Informazione
19-20 2002, please refer to:
> http://www.solidnet.org/
Per informazioni in lingua italiana sull'incontro internazionale
anti-NATO, che si terra' a Praga nei giorni 19 e 20 novembre, si veda:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2043
For the following document in Word format:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/Slovenia.doc
----- Original Message -----
From: JOSIP RASTKO MOÈNIK
Sent: Sunday, November 03, 2002 12:44 PM
Subject: Anti-Nato Resistance in Slovenia
Dear Friends,
please find attached some information on the resistance against an
eventual Nato-membership of Slovenia. You are welcome to use the
attached material for further dissemination, as an intellectual
stimulant, as a debate-topic etc.
With friendly regards,
Rastko Mocnik
=== * ===
Resistance against NATO in Slovenia
On November 21 and 22, the NATO-summit will take place in Prague. As
the preparation and mobilisation for the protests and actions in
Prague are in full swing, active resistance is growing also in
Slovenia, one of the candidate states for NATO membership. From 7th to
10th November demonstrations and actions against NATO and for peace
will take place in Ljubljana. Some background information, description
of resistance activities, and a call for support.
BACKGROUND: SLOVENIA ON THE WAY TO BECOMING A NATO STATE?
The main topics of the Prague NATO-summit will be the so-called "war
on terorrism" and expansion of NATO. Seven Central and East European
states, including Slovenia, are expected (and expecting) to be invited
to become members of NATO. NATO membership is a favoured project of
Slovenia's political elite who have invested much energy and money
into its accomplishment. Almost the entire class of contemporary
Slovene politicians, regardless of their various positions in the
ruling coalition or its opposition, has joined forces to accomplish
the "mission" of NATO accession. NATO membership is presented as an
integral part of the "democratisation" and (re)integration with
"Western civilisation".
For a year or so the pro-NATO propaganda machine has been working full
blast, abundantly backed by government financing. It has produced
piles of lies, it has manipulated and concealed data, and it has tried
to silence and discredit critical voices by accusing them of nostalgia
for communism and Yugoslavia, or of right-wing extremism. Two
especially infamous moves were the newsletter Natopis and the
blacklist of NATO critics. The propaganda newsleter was sent by the
government to every household enlightening citizens about the
unquestionably magnificent advantages of NATO membership. The
blacklist, drawn up by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, contained the
names of journalists and other people (mostly dissident intellectuals)
who had written critically of NATO and Slovenia's plans to join it.
Pro-NATO propaganda has increasingly been invading the autonomy of the
university as well: various faculties have hosted lectures by NATO
representatives and domestic NATO advocates with a clearly
propagandistic purpose. Recently we were shocked to see how low NATO
propaganda can go - in some primary schools we discovered an
invitation for an art competition for children aged 6-15 on the theme
of "a safer world". In the little story accompanying this invitation
the children are talking about NATO as of a hero which would act
against any one that would dare to throw a bomb on any one of the
states joined in it and as we (Slovenia) will become its friends it
will build a safer world for all of us.
Along with this aggressive propaganda campaign, the ruling class also
made some legislative changes which removed the "obstacles" to NATO
membership. For example, the Defence Law was changed so that it now
makes possible the involvement of the Slovene Army in military
operations outside of Slovenia. This corresponds to the duty of NATO
members to contribute to all its activities, including military
operations out-of-area, which lately seem to have become NATO's main
purpose. In addition, the Maritime Code was changed as to abolish a
ban on nuclear-powered ships and ships carrying nuclear weapons in the
territorial waters of Slovenia. This is perceived by many as a first
step towards the establishment of military bases and the siting of
nuclear weapons in Slovenia, which the public vehemently opposes.
However, the (not very sophisticated) government propaganda has not
succeeded in convincing the public to support NATO membership. On the
contrary, public support has been falling steadily while resistance is
growing. The latest opinion poll (September 27) showed only 38.5% of
the population is in favour and 39.4% against, with 22% undecided. The
most important reasons for this reluctance are probably the lack of
clear answers from the government on what exactly the responsibilities
of Slovenia as a NATO member will be (costs, co-operation in military
actions around the world, military bases, nuclear weapons stationing),
as well as increasing disagreement with the foreign policy of NATO's
dominant member, the USA. Recently an article on the lack of public
support for the government NATO project with views of government
representatives and critical intellectuals was published in the
Washington Times, available at
http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/wary.html.
Some journalists and prominent intellectuals have also expressed their
wariness of NATO in critical articles published in the mainstream
media. They publicly voice their doubts or openly oppose the
government's NATO project, and highlight the totalitarian character of
the government's pro-NATO campaign. Two important books also marked
the public debates: Ne NATO - mir nam dajte ("Not NATO - give us peace
/ give us a break"), a collection of essays and analyses by twelve
well-known Slovene intellectuals critical of NATO, and the civic
handbook NATO - pro and con, an exhaustive presentation of supporting
and opposing arguments.
RESISTANCE GROUPS AND THEIR ACTIONS
This is an outline of the situation in which the topic of NATO and
militarisation was taken on by some existing activist networks, and in
which new groups and networks were formed. The common starting point
is the rejection of NATO on an ethical basis: we see existence,
functioning and expansion of NATO as a part of the logic of war that
underlies the system of globalised capitalism and ensures the
maintenance of a gravely unjust world order. We regard NATO as one of
the instruments of the global neoliberal politics of coercion and
exploitation of human beings and the natural environment in the
interests of the global ruling class. We believe that this kind of
globalisation and the world order it is producing are extemely unjust
and destructive and we try to contribute to the global resistance to
this process, and to creating alternatives. Our struggles are at this
moment centred around the topic of NATO and militarism in general.
Among many other things we find it especially appaling that in its new
strategic concept (1999) NATO ascribed to itself the "right" to
intervene militarily in conflicts outside the territories of its
members, according to its own judgement as to which crisis could
"affect the security" of its members, even without a UN mandate. In
practice this means arbitrary military interventions throughout the
whole world where NATO members, and especially the USA as the dominant
power in NATO, want to protect or assert their interests. Furthermore,
NATO's new military doctrine approved in 2000 allowes for the possible
use of nuclear weapons in attacks. We believe that such an
organisation is a permanent obstacle to peace and a permanent threat
to the environment and the existence of the planet as a whole. It
should be dissolved and not expanded!
