to lead its ticket because the former president has
gained in popularity by defending himself and his country expertly and
with energy before the ICTY.
Reprinted from the Dec. 25, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@.... Subscribe
wwnews-on@.... Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support
independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)
--- B
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Wesley Clark, War Criminal: Excerpts From ICTY Transcripts
(from: Rick Rozoff)
[Note: A. is Wesley Clark, Q. is Slobodan Milosevic]
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031215ED.htm
Monday, 15 December 2003
A. [On October 20, 1998] I asked him to step aside, I
spoke to him one-on-one, and I warned
Page 30387
1 him that if he didn't comply with the request of the
United Nations, that
2 action would be taken against him in the form of
bombing.
-------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------------
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, just in
order to clarify
24 the basic attitude towards me in relation to this
witness, is it in
25 dispute that General Clark was in command of NATO
during the war against
Page 30418
1 Yugoslavia? And is it disputed that that was his
most important role in
2 everything that related to Yugoslavia? And is it in
dispute that you're
3 not allowing me to ask him anything at all about
that?
4 JUDGE MAY: That's right. Now, ask questions -- if
you wish to
5 ask questions, concentrate on those matters that
you've been told about
6 several times.
9 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] So I cannot ask him
anything at all
10 about the war waged by NATO against Yugoslavia. Is
that what you're
11 saying?
12 JUDGE MAY: Yes.
13 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Well, Mr. May, that
really is an
14 example showing that this is truly nothing more
than a farce.
-------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------------11
Q. At that meeting, you presented a plan to me. You
said that you
12 were leaving already on the following day and that
you would be talking to
13 the leadership in Sarajevo headed by Izetbegovic;
is that right?
14 A. Your Honour, that is correct.
15 Q. Do you remember that I suggested to you and that
I cautioned you
16 not to go, as you had intended to go, via Mount
Igman because there isn't
17 a proper road there? There's only a footpath there
basically. It's very
18 dangerous. My suggestion to you was that you should
take the normal road.
19 Do you remember that?
20 A. Your Honour, I don't remember all the ins and
outs of this
21 dialogue. What I do remember is that we had asked
the accused to assure
22 that we could get through on the normal road, that
we wouldn't be stopped
23 by checkpoints and other things. And I do recall
that the accused was
24 able to contact immediately, I believe it was
General Mladic, at least
25 that's the impression that we were given, that I
took from the meeting,
Page 30425
1 and he came back and said that he could not ensure
that we could have an
2 unrestricted passage in at that time on the normal
routes.
3 Q. General Clark, it's exactly the other way around.
I'm going to
4 remind you. First of all, I'm not the one who went
out in order to get
5 into contact with anyone. It's my chef de cabinet,
Goran Milinovic, who
6 went out. I never left the room; I went on talking
to you. Do you
7 remember that?
8 A. Your Honour, I don't remember the specific
details of who left the
9 room or who didn't at that point.
10 Q. All right, General Clark. How come you don't
remember that Goran
11 Milinovic brought a fax containing written
guarantees from General Mladic
12 that you would not be stopped anywhere and that you
can pass along the
13 normal route? That is what we discussed for a long
time, because he came
14 back a few times in order to establish the exact
wording of this guarantee
15 so that it would be absolutely certain that nobody
would stop you, because
16 Holbrooke explained that it would be a great shame
for the delegation if
17 anyone stopped them anywhere. I assume you should
remember that. It was
18 the first meeting. Is that right or is that not
right?
19 A. Your Honour, I don't have any recollection of
this specifically.
20 I do remember that there was discussion about the
route and that we were
21 unable to get satisfactory guarantees that we could
go through it and that
22 that's subsequently why we decided we would go the
Mount Igman route. I
23 don't have any recollection of the details other
than that there was some
24 conversation with Mladic. That is to say that there
was a report that
25 someone had had a conversation with Mladic. We
didn't see that. We
Page 30426
1 stayed in the room. Who might have had that
conversation and what was
2 carried back and forth and so forth, I don't recall.
3 Q. Don't you remember that you were given this
guarantee into your
4 very own hands in writing that you would not be
stopped anywhere and that
5 Holbrooke refused this out of his very own vanity
and that's why four of
6 your men got killed on Mount Igman in the accident
because the APC
7 tumbled? You cannot remember that, General Clark?
Four of your fellow
8 members of the delegation got killed then because of
your vanity.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031216ED.htm
Tuesday December 16, 2003
6 Q. Very well, General Clark. That's fine. Since in
your
7 examination-in-chief you quoted me as having told
you that you were a war
8 criminal, am I quoting what you've said, General
Clark, correctly?
9 A. I recall your saying that I would be the war
criminal or that I
10 was a war criminal, yes. That was in the meeting
that we had in Beli Dvor
11 in January of 1999.
12 Q. That is quite true that I said that you would be
a war criminal if
13 you attacked Yugoslavia. That is quite true. I said
to you, "You will be
14 a war criminal if you attack Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia
is a sovereign state
15 and you have no right to intervene militarily in
Yugoslavia." Is that
16 right, General Clark?
17 A. Your Honour, I don't recall all of the
qualifications. I recall
18 the accused becoming very angry, red in the face,
and making accusations.
19 That's what I recall, and that's what I testified
to.
20 Q. So you were heralding a NATO bombardment, and
you said -- and I
21 said that you did not have the right to bomb a
sovereign state, and that
22 if you did that you would be a war criminal. Is
that right, General
23 Clark?
24 JUDGE MAY: The witness has answered the question.
There's no
25 need to repeat it.
Page 30453
1 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] All right.
2 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
3 Q. Do you think that you are a war criminal, General
Clark?
4 JUDGE MAY: That's not a proper question.
5 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] All right.
6 If it's not a proper question, then I'm going to put
some other
7 questions.
8 Could you put this photograph on the ELMO.
9 JUDGE MAY: What is the photograph about? What is it
of?
10 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] The photograph
depicts General Clark
11 together with Hashim Thaci, Agim Ceku, General
Jackson, and Kouchner.
12 They're like the Musketeers with their hands all
together.
13 JUDGE MAY: It doesn't arise from your examination
-- or the
14 examination-in-chief of the witness or his
statement.
15 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, during the
16 examination-in-chief the witness said, when quoting
me, and I confirmed
17 that, that I said to him that he would be a war
criminal if he attacked
18 Yugoslavia. I wish to show him proof of the fact
that what I said to him
19 was correct. So I have the right --
20 JUDGE MAY: You can ask him about the conversation
because that is
21 something which the witness dealt with in chief and
in his statement.
22 You've asked him about the conversation. You've got
the answer. The
23 substance of your allegations, such as they are, is
neither here nor
24 there. All we are concerned with is the fact that
you made these
25 allegations, if there's any significance in it.
Page 30454
1 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May --
2 JUDGE MAY: Don't waste your time arguing about these
matters.
3 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, do I not have
the right to
4 put a question to him in relation to what he himself
stated, that I had
5 said to him that he would be a war criminal? Don't I
have the right to
6 ask him about the consequences of what he did
afterwards?
7 JUDGE MAY: No, and you've heard the reasons. You
know how far
8 you're allowed to go and how far you aren't, and
this goes beyond it. If
9 it's a way to try and get round the ruling, which I
suspect it is, it will
10 not be successful. The witness has answered the
question. He said you
11 did make that allegation, for what it's worth, but
doesn't remember what
12 the qualifications were. Now, we can't take it any
further. All you can
13 ask him about is the conversation itself.
14 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Oh, so I can ask him
about the
15 conversation but I cannot ask him about the content
and meaning of that
16 conversation? Is that what you're trying to say?
17 JUDGE MAY: That's right. That's right. Particularly
these sort
18 of allegations that you're anxious to pursue.
19 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Well, that's the
point, Mr. May.
20 This entire farce serves that purpose, to cover up
the crime committed
21 against Yugoslavia by --
22 JUDGE MAY: No, we don't want political speeches
now. We're far
23 too advanced in this trial to listen to this.
24 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
25 Q. All right. General Clark, do you think that in
view of your
Page 30455
1 military training and education, the high position
you held in the army of
2 the United States and in NATO, that the killing of
civilians, the bombing
3 of --
4 JUDGE MAY: Now, you know quite well that this is not
the sort of
5 question the witness is dealing with. We've told you
before you were
6 asking questions which you were perfectly permitted
to ask before the
7 adjournment. I suggest you return to that.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] So you are not
allowing me to put a
9 single question in relation to the crimes that this
witness committed
10 against my country?
11 JUDGE MAY: You know quite well that these sort of
questions are
12 not permitted. These sort of allegations which you
make are not matters
13 which can be debated now, or indeed at any time
probably in this trial,
14 unless you show the relevance of it, but it's
certainly not relevant to
15 these -- to this evidence. This kind of allegation
does not assist
16 anybody.
17 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] All right. Since
you've said just
18 now, Mr. May, that this cannot be discussed here, I
have here with me the
19 final report that a commission established to look
into the NATO campaign
20 against Yugoslavia, and this commission worked for
the Prosecution --
21 JUDGE MAY: No. You're wasting your own time. It's
very limited.
22 You know quite well what your questioning is
limited to. You must return
23 to it or this cross-examination will stop. It's a
matter for you whether
24 you want the cross-examination to stop or not. Now,
you will go back to
25 what the witness gave evidence about in chief or
this cross-examination
Page 30456
1 will be brought to an end.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------
25 Q. You mentioned, General Clark, the KLA in several
sections, in
Page 30500
1 several paragraphs, even in this latest statement of
yours. You talk
2 about their regrouping, you talk about operations
against the KLA, you
3 talk about the existence of the KLA, and so on.
4 You mentioned in your statement that I had said to
you that these
5 were murderers, rapists, plunderers, arsonists, that
these people were
6 terrorists. Do you remember that?
7 JUDGE MAY: Is this the reference now - let's make
sure we have
8 the reference right - to the conversation in October
1998? It's
9 paragraphs --
10 JUDGE KWON: 28.
11 JUDGE MAY: 28. That's the conversation, is it?
12 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] That paragraph and
other paragraphs.
13 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
14 Q. So I believe it is not in dispute that I said to
you, General
15 Clark, that these were terrorists, murderers,
rapists, killers of their
16 own kind. Is that right or is that not right? Was
that clear or was that
17 not clear?
18 A. You did say that to me in October of 1998, and
that is the phrase
19 you used. I remember you using it in English,
"murderers, rapists, and
20 killers of their own kind."
21 Q. And terrorists; right? Terrorists first and
foremost.
22 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Now, please put this
picture on the
23 ELMO. These are men in KLA uniforms, and I hope
that you will recognise
24 the patch on the sleeve, the KLA patch. It can be
seen on the left arm.
25 So there is no doubt that this is the KLA. We see
this too.
Page 30501
1 JUDGE MAY: That is unnecessary. Remove that picture,
please.
2 This is nothing to do with the evidence. Return the
picture, please, to
3 the accused.
4 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, these men in
KLA uniforms,
5 I mean, this man is holding two Serb heads that had
been cut off. Is that
6 confirmation? I mean, are these allies of General
Clark's infantry in
7 Kosovo?
........
20 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] The general -- well,
I mean the
21 general is speaking in general terms about the KLA,
and you did not allow
22 me to show a picture yesterday of the three
Musketeers where he is like
23 D'Artagnan with the leaders of these terrorists.
24 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
25 Q. General, you actually commanded these
formations, these units that
Page 30503
1 cut off Serb heads.
..........
Q) You say in paragraph 28: "We know how to handle
these Albanians,
21 these murderers, these rapists, these killers of
their own kind. We have
22 taken care of them before." And you talk about
1946.
23 General, obviously you do not know history, the
history of the
24 Second World War. Do you know that in this context
I did not speak to you
25 about this at all? I'm going to remind you. I was
saying that many
Page 30504
1 members of Hitler's army who were Albanians and who
had been crushed spent
2 all of two years after the war in the mountains of
Kosovo, notably in
3 Drenica, and they were killing people, and that the
Yugoslav army spent
4 all of two years with them in Kosovo finishing off
the Second World War.
5 They were members of Hitler's units that remained in
the hills up there,
6 and the war went on for two more years over there in
Kosovo. Truth to
7 tell, it was a low-intensity conflict.
............
8 Q. General Clark, isn't it clear that the reference
here is not to
9 Albanians but to terrorists who that year had killed
more Albanians than
10 Serbs, as a matter of fact? These were terrorists
and killers towards
11 which every country, every nation is entitled to
take measures when
12 dealing with terrorists, killers, rapists,
torturists, slaughterers. That
13 was the reference, and not to Albanians. I never
used the name of a
14 people to link it to killers. Killers are killers.
Terrorists are
15 terrorists, regardless of what nation they may
belong to.
16 In this case, we were talking about terrorists and
killers, and in
17 1946 --
...............
19 And secondly, General, you certainly must know that
it was the
20 German intelligence service, in fact, that worked
on the formation of
21 terrorist groups and the equipping of the KLA. As
NATO commander, you
22 must have had such intelligence information.
.................
. Are you aware of the fact that after that,
23 after that October agreement, there were 470
terrorist attacks and 22
24 violations of the border between October and
December? This is contained
25 in a letter addressed by our Foreign Minister
Zivadin Jovanovic to Kofi
Page 30514
1 Annan in December 1998, in which he says that 1.854
terrorist attacks took
2 place, that 244 persons were killed, 566 wounded,
and after the signing of
3 the agreement, 470 terrorist attacks from the end of
October up until
4 December. Are you aware of that?
.................
23 You said a short while ago that you wanted to have
something
24 struck from the record. You wanted to say, as a
matter of fact, for the
25 record that the KLA was not a terrorist
organisation. Isn't that right,
Page 30530
1 General Clark?
2 A. Your Honour, I do not consider the KLA a
terrorist organisation.
3 Q. All right. Tell me, then, who was it then in 1998
that carried
4 out these 1.854 terrorist attacks, having killed
hundreds of people,
5 having wounded hundreds of people, civilians,
policemen, soldiers? Who
6 did that then in 1998 if not terrorists? Who could
have done it?
7 JUDGE MAY: I'm going to stop these rhetorical
questions. What is
8 the question?
.......................
3 Q. General Clark, since you claim that these
individuals who carried
4 out these acts of terrorism are not terrorists,
although several
5 resolutions of the Security Council refer to
terrorism in Kosovo, you
6 nevertheless claim that they are not terrorists.
7 Please answer a question: Is your election campaign
financed by
8 Albanian circles including the KLA?
...................
24 Q. You caused a humanitarian catastrophe, General
Clark. You didn't
25 save anyone. And since you were the NATO commander,
I assume that you
Page 30538
1 know that the Helsinki final act explicitly
authorises states to fight
2 against terrorism in their own territory and that no
other state has the
3 right to stop it or prevent it from doing that. You
interfered in this
4 conflict and you took the side of the terrorists,
General Clark. Is that
5 right or is that not right?
..................
21 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I should first like
to refer to what
22 Mr. Nice has said, that apparently they're
investigating all crimes. If
23 they are investigating all crimes, then you have
first of all the
24 photograph of Clark, Hashim Thaci, Ceku and all the
others who were in
25 command of those crimes. As for the other
photographs that I showed, I
Page 30585
1 have the name of the person holding those heads and
the names of the Serbs
2 who were beheaded. And the photographs that I wanted
to show him, because
3 it was his allies that he is keeping company with
who did this.
4 Unfortunately, you are not investigating all crimes.
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Data: Gio 18 Dic 2003 16:06:35 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: Transcript of the "testimony" of war criminal W.Clark
Almost full transcripts of the war between lie and truth - criminals vs.
invinsible President Milosevic can be read at:
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031215ED.htm
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031216ED.htm
The pictures can be seen at:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/draftWC.htm
Airing and spreading of the comments is most welcome!
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Lun 22 Dic 2003 23:34:29 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] Excerpts From ICTY Transcripts...
A. War criminal Wesley Clark testifies at Hague
B. Wesley Clark, War Criminal: Excerpts From ICTY Transcripts
--- A
------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.workers.org/ww/2003/hague1225.php
War criminal Wesley Clark testifies at Hague
By John Catalinotto
Ex-NATO commander and current U.S. presidential candidate Gen. Wesley
Clark began testifying Dec. 15 at the trial of former Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague,
Netherlands.
Outside the courtroom of the Inter national Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia, a group of demonstrators protested both Clark's
appearance and the court's plans to keep his testimony secret, at least
until Dec. 19. U.S. authorities will be allowed to censor any of the
testimony they consider endangering U.S. "national interests" if made
public.
Two of the protesters held a banner reading, "Yankee kangaroo court
secretly fears the truth."
At a news conference organized by the International Committee for the
Defense of Slobodan Milosevic across from the court, Canadian attorney
Tiphaine Dickson pointed out what lay behind the court's decision to
keep the testimony secret. "Any doubt over the political nature of the
ICTY has been erased after the judge let it be known that they accepted
the conditions the U.S. regime demanded of them."
Many lawyers and law professors have pointed out this court's political
nature, and its illegal setup by the United Nations Security Council
under U.S. pressure. Among the ICTY's critics have been former U.S.
Attorney General Ramsey Clark and Canadian attorney Chris Black.
The court only hears alleged crimes of Yugoslavs. It refuses to hear
any charges brought against U.S. or other NATO military or political
leaders.
Though he poses as a "peace candidate," Gen. Wesley Clark directed the
aggressive 78-day U.S.-NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 and admits
responsibility for choosing civilian targets in Serbia during that
bombing campaign.
At least three initiatives recognized Clark's responsibility for these
crimes by naming him along with other NATO political and military
leaders in war crimes indictments.
The three included a war-crimes case in a Belgrade, Yugoslavia, court
that found him and the other leaders guilty on Sept. 22, 2000; a
request, drafted in 1999 by Toronto law professors Michael Mandel and
David Jacobs, that the prosecutor for the ICTY investigate and indict
Gen. Clark and others for war crimes; and a June 10, 2000, People's
Tribunal organized by the International Action Center and others that
found Clark and others guilty of war crimes.
In another repressive move, the ICTY cut President Slobodan Milosevic
off from contact with the public, using as an excuse his candidacy in
the Dec. 28 national elections in Serbia. The Socialist Party of Serbia
chose Milosevic to lead its ticket because the former president has
gained in popularity by defending himself and his country expertly and
with energy before the ICTY.
Reprinted from the Dec. 25, 2003, issue of Workers World newspaper
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and
distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not
allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY,
NY 10011; via email: ww@.... Subscribe
wwnews-on@.... Unsubscribe wwnews-off@.... Support
independent news http://www.workers.org/orders/donate.php)
--- B
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Wesley Clark, War Criminal: Excerpts From ICTY Transcripts
(from: Rick Rozoff)
[Note: A. is Wesley Clark, Q. is Slobodan Milosevic]
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031215ED.htm
Monday, 15 December 2003
A. [On October 20, 1998] I asked him to step aside, I
spoke to him one-on-one, and I warned
Page 30387
1 him that if he didn't comply with the request of the
United Nations, that
2 action would be taken against him in the form of
bombing.
-------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------------
23 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, just in
order to clarify
24 the basic attitude towards me in relation to this
witness, is it in
25 dispute that General Clark was in command of NATO
during the war against
Page 30418
1 Yugoslavia? And is it disputed that that was his
most important role in
2 everything that related to Yugoslavia? And is it in
dispute that you're
3 not allowing me to ask him anything at all about
that?
4 JUDGE MAY: That's right. Now, ask questions -- if
you wish to
5 ask questions, concentrate on those matters that
you've been told about
6 several times.
9 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] So I cannot ask him
anything at all
10 about the war waged by NATO against Yugoslavia. Is
that what you're
11 saying?
12 JUDGE MAY: Yes.
13 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Well, Mr. May, that
really is an
14 example showing that this is truly nothing more
than a farce.
-------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------------11
Q. At that meeting, you presented a plan to me. You
said that you
12 were leaving already on the following day and that
you would be talking to
13 the leadership in Sarajevo headed by Izetbegovic;
is that right?
14 A. Your Honour, that is correct.
15 Q. Do you remember that I suggested to you and that
I cautioned you
16 not to go, as you had intended to go, via Mount
Igman because there isn't
17 a proper road there? There's only a footpath there
basically. It's very
18 dangerous. My suggestion to you was that you should
take the normal road.
19 Do you remember that?
20 A. Your Honour, I don't remember all the ins and
outs of this
21 dialogue. What I do remember is that we had asked
the accused to assure
22 that we could get through on the normal road, that
we wouldn't be stopped
23 by checkpoints and other things. And I do recall
that the accused was
24 able to contact immediately, I believe it was
General Mladic, at least
25 that's the impression that we were given, that I
took from the meeting,
Page 30425
1 and he came back and said that he could not ensure
that we could have an
2 unrestricted passage in at that time on the normal
routes.
3 Q. General Clark, it's exactly the other way around.
I'm going to
4 remind you. First of all, I'm not the one who went
out in order to get
5 into contact with anyone. It's my chef de cabinet,
Goran Milinovic, who
6 went out. I never left the room; I went on talking
to you. Do you
7 remember that?
8 A. Your Honour, I don't remember the specific
details of who left the
9 room or who didn't at that point.