To express our opposition to NATO and to further encourage the evident
growth of critical stance to the NATO membership in the population, we
have carried out many actions and we are planning some more. Here is
an outline of some actions:
Organised resistance began in October 2001 with placard posting and
letter and e-mail sending actions expressing the opposition to war in
Afganistan and to NATO, and specifically Slovenia's membership in
NATO. As the placards were available on an internet page, many people
around Slovenia posted them on their own initiative in their home
towns. These actions found some resonance in the mainstream media and
also at the top of the political class: Minister of Foreign Affairs
Rupel expressed his indignation over the anti-NATO campaign at several
press conferences, especially stressing he "has never polished Bush's
shoes", referring to one of the slogans saying: Slovene politicians
are ecstatic over polishing Bush's bloody cowboy boots.
In March 2002, an action was carried out at the Faculty of Social
Sciences (Ljubljana) on the night before the visit of Cristopher
Bennett, the editor of NATO Review, who was to hold a lecture about
the NATO to the students. Activists wrote graffiti on the walls all
around the faculty and hung three banners with strong anti-NATO
messages on the glass tower of the faculty (pictures at
http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/recinenatonafdv.html). The action
was accompanied by a public statement and a letter to Bennett which
can be read at http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/bennet.html.
On the evening of the celebration of the people's uprising against
Nazi occupation (April 27, 1941), 40 people with a banner indicating a
parallel between an infamous Slovene Nazi collabolator and the present
minister of foreign affairs, managed to get inside the hall of the
cultural centre where the observance was held and protested against
the way Minister of Foreign Affairs Rupel imposed himself as the
official speaker and abused the celebration by propagandising for
NATO, stating among other things that NATO had grown out of the
antifascist struggle.
An anarchist group organised the first Maydays in Slovenia which had
its height on May 1 with demonstrations in front of American Embassy
and the Governmental building where NATO and domestic political
oligarchy were strongly condemned.
In May a pamphlet called Let's recycle Natopiss - parodying Natopis
("Natopaper"), a newsletter sent by the government to every household
- was published and distributed. It exposed government's lies about
the costs of Slovenia's membership in NATO and other disputable
claims.
In June about 140 banners with anti-NATO slogans were displayed on all
major road bridges over the highways. Some banners with local content
(for example: Maribor won't join NATO!) were hung over local roads.
Shortly after the Slovenia's Independence Day in June a huge banner
(15,5m x 4,5m) was hung out from the tower of the Ljubljana castle, a
very visible central point in the city. For some three hours the
message Ne NATO - mir nam dajte (double meaning: Not NATO - give us
peace / Not NATO - give us a break) could be seen from the city in a
delightful summer day (pictures and an e-postcard at
http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/nenatonagradu.html). Recently this
banner has been hung in two other towns, Koper and Velenje.
In July a group of young anarhists living and creating their political
resistance in the squat Molotov, which also offered a space for many
other activists and groups, experienced a violent repression. Thanks
to determined resistance by the squaters and the mobilisation of a
solidarity network the squat still exists today. Most probably the
reason for this repression action was the central role of the squat in
the resistance against NATO (more at http://www.acmolotov.org).
The hot and active summer was concluded with the NoBorderCamp in the
last days of August. The main topics were migration, ecology, civil
disobedience, but there was also an anti-NATO component including
planning of further resistance and carrying out some actions
(materials distribution, anti-NATO concert).
In autumn the materials presenting the arguments against NATO and
Slovenia's membership (the English version of one leaflet with these
arguments can be read at
http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/nonatoleaflet.html) are being
distributed in major towns with the accompainment of street theatre,
drummers and jugglers. A recent visit of NATO lecturers at the Faculty
of Social Sciences was interrupted by singing, drumming and a speech
denouncing this kind of misuse of the university facilities for
purposes that have nothing to do with higher education and the
development of knowledge. Several protest letters were sent out,
condemning breaches of university autonomy by military propaganda,
expressing opposition to militarisation of the university in general,
and protesting against the militarisation of the Port of Koper
("visits" of NATO military ships - also nuclear-powered ones - in the
port are getting more and more frequent). When the state president
hosted a NATO delegation in the beginning of October, the Network of
Associations, Groups and Individuals for Peace sent him a public
letter asking for a meeting with the NATO delegation in order to
present views opposed to NATO - held by a significant segment of the
Slovene population - and the alternative of neutrality. There was no
reaction to this request, but later a letter from the president's
office suggested that the claims of the Network for Peace about the
prevalence of support for neutrality of Slovenia were misleading and
that the President has always pleaded for a discussion on the basis of
arguments.
The activism has also an internet component: numerous webpages have
been created. The central information point about activities against
NATO, and including many political analyses and commentaries is
http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/.
Other important pages (unfortunately most of them are only in
Slovene):
http://www.acmolotov.org/noborder
http//www.dostje.org
http://exeat.com/politics/andrej1971
http://kreativni_upor.tripod.com
http://members.fortunecity.com/nato5/
http://www.ruleless.com/portal/nato/nato.php
At present the energies of active and critical people are concentrated
in the preparation and mobilisation for demonstrations against NATO
and for peace that will take place in Ljubljana between the 7th and
10th of November. They will be created and carried out by many groups
and individuals from different spheres of society so that they will be
a very colourful and widely dispersed event. They will include street
parties, political-artistic spectacles, concerts, street theatre and
performances, direct actions and a march for peace on November 9.
A clear NO! from the people of Slovenia to the invitation to join NATO
would demonstrate to NATO and its dominant member the USA that they
are not irresistible, that there actually exist people who do not want
their country to be incorporated into their global military machine
and do not want to bend to their economic, political and military
dominance. Additionally, this NO! would show people in other countries
endangered by NATO's expansion plans that it is possible to say NO and
that there do exist alternatives outside of NATO. This could encourage
them to refuse the invitation themselves as well.
CALL FOR SUPPORT
We believe that our struggle against the NATO is a small but
nevertheless important contribution to the struggles against the
militarisation of world politics and the logic of war.
We are asking you, resistant people all around the world, to support
our struggle! You can do this by
· sending us a statement of support and expressing your comments and
opinions at http://www.acmolotov.org/nonato/
· spreading our message into your activist network and if possible to
local and alternative media.
· joining us November 7-10 in Ljubljana at the demonstrations against
NATO and for peace.
Thank you for your solidarity!