10 Q. All right, General Clark. How come you don't
remember that Goran
11 Milinovic brought a fax containing written
guarantees from General Mladic
12 that you would not be stopped anywhere and that you
can pass along the
13 normal route? That is what we discussed for a long
time, because he came
14 back a few times in order to establish the exact
wording of this guarantee
15 so that it would be absolutely certain that nobody
would stop you, because
16 Holbrooke explained that it would be a great shame
for the delegation if
17 anyone stopped them anywhere. I assume you should
remember that. It was
18 the first meeting. Is that right or is that not
right?
19 A. Your Honour, I don't have any recollection of
this specifically.
20 I do remember that there was discussion about the
route and that we were
21 unable to get satisfactory guarantees that we could
go through it and that
22 that's subsequently why we decided we would go the
Mount Igman route. I
23 don't have any recollection of the details other
than that there was some
24 conversation with Mladic. That is to say that there
was a report that
25 someone had had a conversation with Mladic. We
didn't see that. We
Page 30426
1 stayed in the room. Who might have had that
conversation and what was
2 carried back and forth and so forth, I don't recall.
3 Q. Don't you remember that you were given this
guarantee into your
4 very own hands in writing that you would not be
stopped anywhere and that
5 Holbrooke refused this out of his very own vanity
and that's why four of
6 your men got killed on Mount Igman in the accident
because the APC
7 tumbled? You cannot remember that, General Clark?
Four of your fellow
8 members of the delegation got killed then because of
your vanity.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------
http://www.un.org/icty/transe54/031216ED.htm
Tuesday December 16, 2003
6 Q. Very well, General Clark. That's fine. Since in
your
7 examination-in-chief you quoted me as having told
you that you were a war
8 criminal, am I quoting what you've said, General
Clark, correctly?
9 A. I recall your saying that I would be the war
criminal or that I
10 was a war criminal, yes. That was in the meeting
that we had in Beli Dvor
11 in January of 1999.
12 Q. That is quite true that I said that you would be
a war criminal if
13 you attacked Yugoslavia. That is quite true. I said
to you, "You will be
14 a war criminal if you attack Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia
is a sovereign state
15 and you have no right to intervene militarily in
Yugoslavia." Is that
16 right, General Clark?
17 A. Your Honour, I don't recall all of the
qualifications. I recall
18 the accused becoming very angry, red in the face,
and making accusations.
19 That's what I recall, and that's what I testified
to.
20 Q. So you were heralding a NATO bombardment, and
you said -- and I
21 said that you did not have the right to bomb a
sovereign state, and that
22 if you did that you would be a war criminal. Is
that right, General
23 Clark?
24 JUDGE MAY: The witness has answered the question.
There's no
25 need to repeat it.
Page 30453
1 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] All right.
2 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
3 Q. Do you think that you are a war criminal, General
Clark?
4 JUDGE MAY: That's not a proper question.
5 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] All right.
6 If it's not a proper question, then I'm going to put
some other
7 questions.
8 Could you put this photograph on the ELMO.
9 JUDGE MAY: What is the photograph about? What is it
of?
10 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] The photograph
depicts General Clark
11 together with Hashim Thaci, Agim Ceku, General
Jackson, and Kouchner.
12 They're like the Musketeers with their hands all
together.
13 JUDGE MAY: It doesn't arise from your examination
-- or the
14 examination-in-chief of the witness or his
statement.
15 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, during the
16 examination-in-chief the witness said, when quoting
me, and I confirmed
17 that, that I said to him that he would be a war
criminal if he attacked
18 Yugoslavia. I wish to show him proof of the fact
that what I said to him
19 was correct. So I have the right --
20 JUDGE MAY: You can ask him about the conversation
because that is
21 something which the witness dealt with in chief and
in his statement.
22 You've asked him about the conversation. You've got
the answer. The
23 substance of your allegations, such as they are, is
neither here nor
24 there. All we are concerned with is the fact that
you made these
25 allegations, if there's any significance in it.
Page 30454
1 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May --
2 JUDGE MAY: Don't waste your time arguing about these
matters.
3 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, do I not have
the right to
4 put a question to him in relation to what he himself
stated, that I had
5 said to him that he would be a war criminal? Don't I
have the right to
6 ask him about the consequences of what he did
afterwards?
7 JUDGE MAY: No, and you've heard the reasons. You
know how far
8 you're allowed to go and how far you aren't, and
this goes beyond it. If
9 it's a way to try and get round the ruling, which I
suspect it is, it will
10 not be successful. The witness has answered the
question. He said you
11 did make that allegation, for what it's worth, but
doesn't remember what
12 the qualifications were. Now, we can't take it any
further. All you can
13 ask him about is the conversation itself.
14 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Oh, so I can ask him
about the
15 conversation but I cannot ask him about the content
and meaning of that
16 conversation? Is that what you're trying to say?
17 JUDGE MAY: That's right. That's right. Particularly
these sort
18 of allegations that you're anxious to pursue.
19 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Well, that's the
point, Mr. May.
20 This entire farce serves that purpose, to cover up
the crime committed
21 against Yugoslavia by --
22 JUDGE MAY: No, we don't want political speeches
now. We're far
23 too advanced in this trial to listen to this.
24 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
25 Q. All right. General Clark, do you think that in
view of your
Page 30455
1 military training and education, the high position
you held in the army of
2 the United States and in NATO, that the killing of
civilians, the bombing
3 of --
4 JUDGE MAY: Now, you know quite well that this is not
the sort of
5 question the witness is dealing with. We've told you
before you were
6 asking questions which you were perfectly permitted
to ask before the
7 adjournment. I suggest you return to that.
8 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] So you are not
allowing me to put a
9 single question in relation to the crimes that this
witness committed
10 against my country?
11 JUDGE MAY: You know quite well that these sort of
questions are
12 not permitted. These sort of allegations which you
make are not matters
13 which can be debated now, or indeed at any time
probably in this trial,
14 unless you show the relevance of it, but it's
certainly not relevant to
15 these -- to this evidence. This kind of allegation
does not assist
16 anybody.
17 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] All right. Since
you've said just
18 now, Mr. May, that this cannot be discussed here, I
have here with me the
19 final report that a commission established to look
into the NATO campaign
20 against Yugoslavia, and this commission worked for
the Prosecution --
21 JUDGE MAY: No. You're wasting your own time. It's
very limited.
22 You know quite well what your questioning is
limited to. You must return
23 to it or this cross-examination will stop. It's a
matter for you whether
24 you want the cross-examination to stop or not. Now,
you will go back to
25 what the witness gave evidence about in chief or
this cross-examination
Page 30456
1 will be brought to an end.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------
25 Q. You mentioned, General Clark, the KLA in several
sections, in
Page 30500
1 several paragraphs, even in this latest statement of
yours. You talk
2 about their regrouping, you talk about operations
against the KLA, you
3 talk about the existence of the KLA, and so on.
4 You mentioned in your statement that I had said to
you that these
5 were murderers, rapists, plunderers, arsonists, that
these people were
6 terrorists. Do you remember that?
7 JUDGE MAY: Is this the reference now - let's make
sure we have
8 the reference right - to the conversation in October
1998? It's
9 paragraphs --
10 JUDGE KWON: 28.
11 JUDGE MAY: 28. That's the conversation, is it?
12 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] That paragraph and
other paragraphs.
13 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
14 Q. So I believe it is not in dispute that I said to
you, General
15 Clark, that these were terrorists, murderers,
rapists, killers of their
16 own kind. Is that right or is that not right? Was
that clear or was that
17 not clear?
18 A. You did say that to me in October of 1998, and
that is the phrase
19 you used. I remember you using it in English,
"murderers, rapists, and
20 killers of their own kind."
21 Q. And terrorists; right? Terrorists first and
foremost.
22 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Now, please put this
picture on the
23 ELMO. These are men in KLA uniforms, and I hope
that you will recognise
24 the patch on the sleeve, the KLA patch. It can be
seen on the left arm.
25 So there is no doubt that this is the KLA. We see
this too.
Page 30501
1 JUDGE MAY: That is unnecessary. Remove that picture,
please.
2 This is nothing to do with the evidence. Return the
picture, please, to
3 the accused.
4 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] Mr. May, these men in
KLA uniforms,
5 I mean, this man is holding two Serb heads that had
been cut off. Is that
6 confirmation? I mean, are these allies of General
Clark's infantry in
7 Kosovo?
........
20 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] The general -- well,
I mean the
21 general is speaking in general terms about the KLA,
and you did not allow
22 me to show a picture yesterday of the three
Musketeers where he is like
23 D'Artagnan with the leaders of these terrorists.
24 MR. MILOSEVIC: [Interpretation]
25 Q. General, you actually commanded these
formations, these units that
Page 30503
1 cut off Serb heads.
..........
Q) You say in paragraph 28: "We know how to handle
these Albanians,
21 these murderers, these rapists, these killers of
their own kind. We have
22 taken care of them before." And you talk about
1946.
23 General, obviously you do not know history, the
history of the
24 Second World War. Do you know that in this context
I did not speak to you
25 about this at all? I'm going to remind you. I was
saying that many
Page 30504
1 members of Hitler's army who were Albanians and who
had been crushed spent
2 all of two years after the war in the mountains of
Kosovo, notably in
3 Drenica, and they were killing people, and that the
Yugoslav army spent
4 all of two years with them in Kosovo finishing off
the Second World War.
5 They were members of Hitler's units that remained in
the hills up there,
6 and the war went on for two more years over there in
Kosovo. Truth to
7 tell, it was a low-intensity conflict.
............
8 Q. General Clark, isn't it clear that the reference
here is not to
9 Albanians but to terrorists who that year had killed
more Albanians than
10 Serbs, as a matter of fact? These were terrorists
and killers towards
11 which every country, every nation is entitled to
take measures when
12 dealing with terrorists, killers, rapists,
torturists, slaughterers. That
13 was the reference, and not to Albanians. I never
used the name of a
14 people to link it to killers. Killers are killers.
Terrorists are
15 terrorists, regardless of what nation they may
belong to.
16 In this case, we were talking about terrorists and
killers, and in
17 1946 --
...............
19 And secondly, General, you certainly must know that
it was the
20 German intelligence service, in fact, that worked
on the formation of
21 terrorist groups and the equipping of the KLA. As
NATO commander, you
22 must have had such intelligence information.
.................
. Are you aware of the fact that after that,
23 after that October agreement, there were 470
terrorist attacks and 22
24 violations of the border between October and
December? This is contained
25 in a letter addressed by our Foreign Minister
Zivadin Jovanovic to Kofi
Page 30514
1 Annan in December 1998, in which he says that 1.854
terrorist attacks took
2 place, that 244 persons were killed, 566 wounded,
and after the signing of
3 the agreement, 470 terrorist attacks from the end of
October up until
4 December. Are you aware of that?
.................
23 You said a short while ago that you wanted to have
something
24 struck from the record. You wanted to say, as a
matter of fact, for the
25 record that the KLA was not a terrorist
organisation. Isn't that right,
Page 30530
1 General Clark?
2 A. Your Honour, I do not consider the KLA a
terrorist organisation.
3 Q. All right. Tell me, then, who was it then in 1998
that carried
4 out these 1.854 terrorist attacks, having killed
hundreds of people,
5 having wounded hundreds of people, civilians,
policemen, soldiers? Who
6 did that then in 1998 if not terrorists? Who could
have done it?
7 JUDGE MAY: I'm going to stop these rhetorical
questions. What is
8 the question?
.......................
3 Q. General Clark, since you claim that these
individuals who carried
4 out these acts of terrorism are not terrorists,
although several
5 resolutions of the Security Council refer to
terrorism in Kosovo, you
6 nevertheless claim that they are not terrorists.
7 Please answer a question: Is your election campaign
financed by
8 Albanian circles including the KLA?
...................
24 Q. You caused a humanitarian catastrophe, General
Clark. You didn't
25 save anyone. And since you were the NATO commander,
I assume that you
Page 30538
1 know that the Helsinki final act explicitly
authorises states to fight
2 against terrorism in their own territory and that no
other state has the
3 right to stop it or prevent it from doing that. You
interfered in this
4 conflict and you took the side of the terrorists,
General Clark. Is that
5 right or is that not right?
..................
21 THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] I should first like
to refer to what
22 Mr. Nice has said, that apparently they're
investigating all crimes. If
23 they are investigating all crimes, then you have
first of all the
24 photograph of Clark, Hashim Thaci, Ceku and all the
others who were in
25 command of those crimes. As for the other
photographs that I showed, I
Page 30585
1 have the name of the person holding those heads and
the names of the Serbs
2 who were beheaded. And the photographs that I wanted
to show him, because
3 it was his allies that he is keeping company with
who did this.
4 Unfortunately, you are not investigating all crimes.
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
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causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Quel braccio di mare... appunti di un viaggio balcanico - Lettere da
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Most za Beograd
Un ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari
Associazione culturale di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava
via Abbrescia 97,70121 BARI
tel 0805562663
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conto corrente postale n.13087754
************************************************************************
**********************
Kragujevac e Belgrado delle adozioni a distanza
Most za Beograd
Un ponte per Belgrado in terra di Bari
Associazione culturale di solidarietà con la popolazione jugoslava
via Abbrescia 97,70121 BARI
tel 0805562663
most.za.beograd@...
conto corrente postale n.13087754
************************************************************************
**********************
Izbori 28. decembra
1. Ko je VOJISLAV VOJA KOSTUNICA?
(Djordje Blagojevic)
2. Saopstenje za javnost
(Udruzenje graПana - Odbor za nacionalnu solidarnost - Jela Jovanovic)
=== 1 ===
Ko je VOJISLAV VOJA KOSTUNICA?
Interesantna analiza profila Voje Koštunice, pa je šaljem u celini
(preuzeto sa www.srpskapolitika.com):
Posto se pominju razne moguće i nemoguće koalicije, a i bliži se dan D
kada treba zaokružiti odgovarajuću stranu, želim da podsetim ko je
Vojislav Koštunica. Znam da svi u njegovom stranci nisu kao on, da
tamo ima i poštenih i pametnih ljudi, ali dok oni vodi tu stranku
nijedan srpski patriota ne bi smeo da glasa za nju niti da pomisli da
uđe u eventualnu koaliciju.
Dakle, Vojislav Koštunica je čovek koji je soje ime stavio na celo
DOSmanlijske liste i time značajno pomogao da oni dođu do vlasti.
Ovaj "legalista" je hladno prihvatio laz da je dobio izbore u prvom
krugu za sta mu je falilo oko jedan procenat glasova (pobedio jeste
ali dobio izbore nije).
Isti "legalista" je bio jedan od vodećih učesnika u sastavljanja
famoznog protivustavnog zakona o saradnji s haškim trubunalom, a pre
toga aktivno učestvovao u najpre protivzakonitom i protivustavnom a
zatim zakonitom ali i dalje protivustavnom izručenju Srba u Hag
(uključujući i bivšeg Predsednika SRJ).
Kada je obavio sve bazne prljavštine i učvrstio vlast DOSmanlija, on
se povukao, kao u opoziciju, i tamo izigrava "čistunca" neobaveštenog
čoveka koji sa DOSmanlijskom vlašću nema nikakve veze.
Sada bi naivni trebalo da ga prihvate kao "umerenog nacionalistu"
i "poštenog čoveka", neku "novu opciju". A u njemu nema ni
nacionaliste ni poštenja a ponajmanje nečega novoga.
Nadam se da nijedan nacionalista neće nasesti na ovu prljavu igru NSP-
a. Sumnjam, mada to ne mogu da dokažem, ali mnoge činjenice ukazuju
na to, da je bas on Vojislav Koštunica zapravo glavni igrač NSP-a, a
da je Zoran Đinđić zapravo bio samo "čovek za jednu upotrebu" da
odradi najočiglednije prljavštine, na šta pokazuje njegovo naglo
izbacivanje sa političke scene (i života).
Da bi ilustrovao ponašanje ovog "legaliste" podsetiću vas na
moju "prepisku" s njim u nekim kritičnim trenucima njegove vlasti.
Navodnice su zbog toga sto ovaj "legalista" i "poštenjačina" nije
odgovorio ni na jedno moje pismo iako sam ih poslao na njegov državni
i privatni email, a dva od njih su objavljena i u novinama.
Djordje B
PS. Pisma su pisana u jednom dahu, u emocionalno teskim trenutcima pa
se izvinjavam zbog eventualnih grešaka, jer pisma su radi potpune
originalnosti bez naknadne redakcije.
31.03.2001 07:20
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Postovani gospodine predsednice,
Pozivam Vas hitno da preduzmete nesto i sprecite nastavak ove sramote
Srpskog naroda. Vi ste predsednik ove drzave, i vasa je duznost da u
u ovakvim trenutcima nesto preduzmete, da sprecite dalje prolivanje
Srpske krvi. U najmanju ruku, ocekujem od Vas da se obratite ovom
nesrecnom narodu, cija vlada i svi ostali organi cute dok se desavaju
uzasne stvari. Ako se desi ono sto svi ocekuju, bice to onaj
poslednji emocionalni udarac koji ovaj Narod nece moci da izdrzi.
Izgubili smo sve, ostao je jos samo mali tracak
nacionalnog dostojanstva. Ako i to izgubimo - vise nas nece biti
Ucinite nesto pre nego sto bude kasno. Nemoje dozvoliti da udjete u
istoriju kao predsednik Jugoslavije za cijeg je mandata ucinjen
zlocin Srba nad Srbima. Hteo bih jos mnogo toga da kazem, ali emocije
mi ne dozvoljavaju da smisleno piasem. Moja poslednja nada je ulozena
u Vas.
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
---------------------------------------
31.03.2001 21:09
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Postovani gospodine predsednice,
Samo ponekom coveku se pruzi prilika da ucestvuje u istoriji,
istoriji svoga naroda. Vama je tu sansa Bog pruzio, ali je niste
iskoristili.
Propustili ste sansu da spasete ovaj narod od konacnog kraha i
nestanka. Potpuno se slazem s vama da "nijedan pojedinac nije vredan
zrtvovanja drzavnih i nacionalnih interesa". Nazalost, niste shvatili
da se ovde ne radi o Slobodanu Milosevicu, vec je on, u ovom slucaju,
samo simbol srpskog otpora bezboznom Novom Svetskom poretku.
Nazalost, vi ste bodlegli pritiscima najbednijih sinova naseg naroda
olicenih u Djindjicu, Baticu i ostalima... Zrtvovali ste nacionalni i
drzavni interes zarad negog prividnog "mira". Mira u kome ce srpska
drzava i srpska nacija nestati. Ako vec treba da nestanemo, onda
bolje da to bude u plamenu, nego u sidi, seksualnoj izopacenosti,
neznabostvu...
Razocarali ste me, duboko ste me razocarali.
Ne trazim od Vas da se stidite, ja se stidim u Vase i svoje ime.
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
----------------------------------------
30.05.2001 18:19
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Gospodine predsednice,
Sada je 18:14, cetvrtak 30.05.2001 godine
Obzirom na sve sto se dogodilo u poslednjih nekoliko meseci, i vase
(ne)reagovanje povodom tih dogadjaja, ne ocekujem od vas nikakvu
reakciju na trenutna dogadjanja u Skupstini Republike Srbije, i ovo
moje pismo. Ipak, pisem vam ga da umirim sopstvenu savest, da mi deca
i unuci ne bi prevbacili da sam gledao sta se desava a nista nisam
preduzeo.
U ovom trenutku u Skupstini se odlucuje o buducnosti ne samo Kosova i
Metohije, vec o buducnosti Srbije i jugoslavije. Necu da komentarisem
mlaku "rezoluciju", kojom se prakticno odustaje od suvereniteta
Srbije i jugoslavije od Kosova i Metohije (ovde se Metohija i ne
pominje!). Hocu samo da vam skrenem paznju da je ponasanje vaseg
Predsednika Skupstine ne samo nedemokratsko, nego apsolutisticko i
diktatorsko. Kao da se plasi da cuje drugacije misljenje, on oduzima
rec narodnim poslanicima, iskljucuje im mikrofon, a RTS pokriva sve
to muzickim spotovima. A to su NASI narodni poslanici, ljudi koje smo
mi birali, ljudi koji misle i zele dobro ovoj zemlji, i kojima niko
nema prava da oduzima rec, pod obrazlozenjem da su (po slobodnoj
proceni predsednika) "promasili temu". Da li je to demokratija koju
ste nam obecavali, da li su to slobodni mediji o kojima ste govorili?
Ili ste skolu demokratije ucili kod Hitlera i Gebelsa? Ako je i od
DOS-a - mnogo je!
Za koga vi, gospodine predsednice zapravo radite?
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
-------------------------
16.06 19:35
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Gospodine Predsednice,
Pre nepuna tri meseca, napisao sam vam:
"Samo ponekom coveku se pruzi prilika da ucestvuje u istoriji,
istoriji svoga naroda. Vama je tu sansa
Bog pruzio, ali je niste iskoristili."
Tada ste, suprotno nacelim koje verbalno zastupate, dopustili da se
pred vasim ocima vrsi krsenje ustava i zakona ove drzave a da nicim
niste to pokusali da sprecite. Da potsetim, najpre je grupa
naoruzanih kriminalaca, sa najlon-carapama na glavama, pokusala
oruzani prepad na zgradu koja pripada vladi SRJ i izvrsi otmicu
bivseg predsednika Jugoslavije. Zatim je, sutradan, posle vase
intervencije, bivsi predsednik uhapsen, bez naloga za hapsenje, koji
je napisan tek sutradan. Vi ste tada govorili o "pravnoj drzavi", o
svemu i svacemu, ali niste nista preduzali u smislu krivicnog
godnjenja lica koja su pokusala krivicno delo oruzanog napada i
otmice. Jos pre toga ste bili svedok krsenja i zakona ove zemlje,
kada je izvrsene otmica jednog gradjanina Republike Srpske, u cilju
njegovog isporucenja nelegalnom (to ste i Vi nekada
govorili!) "Haskom Tribunalu". Tada ste taj cin kritikovali, ali
nista niste preduzeli u smislu krivicnog gonjenja pocinilaca ovog
krivicnog dela.
Tada ste propustili da udjete u istoriju svoga naroda,. da udjete u
istoriju na osnovu pozitivnog dela. Sada Vam se ponovo pruza prilika
da udjete u istoriju, ovoga puta na osnovu negativnog dela -
unistenja SRJ, "trece Jugoslavije". U ovom trenutku se odrzava
sednica "krnje" vlade (zar ovo ne podseca na dogadjaje od pre desetak
godina, dogadjaje pred raspad "druge Jugoslavije?), vlade koju su
napustili predstavnici SNP-a, u ocajnom pokusaju da ako nistva vise
ne mogu da ucine, da barem speru ljagu sebe, da sacuvaju svoje licno
dostojanstvo. Tema te sednice je donosenje uredbe, potpuno suprotne
ustavu i zakonima ove zemlje, uredbe koja preti da dostojanstvo ovog
naroda spusti do nule ili jos nize. To ce biti najsramniji dogadjaj u
dogoj istoriji Srpskog naroda.
A Vi cutite i ne preduzimate nista. Necinjenje nejkad znaci gori cin
nego cinjenje. U ovom slucaju, nekoriscenje Vasih ovlascenja kao
predsednika SRJ i vrhovnog komandanta Vojske Jugoslavije predstavlja
zlocin. Zlocin izdaje zemlje i naroda. Duznost Predsednika drzave je
da koristi sva svoja ovlascenja u cilju zastite zakonitosti, i jos
vise u cilju zastite integriteta drzave, i jos vise u cilju zastite
dostojanstva naroda kome i sam pripada. Da li ste Vi na te duznosti
zabotravili, ili svesno odbijate da ih izvrsite? Sta jos treba da se
desi da shvatite gde se nalazite i sta vam je duznost?
Ili cete postati "srpski Mesic" i kao poslednji predsednik SRJ uskoro
negde reci: "Zadatak je izvrsen..."
Ne trazim od Vas da se stidite, ja se stidim u Vase i svoje ime.
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
=== 2 ===
Udruzenje graПana - Odbor za nacionalnu solidarnost -
Tolstojeva 34 , Beograd, Srbija
Povodom uplovljavanja i pristajanja ameriХkog ratnog broda "Gonzales" u
teritorijalne vode Srbije i Crne Gore, UG -Odbor za nacionalnu
solidarnost- izdaje sledeФe
> SAOPSTENJE ZA JAVNOST
>
> " Gonzales " u misiji zastrasivanja srpskih biraХa
>
> Nedavno je u teritorijalne vode Srbije i Crne Gore uplovio i pristao
> ameriХki ratni brod "Gonzales", jedan iz flotile brodova ubica iz 1999.
> godine, flotile sa koje su poletali avioni-ubice i isplajivane rakete
> po
> civilima u SRJ, za vreme agresije NATO pakta . Od agresije, nijedan
> americki ratni brod nije upolovio u nase vode pa cak ni 5.oktobra,
> kada su njihovi politiХki saveznici iz DOS-a izvrsili puc u Beogradu i
> nasilnim putem preuzeli vlast ,ali jesu sada, pred republiХke izbore
> 28. decembra, kada sve prognoze govore da ce vlast u Srbiji osvojiti
> Srpska Radikalna Stranka i SocijalistiХka Partija Srbije, stranke koje
> su saХinjavale vladu SRJ tokom NATO agresije i stranke koje su
> osvedoХene patriotske orijentacije.
>
> Miisija ovog ratnog broda u nasoj zemlji nije uspostavljanje dobrih
> odnosa izmeПu Vojske Srbije i Crne Gore i Armije Sjedinjenih Drzava,
> kako je to u svom obraФanju naglasio ambasador Sjedinjenih Drzava u
> Beogradu, inaХe istinski vladar u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, Vilijem
> Montgomeri, veФ zastrasivanje biraХa u Srbiji pred decembarske
> parlamentarne izbore. Ovo prosto demonstriranje vojne moФi treba da
> podseti graПane Srbije na uzase koje su u ameriХki ratni brodovi i
> avijacija sejali po srpskim gradovima i selima i opomene ih kako treba
> da glasaju 28. decembra. AmeriХka administracija i ambasador
> Montgomeri na svaki naХin pokusavaju da uskoХe u pomoФ svojim, od
> naroda u Srbiji, prozrenim i prezrenim pulenima, pa se tako ne libe i
> da na ovaj naХin posalju poruku srpskim biraХima. Uplovljavanje ovog
> broda je izvedeno u sadejstvu sa marketing menadzerima DOS-a u jeku
> njihove histeriХne kampanje i harange protiv Srpske radikalne Stranke
> i SocijalistiХke Partije Srbije Хime ovi kvazi menadzeri i njihovi
> sefovi krse Zakon o izboru narodnih poslanika u Narodnu Skupstinu
> Republike Srbije.
> Nase udruzenje graПana ovim saopstenjem zeli da biraХima u Srbiji
> skrene paznju na ove i sliХne ameriХko-dosovske predizborne
> manipulacije i zatrazi da glasaju po svojoj savesti i slobodnoj volji
> , bez straha .
>
> Bez ikakvog nasilja i pored talasa koje prave NATO brodovi i senki
> krila NATO avijacije kao podrske, ova sramna DOS-ova vlast Фe voljom
> naroda morati da ode u istoriju i zauzme mesto koje pripada
> kratkotrajnim i potrosnim vazalnim vladama.
>
> JELA JOVANOVIC
> Generalni sekretar
>
> Do pobede !
>
> Na Svetog Nikolu, u Beogradu , 2003. godine
>
1. Ko je VOJISLAV VOJA KOSTUNICA?
(Djordje Blagojevic)
2. Saopstenje za javnost
(Udruzenje graПana - Odbor za nacionalnu solidarnost - Jela Jovanovic)
=== 1 ===
Ko je VOJISLAV VOJA KOSTUNICA?
Interesantna analiza profila Voje Koštunice, pa je šaljem u celini
(preuzeto sa www.srpskapolitika.com):
Posto se pominju razne moguće i nemoguće koalicije, a i bliži se dan D
kada treba zaokružiti odgovarajuću stranu, želim da podsetim ko je
Vojislav Koštunica. Znam da svi u njegovom stranci nisu kao on, da
tamo ima i poštenih i pametnih ljudi, ali dok oni vodi tu stranku
nijedan srpski patriota ne bi smeo da glasa za nju niti da pomisli da
uđe u eventualnu koaliciju.
Dakle, Vojislav Koštunica je čovek koji je soje ime stavio na celo
DOSmanlijske liste i time značajno pomogao da oni dođu do vlasti.
Ovaj "legalista" je hladno prihvatio laz da je dobio izbore u prvom
krugu za sta mu je falilo oko jedan procenat glasova (pobedio jeste
ali dobio izbore nije).
Isti "legalista" je bio jedan od vodećih učesnika u sastavljanja
famoznog protivustavnog zakona o saradnji s haškim trubunalom, a pre
toga aktivno učestvovao u najpre protivzakonitom i protivustavnom a
zatim zakonitom ali i dalje protivustavnom izručenju Srba u Hag
(uključujući i bivšeg Predsednika SRJ).
Kada je obavio sve bazne prljavštine i učvrstio vlast DOSmanlija, on
se povukao, kao u opoziciju, i tamo izigrava "čistunca" neobaveštenog
čoveka koji sa DOSmanlijskom vlašću nema nikakve veze.
Sada bi naivni trebalo da ga prihvate kao "umerenog nacionalistu"
i "poštenog čoveka", neku "novu opciju". A u njemu nema ni
nacionaliste ni poštenja a ponajmanje nečega novoga.
Nadam se da nijedan nacionalista neće nasesti na ovu prljavu igru NSP-
a. Sumnjam, mada to ne mogu da dokažem, ali mnoge činjenice ukazuju
na to, da je bas on Vojislav Koštunica zapravo glavni igrač NSP-a, a
da je Zoran Đinđić zapravo bio samo "čovek za jednu upotrebu" da
odradi najočiglednije prljavštine, na šta pokazuje njegovo naglo
izbacivanje sa političke scene (i života).
Da bi ilustrovao ponašanje ovog "legaliste" podsetiću vas na
moju "prepisku" s njim u nekim kritičnim trenucima njegove vlasti.
Navodnice su zbog toga sto ovaj "legalista" i "poštenjačina" nije
odgovorio ni na jedno moje pismo iako sam ih poslao na njegov državni
i privatni email, a dva od njih su objavljena i u novinama.
Djordje B
PS. Pisma su pisana u jednom dahu, u emocionalno teskim trenutcima pa
se izvinjavam zbog eventualnih grešaka, jer pisma su radi potpune
originalnosti bez naknadne redakcije.
31.03.2001 07:20
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Postovani gospodine predsednice,
Pozivam Vas hitno da preduzmete nesto i sprecite nastavak ove sramote
Srpskog naroda. Vi ste predsednik ove drzave, i vasa je duznost da u
u ovakvim trenutcima nesto preduzmete, da sprecite dalje prolivanje
Srpske krvi. U najmanju ruku, ocekujem od Vas da se obratite ovom
nesrecnom narodu, cija vlada i svi ostali organi cute dok se desavaju
uzasne stvari. Ako se desi ono sto svi ocekuju, bice to onaj
poslednji emocionalni udarac koji ovaj Narod nece moci da izdrzi.
Izgubili smo sve, ostao je jos samo mali tracak
nacionalnog dostojanstva. Ako i to izgubimo - vise nas nece biti
Ucinite nesto pre nego sto bude kasno. Nemoje dozvoliti da udjete u
istoriju kao predsednik Jugoslavije za cijeg je mandata ucinjen
zlocin Srba nad Srbima. Hteo bih jos mnogo toga da kazem, ali emocije
mi ne dozvoljavaju da smisleno piasem. Moja poslednja nada je ulozena
u Vas.
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
---------------------------------------
31.03.2001 21:09
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Postovani gospodine predsednice,
Samo ponekom coveku se pruzi prilika da ucestvuje u istoriji,
istoriji svoga naroda. Vama je tu sansa Bog pruzio, ali je niste
iskoristili.
Propustili ste sansu da spasete ovaj narod od konacnog kraha i
nestanka. Potpuno se slazem s vama da "nijedan pojedinac nije vredan
zrtvovanja drzavnih i nacionalnih interesa". Nazalost, niste shvatili
da se ovde ne radi o Slobodanu Milosevicu, vec je on, u ovom slucaju,
samo simbol srpskog otpora bezboznom Novom Svetskom poretku.
Nazalost, vi ste bodlegli pritiscima najbednijih sinova naseg naroda
olicenih u Djindjicu, Baticu i ostalima... Zrtvovali ste nacionalni i
drzavni interes zarad negog prividnog "mira". Mira u kome ce srpska
drzava i srpska nacija nestati. Ako vec treba da nestanemo, onda
bolje da to bude u plamenu, nego u sidi, seksualnoj izopacenosti,
neznabostvu...
Razocarali ste me, duboko ste me razocarali.
Ne trazim od Vas da se stidite, ja se stidim u Vase i svoje ime.
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
----------------------------------------
30.05.2001 18:19
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Gospodine predsednice,
Sada je 18:14, cetvrtak 30.05.2001 godine
Obzirom na sve sto se dogodilo u poslednjih nekoliko meseci, i vase
(ne)reagovanje povodom tih dogadjaja, ne ocekujem od vas nikakvu
reakciju na trenutna dogadjanja u Skupstini Republike Srbije, i ovo
moje pismo. Ipak, pisem vam ga da umirim sopstvenu savest, da mi deca
i unuci ne bi prevbacili da sam gledao sta se desava a nista nisam
preduzeo.
U ovom trenutku u Skupstini se odlucuje o buducnosti ne samo Kosova i
Metohije, vec o buducnosti Srbije i jugoslavije. Necu da komentarisem
mlaku "rezoluciju", kojom se prakticno odustaje od suvereniteta
Srbije i jugoslavije od Kosova i Metohije (ovde se Metohija i ne
pominje!). Hocu samo da vam skrenem paznju da je ponasanje vaseg
Predsednika Skupstine ne samo nedemokratsko, nego apsolutisticko i
diktatorsko. Kao da se plasi da cuje drugacije misljenje, on oduzima
rec narodnim poslanicima, iskljucuje im mikrofon, a RTS pokriva sve
to muzickim spotovima. A to su NASI narodni poslanici, ljudi koje smo
mi birali, ljudi koji misle i zele dobro ovoj zemlji, i kojima niko
nema prava da oduzima rec, pod obrazlozenjem da su (po slobodnoj
proceni predsednika) "promasili temu". Da li je to demokratija koju
ste nam obecavali, da li su to slobodni mediji o kojima ste govorili?
Ili ste skolu demokratije ucili kod Hitlera i Gebelsa? Ako je i od
DOS-a - mnogo je!
Za koga vi, gospodine predsednice zapravo radite?
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
-------------------------
16.06 19:35
Dr. Vojislavu Kostunici
Predsedniku Savezne republike
Jugoslavije
Gospodine Predsednice,
Pre nepuna tri meseca, napisao sam vam:
"Samo ponekom coveku se pruzi prilika da ucestvuje u istoriji,
istoriji svoga naroda. Vama je tu sansa
Bog pruzio, ali je niste iskoristili."
Tada ste, suprotno nacelim koje verbalno zastupate, dopustili da se
pred vasim ocima vrsi krsenje ustava i zakona ove drzave a da nicim
niste to pokusali da sprecite. Da potsetim, najpre je grupa
naoruzanih kriminalaca, sa najlon-carapama na glavama, pokusala
oruzani prepad na zgradu koja pripada vladi SRJ i izvrsi otmicu
bivseg predsednika Jugoslavije. Zatim je, sutradan, posle vase
intervencije, bivsi predsednik uhapsen, bez naloga za hapsenje, koji
je napisan tek sutradan. Vi ste tada govorili o "pravnoj drzavi", o
svemu i svacemu, ali niste nista preduzali u smislu krivicnog
godnjenja lica koja su pokusala krivicno delo oruzanog napada i
otmice. Jos pre toga ste bili svedok krsenja i zakona ove zemlje,
kada je izvrsene otmica jednog gradjanina Republike Srpske, u cilju
njegovog isporucenja nelegalnom (to ste i Vi nekada
govorili!) "Haskom Tribunalu". Tada ste taj cin kritikovali, ali
nista niste preduzeli u smislu krivicnog gonjenja pocinilaca ovog
krivicnog dela.
Tada ste propustili da udjete u istoriju svoga naroda,. da udjete u
istoriju na osnovu pozitivnog dela. Sada Vam se ponovo pruza prilika
da udjete u istoriju, ovoga puta na osnovu negativnog dela -
unistenja SRJ, "trece Jugoslavije". U ovom trenutku se odrzava
sednica "krnje" vlade (zar ovo ne podseca na dogadjaje od pre desetak
godina, dogadjaje pred raspad "druge Jugoslavije?), vlade koju su
napustili predstavnici SNP-a, u ocajnom pokusaju da ako nistva vise
ne mogu da ucine, da barem speru ljagu sebe, da sacuvaju svoje licno
dostojanstvo. Tema te sednice je donosenje uredbe, potpuno suprotne
ustavu i zakonima ove zemlje, uredbe koja preti da dostojanstvo ovog
naroda spusti do nule ili jos nize. To ce biti najsramniji dogadjaj u
dogoj istoriji Srpskog naroda.
A Vi cutite i ne preduzimate nista. Necinjenje nejkad znaci gori cin
nego cinjenje. U ovom slucaju, nekoriscenje Vasih ovlascenja kao
predsednika SRJ i vrhovnog komandanta Vojske Jugoslavije predstavlja
zlocin. Zlocin izdaje zemlje i naroda. Duznost Predsednika drzave je
da koristi sva svoja ovlascenja u cilju zastite zakonitosti, i jos
vise u cilju zastite integriteta drzave, i jos vise u cilju zastite
dostojanstva naroda kome i sam pripada. Da li ste Vi na te duznosti
zabotravili, ili svesno odbijate da ih izvrsite? Sta jos treba da se
desi da shvatite gde se nalazite i sta vam je duznost?
Ili cete postati "srpski Mesic" i kao poslednji predsednik SRJ uskoro
negde reci: "Zadatak je izvrsen..."
Ne trazim od Vas da se stidite, ja se stidim u Vase i svoje ime.
Dr. Djordje Blagojevic,
Profesor Masinskog Fakulteta
Univerziteta u Beogradu
=== 2 ===
Udruzenje graПana - Odbor za nacionalnu solidarnost -
Tolstojeva 34 , Beograd, Srbija
Povodom uplovljavanja i pristajanja ameriХkog ratnog broda "Gonzales" u
teritorijalne vode Srbije i Crne Gore, UG -Odbor za nacionalnu
solidarnost- izdaje sledeФe
> SAOPSTENJE ZA JAVNOST
>
> " Gonzales " u misiji zastrasivanja srpskih biraХa
>
> Nedavno je u teritorijalne vode Srbije i Crne Gore uplovio i pristao
> ameriХki ratni brod "Gonzales", jedan iz flotile brodova ubica iz 1999.
> godine, flotile sa koje su poletali avioni-ubice i isplajivane rakete
> po
> civilima u SRJ, za vreme agresije NATO pakta . Od agresije, nijedan
> americki ratni brod nije upolovio u nase vode pa cak ni 5.oktobra,
> kada su njihovi politiХki saveznici iz DOS-a izvrsili puc u Beogradu i
> nasilnim putem preuzeli vlast ,ali jesu sada, pred republiХke izbore
> 28. decembra, kada sve prognoze govore da ce vlast u Srbiji osvojiti
> Srpska Radikalna Stranka i SocijalistiХka Partija Srbije, stranke koje
> su saХinjavale vladu SRJ tokom NATO agresije i stranke koje su
> osvedoХene patriotske orijentacije.
>
> Miisija ovog ratnog broda u nasoj zemlji nije uspostavljanje dobrih
> odnosa izmeПu Vojske Srbije i Crne Gore i Armije Sjedinjenih Drzava,
> kako je to u svom obraФanju naglasio ambasador Sjedinjenih Drzava u
> Beogradu, inaХe istinski vladar u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, Vilijem
> Montgomeri, veФ zastrasivanje biraХa u Srbiji pred decembarske
> parlamentarne izbore. Ovo prosto demonstriranje vojne moФi treba da
> podseti graПane Srbije na uzase koje su u ameriХki ratni brodovi i
> avijacija sejali po srpskim gradovima i selima i opomene ih kako treba
> da glasaju 28. decembra. AmeriХka administracija i ambasador
> Montgomeri na svaki naХin pokusavaju da uskoХe u pomoФ svojim, od
> naroda u Srbiji, prozrenim i prezrenim pulenima, pa se tako ne libe i
> da na ovaj naХin posalju poruku srpskim biraХima. Uplovljavanje ovog
> broda je izvedeno u sadejstvu sa marketing menadzerima DOS-a u jeku
> njihove histeriХne kampanje i harange protiv Srpske radikalne Stranke
> i SocijalistiХke Partije Srbije Хime ovi kvazi menadzeri i njihovi
> sefovi krse Zakon o izboru narodnih poslanika u Narodnu Skupstinu
> Republike Srbije.
> Nase udruzenje graПana ovim saopstenjem zeli da biraХima u Srbiji
> skrene paznju na ove i sliХne ameriХko-dosovske predizborne
> manipulacije i zatrazi da glasaju po svojoj savesti i slobodnoj volji
> , bez straha .
>
> Bez ikakvog nasilja i pored talasa koje prave NATO brodovi i senki
> krila NATO avijacije kao podrske, ova sramna DOS-ova vlast Фe voljom
> naroda morati da ode u istoriju i zauzme mesto koje pripada
> kratkotrajnim i potrosnim vazalnim vladama.
>
> JELA JOVANOVIC
> Generalni sekretar
>
> Do pobede !
>
> Na Svetog Nikolu, u Beogradu , 2003. godine
>
FANTASY ALBANESE...
in Albania hanno finalmente ricominciato a fare i film: secondo Radio
Popolare di Milano, questa attivita' sarebbe stata vietata dal vecchio
Enver (*), ma ora che sono "liberi" pare possano di nuovo praticarla.
Qualche giorno fa c'è stato il primo festival della nuova era. E chi ha
vinto? Una regista di Pristina, ridente cittadina che dovrebbe far
parte della Albania del futuro. Il film si chiama "Kosova 11.9". Parla
di un bambinetto che sente che sono state abbattute le "torri gemelle"
a New York e pensa che siano stati i serbi a farlo. Ma che fantasia!