Acitivist network of resistance against NATO and militarism
www.acmolotov.org/nonato
Letter of support
The existence, functioning and expansion of NATO are a constituent
part of the logic of war and efforts to fortify an extremely unjust
world order based on domination, coercion, exploitation, and a
division into servants and enemies of the powerful. NATO's
self-assignment of the right to carry out military interventions all
around the world according to its own arbitrary judgement and its
nuclear weapons policy which foresees the use of nuclear weapons in
military attacs against the non-compliant, make NATO an obstacle to
establishing peace in the world and a permanent threat to human beings
and natural environment.
In Slovenia a struggle against the NATO and against NATO's annexation
of the country is going on. There is a resistance to the looming
possibility of the country becoming a part of the global military
machine and thus taking part in the destruction of human lives and
environment for the interests of the masters of the globalised
capitalism. There is a resistance to the existence of NATO calling for
its dissolution.
Here are some of the most important arguments against joining the NATO
that we think the people in Slovenia should have the knowledge of. We
are spreading them among the people in a form of a leaflet. So far the
people to whom the leaflet has been handed out have for the greatest
part accepted it with interest and supportive attitude.
WHAT IS NATO?
· NATO is a military alliance of USA, Canada and 17 European
states. It was founded in 1949 with the purpose of defence of the
capitalist West against the socialist East.
· As the socialist regimes crumbled in 1989 the NATO lost its
adversary and the sense of its further existence. Instead of
dissolving it assigned itself new competences and tasks.
· In the new Strategic concept approved in 1999 the NATO assigned
itself the "right" to intervene militarilly in conflicts outside of
the teritorries of its members, according to its own judgement as to
which crisis could "affect the security" of its members and also
without the mandate of the UN. This means arbitrary military
interventions in the whole world where the NATO members want to
protect or enforce their interests.
· In the NATO's new doctrine, approved in 2000, the possibility
of the use of nuclear weapons in attacks and not only as a means of
deterrence as in the Cold War period is writen down. NATO has already
used radioactive depleted uranium in the Kosovo war. Now the USA are
planning the prodution of mini atomic bombs.
· Today the security problem cannot be solved by military means.
Its roots are namely in the unjust distribution of the world's wealth,
exploitation, dominance of the powerful countries of the West over the
majority of the world's inhabitants, environment destruction and
excessive exploitation of the natural resources.
· NATO's existence and activities aggravate these reasons for
insecurity and represent a major obstacle to the peace in the world,
for it has become a military organisation with the purpose of ensuring
the dominance of the West, especially the USA, over the world.
· USA are increasingly undermining the international law and on
the basis of their power, especially military, usurping the right to
judge and decide about the whole world. Among other things they are
trying by all means to weaken the International Crime Court for the
crimes against humanity and achieve superiority of its citizens in
regard of the law.
· NATO's goal is not the ensurance of the values such as
democracy, human rights a freedom but brutal enforcement of its member
states' interests, with the predominance of the far most powerful
member, the USA.
· The purpose of NATO expansion, thus the incorporation of the
transition countries, is above all to expand the political and
economic influence of the USA over these countries. The USA are namely
losing influence over the Western Europe.
· The binding of the transition countries on the USA through NATO
is increasingly in contradiction with their efforts to join the EU,
because the disagreements betwen the Usa and EU are rising (trade
wars, steel wars, disagreements on the genetically modified food...).
· NATO expansion is a very profitable business for its members -
their military industry produces 80% of the world's military products.
The demand to fulfil "NATO's standards" regarding the weapons and
military equipment means nothing else but securing the sales of the
military products to the new members.
SLOVENIA AND NATO
Security??
· NATO is supossed to guarantee security to Slovenia. But there
exists almost no military threat to Slovenia. Even if Slovenia would
in some time in the future experience military threat, the membership
in the NATO does not provide firm guarantees: if a member state is
attacked, the NATO does not authomatically respond with military means
- the states decide if they will offer help and what kind of help this
will be - it can be only economic or humanitarian help.
· It is not very likely that NATO would defend small states such
as Slovenia by military means. In the case of the attack from a
neighbouring country the NATO would most probably react only by
offering observers and advisors. If the attack would come from Italy,
Slovenia as a NATO member could not count on the help of NATO at all,
because NATO does not take actions in cases of conflicts between
member countries.
· NATO would not contribute to resolution of conflicts between
Slovenia and Croatia. Conflicts such as the one about the border
between those two countries are of no importance from the viewpoint of
the NATO. Not long ago the armed forces of Marocco occupied a part of
Spanish teritorry. Spain is a NATO member, but NATO did not care at
all. Slovenia and Croatia cannot afford to resolve conflicts by
military means because that would show them as incapable of resolving
problems by diplomatic means and would discredit their efforts to join
the EU.
Costs!!!
· NATO membership is very expensive. Due to the pressures from
the USA the government plans a 50-percent increase of funds for
military purposes - from 1,46% GDP in the year 2001 to 2,3% for the
year 2010.
· Costs of NATO membership do not include only membership fee as
the government propaganda claims, but comprise a lot more: costs of
army reorganisation, purchase of weapons and military equipment
according to the "NATO-standards", costs of participation of
Slovenia's military forces in interventions abroad, costs of adapting
communication systems, roads, railways, airports and ports to the
demands of the NATO. These huge investments for military purposes
would reduce investment into social welfare, health, education,
culture, environment... This would impede and not enhance Slovenia's
development.
Environment?!!
· Military bases which NATO sets in its member countries
represent a huge burden. These military bases are strictly protected
and are not subjected to the law of the host country. NATO's soldiers
are untouchable; if they commit a criminal offence they are processed
in their home country.
· In the military bases different dangerous weapons and poisons
are deposited, including nuclear weapons, therefore the bases are a
permanent threat to the environment and health of the people.
· It is true that the member states themselves decide about
placement of military bases and nuclear weapons on their teritorry,
but considering the servileness of Slovenian politicians towards the
NATO and the USA it cannot be expected that they would reject such a
demand of the NATO. An example of this servileness is the change of
the Maritime code in February 2002 with which it is now allowed that
nuclear ships and ships with nuclaer weapons enter Slovenian sea.
The armed forces?
· One of the NATO's demands is the profesionalisation of the
Slovenian Army which actually means a transformation from defensive
forces to forces for interventions abroad, according to the needs of
the NATO.