Certo, lo stesso giorno che era successa la cosa, l'avevamo detto anche
noi, anzi, c'erano due versioni della barzelletta: o "sono stati i
serbi" oppure "è stato Slobo"... ma non pensavamo mai che una regista
di Pristina potesse prendere la barzelletta per il soggetto del film, e
persino vincerci un festival. E' il caso di chiedere i diritti
d'autore? (a cura di I&A)
(*) questo e' quello che dice Radio Popolare di Milano, nota bene.
in Albania hanno finalmente ricominciato a fare i film: secondo Radio
Popolare di Milano, questa attivita' sarebbe stata vietata dal vecchio
Enver (*), ma ora che sono "liberi" pare possano di nuovo praticarla.
Qualche giorno fa c'è stato il primo festival della nuova era. E chi ha
vinto? Una regista di Pristina, ridente cittadina che dovrebbe far
parte della Albania del futuro. Il film si chiama "Kosova 11.9". Parla
di un bambinetto che sente che sono state abbattute le "torri gemelle"
a New York e pensa che siano stati i serbi a farlo. Ma che fantasia!
Certo, lo stesso giorno che era successa la cosa, l'avevamo detto anche
noi, anzi, c'erano due versioni della barzelletta: o "sono stati i
serbi" oppure "è stato Slobo"... ma non pensavamo mai che una regista
di Pristina potesse prendere la barzelletta per il soggetto del film, e
persino vincerci un festival. E' il caso di chiedere i diritti
d'autore? (a cura di I&A)
(*) questo e' quello che dice Radio Popolare di Milano, nota bene.
... E REALTA' ALBANESE
SONO DUECENTO I CADUTI COME IL BRONSON ALBANESE
Il crollo del palazzo in costruzione, futura sede del museo del Mare
nel Porto Antico di Genova, che ha causato la morte dell'operaio
albanese Albert Kolgjegja, è l’argomento di non poche segnalazioni
all’Oli. Il cittadino comune -ci scrivono dal Comitato Verità
Giustizia- ha percepito che non tutti gli albanesi delinquono; molti
lavorano onestamente e sono super sfruttati: ormai è chiaro che la
maggior parte del lavoro edile vive nell'illegalita' (un conoscente
immigrato non ha potuto per 3 anni tornare in patria dalla sua
famiglia, ha lavorato senza riuscire a farsi pagare per mesi, ora è
assunto in prova, ma quando -e se- verrà confermato dal datore di
lavoro passerà come apprendista, quindi sarà pagato meno del dovuto).
Scrive un altro: bene ha fatto l’Oli a cogliere la forte somiglianza
(sennò che osservatorio sarebbe) fra Albert Kolgjegja e Charles
Bunchinsky, alias Charles Bronson. Non il Bronson giustiziere degli
anni settanta/ottanta, dalla facciasolcata a paesaggio dalle rughe, ma
il Bunchinsky giovane (giustiziato) dei "Magnifici sette", mi pare il
taciturno lanciatore di coltelli... Un giovanotto figlio di lituani (15
fratelli) già minatore in Pennsylvania, che mutua il nuovo cognome da
un ponte vicino a Hollywood e considerato -a torto?- inespressivo. E
sono tipicamente "inespressive" le pose delle fototessere, come quella
apparsa sui giornali di Albert (Sant'Agata, se avesse avuto bisogno di
un nome d'arte), l'unica immagine che sonsi riesce a trovare
scartabellando anche l'intera rete internettesca.
Albert Kolgjegja muore l'8 novembre 2003, è il 189° deceduto "edile" in
Italia fino a quel punto dell'anno. Al 30 novembre siamo arrivati a 200
vittime di incidenti mortali.
Per documentarsi, i morti dell'edilizia hanno un loro sito:
http://www.filleacgil.it/infortuni_mortali.htm
(Fonte: O.L.I.
OSSERVATORIO LIGURE SULL'INFORMAZIONE
Newsletter n.6 giovedì 18 dicembre 2003
newsletter_oli@... )
SONO DUECENTO I CADUTI COME IL BRONSON ALBANESE
Il crollo del palazzo in costruzione, futura sede del museo del Mare
nel Porto Antico di Genova, che ha causato la morte dell'operaio
albanese Albert Kolgjegja, è l’argomento di non poche segnalazioni
all’Oli. Il cittadino comune -ci scrivono dal Comitato Verità
Giustizia- ha percepito che non tutti gli albanesi delinquono; molti
lavorano onestamente e sono super sfruttati: ormai è chiaro che la
maggior parte del lavoro edile vive nell'illegalita' (un conoscente
immigrato non ha potuto per 3 anni tornare in patria dalla sua
famiglia, ha lavorato senza riuscire a farsi pagare per mesi, ora è
assunto in prova, ma quando -e se- verrà confermato dal datore di
lavoro passerà come apprendista, quindi sarà pagato meno del dovuto).
Scrive un altro: bene ha fatto l’Oli a cogliere la forte somiglianza
(sennò che osservatorio sarebbe) fra Albert Kolgjegja e Charles
Bunchinsky, alias Charles Bronson. Non il Bronson giustiziere degli
anni settanta/ottanta, dalla facciasolcata a paesaggio dalle rughe, ma
il Bunchinsky giovane (giustiziato) dei "Magnifici sette", mi pare il
taciturno lanciatore di coltelli... Un giovanotto figlio di lituani (15
fratelli) già minatore in Pennsylvania, che mutua il nuovo cognome da
un ponte vicino a Hollywood e considerato -a torto?- inespressivo. E
sono tipicamente "inespressive" le pose delle fototessere, come quella
apparsa sui giornali di Albert (Sant'Agata, se avesse avuto bisogno di
un nome d'arte), l'unica immagine che sonsi riesce a trovare
scartabellando anche l'intera rete internettesca.
Albert Kolgjegja muore l'8 novembre 2003, è il 189° deceduto "edile" in
Italia fino a quel punto dell'anno. Al 30 novembre siamo arrivati a 200
vittime di incidenti mortali.
Per documentarsi, i morti dell'edilizia hanno un loro sito:
http://www.filleacgil.it/infortuni_mortali.htm
(Fonte: O.L.I.
OSSERVATORIO LIGURE SULL'INFORMAZIONE
Newsletter n.6 giovedì 18 dicembre 2003
newsletter_oli@... )
Doris Pak – ratni huskac na Balkanu
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-12-19.html
Pise: Oliver Vulovic
oliverv@... : oliver_vulovic@...
Decembar 18, 2003.g. Beograd
U dnevnoj stampi se pojavila informacija da izvestan broj evropskih
parlamentaraca na celu sa sefom delegacije za Jugoistocnu Evropu,
gospodjom Doris Pak, zahteva reviziju Dejtonskog sporazuma u smislu
cvrsce centralizacije vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini i ukidanje Republike
Srpske. Kao razloge su naveli da “ dvovlasce “ u BiH zajedno sa
protektoratom izaziva stagnaciju, nezaposlenost, opstu ekonomsku
nestabilnost i da medju etnickim grupama vlada duboko nepoverenje.
Pored Doris Pak, pomenuti zahtev su potpisali general Morijon, Tadeus
Mazovjecki, Hans Kosnik i jos nekoliko poznatih clanova Evropskog
parlamenta.
U smislu izazivanja nestabilnosti u regionu, ovaj apel se moze porediti
samo sa nekadasnjim apelima za bombardovanje Republike Srpske i Srbije
koje su nekada potpisivani u Americi kao i sa raznim pisanijima kojima
se pretilo srpskom narodu od pojedinih evropski ministara spoljnih
poslova (za koje je Doris Pak i tada,kao i sada radila) za proteklih
petnaest godina. Doris Pak, takozvana mirotvorka, inace profesionalno i
emocionalno jedna od najzecih antisrpkinja u evropskom establismentu,
koja je svoj antisrpski angazman u poslednjoj deceniji pokrivala
takozvanom “antimilosevickom” politikom, ovim svojim nastupom samo
dodaje jos jedan, za citav niz dokaza da je svoju misiju, funkciju i
uopste politicko bitisanje i zivotnu egzistenciju sve vreme bazirala i
bazira na neprestanom i kontinuiranom delovanju protiv srpskih interesa
na Balkanu. Nijedan njen izvestaj koji je poslala sa ovih prostora nije
prosao a da u njemu, bez obzira na situaciju na terenu, za sve nedace
ili barem nedace koje je u datom izvestaju opsivala, nije generalno bio
optuzen srpski narod i njegovo rukovodstvo. Doris Pak i njeni
istomisljenici znaju da je rat u Bosni i stao samo zato sto je potpisan
Dejtonski sporazum i da bi rat, sa promenljivom ratnom srecom, trajao
jos dugo da tim sporazumom nisu uvazeni opravdani zahtevi srpskog i
hrvatskog naroda u Bosni. Dejtonski sporazum, kakav – takav, poput
Rezolucije 1244 OUN, su de facto i de jure Mirovni ugovori na osnovu
kojih su se zaracene strane sporazumele da obustave ratna dejstva jer
je postignut kompromis i svaka od njih je putem tog ugovora uspela da,
manje ili vise, zastiti svoje vitalne nacionalne interese, osim
muslimanske strane za koju je ovaj ugovor, kao i mnogi drugi prethodni,
privremeni o prekidu vatre, samo u stvari predah za prikupljanje
politicke i vojne snage za nastavk operacije majorizacije i
potcinjavanja drugih naroda u Bosni. Muslimanska strana se jednostavno
ne zadovoljava cinjenicom da Bosna nije samo njihova i nada se da ce uz
pomoc svojih vasingtonskih i evropskih saveznika uspeti da uradi u
miru, ono sto nije mogla ratom. Mirovni ugovor moze da se nadogradjuje
samo u smislu daljeg ucvrscivanja mira i stabilnosti na prostoru gede
je rat trajao i medju stranama koje su ratovale ali njegova eventualna
revizija u smislu uskracivanja vec potvrdjenih prava nekoj od bivsih
ratujucih strana, nije nista drugo do poziv na novi rat i nesrece, sto
je inace kaznjivo i po evropskim zakonima. S'tim u vezi, Doris pak i
njene kolege, zasticene imunitetom evropskih poslanika i sluzbenika,
cine krivicno delo ugrozavanja mira i bezbednost, gradjana Unije Bosne
i Hercegovine i drzava suseda. Oni se takodje polticki nedvosmisleno,
otvoreno lobisticki, stavljaju na samo jednu stranu u politickom
konfliktu pri tome ignorisuci i gazeci medjunarodno pravo te dalje,
direktno deluju u ineteresu izazivanja nestabilnosti u Bosni, i
protivzakonito napadaju njeno ustavno uredjenje i poredak i implicite
Republiku Srpsku kao medjunarodno priznati entitet. Doris Pak se nije
setila da reaguje kada je nezakonito i suprotno opste prihvacenim
demokratskim pravilima i zakona same Unije BiH i Dejtonskog sporazuma,
dekretom smenjen, od naroda izabran predsednik RS, gospodin Poplasen,
kada je histericnom harangom napadana i vredjana, narodnom voljom
najjaca partija u Republici Srpskoj SDS. Nije gospodja Pak ni reagovala
sto se osvedoceni ratni zlocincii Ejub Ganic i Alija Izetbegovic setaju
Sarajevom. Doris pak nije nista uradila da se utvrdi prava i konacna
istina u vezi Srebrenice vec se svom snagom stavila na stranu koalicije
muslimasko-evropskih nacifikatora srpskog naroda. Doris Pak je sramota
i ruglo demokratije, najgora sorta njene zloupotrebe i duhovni
inspirator novih ratova. Njeno mesto je u zatvoru a ne u tzv.
delegacijama za Jugoistocnu Evropu. Ona ne samo da treba da bude
persona non grata na Balkanu, vec sa svojim sapotpisnicima ovog sramnog
zahteva treba i da se javno zigose kao narucilac novih patnji na ovim
prostorima.
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-12-19.html
Pise: Oliver Vulovic
oliverv@... : oliver_vulovic@...
Decembar 18, 2003.g. Beograd
U dnevnoj stampi se pojavila informacija da izvestan broj evropskih
parlamentaraca na celu sa sefom delegacije za Jugoistocnu Evropu,
gospodjom Doris Pak, zahteva reviziju Dejtonskog sporazuma u smislu
cvrsce centralizacije vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini i ukidanje Republike
Srpske. Kao razloge su naveli da “ dvovlasce “ u BiH zajedno sa
protektoratom izaziva stagnaciju, nezaposlenost, opstu ekonomsku
nestabilnost i da medju etnickim grupama vlada duboko nepoverenje.
Pored Doris Pak, pomenuti zahtev su potpisali general Morijon, Tadeus
Mazovjecki, Hans Kosnik i jos nekoliko poznatih clanova Evropskog
parlamenta.
U smislu izazivanja nestabilnosti u regionu, ovaj apel se moze porediti
samo sa nekadasnjim apelima za bombardovanje Republike Srpske i Srbije
koje su nekada potpisivani u Americi kao i sa raznim pisanijima kojima
se pretilo srpskom narodu od pojedinih evropski ministara spoljnih
poslova (za koje je Doris Pak i tada,kao i sada radila) za proteklih
petnaest godina. Doris Pak, takozvana mirotvorka, inace profesionalno i
emocionalno jedna od najzecih antisrpkinja u evropskom establismentu,
koja je svoj antisrpski angazman u poslednjoj deceniji pokrivala
takozvanom “antimilosevickom” politikom, ovim svojim nastupom samo
dodaje jos jedan, za citav niz dokaza da je svoju misiju, funkciju i
uopste politicko bitisanje i zivotnu egzistenciju sve vreme bazirala i
bazira na neprestanom i kontinuiranom delovanju protiv srpskih interesa
na Balkanu. Nijedan njen izvestaj koji je poslala sa ovih prostora nije
prosao a da u njemu, bez obzira na situaciju na terenu, za sve nedace
ili barem nedace koje je u datom izvestaju opsivala, nije generalno bio
optuzen srpski narod i njegovo rukovodstvo. Doris Pak i njeni
istomisljenici znaju da je rat u Bosni i stao samo zato sto je potpisan
Dejtonski sporazum i da bi rat, sa promenljivom ratnom srecom, trajao
jos dugo da tim sporazumom nisu uvazeni opravdani zahtevi srpskog i
hrvatskog naroda u Bosni. Dejtonski sporazum, kakav – takav, poput
Rezolucije 1244 OUN, su de facto i de jure Mirovni ugovori na osnovu
kojih su se zaracene strane sporazumele da obustave ratna dejstva jer
je postignut kompromis i svaka od njih je putem tog ugovora uspela da,
manje ili vise, zastiti svoje vitalne nacionalne interese, osim
muslimanske strane za koju je ovaj ugovor, kao i mnogi drugi prethodni,
privremeni o prekidu vatre, samo u stvari predah za prikupljanje
politicke i vojne snage za nastavk operacije majorizacije i
potcinjavanja drugih naroda u Bosni. Muslimanska strana se jednostavno
ne zadovoljava cinjenicom da Bosna nije samo njihova i nada se da ce uz
pomoc svojih vasingtonskih i evropskih saveznika uspeti da uradi u
miru, ono sto nije mogla ratom. Mirovni ugovor moze da se nadogradjuje
samo u smislu daljeg ucvrscivanja mira i stabilnosti na prostoru gede
je rat trajao i medju stranama koje su ratovale ali njegova eventualna
revizija u smislu uskracivanja vec potvrdjenih prava nekoj od bivsih
ratujucih strana, nije nista drugo do poziv na novi rat i nesrece, sto
je inace kaznjivo i po evropskim zakonima. S'tim u vezi, Doris pak i
njene kolege, zasticene imunitetom evropskih poslanika i sluzbenika,
cine krivicno delo ugrozavanja mira i bezbednost, gradjana Unije Bosne
i Hercegovine i drzava suseda. Oni se takodje polticki nedvosmisleno,
otvoreno lobisticki, stavljaju na samo jednu stranu u politickom
konfliktu pri tome ignorisuci i gazeci medjunarodno pravo te dalje,
direktno deluju u ineteresu izazivanja nestabilnosti u Bosni, i
protivzakonito napadaju njeno ustavno uredjenje i poredak i implicite
Republiku Srpsku kao medjunarodno priznati entitet. Doris Pak se nije
setila da reaguje kada je nezakonito i suprotno opste prihvacenim
demokratskim pravilima i zakona same Unije BiH i Dejtonskog sporazuma,
dekretom smenjen, od naroda izabran predsednik RS, gospodin Poplasen,
kada je histericnom harangom napadana i vredjana, narodnom voljom
najjaca partija u Republici Srpskoj SDS. Nije gospodja Pak ni reagovala
sto se osvedoceni ratni zlocincii Ejub Ganic i Alija Izetbegovic setaju
Sarajevom. Doris pak nije nista uradila da se utvrdi prava i konacna
istina u vezi Srebrenice vec se svom snagom stavila na stranu koalicije
muslimasko-evropskih nacifikatora srpskog naroda. Doris Pak je sramota
i ruglo demokratije, najgora sorta njene zloupotrebe i duhovni
inspirator novih ratova. Njeno mesto je u zatvoru a ne u tzv.
delegacijama za Jugoistocnu Evropu. Ona ne samo da treba da bude
persona non grata na Balkanu, vec sa svojim sapotpisnicima ovog sramnog
zahteva treba i da se javno zigose kao narucilac novih patnji na ovim
prostorima.
Varvarin citizens to appeal to Higher Court in Cologne
(in ITALIANO sullo stesso argomento:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3009
auf DEUTSCH um dasselbe:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3009 )
---
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3193800.stm
Wednesday, 15 October, 2003, 13:32 GMT 14:32 UK
Serbs sue Germany over bridge attack
Relatives of civilians killed when Nato aircraft bombed a
Serbian town in 1999 have put their claims for
compensation to a court in Germany, despite the fact that
no German planes were involved in the action.
Ten civilians were killed when Nato jets targeted a bridge near a
busy market place in the town of Varvarin, as part of efforts to
put pressure on the then Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic.
The relatives claimed a million euros in damages at the state
court in Bonn.
They say Germany must take responsibility as a member of
Nato.
Berlin has argued that it is not liable since neither German
planes nor German pilots were involved.
Lawyers say a German court was chosen because the families have
had support from human rights activists in Germany.
Some media in Germany have suggested that the country's foreign
policy itself is on trial.
The suit could serve as a test case for others seeking damages
from Nato countries.
'Legitimate target'
The claimants scaled down their original request for 3.5 million
euros when the proceedings opened, to bring it in line with other
similar settlements in Germany.
Three people were killed and five injured in initial raids by
F-16 fighters on the bridge in Varvarin, 110 miles (180km)
south-east of Belgrade.
The aircraft returned minutes later, killing seven more
and injuring another 12, among them people who were trying
to help victims of the first attack.
Nato said that the bridge was a legitimate target and denied
targeting civilians.
However, the claimants argue that the raid violated the Geneva
Conventions, since it came without warning and was carried out on a
busy market day.
"That was murder, bombing ordinary civilians in broad daylight,"
Zoran Milenkovic, whose 15-year-old daughter was killed in the
raid, told the Associated Press news agency.
Doubts have also been raised about the military significance of
the bridge, which has a maximum capacity of 12 metric tons.
Lawyers for the victims say the most important thing for the
claimants is to get an admission of wrongdoing.
"The least important thing is the money, it's about someone
saying that what happened was wrong," said lawyer Guel Pinar.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25918&order=priority&style=headlines
Associated Press - December 10, 2003
Court rejects NATO victims’ compensation claims
BONN -- Wednesday – Victims of a NATO air raid on a
Serbian town during the 1999 Kosovo war can't claim
compensation from the German government, a state court
said today.
Lawyers for 35 plaintiffs - people wounded in the
bombing and relatives of the dead - had sought EUR1
million in damages from the Berlin government, arguing
that Germany bore responsibility because it is a
member of the NATO alliance.
A total of 10 people died and 17 were injured in the
May 30, 1999 attack on a bridge in Varvarin, which
came as NATO was pressing Serbian strongman Slobodan
Milosevic to withdraw Yugoslav troops from Kosovo.
---
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3306431.stm
Wednesday 2003-12-10, BBC News (English)
Serb families lose Nato court bid
Serbian families who tried to sue Germany over a Nato bombing raid
have lost their case, a German court ruled.
The 1999 bombing of a bridge at Varvarin, 110 miles (180km)
south-east of Belgrade, killed 10 and injured 17.
A total of 35 people sued Germany, saying that although German
planes did not take part in the raids, the government held
responsibility under its Nato membership.
They had sought one million euros ($1.2m) in compensation.
Nato says the attack on the bridge, during its campaign to drive
Serb forces from Kosovo, was legitimate.
But the families said the raid violated the international Geneva
conventions, since it came without warning and was carried out on a
busy market day.
An initial raid killed three people, but the planes returned
minutes later, killing seven more.
Some of the victims of the second attack were trying to help
victims of the first wave of bombing.
Berlin argued that it was not liable since neither German planes
nor German pilots were involved.
Lawyers said a German court was chosen because the families had
support from human rights activists in Germany.
The suit was seen as a possible test case for others seeking
damages from Nato countries.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 12, 2003
Varvarin citizens to appeal to Higher Court in Cologne
19:20 BONN , Dec 10 (Tanjug) - A member of a group of
Varvarin citizens who sued Germany because of a 1999
NATO attack at the Varvarin bridge in which their
family members were killed or injured, announced that
the group would file an appeal to the Higher Court in
Cologne, after the court of first instance in Bonn on
Wednesday rejected their lawsuit and demand for a
1-million-euro compensation.
"We have the right to appeal to the Higher Court in
Cologne and our lawyers believe that this will
certainly happen in 2005, because until we file an
appeal against this verdict, one or 1.5 years will
pass after the verdict, that is the reception of the
written verdict of the Bonn court, " Vesna Milenkovic,
whose daughter Sanja was killed in the attack, told
Tanjug.
(in ITALIANO sullo stesso argomento:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3009
auf DEUTSCH um dasselbe:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/3009 )
---
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3193800.stm
Wednesday, 15 October, 2003, 13:32 GMT 14:32 UK
Serbs sue Germany over bridge attack
Relatives of civilians killed when Nato aircraft bombed a
Serbian town in 1999 have put their claims for
compensation to a court in Germany, despite the fact that
no German planes were involved in the action.
Ten civilians were killed when Nato jets targeted a bridge near a
busy market place in the town of Varvarin, as part of efforts to
put pressure on the then Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic.
The relatives claimed a million euros in damages at the state
court in Bonn.
They say Germany must take responsibility as a member of
Nato.
Berlin has argued that it is not liable since neither German
planes nor German pilots were involved.
Lawyers say a German court was chosen because the families have
had support from human rights activists in Germany.
Some media in Germany have suggested that the country's foreign
policy itself is on trial.
The suit could serve as a test case for others seeking damages
from Nato countries.
'Legitimate target'
The claimants scaled down their original request for 3.5 million
euros when the proceedings opened, to bring it in line with other
similar settlements in Germany.
Three people were killed and five injured in initial raids by
F-16 fighters on the bridge in Varvarin, 110 miles (180km)
south-east of Belgrade.
The aircraft returned minutes later, killing seven more
and injuring another 12, among them people who were trying
to help victims of the first attack.
Nato said that the bridge was a legitimate target and denied
targeting civilians.
However, the claimants argue that the raid violated the Geneva
Conventions, since it came without warning and was carried out on a
busy market day.
"That was murder, bombing ordinary civilians in broad daylight,"
Zoran Milenkovic, whose 15-year-old daughter was killed in the
raid, told the Associated Press news agency.
Doubts have also been raised about the military significance of
the bridge, which has a maximum capacity of 12 metric tons.
Lawyers for the victims say the most important thing for the
claimants is to get an admission of wrongdoing.
"The least important thing is the money, it's about someone
saying that what happened was wrong," said lawyer Guel Pinar.
---
http://www.b92.net/english/news/
index.php?&nav_category=&nav_id=25918&order=priority&style=headlines
Associated Press - December 10, 2003
Court rejects NATO victims’ compensation claims
BONN -- Wednesday – Victims of a NATO air raid on a
Serbian town during the 1999 Kosovo war can't claim
compensation from the German government, a state court
said today.
Lawyers for 35 plaintiffs - people wounded in the
bombing and relatives of the dead - had sought EUR1
million in damages from the Berlin government, arguing
that Germany bore responsibility because it is a
member of the NATO alliance.
A total of 10 people died and 17 were injured in the
May 30, 1999 attack on a bridge in Varvarin, which
came as NATO was pressing Serbian strongman Slobodan
Milosevic to withdraw Yugoslav troops from Kosovo.
---
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3306431.stm
Wednesday 2003-12-10, BBC News (English)
Serb families lose Nato court bid
Serbian families who tried to sue Germany over a Nato bombing raid
have lost their case, a German court ruled.
The 1999 bombing of a bridge at Varvarin, 110 miles (180km)
south-east of Belgrade, killed 10 and injured 17.
A total of 35 people sued Germany, saying that although German
planes did not take part in the raids, the government held
responsibility under its Nato membership.
They had sought one million euros ($1.2m) in compensation.
Nato says the attack on the bridge, during its campaign to drive
Serb forces from Kosovo, was legitimate.
But the families said the raid violated the international Geneva
conventions, since it came without warning and was carried out on a
busy market day.
An initial raid killed three people, but the planes returned
minutes later, killing seven more.
Some of the victims of the second attack were trying to help
victims of the first wave of bombing.
Berlin argued that it was not liable since neither German planes
nor German pilots were involved.
Lawyers said a German court was chosen because the families had
support from human rights activists in Germany.
The suit was seen as a possible test case for others seeking
damages from Nato countries.
---
http://www.tanjug.co.yu/
Tanjug - December 12, 2003
Varvarin citizens to appeal to Higher Court in Cologne
19:20 BONN , Dec 10 (Tanjug) - A member of a group of
Varvarin citizens who sued Germany because of a 1999
NATO attack at the Varvarin bridge in which their
family members were killed or injured, announced that
the group would file an appeal to the Higher Court in
Cologne, after the court of first instance in Bonn on
Wednesday rejected their lawsuit and demand for a
1-million-euro compensation.
"We have the right to appeal to the Higher Court in
Cologne and our lawyers believe that this will
certainly happen in 2005, because until we file an
appeal against this verdict, one or 1.5 years will
pass after the verdict, that is the reception of the
written verdict of the Bonn court, " Vesna Milenkovic,
whose daughter Sanja was killed in the attack, told
Tanjug.
Riceviamo e volentieri giriamo alla lista:
---
FORUM CONTRO LA GUERRA:
Il primo incontro nazionale di tutti gli aderenti all'appello
si terrà domenica 11 gennaio 2004 a Milano,
dalle ore 11.00 alle 16.00, nel salone dell'ANPI (via Pietro
Mascagni, 6 - Metro SAN BABILA - linea rossa).
Il testo dell'appello coi primi firmatari si trova sul sito:
www.forumcontrolaguerra.org
Per adesioni e comunicazioni :
adesioni@...
Tutte le informazioni relative alle iniziative del Forum
verranno rese note sul sito e comunicate direttamente agli
aderenti all'indirizzo di posta elettronica che essi ci
segnaleranno con la loro adesione. Si raccomanda pertanto
la massima precisione nella comunicazione del proprio
recapito di posta elettronica
Forum contro la guerra
---
Forum contro la guerra
Ritirare i militari italiani dall’Iraq,
fermare la "guerra preventiva",
rimuovere le radici del sistema di guerra
Appello / base di discussione
1)La "guerra preventiva" condotta dagli Stati Uniti contro
l’Iraq (e ripetutamente minacciata contro altri Paesi), ha
dimostrato con evidenza crescente di avere alle spalle
interessi economici, geopolitici e strategici che
contrappongono la superpotenza americana e i suoi più stretti
alleati al resto del mondo, a gran parte dell'opinione pubblica
e a molte potenze fino a ieri "partner" nella NATO.
Il tentativo di riscrivere con la guerra la mappa del Medio
Oriente, la geografia del petrolio e l'insieme delle relazioni
internazionali, è un ricatto inaccettabile.
2)La società civile, nella quasi totalità dei Paesi del mondo,
ha detto chiaramente no alla logica della guerra preventiva e
permanente. Lo ha fatto, anche nel nostro Paese, riempiendo le
piazze, rispondendo no alla guerra - senza se e senza ma - in tutti i
sondaggi, corredando intere città con le bandiere della pace,
con la decisiva partecipazione dei lavoratori a questa lotta :
condizione imprescindibile per accrescerne la forza e
qualificarne i contenuti.
3)La concessione dell'uso delle basi militari USA e NATO, dei
corridoi di sorvolo, della rete di trasporto per le forze
armate statunitensi, è stata giustamente contestata sui binari,
nei porti, davanti alle basi militari e in Parlamento.
Se oltre l'80% degli italiani si è opposto alla guerra, questo
governo e questo parlamento non avevano e non hanno la
legittimità morale e politica per rendere l'Italia complice di
aggressioni militari contro altri Paesi.
La Costituzione (art.11), che va difesa con intransigenza,
"ripudia" sempre e comunque il ricorso alla guerra come mezzo
di risoluzione delle controversie internazionali. Altrettanto
recita la Carta delle Nazioni Unite e lo stesso principio dovrà
ispirare qualsiasi ipotesi di Costituzione europea.
4)Nascondersi dietro il rispetto degli impegni internazionali
dell'Italia non è credibile per nessun governo e nessuna
maggioranza parlamentare. E' l'intera struttura degli
automatismi, dei vincoli e dei condizionamenti alla nostra
sovranità connessi all'adesione alla NATO che va rivista
radicalmente. Non é più accettabile che un paese venga coinvolto
in una guerra sulla base di trattati siglati cinquanta anni fa e mai
verificati democraticamente.
Lo smantellamento delle basi militari che ospitano armi
nucleari, bombe, aviogetti statunitensi , deve costituire un
obiettivo prioritario della "politica" ed un significativo
passaggio di qualità dell'ampio e unitario movimento che si
oppone alla guerra in Italia, in Europa, nel mondo.
5)In una realtà internazionale in cui, dal Medio Oriente
all'Asia, dall’Africa all’America Latina, guerre e tensioni
sono tornate a dominare, si delinea il rischio di una nuova e
devastante corsa agli armamenti, foriera a sua volta di un
perverso mercato delle armi.
Le spese militari americane sono superiori di tre volte
rispetto a quelle di tutti i paesi dell’Unione europea messi
insieme. Sarebbe tragico se, per riequilibrare questa
differenza ed affermare la propria autonomia, l'Ue inseguisse
gli Stati Uniti sulla strada del riarmo e dell'aumento delle
spese militari.
Una nuova corsa agli armamenti non è la strada giusta per la
prospettiva di un mondo multipolare, non più dominato dalla
supremazia della superpotenza statunitense. Tale prospettiva va
perseguita con una linea di disarmo progressivo e bilanciato,
di riequilibrio al ribasso, che tuteli la sicurezza di ognuno e
punti a un Trattato internazionale per la effettiva messa al
bando di tutte le armi di sterminio, a partire da quelle
nucleari.
Questo può e deve diventare un obiettivo primario e permanente
del movimento mondiale per la pace, nella convergenza di
popoli, governi e confessioni religiose che comprendono la
quasi totalità del genere umano.
6)Dire con forza no alla guerra, "senza se e senza ma",
significa non solo tenere l'Italia fuori dalla guerra e le basi
militari USA e NATO fuori dall’Italia – a cominciare dal ritiro
dei militari italiani coinvolti in operazioni belliche .
Significa anche creare le condizioni per una trasformazione
democratica e sociale che, mettendo al bando la guerra, cominci
anche ad indicare una alternativa di società tesa ad impedire
che l’umanità sia nuovamente vittima delle guerre e della
competizione globale tra le maggiori potenze capitaliste.
A tal fine crediamo utile la costruzione di un Forum permanente
che, nell’ambito del più generale movimento unitario contro la
guerra - e nella solidarietà coi popoli minacciati dalla
crescente aggressività della politica statunitense -
contribuisca al confronto e all’iniziativa su queste
problematiche.
Primi firmatari
Piergiovanni ALLEVA (docente universitario, Consulta giuridica
CGIL); Antonio AMOROSO (coordinatore nazionale Cub-Trasporti);
Michele Anelli (gruppo musicale Groovers); Pietro ANTONINI (RdB
Trasporti); Marino BADIALE (matematico, Comitato scienziate/i
contro la guerra); Angelo BARACCA (docente universitario,
Comitato scienziate/i contro la guerra); Stefano BENNI
(scrittore); Vincenzo BRANDI (ricercatore ENEA); Pino CACUCCI
(scrittore); Nino CALOGERO ( segretario confederale della
Camera del Lavoro di Gioia Tauro); Luciano CANFORA (docente
universitario); Armando Casaroli (gruppo musicale Mirafiori Kids);
Antonio Catalfamo (scrittore); Andrea CATONE (presidente
Associazione Most za Beograd); Mariella CAU (coordinatrice
Comitato sardo "Gettiamo le basi"); padre Angelo CAVAGNA ( Presidente
GAVCI) ; Gianmario CAZZANIGA (docente universitario); Paolo
CENTO (deputato al Parlamento); Stefano CHIARINI (giornalista);
Nicola CIPOLLA (presidente CEPES Palermo); Roberto COCEVARI (presidente
Ass. Italia-Vietnam Milano); Luigi CORTESI (direttore di
"Giano"); Alessandro CURZI (direttore di "Liberazione");
Michele D’APUZZO (coordinatore nazionale Sulta); Ferruccio
Danini (direttivo nazionale CGIL); Raffaele DE GRADA (critico
d’arte); Vezio DE LUCIA (urbanista); Claudio DEL BELLO (docente
universitario, direttore edizioni Odradek); Tommaso DI
FRANCESCO (caposervizi esteri de "Il Manifesto"); Manlio
DINUCCI (giornalista); Valerio EVANGELISTI (scrittore); Paolo
fara (gruppo musicale Mirafiori Kids); Massimiliano Ferraro
(gruppo musicale Groovers); Roberto FORESTI (presidente Ass.
Italia-Cuba); Fabio FRATI (coordinatore nazionale Sulta); don
Andrea GALLO (sacerdote); Mario GEYMONAT (docente universitario);
Enrico GIARMOLEO ( RSU Fiom-Cgil Officine Meccaniche
calabresi); Roberto GIUDICI (responsabile esteri Fiom Milano);
Alfiero GRANDI (deputato, direttivo nazionale Ds); Dino GRECO
(segretario generale Camera del Lavoro Brescia); Fulvio
GRIMALDI (giornalista); Margherita HACK (scienziata -
astronoma); Raniero LA VALLE (giornalista); Giancarlo LannutTi
(giornalista); Pierpaolo LEONARDI (coordinatore nazionale Cub);
Domenico LOSURDO (docente universitario); Carlo LUCARELLI
(scrittore); Riccardo LUCCIO (docente universitario); Edoardo
MAGNONE (chimico, Comitato scienziate/i contro la guerra);
Lucio MANISCO (europarlamentare); Franco MARENCO (fisico);
Emilio MARTINES (Ricercatore CNR); Federico MARTINO (docente
universitario); Andrea MARTOCCHIA (astrofisico); Giorgio MELE (sinistra
Ds); Marco MEZZETTI ( gruppo musicale Ratoblanco); Fabio
MINAZZI (docente universitario); Adalberto MINUCCI (direttore
responsabile di "Avvenimenti"); Evasio Muraro (gruppo musicale
Groovers); Carlo MUSCETTA (critico letterario); Giorgio NEBBIA
(docente universitario); Nerio NESI (vice-presidente
Associazione "Socrate"); Raffaele NOGARO (vescovo di Caserta);
Diego NOVELLI (direttore editoriale di "Avvenimenti"); Gianni
PAGLIARINI ( Segretario nazionale FP- CGIL); Emidia PAPI
(coordinamento nazionale RdB); Vittorio PAROLA (direzione DS-
Socialismo 2000); Giovanni PESCE (medaglia d’oro Resistenza);
Luciano PETTINARI (direttivo nazionale Ds, Socialismo 2000);
Giuseppe PRESTIPINO (docente universitario); Domenico
PROVENZANO (coordinatore nazionale RdB Pubblico Impiego); Francesca
PUTINI (coordinatrice nazionale Cub-Trasporti); Massimo RAFFAELI
(critico letterario); Alessandra RICCIO (co-direttrice di
"LatinoAmerica"); Gianni RINALDINI (segretario generale Fiom); Rossano
ROSSI ( Segretario CGIL-Toscana); Mauro SALIZZONI (medico
chirurgo); Cesare SALVI (senatore, Socialismo 2000); Edoardo
SANGUINETTI (poeta); Enzo SANTARELLI (storico); Giuseppina
SANTORELLI (coordinatrice nazionale Cub-Trasporti); Gianni
Sappa (gruppo musicale Mirafiori Kids); Maurizio SCARPA
(segretario nazionale Filcams-Cgil); Flaviano Sciarpa (gruppo musicale
Mirafiori Kids); Sandro e Marino SEVERINI ( gruppo musicale
Gang); Vincenzo SINISCALCHI (coordinatore nazionale Sulta);
Andrea SPADONI (coordinatore nazionale Cub-Trasporti); Osvaldo
SQUASSINA ( Segretario generale FIOM Brescia); Giancarlo
STRAINI ( segretario nazionale FILCEA-CGIL); Pino TAGLIAZUCCHI
(direttore "Notizie internazionali" Fiom-Cgil); Sergio TANZARELLA
(docente universitario); Stefano TASSINARI (scrittore); Piergiorgio
TIBONI (coordinatore nazionale Cub); Fabrizio TOMASELLI
(coordinatore nazionale Sulta); Luciano VASAPOLLO (docente
universitario); Alex ZANOTELLI (Pax Christi); Maurizio ZIPPONI
(segretario generale Fiom-Cgil Milano); Massimo ZUCCHETTI (docente
universitario);
---
FORUM CONTRO LA GUERRA:
Il primo incontro nazionale di tutti gli aderenti all'appello
si terrà domenica 11 gennaio 2004 a Milano,
dalle ore 11.00 alle 16.00, nel salone dell'ANPI (via Pietro
Mascagni, 6 - Metro SAN BABILA - linea rossa).
Il testo dell'appello coi primi firmatari si trova sul sito:
www.forumcontrolaguerra.org
Per adesioni e comunicazioni :
adesioni@...
Tutte le informazioni relative alle iniziative del Forum
verranno rese note sul sito e comunicate direttamente agli
aderenti all'indirizzo di posta elettronica che essi ci
segnaleranno con la loro adesione. Si raccomanda pertanto
la massima precisione nella comunicazione del proprio
recapito di posta elettronica
Forum contro la guerra
---
Forum contro la guerra
Ritirare i militari italiani dall’Iraq,
fermare la "guerra preventiva",
rimuovere le radici del sistema di guerra
Appello / base di discussione
1)La "guerra preventiva" condotta dagli Stati Uniti contro
l’Iraq (e ripetutamente minacciata contro altri Paesi), ha
dimostrato con evidenza crescente di avere alle spalle
interessi economici, geopolitici e strategici che
contrappongono la superpotenza americana e i suoi più stretti
alleati al resto del mondo, a gran parte dell'opinione pubblica
e a molte potenze fino a ieri "partner" nella NATO.
Il tentativo di riscrivere con la guerra la mappa del Medio
Oriente, la geografia del petrolio e l'insieme delle relazioni
internazionali, è un ricatto inaccettabile.
2)La società civile, nella quasi totalità dei Paesi del mondo,
ha detto chiaramente no alla logica della guerra preventiva e
permanente. Lo ha fatto, anche nel nostro Paese, riempiendo le
piazze, rispondendo no alla guerra - senza se e senza ma - in tutti i
sondaggi, corredando intere città con le bandiere della pace,
con la decisiva partecipazione dei lavoratori a questa lotta :
condizione imprescindibile per accrescerne la forza e
qualificarne i contenuti.
3)La concessione dell'uso delle basi militari USA e NATO, dei
corridoi di sorvolo, della rete di trasporto per le forze
armate statunitensi, è stata giustamente contestata sui binari,
nei porti, davanti alle basi militari e in Parlamento.
Se oltre l'80% degli italiani si è opposto alla guerra, questo
governo e questo parlamento non avevano e non hanno la
legittimità morale e politica per rendere l'Italia complice di
aggressioni militari contro altri Paesi.
La Costituzione (art.11), che va difesa con intransigenza,
"ripudia" sempre e comunque il ricorso alla guerra come mezzo
di risoluzione delle controversie internazionali. Altrettanto
recita la Carta delle Nazioni Unite e lo stesso principio dovrà
ispirare qualsiasi ipotesi di Costituzione europea.
4)Nascondersi dietro il rispetto degli impegni internazionali
dell'Italia non è credibile per nessun governo e nessuna
maggioranza parlamentare. E' l'intera struttura degli
automatismi, dei vincoli e dei condizionamenti alla nostra
sovranità connessi all'adesione alla NATO che va rivista
radicalmente. Non é più accettabile che un paese venga coinvolto
in una guerra sulla base di trattati siglati cinquanta anni fa e mai
verificati democraticamente.
Lo smantellamento delle basi militari che ospitano armi
nucleari, bombe, aviogetti statunitensi , deve costituire un
obiettivo prioritario della "politica" ed un significativo
passaggio di qualità dell'ampio e unitario movimento che si
oppone alla guerra in Italia, in Europa, nel mondo.
5)In una realtà internazionale in cui, dal Medio Oriente
all'Asia, dall’Africa all’America Latina, guerre e tensioni
sono tornate a dominare, si delinea il rischio di una nuova e
devastante corsa agli armamenti, foriera a sua volta di un
perverso mercato delle armi.
Le spese militari americane sono superiori di tre volte
rispetto a quelle di tutti i paesi dell’Unione europea messi
insieme. Sarebbe tragico se, per riequilibrare questa
differenza ed affermare la propria autonomia, l'Ue inseguisse
gli Stati Uniti sulla strada del riarmo e dell'aumento delle
spese militari.
Una nuova corsa agli armamenti non è la strada giusta per la
prospettiva di un mondo multipolare, non più dominato dalla
supremazia della superpotenza statunitense. Tale prospettiva va
perseguita con una linea di disarmo progressivo e bilanciato,
di riequilibrio al ribasso, che tuteli la sicurezza di ognuno e
punti a un Trattato internazionale per la effettiva messa al
bando di tutte le armi di sterminio, a partire da quelle
nucleari.