· NATO membership requires the participation of soldiers in
interventions in crises abroad. Recently the Defense Law has been
changed so that it is now possible to use the Slovenian Army for
military operations outside of Slovenia.
· Entering NATO means a commitment to participation in military
attacks against other countries on the demand and under the leadership
of the most powerful countries (above all USA). Slovenia would also
have to bear all the costs of participating in such operations.
Good reputation and influence???
· Claims about the rise of international reputation and influence
of Slovenia due to the admission into the NATO are despicable lies!
Slovenian politicians are already acting shamefully fawning which
causes Slovenia to lose any reputation and influence that it ever had.
In November 1998 Slovenia withdrew ist signature to the Initiative of
the UNO for a world without nuclear weapons, because it was in direct
contrast to the nuclear policies of the NATO. With this contemptible
act Slovenia diplomatically discredited itself.
THERE ARE ALTERNATIVES!
· It is not true that there is no other alternative for Slovenia
than joining the NATO. There is another possibility: active
neutrality. Europe's neutral countries are Austria, Switzerland,
Finnland, Sweden and Ireland. All are very successful without any
"help" from the NATO.
· Joining the NATO would mean giving away a part of the
sovereignty because Slovenia's politics would become dependent on the
politics of NATO and USA. With active neutrality a state can act more
independently.
· Neutrality does not mean selfish isolation but taking
responsibility for the world peace by striving for non-military
conflict resolution and political mediation between the conflicting
parties. Neutrality does not hinder taking part in peace-keeping
operations.
· Neutrality is cheaper than NATO membership: NATO members'
budget for military purposes is on average 2,5% GDP, that of the
European neutral countries 1% GDP.
THE INHABITANTS OF SLOVENIA SHOULD DECIDE THEMSELVES ABOUT THEIR
FUTURE!
· Joining the NATO is a project of the ruling elite, a handful
of politicians that impose on the inhabitants of Slovenia a huge
burden which would not be possible to get rid of by means of lying,
concealing information and propaganda of the primitivest kind. The
success of their intentions depends on the inhabitants of Slovenia.
· It is not true that joining the NATO is inevitable! It is not
true that everything has already been decided!
· Such an important decision about the future of all people
living in Slovenia cannot be left to the self-interested servile
handful of the rulers that are increasingly resigning the protection
of the rights of the inhabitants of Slovenia in order to be admitted
to NATO. It is the right and responsibility of the inhabitants to
decide by themselves.
· The finding that joining the NATO is unacceptable and harmful
should be told loudly. It should not happen any more that this
statement is overheard or silenced.
· Because of the loudness and persistence of the critical
voices the government will not succeed to avoid a referendum.
· If the people will decide against joining the NATO at the
referendum, the government will be compelled to refuse an eventual
invitation from the NATO in Prague in November 2002.
Internet pages and books critical of the NATO and Slovenia's joining
the NATO:
http://www.geocities.com/recinenato/
http://kreativni_upor.tripod.com
http://members.fortunecity.com/nato5/
http://neutro.k2.net/
http://www.ruleless.com/portal/nato/nato.php
http://www.belokranjskadeklaracija.org/
http://www.ljudmila.org/globala/
Ne NATO - mir nam dajte! (Not NATO - give us peace! / Give us a
break!), Ljubljana, Mirovni institut, 2002.
Nato - za in proti: dr?avljanski prirocnik, (NATO - for and against: a
civic handbook), Ljubljana, Mirovni institut, 2002.
Slovenians wary of joining NATO
Nicholas Kralev
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Published 10/22/2002
This is the third in an occasional series of reports from seven NATO
aspirants in Central and Eastern Europe before the alliance's summit
in Prague next month, where they are expected to receive membersip
invitations.
LJUBLJANA, Slovenia - Just when it seemed they had convinced NATO that
their 11-year-old state of 2 million deserves a membership invitation
next month, the Slovenian authorities discovered that they have some
more convincing to do, this time among their own people. For several
years, NATO officials have done little to hide their assessment that,
when it comes to taking in new members, Slovenia is the easiest case.
It is politically stable, and its economy is the envy of the former
communist bloc.
But an unusually vocal outcry against joining the Western alliance has
come as a slap in the face for the country's government, prompting
NATO to make an addition to its list of accession requirements -
public support for membership.
"We want to see public support of well over 50 percent," one senior
NATO official said. "As a member, a country incurs serious
common-defense responsibilities under Article 5, and the government
should have the full backing of its people." The alliance invoked
Article 5, which says that an attack on one member is an attack on
all, for the first time a day after the September 11 attacks last
year.
Although the official said that he and his colleagues "have been
pleased" by the Slovenian government's campaign to raise public
support for membership, recent polls reveal that a slow and painful
effort to boost support ratings, which fell to their lowest level - 39
percent - in early summer, has failed.
"We are cautious of a full-blown campaign and concerned about negative
reactions," said Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel, referring to charges
that the government is wasting taxpayers' money.
Anton Bebler, president of the Atlantic Council of Slovenia, a group
of intellectuals advocating NATO membership, said there is a
perception among Slovenians that if the authorities need to wage a
campaign on a certain policy issue, arguments based solely on its
merits are not enough.
The government of Prime Minister Janez Drnovsek has published various
materials, such as books and manuals with facts and frequently asked
questions about NATO, and a newsletter, which it sent to 683,000
households. It is also operating a toll-free phone service where
anyone can address inquiries and concerns, said Nada Serajnik Sraka,
state undersecretary for public relations.
But Ali Zerdin, a reporter for Mladina (Youth), a weekly newsmagazine,
said that most people think the newsletter is a "joke" and instead are
seeking "clear answers from the government what exactly our
responsibilities as a NATO member will be."
According to a survey by the University of Ljubljana's faculty of
social sciences, used by the government and considered by many the
most accurate polling data available, public support for membership
has been lingering below 50 percent for the past two years.
It reached its highest level - 62 percent - in the spring of 1997,
just before the first round of expansion at the alliance's Madrid
summit, where Slovenia's bid failed. It fluctuated between 50 percent
and 60 percent the next four years but dropped to 48 percent late last
year, falling further to 39 percent this summer.
The latest results showed that things remained unchanged in September,
even though all major political parties, except the National Party,
support membership. More significantly, opposition to joining NATO
also was at 39 percent. About 22 percent were undecided.