Questo può e deve diventare un obiettivo primario e permanente
del movimento mondiale per la pace, nella convergenza di
popoli, governi e confessioni religiose che comprendono la
quasi totalità del genere umano.
6)Dire con forza no alla guerra, "senza se e senza ma",
significa non solo tenere l'Italia fuori dalla guerra e le basi
militari USA e NATO fuori dall’Italia – a cominciare dal ritiro
dei militari italiani coinvolti in operazioni belliche .
Significa anche creare le condizioni per una trasformazione
democratica e sociale che, mettendo al bando la guerra, cominci
anche ad indicare una alternativa di società tesa ad impedire
che l’umanità sia nuovamente vittima delle guerre e della
competizione globale tra le maggiori potenze capitaliste.
A tal fine crediamo utile la costruzione di un Forum permanente
che, nell’ambito del più generale movimento unitario contro la
guerra - e nella solidarietà coi popoli minacciati dalla
crescente aggressività della politica statunitense -
contribuisca al confronto e all’iniziativa su queste
problematiche.
Primi firmatari
Piergiovanni ALLEVA (docente universitario, Consulta giuridica
CGIL); Antonio AMOROSO (coordinatore nazionale Cub-Trasporti);
Michele Anelli (gruppo musicale Groovers); Pietro ANTONINI (RdB
Trasporti); Marino BADIALE (matematico, Comitato scienziate/i
contro la guerra); Angelo BARACCA (docente universitario,
Comitato scienziate/i contro la guerra); Stefano BENNI
(scrittore); Vincenzo BRANDI (ricercatore ENEA); Pino CACUCCI
(scrittore); Nino CALOGERO ( segretario confederale della
Camera del Lavoro di Gioia Tauro); Luciano CANFORA (docente
universitario); Armando Casaroli (gruppo musicale Mirafiori Kids);
Antonio Catalfamo (scrittore); Andrea CATONE (presidente
Associazione Most za Beograd); Mariella CAU (coordinatrice
Comitato sardo "Gettiamo le basi"); padre Angelo CAVAGNA ( Presidente
GAVCI) ; Gianmario CAZZANIGA (docente universitario); Paolo
CENTO (deputato al Parlamento); Stefano CHIARINI (giornalista);
Nicola CIPOLLA (presidente CEPES Palermo); Roberto COCEVARI (presidente
Ass. Italia-Vietnam Milano); Luigi CORTESI (direttore di
"Giano"); Alessandro CURZI (direttore di "Liberazione");
Michele D’APUZZO (coordinatore nazionale Sulta); Ferruccio
Danini (direttivo nazionale CGIL); Raffaele DE GRADA (critico
d’arte); Vezio DE LUCIA (urbanista); Claudio DEL BELLO (docente
universitario, direttore edizioni Odradek); Tommaso DI
FRANCESCO (caposervizi esteri de "Il Manifesto"); Manlio
DINUCCI (giornalista); Valerio EVANGELISTI (scrittore); Paolo
fara (gruppo musicale Mirafiori Kids); Massimiliano Ferraro
(gruppo musicale Groovers); Roberto FORESTI (presidente Ass.
Italia-Cuba); Fabio FRATI (coordinatore nazionale Sulta); don
Andrea GALLO (sacerdote); Mario GEYMONAT (docente universitario);
Enrico GIARMOLEO ( RSU Fiom-Cgil Officine Meccaniche
calabresi); Roberto GIUDICI (responsabile esteri Fiom Milano);
Alfiero GRANDI (deputato, direttivo nazionale Ds); Dino GRECO
(segretario generale Camera del Lavoro Brescia); Fulvio
GRIMALDI (giornalista); Margherita HACK (scienziata -
astronoma); Raniero LA VALLE (giornalista); Giancarlo LannutTi
(giornalista); Pierpaolo LEONARDI (coordinatore nazionale Cub);
Domenico LOSURDO (docente universitario); Carlo LUCARELLI
(scrittore); Riccardo LUCCIO (docente universitario); Edoardo
MAGNONE (chimico, Comitato scienziate/i contro la guerra);
Lucio MANISCO (europarlamentare); Franco MARENCO (fisico);
Emilio MARTINES (Ricercatore CNR); Federico MARTINO (docente
universitario); Andrea MARTOCCHIA (astrofisico); Giorgio MELE (sinistra
Ds); Marco MEZZETTI ( gruppo musicale Ratoblanco); Fabio
MINAZZI (docente universitario); Adalberto MINUCCI (direttore
responsabile di "Avvenimenti"); Evasio Muraro (gruppo musicale
Groovers); Carlo MUSCETTA (critico letterario); Giorgio NEBBIA
(docente universitario); Nerio NESI (vice-presidente
Associazione "Socrate"); Raffaele NOGARO (vescovo di Caserta);
Diego NOVELLI (direttore editoriale di "Avvenimenti"); Gianni
PAGLIARINI ( Segretario nazionale FP- CGIL); Emidia PAPI
(coordinamento nazionale RdB); Vittorio PAROLA (direzione DS-
Socialismo 2000); Giovanni PESCE (medaglia d’oro Resistenza);
Luciano PETTINARI (direttivo nazionale Ds, Socialismo 2000);
Giuseppe PRESTIPINO (docente universitario); Domenico
PROVENZANO (coordinatore nazionale RdB Pubblico Impiego); Francesca
PUTINI (coordinatrice nazionale Cub-Trasporti); Massimo RAFFAELI
(critico letterario); Alessandra RICCIO (co-direttrice di
"LatinoAmerica"); Gianni RINALDINI (segretario generale Fiom); Rossano
ROSSI ( Segretario CGIL-Toscana); Mauro SALIZZONI (medico
chirurgo); Cesare SALVI (senatore, Socialismo 2000); Edoardo
SANGUINETTI (poeta); Enzo SANTARELLI (storico); Giuseppina
SANTORELLI (coordinatrice nazionale Cub-Trasporti); Gianni
Sappa (gruppo musicale Mirafiori Kids); Maurizio SCARPA
(segretario nazionale Filcams-Cgil); Flaviano Sciarpa (gruppo musicale
Mirafiori Kids); Sandro e Marino SEVERINI ( gruppo musicale
Gang); Vincenzo SINISCALCHI (coordinatore nazionale Sulta);
Andrea SPADONI (coordinatore nazionale Cub-Trasporti); Osvaldo
SQUASSINA ( Segretario generale FIOM Brescia); Giancarlo
STRAINI ( segretario nazionale FILCEA-CGIL); Pino TAGLIAZUCCHI
(direttore "Notizie internazionali" Fiom-Cgil); Sergio TANZARELLA
(docente universitario); Stefano TASSINARI (scrittore); Piergiorgio
TIBONI (coordinatore nazionale Cub); Fabrizio TOMASELLI
(coordinatore nazionale Sulta); Luciano VASAPOLLO (docente
universitario); Alex ZANOTELLI (Pax Christi); Maurizio ZIPPONI
(segretario generale Fiom-Cgil Milano); Massimo ZUCCHETTI (docente
universitario);
BEOGRADSKI FORUM: Medjunarodni faktori "ukinuli drzavu"
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-12-18.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Beograd, 12.12..2003.
UKIDANJE DRŽAVE
Zajedničku državu Srbije i Crne Gore ukinuli su Vojislav Koštunica,
Miroljub Labus, pokojni Zoran Djindjić, Milo Djukanović, Filip
Vujanović i Havijer Solana svojim potpisima na tzv. "Polazne osnove" od
14. marta 2002. godine. Kasnije je to formalizovano usvajanjem Ustavne
povelje u Saveznoj skupštini kojom je predsedavao Dragoljub Mićunović.
Danas smo bez zajedničke države, bez zajedničke strategije, sa urušenom
privredom, novim ogromnim dugovima, novim nabujalim separatizmima i
novom armijom nezaposlenih. To što su domaći političari time izvršavali
naloge Solane i štitili njegove interese ne smanjuje, već povećava
njihovu odgovornost.
Ovo je, pored ostalog, rečeno na promociji knjige "Ukidanje države"
Živadina Jovanovića u Srpskom kulturnom centru "Sveti Sava" u Subotici.
U prisustvu velikog broja Subotičana, o knjizi su govorili članovi
Beogradskog foruma za svet ravnopravnih prof. Oskar Kovač, koji je
recenzent i pisac predgovora, Rade Drobac, publicista i
spoljnopolitički komentator i autor knjige.
Prof. Oskar Kovač, govoreći o stanju u zemlji u protekle tri godine,
rekao je: bivši DOS koji je na vlast došao uz pomoć"medjunarodne
zajednice" odgovoran je za eskalaciju krize u svim oblastima života u
zamlji. Krizu u državi nisu rešili ali su zato ukinuli državu! To je
lek gori od bolesti! Odgovarajući na pitanje iz publike: koliko je
verovati minhauzenskim obećanjima ostatka DOS u sadašnjoj izbornoj
kampanji, on je rekao: čime god pokušavali da zavaraju narod, oni će
nastaviti da vode dosadašnju katastrofalnu politiku. To je politika
"medjunarodne zajednice" za čije sprovodjenje su oni bili dovedeni na
vlast, sa čime ponovo računaju.
Rade Drobac je istakao da iza političkih promena u Srbiji 2000. godine
stoji direktna politička, finansijska, medijska i logistička podrška
Zapada, pre svega anglo-saksonskog faktora, kao i da je njihov uticaj
na aktuelna zbivanja u našoj zemlji presudan i danas. Od lustracije,
edukacije, urušavanja državnih organa, slabljenja privrede, obračuna sa
političkim neistomišljenicima, pa sve do kreiranja ustavnih i zakonskih
kao i kadrovskih i drugih rešenja.
Odgovarajući na jedno od pitanja o kampanji za povratak monarhije, Rade
Drobac je istakao da je to inspirisano iz Londona. Pretendent na presto
je britanski državljanin i oficir njihove vojske. Ta kampanja, uoči
izbora, ima za cilj i da pomogne rojalističke stranke kako bi se razbio
patriotski blok i stvorili uslovi da jedna od varijanti DOS - a, - DS,
DSS ili G 17-plus - ipak zadrži vlast i time se zaštite interesi Zapada
u našoj zemlji.
Na pitanje koji strani faktor ima dominantan uticaj na zbivanja u
zemqi, Živadin Jovanović je, ogradjujući se od rizika
pojednostavljivanja, izneo lični stav da je to nesumnjivo
anglo-američki faktor koji, pored ostalog, dominira u vojsci i
policiji. Na drugom mestu je Nemačka i na trećem Francuska. Rusija,
preokupirana unutrašnjim problemima, pre svega ekspanzijom islamskog
fundamentalizma i terorizma - manje je politički prisutna, a ekonomska
saradnja sa zemljama u razvoju je zapostavljena iako nova tržišta nisu
pronadjena.
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
11000 Beograd, Mišarska 6/II, Jugoslavija
tel/Fax: (++381 11) 3245601
E-Mail: beoforum@...
www.belgrade-forum.org
http://www.artel.co.yu/sr/reakcije_citalaca/2003-12-18.html
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
Beograd, 12.12..2003.
UKIDANJE DRŽAVE
Zajedničku državu Srbije i Crne Gore ukinuli su Vojislav Koštunica,
Miroljub Labus, pokojni Zoran Djindjić, Milo Djukanović, Filip
Vujanović i Havijer Solana svojim potpisima na tzv. "Polazne osnove" od
14. marta 2002. godine. Kasnije je to formalizovano usvajanjem Ustavne
povelje u Saveznoj skupštini kojom je predsedavao Dragoljub Mićunović.
Danas smo bez zajedničke države, bez zajedničke strategije, sa urušenom
privredom, novim ogromnim dugovima, novim nabujalim separatizmima i
novom armijom nezaposlenih. To što su domaći političari time izvršavali
naloge Solane i štitili njegove interese ne smanjuje, već povećava
njihovu odgovornost.
Ovo je, pored ostalog, rečeno na promociji knjige "Ukidanje države"
Živadina Jovanovića u Srpskom kulturnom centru "Sveti Sava" u Subotici.
U prisustvu velikog broja Subotičana, o knjizi su govorili članovi
Beogradskog foruma za svet ravnopravnih prof. Oskar Kovač, koji je
recenzent i pisac predgovora, Rade Drobac, publicista i
spoljnopolitički komentator i autor knjige.
Prof. Oskar Kovač, govoreći o stanju u zemlji u protekle tri godine,
rekao je: bivši DOS koji je na vlast došao uz pomoć"medjunarodne
zajednice" odgovoran je za eskalaciju krize u svim oblastima života u
zamlji. Krizu u državi nisu rešili ali su zato ukinuli državu! To je
lek gori od bolesti! Odgovarajući na pitanje iz publike: koliko je
verovati minhauzenskim obećanjima ostatka DOS u sadašnjoj izbornoj
kampanji, on je rekao: čime god pokušavali da zavaraju narod, oni će
nastaviti da vode dosadašnju katastrofalnu politiku. To je politika
"medjunarodne zajednice" za čije sprovodjenje su oni bili dovedeni na
vlast, sa čime ponovo računaju.
Rade Drobac je istakao da iza političkih promena u Srbiji 2000. godine
stoji direktna politička, finansijska, medijska i logistička podrška
Zapada, pre svega anglo-saksonskog faktora, kao i da je njihov uticaj
na aktuelna zbivanja u našoj zemlji presudan i danas. Od lustracije,
edukacije, urušavanja državnih organa, slabljenja privrede, obračuna sa
političkim neistomišljenicima, pa sve do kreiranja ustavnih i zakonskih
kao i kadrovskih i drugih rešenja.
Odgovarajući na jedno od pitanja o kampanji za povratak monarhije, Rade
Drobac je istakao da je to inspirisano iz Londona. Pretendent na presto
je britanski državljanin i oficir njihove vojske. Ta kampanja, uoči
izbora, ima za cilj i da pomogne rojalističke stranke kako bi se razbio
patriotski blok i stvorili uslovi da jedna od varijanti DOS - a, - DS,
DSS ili G 17-plus - ipak zadrži vlast i time se zaštite interesi Zapada
u našoj zemlji.
Na pitanje koji strani faktor ima dominantan uticaj na zbivanja u
zemqi, Živadin Jovanović je, ogradjujući se od rizika
pojednostavljivanja, izneo lični stav da je to nesumnjivo
anglo-američki faktor koji, pored ostalog, dominira u vojsci i
policiji. Na drugom mestu je Nemačka i na trećem Francuska. Rusija,
preokupirana unutrašnjim problemima, pre svega ekspanzijom islamskog
fundamentalizma i terorizma - manje je politički prisutna, a ekonomska
saradnja sa zemljama u razvoju je zapostavljena iako nova tržišta nisu
pronadjena.
BEOGRADSKI FORUM ZA SVET RAVNOPRAVNIH
11000 Beograd, Mišarska 6/II, Jugoslavija
tel/Fax: (++381 11) 3245601
E-Mail: beoforum@...
www.belgrade-forum.org
SERBIA OGGI: IN PARLAMENTO VOTA ANCHE CHI NON C'E'
Dacic says Tadic will be key witness against Micic
Tanjug - December 16, 2003
10:52 JAGODINA , Dec 16 (Tanjug) - Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) Main
Board President Ivica Dacic has said that after admitting that Neda
Arneric, MP, was on holiday and not at parliament during the vote for
a new National Bank of Serbia governor, ranking Democratic Party
official Boris Tadic "might be the key witness at the trial of Natasa
Micic, who was sued by the SPS for rigging the vote at the Serbian
parliament."
"We expect Tadic to admit that parliament member Novakovic was in
Thessaloniki and that there were other rigging cases," Dacic said in
Jagodina, where he took part in an SPS election rally.
Copyright 2003 Tanjug News Agency
Posted for Fair Use only.
Dacic says Tadic will be key witness against Micic
Tanjug - December 16, 2003
10:52 JAGODINA , Dec 16 (Tanjug) - Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) Main
Board President Ivica Dacic has said that after admitting that Neda
Arneric, MP, was on holiday and not at parliament during the vote for
a new National Bank of Serbia governor, ranking Democratic Party
official Boris Tadic "might be the key witness at the trial of Natasa
Micic, who was sued by the SPS for rigging the vote at the Serbian
parliament."
"We expect Tadic to admit that parliament member Novakovic was in
Thessaloniki and that there were other rigging cases," Dacic said in
Jagodina, where he took part in an SPS election rally.
Copyright 2003 Tanjug News Agency
Posted for Fair Use only.
See also:
Mr. Clark Goes To The Hague (by Nebojsa Malic)
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m-col.html
-------------------------------------------------------------
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Mer 17 Dic 2003 17:51:26 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] JAIL WESLEY CLARK! FREE MILOSEVIC!
PEOPLE AND ICDSM AT THE HAGUE 15 December 2003
NEW ON www.icdsm.org
Demonstrations and ICDSM press conference at The Hague - picture report
http://www.icdsm.org/more/hague151203.htm
ICDSM attorney Tiphaine Dickson on ban of all communication with
President Milosevic
http://www.icdsm.org/more/gagorder.htm
ICDSM attorney Tiphaine Dickson on Wesley Clark testimony
http://www.icdsm.org/more/deposition.htm
ICDSM statements - open letters:
- by Professor Velko Valkanov
http://www.icdsm.org/more/velkoclark.htm
- by Christopher Black
http://www.icdsm.org/more/chrisreg.htm
PUBLIC STATEMENT BY TORONTO LAWYERS
http://www.icdsm.org/more/toronto.htm
What are you hiding, general Clark? - gallery
http://www.icdsm.org/more/draftWC.htm
---
Picket in New York City:
JAIL WESLEY CLARK! FREE MILOSEVIC!
NYC, 16 December 2003
US National Section of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic organized and hold a picket in front of the presidential
campaign headquarters of General Wesley Clark. His office was presented
with the formal indictment drawn up by Attorney Christopher Black and
others for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia along with the charges
made by Amnesty International and others. ICDSM-US press release was
also presented and hundreds of leaflets were handed out, protesting the
conditions of the secret testimony of Wesley Clark at the ICTY, the
ICTY itself, and the treatment of President Milosevic.
The leaflets also contained a long list of violations by Wesley Clark
as well as by the ICTY, including the most recent one regarding the
violation of the inalienable right of the Serbian people to choose
their own government, violated by the ICTY in their effort to thwart
the election of Slobodan Milosevic to a seat in the Serbian
parliamentary elections Dec. 28th. The leaflets were well received and
caused many supportive discussions.
A 30 foot banner was unfurled on the sidewalk in front of the Wesley
Clark’s offices. The picket was lively and lasted for 45 minutes.
People shouted slogans like "Jail Wesley
Clark! Free Milosevic!" A cable TV program in NYC covered the event.
---
ICDSM-US
U.S. National Section of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic
Press Release
#3
Email: info@...
December 16,
2003
Website: www.icdsm-us.org
Telephone:
212-726-1260
Yahoo group: icdsm-us
For Immediate Release:
PRESS CONFERENCE AND DEMONSTRATION SCHEDULED TODAY IN NEW YORK TO
PROTEST THE SECRET TESTIMONY OF GEN. WESLEY CLARK AT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
- GEN. WESLEY CLARK TO BE SERVED WITH INDICTMENTS FOR WAR CRIMES
December 16, 2003
Today the U.S. National Section of the International Committee for the
Defense of Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) will hold a press conference and
demonstration at the presidential campaign offices of Gen. Wesley Clark
at 40 West 25th Street in New York City at 1 PM to protest his wrongful
and outrageous secret testimony on behalf of the prosecution at the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
Representatives of the ICDSM-US, will serve indictments for war crimes
on Gen. Wesley Clark at his presidential campaign headquarters. Today’s
event will coincide with a similar protest and press conference
organized at The Hague with other national sections of the ICDSM
yesterday.
We accuse Gen. Wesley Clark, former NATO commander and current U.S.
presidential candidate, of war crimes against the people of Yugoslavia
during the 78-day bombing of that country in the spring of 1999. As
commander of that war Gen. Clark is guilty of directing thousands of
bombings of civilian targets in Yugoslavia resulting in the deaths of
several thousand civilians.
As a war criminal Gen. Clark is unfit to testify as a prosecution
witness. Moreover, his secret testimony is an improper and unlawful
manipulation of judicial practice, making a mockery of any claims by
the ICTY at The Hague to uphold standards of justice or international
law. While the ICTY purports to be concerned with war crimes committed
in Yugoslavia, it has refused to indict a single NATO government
official. But by allowing the U.S. government to screen, censor and
control the conditions of Gen. Clark’s testimony, the ICTY has
completely destroyed any legitimacy to these proceedings.
As NATO commander of the 78-day NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in the
spring of 1999:
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the principles of the
Nuremberg Tribunal, the Geneva Convention and United Nations
Resolutions of 1950 regarding crimes against peace.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the Helsinki Accords of
1975. In seeking to detach Kosovo from Serbia, Clark violated the
guarantees undertaken by all signatories that the territorial frontiers
of the states of Europe would not be altered by force.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated articles 48-58 of the 1977
Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions relating to the
protection of the civilian population.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the 1954 Hague Convention
for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict
by ordering the destruction of Serbian religious and historical sites.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the 1980 Vienna Convention
on the Law of Treaties. By seeking to bully Yugoslavia into accepting
the so-called Rambouillet agreement, Clark was guilty of violating
Articles 51 and 52 of that treaty.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated NATO's own charter which
claims that it is a defensive organization that will only resort to
force if one of its members is attacked.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the Vienna Convention for
the Protection of the Ozone Layer (1985, UNEP), the Montreal Protocol
on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer (1987) and the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992).
· Gen. Wesley Clark is directly responsible for the atrocities
committed at the Grdelica Gorge where a civilian train with 56
passengers was incinerated.
· Gen. Wesley Clark is directly responsible for war crimes
relating to the targeting of the Serbian Radio and Television
headquarters in Belgrade where 16 journalists and staff were murdered.
· Gen. Wesley Clark is responsible for numerous other acts in
violation of international law and for war crimes relating to the
targeting and deaths of civilians in Yugoslavia.
Today’s demonstration also protests the outrageous actions by the ICTY
banning most if not all contact and communications by President
Milosevic and fellow prisoner Vojislav Seselj with the outside world.
This purpose of this decision, taken on Dec. 12, is openly admitted as
prevention of the elections of President Milosevic and Dr. Seselj to
seats in the upcoming Serbian parliamentary elections of Dec. 28. This
attempt by the powers running the ICTY to suppress the right of the
Serbian people to choose their own government is a violation of the
inalienable natural rights of the Serbian people to freely elect their
own representatives.
The U.S. Section of the ICDSM rejects the legitimacy of this trial and
that of the ICTY itself. But at the same time we cannot stand by
without protesting the gross violations of fundamental legal,
democratic and human rights visited upon Slobodan Milosevic by this
court. We view this trial as an act of political warfare against the
people of Serbia and against the basic democratic rights of the whole
of humanity that cannot be allowed to succeed.
---
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Mr. Clark Goes To The Hague (by Nebojsa Malic)
http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m-col.html
-------------------------------------------------------------
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Mer 17 Dic 2003 17:51:26 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] JAIL WESLEY CLARK! FREE MILOSEVIC!
PEOPLE AND ICDSM AT THE HAGUE 15 December 2003
NEW ON www.icdsm.org
Demonstrations and ICDSM press conference at The Hague - picture report
http://www.icdsm.org/more/hague151203.htm
ICDSM attorney Tiphaine Dickson on ban of all communication with
President Milosevic
http://www.icdsm.org/more/gagorder.htm
ICDSM attorney Tiphaine Dickson on Wesley Clark testimony
http://www.icdsm.org/more/deposition.htm
ICDSM statements - open letters:
- by Professor Velko Valkanov
http://www.icdsm.org/more/velkoclark.htm
- by Christopher Black
http://www.icdsm.org/more/chrisreg.htm
PUBLIC STATEMENT BY TORONTO LAWYERS
http://www.icdsm.org/more/toronto.htm
What are you hiding, general Clark? - gallery
http://www.icdsm.org/more/draftWC.htm
---
Picket in New York City:
JAIL WESLEY CLARK! FREE MILOSEVIC!
NYC, 16 December 2003
US National Section of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic organized and hold a picket in front of the presidential
campaign headquarters of General Wesley Clark. His office was presented
with the formal indictment drawn up by Attorney Christopher Black and
others for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia along with the charges
made by Amnesty International and others. ICDSM-US press release was
also presented and hundreds of leaflets were handed out, protesting the
conditions of the secret testimony of Wesley Clark at the ICTY, the
ICTY itself, and the treatment of President Milosevic.
The leaflets also contained a long list of violations by Wesley Clark
as well as by the ICTY, including the most recent one regarding the
violation of the inalienable right of the Serbian people to choose
their own government, violated by the ICTY in their effort to thwart
the election of Slobodan Milosevic to a seat in the Serbian
parliamentary elections Dec. 28th. The leaflets were well received and
caused many supportive discussions.
A 30 foot banner was unfurled on the sidewalk in front of the Wesley
Clark’s offices. The picket was lively and lasted for 45 minutes.
People shouted slogans like "Jail Wesley
Clark! Free Milosevic!" A cable TV program in NYC covered the event.
---
ICDSM-US
U.S. National Section of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan
Milosevic
Press Release
#3
Email: info@...
December 16,
2003
Website: www.icdsm-us.org
Telephone:
212-726-1260
Yahoo group: icdsm-us
For Immediate Release:
PRESS CONFERENCE AND DEMONSTRATION SCHEDULED TODAY IN NEW YORK TO
PROTEST THE SECRET TESTIMONY OF GEN. WESLEY CLARK AT THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
- GEN. WESLEY CLARK TO BE SERVED WITH INDICTMENTS FOR WAR CRIMES
December 16, 2003
Today the U.S. National Section of the International Committee for the
Defense of Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM) will hold a press conference and
demonstration at the presidential campaign offices of Gen. Wesley Clark
at 40 West 25th Street in New York City at 1 PM to protest his wrongful
and outrageous secret testimony on behalf of the prosecution at the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
Representatives of the ICDSM-US, will serve indictments for war crimes
on Gen. Wesley Clark at his presidential campaign headquarters. Today’s
event will coincide with a similar protest and press conference
organized at The Hague with other national sections of the ICDSM
yesterday.
We accuse Gen. Wesley Clark, former NATO commander and current U.S.
presidential candidate, of war crimes against the people of Yugoslavia
during the 78-day bombing of that country in the spring of 1999. As
commander of that war Gen. Clark is guilty of directing thousands of
bombings of civilian targets in Yugoslavia resulting in the deaths of
several thousand civilians.
As a war criminal Gen. Clark is unfit to testify as a prosecution
witness. Moreover, his secret testimony is an improper and unlawful
manipulation of judicial practice, making a mockery of any claims by
the ICTY at The Hague to uphold standards of justice or international
law. While the ICTY purports to be concerned with war crimes committed
in Yugoslavia, it has refused to indict a single NATO government
official. But by allowing the U.S. government to screen, censor and
control the conditions of Gen. Clark’s testimony, the ICTY has
completely destroyed any legitimacy to these proceedings.
As NATO commander of the 78-day NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in the
spring of 1999:
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the principles of the
Nuremberg Tribunal, the Geneva Convention and United Nations
Resolutions of 1950 regarding crimes against peace.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the Helsinki Accords of
1975. In seeking to detach Kosovo from Serbia, Clark violated the
guarantees undertaken by all signatories that the territorial frontiers
of the states of Europe would not be altered by force.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated articles 48-58 of the 1977
Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions relating to the
protection of the civilian population.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the 1954 Hague Convention
for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict
by ordering the destruction of Serbian religious and historical sites.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the 1980 Vienna Convention
on the Law of Treaties. By seeking to bully Yugoslavia into accepting
the so-called Rambouillet agreement, Clark was guilty of violating
Articles 51 and 52 of that treaty.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated NATO's own charter which
claims that it is a defensive organization that will only resort to
force if one of its members is attacked.
· Gen. Wesley Clark willfully violated the Vienna Convention for
the Protection of the Ozone Layer (1985, UNEP), the Montreal Protocol
on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer (1987) and the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992).
· Gen. Wesley Clark is directly responsible for the atrocities
committed at the Grdelica Gorge where a civilian train with 56
passengers was incinerated.
· Gen. Wesley Clark is directly responsible for war crimes
relating to the targeting of the Serbian Radio and Television
headquarters in Belgrade where 16 journalists and staff were murdered.
· Gen. Wesley Clark is responsible for numerous other acts in
violation of international law and for war crimes relating to the
targeting and deaths of civilians in Yugoslavia.
Today’s demonstration also protests the outrageous actions by the ICTY
banning most if not all contact and communications by President
Milosevic and fellow prisoner Vojislav Seselj with the outside world.
This purpose of this decision, taken on Dec. 12, is openly admitted as
prevention of the elections of President Milosevic and Dr. Seselj to
seats in the upcoming Serbian parliamentary elections of Dec. 28. This
attempt by the powers running the ICTY to suppress the right of the
Serbian people to choose their own government is a violation of the
inalienable natural rights of the Serbian people to freely elect their
own representatives.
The U.S. Section of the ICDSM rejects the legitimacy of this trial and
that of the ICTY itself. But at the same time we cannot stand by
without protesting the gross violations of fundamental legal,
democratic and human rights visited upon Slobodan Milosevic by this
court. We view this trial as an act of political warfare against the
people of Serbia and against the basic democratic rights of the whole
of humanity that cannot be allowed to succeed.
---
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsm-us.org/ (US section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Da: ICDSM Italia
Data: Mer 17 Dic 2003 13:54:57 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
War Propaganda and the Criminalization of Justice:
The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
by Michael Parenti
www.michaelParenti.org , December 2003
www.globalresearch.ca 17 December 2003
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/PAR312A.html
U.S. leaders profess a dedication to democracy. Yet over the past five
decades, democratically elected governments---guilty of introducing
redistributive economic programs or otherwise pursuing independent
courses that do not properly fit into the U.S.-sponsored global free
market system---have found themselves targeted by the U.S. national
security state. Thus democratic governments in Argentina, Bolivia,
Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, the Dominican Republic, Greece, Guatemala,
Guyana, Haiti, Syria, Uruguay, and numerous other nations were
overthrown by their respective military forces, funded and advised by
the United States. The newly installed military rulers then rolled back
the egalitarian reforms and opened their countries all the wider to
foreign corporate investors.
The U.S. national security state also has participated in destabilizing
covert actions, proxy mercenary wars, or direct military attacks
against revolutionary or nationalist governments in Afghanistan (in the
1980s), Angola, Cambodia, Cuba, East Timor, Egypt, Ethiopia, the Fiji
Islands, Grenada, Haiti, Indonesia (under Sukarno), Iran, Jamaica,
Lebanon, Libya, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Syria,
South Yemen, Venezuela (under Hugo Chavez), Western Sahara, and Iraq
(under the CIA-sponsored autocratic Saddam Hussein, after he emerged as
an economic nationalist and tried to cut a better deal on oil prices).
The propaganda method used to discredit many of these governments is
not particularly original, indeed by now it is quite transparently
predictable. Their leaders are denounced as bombastic, hostile, and
psychologically flawed. They are labeled power hungry demagogues,
mercurial strongmen, and the worst sort of dictators likened to Hitler
himself. The countries in question are designated as "terrorist" or
"rogue" states, guilty of being "anti-American" and "anti-West." Some
choice few are even condemned as members of an "evil axis." When
targeting a country and demonizing its leadership, U.S. leaders are
assisted by ideologically attuned publicists, pundits, academics, and
former government officials. Together they create a climate of opinion
that enables Washington to do whatever is necessary to inflict serious
damage upon the designated nation's infrastructure and population, all
in the name of human rights, anti-terrorism, and national security.
There is no better example of this than the tireless demonization of
democratically-elected President Slobodan Milosevic and the
U.S.-supported wars against Yugoslavia. Louis Sell, a former U.S.
Foreign Service officer, has authored a book (Slobodan Milosevic and
the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Duke University Press, 2002) that is a
hit piece on Milosevic, loaded with all the usual prefabricated images
and policy presumptions of the U.S. national security state. Sell's
Milosevic is a caricature, a cunning power seeker and maddened fool,
who turns on trusted comrades and plays upon divisions within the party.
This Milosevic is both an "orthodox socialist" and an "opportunistic
Serbian nationalist," a demagogic power-hungry "second Tito" who
simultaneously wants dictatorial power over all of Yugoslavia while
eagerly pursuing polices that "destroy the state that Tito created."
The author does not demonstrate by reference to specific policies and
programs that Milosevic is responsible for the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia, he just tells us so again and again. One would think that
the Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian Muslim, Macedonian, and Kosovo
Albanian secessionists and U.S./NATO interventionists might have had
something to do with it.
In my opinion, Milosevic's real sin was that he resisted the
dismemberment of Yugoslavia and opposed a U.S. imposed hegemony. He
also attempted to spare Yugoslavia the worst of the merciless
privatizations and rollbacks that have afflicted other former communist
countries. Yugoslavia was the only nation in Europe that did not apply
for entry into the European Union or NATO or OSCE.
For some left intellectuals, the former Yugoslavia did not qualify as a
socialist state because it had allowed too much penetration by private
corporations and the IMF. But U.S. policymakers are notorious for not
seeing the world the way purist left intellectuals do. For them
Yugoslavia was socialist enough with its developed human services
sector and an economy that was over 75 percent publicly owned. Sell
makes it clear that Yugoslavia's public ownership and Milosevic's
defense of that economy were a central consideration in Washington's
war against Yugoslavia. Milosevic, Sell complains, had a "commitment to
orthodox socialism." He "portrayed public ownership of the means of
production and a continued emphasis on [state] commodity production as
the best guarantees for prosperity." He had to go.
To make his case against Milosevic, Sell repeatedly falls back on the
usual ad hominem labeling. Thus we read that in his childhood Milosevic
was "something of a prig" and of course "by nature a loner," a weird
kind of kid because he was "uninterested in sports or other physical
activities," and he "spurned childhood pranks in favor of his books."
The author quotes an anonymous former classmate who reports that
Slobodan's mother "dressed him funny and kept him soft." Worse still,
Slobodan would never join in when other boys stole from orchards---no
doubt a sure sign of childhood pathology.
Sell further describes Milosevic as "moody," "reclusive," and given to
"mulish fatalism." But Sell's own data---when he pauses in his negative
labeling and gets down to specifics---contradicts the maladjusted
"moody loner" stereotype. He acknowledges that young Slobodan worked
well with other youth when it came to political activities. Far from
being unable to form close relations, Slobodan met a girl, his future
wife, and they enjoyed an enduring lifelong attachment. In his early
career when heading the Beogradska Banka, Milosevic was reportedly
"communicative, caring about people at the bank, and popular with his
staff." Other friends describe him as getting on well with people,
"communal and relaxed," a faithful husband to his wife, and a proud and
devoted father to his children. And Sell allows that Milosevic was at
times "confident," "outgoing," and "charismatic." But the negative
stereotype is so firmly established by repetitious pronouncement (and
by years of propagation by Western media and officialdom) that Sell can
simply slide over contradictory evidence---even when such evidence is
provided by himself.
Sell refers to anonymous "U.S. psychiatrists, who have studied
Milosevic closely." By "closely" he must mean from afar, since no U.S.
psychiatrist has ever treated or even interviewed Milosevic. These
uncited and unnamed psychiatrists supposedly diagnosed the Yugoslav
leader as a "malignant narcissistic" personality. Sell tells us that
such malignant narcissism fills Milosevic with self-deception and
leaves him with a "chore personality" that is a "sham." "People with
Milosevic's type of personality frequently either cannot or will not
recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be." How does Dr. Sigmund Sell know
all this? He seems to find proof in the fact that Milosevic dared to
have charted a course that differed from the one emanating from
Washington. Surely only personal pathology can explain such "anti-West"
obstinacy. Furthermore, we are told that Milosevic suffered from a
"blind spot" in that he was never comfortable with the notion of
private property. If this isn't evidence of malignant narcissism, what
is? Sell never considers the possibility that he himself, and the
global interventionists who think like him, cannot or will not
"recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be."
Milosevic, we are repeatedly told, fell under the growing influence of
his wife, Mirjana Markovic, "the real power behind the throne." Sell
actually calls her "Lady Macbeth" on one occasion. He portrays Markovic
as a complete wacko, given to uncontrollable anger; her eyes "vibrated
like a scared animal"; "she suffers from severe schizophrenia" with "a
tenuous grasp on reality," and is a hopeless "hypochondriac." In
addition, she has a "mousy" appearance and a "dreamy" and "traumatized"
personality. And like her husband, with whom she shares a "very
abnormal relationship," she has "an autistic relation with the world."
Worse still, she holds "hardline marxist views." We are left to wonder
how the autistic dysfunctional Markovic was able to work as a popular
university professor, organize and lead a new political party, and play
an active role in the popular resistance against Western
interventionism.
In this book, whenever Milosevic or others in his camp are quoted as
saying something, they "snarl," "gush," "hiss," and "crow." In
contrast, political players who win Sell's approval, "observe,"
"state," "note," and "conclude." When one of Milosevic's superiors
voices his discomfort about "noisy Kosovo Serbs" (as Sell calls them)
who were demonstrating against the mistreatment they suffered at the
hands of Kosovo Albanian secessionists, Milosevic "hisses," "Why are
you so afraid of the street and the people?" Some of us might think
this is a pretty good question to hiss at a government leader, but Sell
treats it as proof of Milosevic's demagoguery.
Whenever Milosevic did anything that aided the common citizenry, as
when he taxed the interest earned on foreign currency accounts---a
policy that was unpopular with Serbian elites but appreciated by the
poorer strata---he is dismissed as manipulatively currying popular
favor. Thus we must accept Sell's word that Milosevic never wanted the
power to prevent hunger but only hungered for power. The author
operates from a nonfalsefiable paradigm. If the targeted leader is
unresponsive to the people, this is proof of his dictatorial
proclivity. If he is responsive to them, this demonstrates his
demagogic opportunism.
In keeping with U.S. officialdom's view of the world, Sell labels
"Milosevic and his minions" as "hardliners," "conservatives," and
"ideologues"; they are "anti-West," and bound up in "socialist dogma."
In contrast, Croatian, Bosnian, and Kosovo Albanian secessionists who
worked hard to dismember Yugoslavia and deliver their respective
republics to the tender mercies of neoliberal rollback are identified
as "economic reformers," "the liberal leadership," and "pro-West"
(read, pro-transnational corporate capitalist). Sell treats
"Western-style democracy" and "a modern market economy" as necessary
correlates. He has nothing to say about the dismal plight of the
Eastern European countries that abandoned their deficient but endurable
planned economies for the merciless exactions of laissez-faire
capitalism.
Sell's sensitivity to demagoguery does not extend to Franco Tudjman,
the crypto-fascist anti-Semite Croat who had nice things to say about
Hitler, and who imposed his harsh autocratic rule on the newly
independent Croatia. Tudjman dismissed the Holocaust as an
exaggeration, and openly hailed the Croatian Ustashe Nazi collaborators
of World War II. He even employed a few aging Ustashe leaders in his
government. Sell says not a word about all this, and treats Tudjman as
just a good old Croatian nationalist. Likewise, he has not a critical
word about the Bosnian Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic. He comments
laconically that Izetbegovic "was sentenced to three years imprisonment
in 1946 for belonging to a group called the Young Muslims." One is left
with the impression that the Yugoslav communist government had
suppressed a devout Muslim. What Sell leaves unmentioned is that the
Young Muslims actively recruited Muslim units for the Nazi SS during
World War II; these units perpetrated horrid atrocities against the
resistance movement and the Jewish population in Yugoslavia.
Izetbegovic got off rather lightly with a three-year sentence.
Little is made in this book of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated against
the Serbs by U.S.-supported leaders like Tudjman and Izetbegovic during
and after the U.S.-sponsored wars. Conversely, no mention is made of
the ethnic tolerance and diversity that existed in President
Milosevic's Yugoslavia. By 1999, all that was left of Yugoslavia was
Montenegro and Serbia. Readers are never told that this rump nation was
the only remaining multi-ethnic society among the various former
Yugoslav republics, the only place where Serbs, Albanians, Croats,
Gorani, Jews, Egyptians, Hungarians, Roma, and numerous other ethnic
groups could live together with some measure of security and tolerance.
The relentless demonization of Milosevic spills over onto the Serbian
people in general. In Sell's book, the Serbs are aggrandizing
nationalists. Kosovo Serbs demonstrating against mistreatment by
Albanian nationalists are described as having their "bloodlust up." And
Serb workers demonstrating to defend their rights and hard won gains
are dismissed by Sell as "the lowest instruments of the mob." The Serbs
who had lived in Krajina and other parts of Croatia for centuries are
dismissed as colonial occupiers. In contrast, the Slovenian, Croatian,
and Bosnian Muslim nationalist secessionists, and Kosovo Albanian
irredentists are simply seeking "independence," "self-determination,"
and "cultural distinctiveness and sovereignty." In this book, the
Albanian KLA gunmen are not big-time drug dealers, terrorists, and
ethnic cleansers, but guerrilla fighters and patriots.
Military actions allegedly taken by the Serbs, described in the vaguest
terms, are repeatedly labeled "brutal," while assaults and atrocities
delivered upon the Serbs by other national groups are more usually
accepted as retaliatory and defensive, or are dismissed by Sell as
"untrue," "highly exaggerated," and "hyperventilated." Milosevic, Sell
says, disseminated "vicious propaganda" against the Croats, but he does
not give us any specifics. Sell does provide one or two instances of
how Serb villages were pillaged and their inhabitants raped and
murdered by Albanian secessionists. From this he grudgingly allows that
"some of the Serb charges . . . had a core of truth." But he makes
nothing more of it.
The well-timed, well-engineered story about a Serbian massacre of
unarmed Albanians in the village of Racak, hyped by U.S. diplomat and
veteran disinformationist William Walker, is wholeheartedly embraced by
Sell, who ignores all the contrary evidence. An Associated Press TV
crew had actually filmed the battle that took place in Racak the
previous day in which Serbian police killed a number of KLA fighters. A
French journalist who went through Racak later that day found evidence
of a battle but no evidence of a massacre of unarmed civilians, nor did
Walker's own Kosovo Verification Mission monitors. All the forensic
reports reveal that almost all of the forty-four persons killed had
previously been using fire arms, and all had perished in combat. Sell
simply ignores this evidence.