"As reasons for their support, the respondents state that NATO
provides the best form of collective security, that they consider
collective security cheaper and that membership would have positive
economic implications for Slovenia," the team that conducted the
survey said in an analysis accompanying the results.
"The reasons against entry given by the respondents are high expenses,
disagreement with the participation of Slovenian soldiers in military
operations abroad and the fact that the state is not under threat," it
said. The survey also found that of those participants who said they
would take part in a referendum on NATO membership, 55 percent would
vote for and 45 percent against it.
Unlike in any other aspirant country, a referendum seems all but
certain in Slovenia, most probably in the period after the Prague
invitation and before ratification of enlargement begins in the
parliaments of NATO's 19 member states.
"Some want a referendum before Prague, but you can't decline a dinner
invitation before you receive it," Mr. Rupel said.
Officials blame the skeptical public opinion on what it calls an
"anti-campaign" in the press that, it says, has been undermining the
government's effort for more than a year. The foreign minister was the
only Cabinet member to respond to the negative press and, according to
some officials, was reprimanded in private by his boss, Mr. Drnovsek.
Defense Minister Anton Grizold attributes the strong opposition to
NATO membership to a practice reminiscent of the Yugoslav era,
although Slovenia has been independent since 1991. "Journalists were
considered political workers in former Yugoslavia, and some still
are," he said. "We are still discovering our statehood
responsibilities."
Blaz Zgaga, a national security reporter for Vecer (Evening) daily,
disagreed, but he acknowledged that "many journalists don't have
college education."
He also dismissed the government's contention that the media are
conducting a "systematic campaign or conspiracy." But he conceded that
his editor "refused to publish an opinion piece I had written
advocating NATO membership because she didn't want to go against
public opinion."
In Slovenia, unlike in the United States, news reporters also write
editorials and other opinion articles, which can be published on both
the op-ed and news pages.
Some political observers credit the press with opening a debate that
otherwise would never have been initiated.
"The government didn't feel that discussion was necessary, and it
didn't listen to those against membership," said Vlado Miheljak, a
professor of social sciences and columnist for the daily Delo. "The
debate was more about
democratic procedure, and it was forced by the media."
The military, which is the most trusted Slovenian institution and has
an approval rating of more than 70 percent, has not been affected by
the public debate, said Lt. Col. Dobran Bozic, commander of the army's
10th Motorized Battalion.
"We are preparing to work in an international environment," he said.
"We have troops in Bosnia and Kosovo, and we'd like to send special
forces to Afghanistan, but the politicians don't want to risk public
opinion."
In nearly two dozen interviews, political and military leaders, civil
servants, analysts and journalists said that the public outcry was in
large part a result of disapproval of the Bush administration's
foreign policy.
"People here have a weird way of connecting things," Mr. Bebler said.
"There is a correlation in their minds between NATO and the United
States. They think the Bush administration will force NATO to march in
places like Iraq, so why be tricked into far-away wars by reckless
unilateralists?"
Mr. Grizold and Janez Jansa, president of the Social Democratic Party,
said that people do not understand U.S. policy because no one explains
it to them.
"Every event linked to the United States and NATO is shown negatively
in the media," Mr. Jansa said. "The Washington correspondent of the
national TV reports as if from an enemy country."
Mr. Rupel expressed some frustration with a few of the
administration's policies that are often at odds with those of
Washington's European allies.
"I've met Bush, and he is a good and straightforward man," Mr. Rupel
said. "Slovenia would love to stay in the group of American friends,
but some statements from Washington are not helpful in making our
policies popular."
Mr. Grizold, however, said that "as a true partner," Slovenia will
support the United States. "Otherwise, how can we be a credible
partner? We have to stick together and express solidarity."
He also said his country would fulfill NATO's requirement that 2
percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) be spent on defense by
2008, in spite of strong objections by some.
But Mr. Miheljak said that many people doubt the government's
assertion that building a defense system outside NATO would be much
more expensive and that they feel that "we can defend ourselves with
less than 2 percent of GDP."
"We are economically stable, and we don't need NATO like some other
candidates," he said, referring to Bulgaria and Romania, whose
economies have not done as well. "We can survive without NATO."
Article was originally published in Washington times.
spectacle in the city
en la próxima estación: entrada liberta(d)
7 November 2002 at 12.30 at Bavarski dvor
spectacle with the moving caravan
street performance, free style, juggling, singing shelters, League of
improvisers, pressing theatre, jackson's Elvises, graffiti, c3, young
and happy, food without bombs, masters of fire, DJs, banners of great
sizes, masks and dancing, abstract films, lighting contours, United
drums, pupetteers, interpretation of feelings and improvisation ...
spectacle in the city
bring drums, pot-lids, laddles, colourful strips and everything with
which you can
enter for free and freely at the next station - en la próxima
estación: entrada liberta(d)
- - - - - - - -
On 7 November 2002
there will be a spectacle in the city
en la próxima estación: entrada liberta(d)
The main roads of the city will be overflown by manifold groups that
will be drawn in a colourful caravan by a spaceship on four wheels.
The spaceship will begin to gather the caravan around 12.30 at
Bavarski dvor and will take it towards the sun. New stations, new
ships, flying and multi-storied will join. The space will be permeated
by the spectacle of the moving caravan
street performance, free style, juggling, singing shelters, League of
improvisers, pressing theatre, jackson's Elvises, graffiti, c3, young
and happy, food without bombs, masters of fire, DJs, banners of great
sizes, masks and dancing, abstract films, lighting contours, United
drums, pupetteers, interpretation of feelings and improvisation ...
Even though the spectacle will be an artistic, cultural, estetical
one, it will be damned political...
It will be created in an unorganised way - everybody will be able to
enter for free and freely at the next station en la próxima estación:
entrada liberta(d) ... The spectacle will narrate about a station that
is not NATO, that is free, movable and open, that has no aim but still
is flowing in a positive way into a certain direction, that can freely
and flexibly choose further stations, that breathes and permeates with
feelings, that is accessible to children and adults, that is common,
that is being built by imagination and bodies, outside of
institutions, accompanied by the sounds of drums and guitars...
The spectacle will be now and then interrupted for three minutes by
the intellectuals who won't be collecting cultural-political points
but sharing the feeling of the day - en la próxima estación entrada
liberta(d)!
The spectacle will be eyed by television cameras, radios will be
sending the sounds into the world, photographs will be trying to steel
a moment of the entrada liberta(d) and enthusiasm will flow into the
microphones: en la próxima estación: entrada liberta(d)!
PRESEREN'S - NO NATO - CORNER
speakers corner
at Preseren square
Every citizen can PUBLICLY express their opinions and demands in
regard to Slovenia's memberhip in NATO, war against Iraq, violence of
capitalism...
On November 8 the Preseren's speakers corner will give you the
opportunity to appeal to Slovenia and the world for solidarity,
tolerance, justice, peace and nonviolence. Individuals, (in)formal
organisations, associations, groups etc. are invited to participate
actively.
The speakers' Friday afternoon will be accompanied by numerous DJs,
drummers and other performers.
2. TRIESTE 23/11: "Non pugnalate la pace": poesie, solidarieta', cena
e concerto!
=== 1 === TRIESTE/TRST 16/11 ===
Ovaj tekst na SRPSKOHRVATSKOM:
https://www.cnj.it/sh/inicijative.htm
ili
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/sh_16_11.html
Questo testo in FORMATO HTML:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/vola_16_11.html
Questo testo in FORMATO WORD (volantino):
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/vola_16_11.doc
--- CONVEGNO ---
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
Italijanska Koordinacija za Jugoslaviju
Trieste 16 novembre 2002 ore 10.30
(Trattoria sociale di Contovello-Trieste, Contovello 152)
Convegno
Sulle macerie del Muro di Berlino parlavano di pace e di progresso.
In tutti questi anni abbiamo visto invece solamente un crescendo di
guerre e di miserie: dall'Iraq all'Afghanistan alla Palestina, per
ritornare di nuovo all'Iraq
... PASSANDO SEMPRE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA...
In Jugoslavia, al centro dell'Europa, l'aggressione e' stata
inininterrotta e la spoliazione procede oggi a gonfie vele. Quale e'
la vera situazione economica e sociale sul terreno, al di la' della
disinformazione o dell'omerta' dei mass-media? Come far procedere le
tante iniziative di solidarieta' verso la popolazione bombardata?
Interventi programmati:
* Igor Canciani (PRC Trieste): Introduzione al convegno
* Andrea Catone (CNJ / Most za Beograd, Bari): "Imperialismo e
guerre: l'aggressione alla RFJ"
* Gordana Pavlovic (Ass. Decja Istina, Belgrado): "La situazione
sociale nella RFJ due anni dopo il 5-10-2000"
* Vladimir Kapuralin (Partito Socialista Operaio, Pola): "La
situazione economica e sociale nelle repubbliche ex-jugoslave oggi. Il
caso croato"
* Lino Anelli (CGIL Lombardia): "Il caso Zastava"
* Fabio Sebastiani (Liberazione, Roma): "Le iniziative di
solidarieta'"
* Renato Kneipp (CGIL Trieste): "L'immigrazione jugoslava a Trieste"
* Ivan Pavicevac (CNJ / "Voce Jugoslava" su Radio Citta' Aperta,
Roma): "La disinformazione di guerra: il caso jugoslavo"
Presiede: Gilberto Vlaic (CNJ / ZASTAVA Trieste)
Organizzano:
Coordinamento Nazionale per Jugoslavia, Gruppo ZASTAVA Trieste
Partecipa:
PRC - Federazione di Trieste
L'iniziativa durera' tutta la giornata.
C'e' la possibilita' di pranzare in loco a prezzi modici (si prega di
prenotare al numero: 040-225168)
Per ulteriori informazioni:
338-9116688 - 339-6587490 - <jugocoord@l...>
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia - https://www.cnj.it/
Gruppo ZASTAVA Trieste - http://digilander.libero.it/zastavatrieste/
--- INFORMAZIONI LOGISTICHE ---
Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia
Italijanska Koordinacija za Jugoslaviju
Trieste 16 novembre 2002 ore 10.30
(Trattoria sociale di Contovello-Trieste, Contovello 152)
Convegno: "... PASSANDO SEMPRE PER LA JUGOSLAVIA..."
INFORMAZIONI LOGISTICHE
Per chi arriva in macchina:
Dall'autostrada, passato il casello di Monfalcone, si percorrono altri
6-7 Km circa di superstrada verso Trieste. Si esce allo svincolo di
Sgonico.
Prendere a sinistra in direzione Trieste; dopo un chilometro circa si
entra a Prosecco; in centro paese girare a destra per Trieste e dopo
500 metri si e' a Contovello, di fronte alla Trattoria Sociale /
Drustvena Gostilna di Contovello / Kontovel. Chiunque sia del posto sa
indicarla.
Per chi viene da Fernetti: uscire a Prosecco e seguire le indicazioni
Prosecco/Contovello, poi come sopra.
Per chi arriva in treno:
Gli autobus urbani per arrivare a Contovello sono il 42 e il 44 con
capolinea in piazza Oberdan, a circa 300 metri dalla stazione
ferroviaria. Il tragitto dura circa 15 minuti. Chiedere all'autista di
scendere alla Trattoria Sociale di Contovello.
Partenze autobus n. 42 da Piazza Oberdan:
8.25 8.40 9.05 9.50 10.30 11.10 11.50
Partenze autobus n. 44 da Piazza Oberdan:
8.45 9.25 10.05 10.45 11.25
Per chi dovesse pernottare:
Di seguito riportiamo la lista delle pensioni economiche con qualche
disponibilita' di posti per la notte del 15 e/o per la notte del 16;
chi dovesse prenotare deve farlo con urgenza. Le pensioni sono tutte
vicinissime alla stazione e a Piazza Oberdan.
Nuovo Albergo Centro
Via Roma 11, tel. 040-3478790
(solo camere doppie: 42 euro senza bagno, 62 con bagno)
Rittmeyer
Via de Rittmeyer 2, tel. 040-762233
(24 euro singola senza bagno, 40 doppia senza bagno, 55 doppia con
bagno)
Affittacamere
Via Roma 13, tel. 040-636249
(26 euro singola senza bagno, 40 doppia senza bagno)
C'e' poi l'Ostello della Gioventu', a circa mezzora di autobus dalla
Stazione Centrale. Attenzione! L'Ostello chiude alle 23:30, l'ultimo
autobus che lo collega alla citta' termina il servizio attorno alle
21:00.
Ostello Tergeste
Viale Miramare 331, tel. 040-567722.