The media-hyped story of how the Serbs allegedly killed 7,000 Muslims
in Srebrenica is uncritically accepted by Sell, even though the most
thorough investigations have uncovered not more than 2,000 bodies of
undetermined nationality. The earlier massacres carried out by Muslims,
their razing of some fifty Serbian villages around Srebrenica, as
reported by two British correspondents and others, are ignored. The
complete failure of Western forensic teams to locate the 250,000 or
100,000 or 50,000 or 10,000 bodies (the numbers kept changing) of
Albanians supposedly murdered by the Serbs in Kosovo also goes
unnoticed.
Sell's rendition of what happened at Rambouillet leaves much to be
desired. Under Rambouillet, Kosovo would have been turned into a NATO
colony. Milosevic might have reluctantly agreed to that, so desperate
was he to avoid a full-scale NATO onslaught on the rest of Yugoslavia.
To be certain that war could not be avoided, however, the U.S.
delegation added a remarkable stipulation, demanding that NATO forces
and personnel were to have unrestrained access to all of Yugoslavia,
unfettered use of its airports, rails, ports, telecommunication
services, and airwaves, all free of cost and immune from any
jurisdiction by Yugoslav authorities. NATO would also have the option
to modify for its own use all of Yugoslavia's infrastructure including
roads, bridges, tunnels, buildings, and utility systems. In effect, not
just Kosovo but all of Yugoslavia was to be subjected to an
extraterritoriality tantamount to outright colonial occupation.
Sell does not mention these particulars. Instead he assures us that the
request for NATO's unimpeded access to Yugoslavia was just a pro forma
protocol inserted "largely for legal reasons." A similar though less
sweeping agreement was part of the Dayton package, he says. Indeed, and
the Dayton agreement reduced Bosnia to a Western colony. But if there
was nothing wrong with the Rambouillet ultimatum, why then did
Milosevic reject it? Sell ascribes Milosevic's resistance to his
perverse "bunker mentality" and his need to defy the world.
There is not a descriptive word in this book of the 78 days of
around-the-clock massive NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, no mention of how
it caused the loss of thousands of lives, injured and maimed thousands
more, contaminated much of the land and water with depleted uranium,
and destroyed much of the country's public sector industries and
infrastructure-while leaving all the private Western corporate
structures perfectly intact.
The sources that Sell relies on share U.S. officialdom's view of the
Balkans struggle. Observers who offer a more independently critical
perspective, such as Sean Gervassi, Diana Johnstone, Gregory Elich,
Nicholas Stavrous, Michel Collon, Raju Thomas, and Michel Chossudovsky
are left untouched and uncited. Important Western sources I reference
in my book on Yugoslavia offer evidence, testimony, and documentation
that do not fit Sell's conclusions, including sources from within the
European Union, the European Community's Commission on Women's Rights,
the OSCE and its Kosovo Verification Mission, the UN War Crimes
Commission, and various other UN commissions, various State Department
reports, the German Foreign Office and German Defense Ministry reports,
and the International Red Cross. Sell does not touch these sources.
Also ignored by him are the testimonies and statements of members of
the U.S. Congress who visited the Balkans, a former State Department
official under the Bush administration, a former deputy commander of
the U.S. European command, several UN and NATO generals and
international negotiators, Spanish air force pilots, forensic teams
from various countries, and UN monitors who offer revelations that
contradict the picture drawn by Sell and other apologists of U.S.
officialdom.
In sum, Sell's book is packed with discombobulated insider details,
unsupported charges, unexamined presumptions, and ideologically loaded
labeling. As mainstream disinformation goes, it is a job well done.
The Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at www.globalresearch.ca
grants permission to cross-post original CRG articles in their
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as the text and title of the article are not modified. The source must
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at www.globalresearch.ca . The active URL hyperlink address of the
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displayed. (For articles from other news sources, check with the
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articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites,
contact: editor@... .
Michael Parenti's recent books are To Kill a Nation: The Attack on
Yugoslavia (Verso), and The Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond
(City Lights). His latest work, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A
People's History of Ancient Rome has been nominated for a Pulitzer
Prize. © Copyright M Parenti 2003 For fair use only/ pour usage
équitable seulement.
==========================
ICDSM - Sezione Italiana
c/o GAMADI, Via L. Da Vinci 27
00043 Ciampino (Roma)
email: icdsm-italia@...
Conto Corrente Postale numero 86557006
intestato ad Adolfo Amoroso, ROMA
causale: DIFESA MILOSEVIC
Data: Mer 17 Dic 2003 13:54:57 Europe/Rome
A: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Oggetto: [icdsm-italia] The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
War Propaganda and the Criminalization of Justice:
The Demonization of Slobodan Milosevic
by Michael Parenti
www.michaelParenti.org , December 2003
www.globalresearch.ca 17 December 2003
The URL of this article is:
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/PAR312A.html
U.S. leaders profess a dedication to democracy. Yet over the past five
decades, democratically elected governments---guilty of introducing
redistributive economic programs or otherwise pursuing independent
courses that do not properly fit into the U.S.-sponsored global free
market system---have found themselves targeted by the U.S. national
security state. Thus democratic governments in Argentina, Bolivia,
Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, the Dominican Republic, Greece, Guatemala,
Guyana, Haiti, Syria, Uruguay, and numerous other nations were
overthrown by their respective military forces, funded and advised by
the United States. The newly installed military rulers then rolled back
the egalitarian reforms and opened their countries all the wider to
foreign corporate investors.
The U.S. national security state also has participated in destabilizing
covert actions, proxy mercenary wars, or direct military attacks
against revolutionary or nationalist governments in Afghanistan (in the
1980s), Angola, Cambodia, Cuba, East Timor, Egypt, Ethiopia, the Fiji
Islands, Grenada, Haiti, Indonesia (under Sukarno), Iran, Jamaica,
Lebanon, Libya, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Syria,
South Yemen, Venezuela (under Hugo Chavez), Western Sahara, and Iraq
(under the CIA-sponsored autocratic Saddam Hussein, after he emerged as
an economic nationalist and tried to cut a better deal on oil prices).
The propaganda method used to discredit many of these governments is
not particularly original, indeed by now it is quite transparently
predictable. Their leaders are denounced as bombastic, hostile, and
psychologically flawed. They are labeled power hungry demagogues,
mercurial strongmen, and the worst sort of dictators likened to Hitler
himself. The countries in question are designated as "terrorist" or
"rogue" states, guilty of being "anti-American" and "anti-West." Some
choice few are even condemned as members of an "evil axis." When
targeting a country and demonizing its leadership, U.S. leaders are
assisted by ideologically attuned publicists, pundits, academics, and
former government officials. Together they create a climate of opinion
that enables Washington to do whatever is necessary to inflict serious
damage upon the designated nation's infrastructure and population, all
in the name of human rights, anti-terrorism, and national security.
There is no better example of this than the tireless demonization of
democratically-elected President Slobodan Milosevic and the
U.S.-supported wars against Yugoslavia. Louis Sell, a former U.S.
Foreign Service officer, has authored a book (Slobodan Milosevic and
the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Duke University Press, 2002) that is a
hit piece on Milosevic, loaded with all the usual prefabricated images
and policy presumptions of the U.S. national security state. Sell's
Milosevic is a caricature, a cunning power seeker and maddened fool,
who turns on trusted comrades and plays upon divisions within the party.
This Milosevic is both an "orthodox socialist" and an "opportunistic
Serbian nationalist," a demagogic power-hungry "second Tito" who
simultaneously wants dictatorial power over all of Yugoslavia while
eagerly pursuing polices that "destroy the state that Tito created."
The author does not demonstrate by reference to specific policies and
programs that Milosevic is responsible for the dismemberment of
Yugoslavia, he just tells us so again and again. One would think that
the Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian Muslim, Macedonian, and Kosovo
Albanian secessionists and U.S./NATO interventionists might have had
something to do with it.
In my opinion, Milosevic's real sin was that he resisted the
dismemberment of Yugoslavia and opposed a U.S. imposed hegemony. He
also attempted to spare Yugoslavia the worst of the merciless
privatizations and rollbacks that have afflicted other former communist
countries. Yugoslavia was the only nation in Europe that did not apply
for entry into the European Union or NATO or OSCE.
For some left intellectuals, the former Yugoslavia did not qualify as a
socialist state because it had allowed too much penetration by private
corporations and the IMF. But U.S. policymakers are notorious for not
seeing the world the way purist left intellectuals do. For them
Yugoslavia was socialist enough with its developed human services
sector and an economy that was over 75 percent publicly owned. Sell
makes it clear that Yugoslavia's public ownership and Milosevic's
defense of that economy were a central consideration in Washington's
war against Yugoslavia. Milosevic, Sell complains, had a "commitment to
orthodox socialism." He "portrayed public ownership of the means of
production and a continued emphasis on [state] commodity production as
the best guarantees for prosperity." He had to go.
To make his case against Milosevic, Sell repeatedly falls back on the
usual ad hominem labeling. Thus we read that in his childhood Milosevic
was "something of a prig" and of course "by nature a loner," a weird
kind of kid because he was "uninterested in sports or other physical
activities," and he "spurned childhood pranks in favor of his books."
The author quotes an anonymous former classmate who reports that
Slobodan's mother "dressed him funny and kept him soft." Worse still,
Slobodan would never join in when other boys stole from orchards---no
doubt a sure sign of childhood pathology.
Sell further describes Milosevic as "moody," "reclusive," and given to
"mulish fatalism." But Sell's own data---when he pauses in his negative
labeling and gets down to specifics---contradicts the maladjusted
"moody loner" stereotype. He acknowledges that young Slobodan worked
well with other youth when it came to political activities. Far from
being unable to form close relations, Slobodan met a girl, his future
wife, and they enjoyed an enduring lifelong attachment. In his early
career when heading the Beogradska Banka, Milosevic was reportedly
"communicative, caring about people at the bank, and popular with his
staff." Other friends describe him as getting on well with people,
"communal and relaxed," a faithful husband to his wife, and a proud and
devoted father to his children. And Sell allows that Milosevic was at
times "confident," "outgoing," and "charismatic." But the negative
stereotype is so firmly established by repetitious pronouncement (and
by years of propagation by Western media and officialdom) that Sell can
simply slide over contradictory evidence---even when such evidence is
provided by himself.
Sell refers to anonymous "U.S. psychiatrists, who have studied
Milosevic closely." By "closely" he must mean from afar, since no U.S.
psychiatrist has ever treated or even interviewed Milosevic. These
uncited and unnamed psychiatrists supposedly diagnosed the Yugoslav
leader as a "malignant narcissistic" personality. Sell tells us that
such malignant narcissism fills Milosevic with self-deception and
leaves him with a "chore personality" that is a "sham." "People with
Milosevic's type of personality frequently either cannot or will not
recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be." How does Dr. Sigmund Sell know
all this? He seems to find proof in the fact that Milosevic dared to
have charted a course that differed from the one emanating from
Washington. Surely only personal pathology can explain such "anti-West"
obstinacy. Furthermore, we are told that Milosevic suffered from a
"blind spot" in that he was never comfortable with the notion of
private property. If this isn't evidence of malignant narcissism, what
is? Sell never considers the possibility that he himself, and the
global interventionists who think like him, cannot or will not
"recognize the reality of facts that diverge from their own perception
of the way the world is or should be."
Milosevic, we are repeatedly told, fell under the growing influence of
his wife, Mirjana Markovic, "the real power behind the throne." Sell
actually calls her "Lady Macbeth" on one occasion. He portrays Markovic
as a complete wacko, given to uncontrollable anger; her eyes "vibrated
like a scared animal"; "she suffers from severe schizophrenia" with "a
tenuous grasp on reality," and is a hopeless "hypochondriac." In
addition, she has a "mousy" appearance and a "dreamy" and "traumatized"
personality. And like her husband, with whom she shares a "very
abnormal relationship," she has "an autistic relation with the world."
Worse still, she holds "hardline marxist views." We are left to wonder
how the autistic dysfunctional Markovic was able to work as a popular
university professor, organize and lead a new political party, and play
an active role in the popular resistance against Western
interventionism.
In this book, whenever Milosevic or others in his camp are quoted as
saying something, they "snarl," "gush," "hiss," and "crow." In
contrast, political players who win Sell's approval, "observe,"
"state," "note," and "conclude." When one of Milosevic's superiors
voices his discomfort about "noisy Kosovo Serbs" (as Sell calls them)
who were demonstrating against the mistreatment they suffered at the
hands of Kosovo Albanian secessionists, Milosevic "hisses," "Why are
you so afraid of the street and the people?" Some of us might think
this is a pretty good question to hiss at a government leader, but Sell
treats it as proof of Milosevic's demagoguery.
Whenever Milosevic did anything that aided the common citizenry, as
when he taxed the interest earned on foreign currency accounts---a
policy that was unpopular with Serbian elites but appreciated by the
poorer strata---he is dismissed as manipulatively currying popular
favor. Thus we must accept Sell's word that Milosevic never wanted the
power to prevent hunger but only hungered for power. The author
operates from a nonfalsefiable paradigm. If the targeted leader is
unresponsive to the people, this is proof of his dictatorial
proclivity. If he is responsive to them, this demonstrates his
demagogic opportunism.
In keeping with U.S. officialdom's view of the world, Sell labels
"Milosevic and his minions" as "hardliners," "conservatives," and
"ideologues"; they are "anti-West," and bound up in "socialist dogma."
In contrast, Croatian, Bosnian, and Kosovo Albanian secessionists who
worked hard to dismember Yugoslavia and deliver their respective
republics to the tender mercies of neoliberal rollback are identified
as "economic reformers," "the liberal leadership," and "pro-West"
(read, pro-transnational corporate capitalist). Sell treats
"Western-style democracy" and "a modern market economy" as necessary
correlates. He has nothing to say about the dismal plight of the
Eastern European countries that abandoned their deficient but endurable
planned economies for the merciless exactions of laissez-faire
capitalism.
Sell's sensitivity to demagoguery does not extend to Franco Tudjman,
the crypto-fascist anti-Semite Croat who had nice things to say about
Hitler, and who imposed his harsh autocratic rule on the newly
independent Croatia. Tudjman dismissed the Holocaust as an
exaggeration, and openly hailed the Croatian Ustashe Nazi collaborators
of World War II. He even employed a few aging Ustashe leaders in his
government. Sell says not a word about all this, and treats Tudjman as
just a good old Croatian nationalist. Likewise, he has not a critical
word about the Bosnian Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic. He comments
laconically that Izetbegovic "was sentenced to three years imprisonment
in 1946 for belonging to a group called the Young Muslims." One is left
with the impression that the Yugoslav communist government had
suppressed a devout Muslim. What Sell leaves unmentioned is that the
Young Muslims actively recruited Muslim units for the Nazi SS during
World War II; these units perpetrated horrid atrocities against the
resistance movement and the Jewish population in Yugoslavia.
Izetbegovic got off rather lightly with a three-year sentence.
Little is made in this book of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated against
the Serbs by U.S.-supported leaders like Tudjman and Izetbegovic during
and after the U.S.-sponsored wars. Conversely, no mention is made of
the ethnic tolerance and diversity that existed in President
Milosevic's Yugoslavia. By 1999, all that was left of Yugoslavia was
Montenegro and Serbia. Readers are never told that this rump nation was
the only remaining multi-ethnic society among the various former
Yugoslav republics, the only place where Serbs, Albanians, Croats,
Gorani, Jews, Egyptians, Hungarians, Roma, and numerous other ethnic
groups could live together with some measure of security and tolerance.
The relentless demonization of Milosevic spills over onto the Serbian
people in general. In Sell's book, the Serbs are aggrandizing
nationalists. Kosovo Serbs demonstrating against mistreatment by
Albanian nationalists are described as having their "bloodlust up." And
Serb workers demonstrating to defend their rights and hard won gains
are dismissed by Sell as "the lowest instruments of the mob." The Serbs
who had lived in Krajina and other parts of Croatia for centuries are
dismissed as colonial occupiers. In contrast, the Slovenian, Croatian,
and Bosnian Muslim nationalist secessionists, and Kosovo Albanian
irredentists are simply seeking "independence," "self-determination,"
and "cultural distinctiveness and sovereignty." In this book, the
Albanian KLA gunmen are not big-time drug dealers, terrorists, and
ethnic cleansers, but guerrilla fighters and patriots.
Military actions allegedly taken by the Serbs, described in the vaguest
terms, are repeatedly labeled "brutal," while assaults and atrocities
delivered upon the Serbs by other national groups are more usually
accepted as retaliatory and defensive, or are dismissed by Sell as
"untrue," "highly exaggerated," and "hyperventilated." Milosevic, Sell
says, disseminated "vicious propaganda" against the Croats, but he does
not give us any specifics. Sell does provide one or two instances of
how Serb villages were pillaged and their inhabitants raped and
murdered by Albanian secessionists. From this he grudgingly allows that
"some of the Serb charges . . . had a core of truth." But he makes
nothing more of it.
The well-timed, well-engineered story about a Serbian massacre of
unarmed Albanians in the village of Racak, hyped by U.S. diplomat and
veteran disinformationist William Walker, is wholeheartedly embraced by
Sell, who ignores all the contrary evidence. An Associated Press TV
crew had actually filmed the battle that took place in Racak the
previous day in which Serbian police killed a number of KLA fighters. A
French journalist who went through Racak later that day found evidence
of a battle but no evidence of a massacre of unarmed civilians, nor did
Walker's own Kosovo Verification Mission monitors. All the forensic
reports reveal that almost all of the forty-four persons killed had
previously been using fire arms, and all had perished in combat. Sell
simply ignores this evidence.
The media-hyped story of how the Serbs allegedly killed 7,000 Muslims
in Srebrenica is uncritically accepted by Sell, even though the most
thorough investigations have uncovered not more than 2,000 bodies of
undetermined nationality. The earlier massacres carried out by Muslims,
their razing of some fifty Serbian villages around Srebrenica, as
reported by two British correspondents and others, are ignored. The
complete failure of Western forensic teams to locate the 250,000 or
100,000 or 50,000 or 10,000 bodies (the numbers kept changing) of
Albanians supposedly murdered by the Serbs in Kosovo also goes
unnoticed.
Sell's rendition of what happened at Rambouillet leaves much to be
desired. Under Rambouillet, Kosovo would have been turned into a NATO
colony. Milosevic might have reluctantly agreed to that, so desperate
was he to avoid a full-scale NATO onslaught on the rest of Yugoslavia.
To be certain that war could not be avoided, however, the U.S.
delegation added a remarkable stipulation, demanding that NATO forces
and personnel were to have unrestrained access to all of Yugoslavia,
unfettered use of its airports, rails, ports, telecommunication
services, and airwaves, all free of cost and immune from any
jurisdiction by Yugoslav authorities. NATO would also have the option
to modify for its own use all of Yugoslavia's infrastructure including
roads, bridges, tunnels, buildings, and utility systems. In effect, not
just Kosovo but all of Yugoslavia was to be subjected to an
extraterritoriality tantamount to outright colonial occupation.
Sell does not mention these particulars. Instead he assures us that the
request for NATO's unimpeded access to Yugoslavia was just a pro forma
protocol inserted "largely for legal reasons." A similar though less
sweeping agreement was part of the Dayton package, he says. Indeed, and
the Dayton agreement reduced Bosnia to a Western colony. But if there
was nothing wrong with the Rambouillet ultimatum, why then did
Milosevic reject it? Sell ascribes Milosevic's resistance to his
perverse "bunker mentality" and his need to defy the world.
There is not a descriptive word in this book of the 78 days of
around-the-clock massive NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, no mention of how
it caused the loss of thousands of lives, injured and maimed thousands
more, contaminated much of the land and water with depleted uranium,
and destroyed much of the country's public sector industries and
infrastructure-while leaving all the private Western corporate
structures perfectly intact.
The sources that Sell relies on share U.S. officialdom's view of the
Balkans struggle. Observers who offer a more independently critical
perspective, such as Sean Gervassi, Diana Johnstone, Gregory Elich,
Nicholas Stavrous, Michel Collon, Raju Thomas, and Michel Chossudovsky
are left untouched and uncited. Important Western sources I reference
in my book on Yugoslavia offer evidence, testimony, and documentation
that do not fit Sell's conclusions, including sources from within the
European Union, the European Community's Commission on Women's Rights,
the OSCE and its Kosovo Verification Mission, the UN War Crimes
Commission, and various other UN commissions, various State Department
reports, the German Foreign Office and German Defense Ministry reports,
and the International Red Cross. Sell does not touch these sources.
Also ignored by him are the testimonies and statements of members of
the U.S. Congress who visited the Balkans, a former State Department
official under the Bush administration, a former deputy commander of
the U.S. European command, several UN and NATO generals and
international negotiators, Spanish air force pilots, forensic teams
from various countries, and UN monitors who offer revelations that
contradict the picture drawn by Sell and other apologists of U.S.
officialdom.
In sum, Sell's book is packed with discombobulated insider details,
unsupported charges, unexamined presumptions, and ideologically loaded
labeling. As mainstream disinformation goes, it is a job well done.
The Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at www.globalresearch.ca
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contact: editor@... .
Michael Parenti's recent books are To Kill a Nation: The Attack on
Yugoslavia (Verso), and The Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond
(City Lights). His latest work, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A
People's History of Ancient Rome has been nominated for a Pulitzer
Prize. © Copyright M Parenti 2003 For fair use only/ pour usage
équitable seulement.
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