Costo 12 euro + 5.5 euro (tessera)
=== 2 === TRIESTE/TRST 23/11 ===
Contro le guerre imperialiste
Sulle macerie del muro di Berlino si parlava di pace e di progresso.
Invece in tutti questi anni abbiamo visto solamente un crescendo di
guerre e di miserie: dall'Iraq all'Afghanistan alla Palestina per
tornare all'Iraq... passando sempre per la Jugoslavia...
LETTURE di poesie contro la guerra con
FERRUCCIO BRUGNARO
poeta-operaio di Porto Marghera
"Non pugnalate la pace"
Casa del Popolo di Via Ponziana 14 Trieste
Sabato 23 novembre 2002 ore 18.30
A seguire, alle ore 20.30
Cena di solidarieta'
per la raccolta dei fondi a favore dell'adozione a distanza di
Bojana Lazarevic
figlia di un lavoratore della ZASTAVA di Kragujevac
*** e musica con Gino D'Eliso ***
Per la cena (16 euro) prenotare ai numeri:
Tel. 040-364922 oppure 040-764047 Cell. 339-6587490
Organizzano:
PRC Circolo Gramsci Gruppo ZASTAVA Trieste
Avevamo saputo che gli studenti della facolta' di legge di Belgrado
hanno tenuto "sequestrato" per alcune ore in facolta' il ministro
della pubblica istruzione Gaso Knezevic (ANSA 08/11/2002). Ci giunge
oggi pero' la notizia di fonte TANJUG in base alla quale un centinaio
di quegli studenti ha scelto lo sciopero della fame come forma ben
piu' estrema di protesta contro il livello esorbitante raggiunto dalle
tasse universitarie.
Queste ultime a partire dalla fine del 2000 - dopo l'insediamento del
nuovo regime iper-liberista - hanno raggiunto cifre inaudite,
dell'ordine delle centinaia di euro, assolutamente proibitive per le
famiglie serbe.
Il movimento degli studenti di Belgrado viene ignorato dalla
"sinistra" italiana, che attraverso i suoi organi di stampa ha
appoggiato la "svolta" filo-occidentale dell'ottobre 2000 in Serbia ed
e' ora costretta a tacere omertosamente sulle attuali condizioni di
vita in quel paese.
(A cura di I.S.)
+++ BELGRAD: STUDENTEN IM HUNGESTREIK
BELGRAD. Mehr als 100 Studenten der
Juristischen Fakultät der Universität
Belgrad befinden sich derzeit im
Hungerstreik. Damit protestieren sie
gegen die horrenden Studiengebühren und
die drastische Streichung der Anzahl
von Studienplätzen, die an den
serbischen Hochschulen von der
ultraliberalen DOS-Regierung
eingeführt wurden. TANJUG +++
(Balkan-Telegramm, 10. November 2002 - http://www.amselfeld.com)
MEÐUNARODNO "PRAVO"
2. POVODOM REZOLUCIJE SAVETA BEZBEDNOSTI UJEDINJENIH NACIJA
1441 O IRAKU (M. Tepavac)
3. VASINGTONSKI "JASTREBOVI" CEKAJU SVOJ CAS (V. SIMONOV)
=== 1 ===
Za verziju na srpskohrvatskom:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2065
Per ulteriori informazioni in italiano sul "caso" del traffico di armi
tra serbi ed iracheni:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/2059
Rubrica "Posizione personale"
di Kosta Cavoski
"DIRITTO" INTERNAZIONALE
(tratto da "Glas Javnosti", Belgrado)
Un'importante avvenimento è rimasto nell'ombra della successiva
scoperta di un numeroso gruppo "di terroristi", e dell'ancora
irrisolta questione costituzionale che riguarda la sottrazione dei
mandati parlamentari. Si tratta della cosiddetta consegna di armi
all'Irak, con cui sarebbe stata violata la risoluzione del Consiglio
di Sicurezza sull'embargo imposto all'Irak.
Sostanzialmente si è verificato che la Ditta "Orao" di Bijeljina [R.
Serba di Bosnia, N.d.t.] effettuava le riparazioni dei turbomotori
degli aerei "MIG 21", ormai vecchi, e che tramite la "Jugoimport"
belgradese gli stessi aerei riparati - non nuove armi - venivano
consegnati all'Irak.
Ma prima di occuparsi di questa violazione del diritto internazionale
bisogna spiegare il modo con il quale viene gestita questa nostra
crisi.
Sin dall'inizio essa e' stata gestita da informatori e diplomatici
americani, che sicuramente stavano seguendo da anni questo affare,
e solo adesso hanno deciso di renderlo pubblico per poi gradualmente
metterlo a tacere.
Oltre al competente ministro Goran Svilanovic, tra i primi a sapere di
questo affare è stato Nebojsa Covic che, per quanto noi sappiamo, non
e' ne' un informatore ne' un rappresentante ufficiale dello Stato
federale [jugoslavo, N.d.t.], dal che si può solamente dedurre che i
funzionari americani lo ritengono un loro uomo.
Poi, la cosiddetta esclusiva sulle informazioni riguardanti i canali
delle armi dal nostro paese verso l'estero è stata attribuita - a chi?
A nient'altri che al settimanale "Blic", il cui proprietario è
straniero [Soros, N.d.t.].
Più interessanti ancora sono però i dimissionamenti seguiti,
sicuramente su richiesta americana. Nella Repubblica Serba di Bosnia
sono stati destituiti, oltre che i diretti implicati, il ministro
della Difesa ed il Capo del Quartier Generale, mentre nella RF di
Jugoslavia sono stati destituiti solamente il generale Jovan Cekovic,
direttore della "Jugoimport", e il vice ministro Difesa, il generale
Ivan Djokic.
In seguito Vladan Batic ha chiesto anche la sostituzione del ministro
federale Dragisa Pesic e quella del ministro federale della Difesa
Velimir Radojevic, mentre il premier serbo Zoran Djindjic e Nenad
Canak [il politico sostenitore della separazione della regione di
Vojvodina, N.d.T.] hanno citato le responsabilità del presidente
federale Vojislav Kostunica.
Nessuno, ma proprio nessuno, ha chiesto la sostituzione, ne' tantomeno
e' venuta la richiesta di un'indagine penale contro il presidente del
Consiglio d'amministrazione della "Jugoimport" Dusan Mihajlovic, il
quale sembra mantenga questa funzione soltanto per arrotondare il suo
povero salario da ministro e vicepresidente, per cosi guadagnare
qualcosa anche con il commercio d'armi.
Con il rapimento di Slobodan Milosevic dal carcere e la sua consegna
al Tribunale dell'Aja, Mihajlovic [che in quegli avvenimenti ha
giocato un ruolo centrale, N.d.T.] sembra avere ottenuto tali meriti
presso i funzionari americani che, come un orso polare, o meglio come
come una "Lutra" (la lontra), si può oggi considerare specie rara,
sotto protezione, e guai a chi lo tocca!
Più interessanti sono invece le conseguenze indesiderate che queste
trasgressioni del "Diritto" internazionale possono arrecare. Esse
sono state formulate nel modo forse migliore dallo stesso Mihajlovic,
quando ha detto di sperare che le consegne suddette all'Irak "non
peggiorino le relazioni tra la RF di Jugoslavia e gli USA".
Così sembra che la violazione dell'embargo che il Consiglio di
Sicurezza ha proclamato non abbia offeso alcun altro membro delle NU
eccetto gli USA. E perché soltanto gli USA? Perché gli USA intendono
colpire l'Irak anche senza l'esplicita decisione del Consiglio di
Sicurezza, come hanno fatto nel marzo del 1999 contro il nostro paese,
e così commettere, un'altra volta, il peggiore dei crimini
internazionali, per il quale al processo di Norimberga hanno
condannato i caporioni di Hitler - il crimine contro la pace.
Mentre ai nostri caporioni potremmo porre la seguente domanda:
voi che reagite secondo "riflessi di Pavlov" ad ogni frusciare del
cespuglio americano, e vi scusate servilmente per una pressoche'
insignificante violazione della risoluzione del Consiglio di
sicurezza, avrete il coraggio di condannare con forza, in nome dello
Stato, il crimine contro la pace che gli "States" compiranno con
l'aggressione all'Irak?
A suo tempo un missionario cattolico in Africa domandò ad un capo
tribù che cosa rappresentasse per lui il male e cosa il bene. Questo
riflette' per un attimo e poi disse: "Bene è quando noi attacchiamo la
tribù vicina e rapiamo le loro donne e il bestiame, mentre il male è
quando loro lo fanno a noi".
Proprio questo sono oggi i rapporti internazionali: Bene è quando gli
"States" e i loro alleati attaccano il nostro paese senza il consenso
del Consiglio di Sicurezza, e in quella occasione commettono numerosi
crimini di guerra, mentre Male è quando una nostra Ditta, senza
l'approvazione del Consiglio di Sicurezza, consegna all'Irak riparati
i motori dei loro aerei, proprio nel momento in cui si prepara
l'aggressione contro l'Irak. E questo ancora in molti lo definiscono
il "Diritto" internazionale.
Kosta Cavoski
Traduzione a cura di Ivan per il CNJ
=== 2 ===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum: 10 novembar 2002
POVODOM REZOLUCIJE SAVETA BEZBEDNOSTI UJEDINJENIH NACIJA
1441 O IRAKU
Dr Milan Tepavac
Beograd, 10. novembar 2002. godine
miltep@...
Savet bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija usvojio je 8.
novembra o.g. novu rezoluciju - 1441 - u vezi sa optu?bama
da Irak proizvodi oru?je za masovno unistenje (hemijsko,
biolosko i nuklearno). Irak mora da odgovori u roku od
osam dana. Od Iraka se zahteva da odmah prestane sa
proizvodnjom ovog oru?ja i da ga odmah unisti. Ukoliko se
bezuslovno i odmah ne povinuje tim zahtevima, "izlo?ice se
ozbiljnim posledicama" Do 8.decembra Bagdad mora predociti
inspektorima i Savetu bezbednosti sve detalje o hemijskom,
bioloskom i nuklearnom vojnom programu, kontrolori ce
najkasnije do 23. decembra u potpunosti obnoviti misiju u
ovoj zemlji. Izgleda da je u rezoluciji po Irak i svet u
celini najnepovoljnije to sto ona ostavlja slobodu
Sjedinjenim Americkim Dr?avama da preduzme vojnu akciju
ukoliko Irak ne bude postovao sve odredbe rezolucije. Po
zajednickom stavu Rusije, Kine i Francuske procenu o
stanju na terenu moraju da daju inspektori UN za
razoru?anje. Amerikanci, izgleda, smatraju da su oni ti
koji ce to procenjivati! Iracki ambasador pri UN
pesimisticki je ocenio da rezolucija namece volju
Vasingtona svetskoj zajednici i da Iraku postavlja zahteve
koji ce veoma tesko biti ispunjeni. "Bagdad trenutno
proucava tu rezoluciju i stav Iraka ce biti kasnije
saopsten. Medunarodna zajednica nije na istoj liniji sa
americkim zlocincima", ocenio je iracki ministar
inostranih poslova Nad?i Sabri.
Americki predsednik D?ord? Bus i njegova administracija su
u petak, neposredno posle usvajanja rezolucije, upozorili
da ce tolerancija SAD biti ravna nuli za bilo kakav
pokusaj ometanja inspektora za oru?je. Istovremeno,
Pentagon je pripremao novi poziv trupama za mogucu
invaziju na Irak Dva nosaca aviona vec se nalaze na mestu
odakle mogu da gadjaju Irak, dok se jos tri pribli?avaju
regionu.
Pa?nju posmatraca takode privlaci i cinjenica da je
rezolucija usvojena jednoglasno. Pored pet stalnih clanica
Saveta bezbednosti (SAD, V. Britanija, Rusija, Kina i
Francuska) za nju je glasalo i 10 nestalnih clanica
(Irska, Kolumbija, Mauricijus, Norveska, Singapur,
Bugarska, Kamerun, Gvineja, Meksiko i - Sirija). Pored
Sirije, posmatraci su uperili svoj pogled posebno na Kinu.
Ocenjuje se da njen glas za ovu i ovakvu rezoluciju
predstavlja dramatican zaokret u spoljnoj politici Kine, a
kao razlog se navodi sve veca ?elja Kine za sve boljim
odnosima sa SAD, kao i njen uocljivi sve veci pragmatizam
u spoljnoj politici. Mi, Jugosloveni, bismo mogli ovde
reci da taj i takav kineski pragmatizam za nas nije
nikakva novost jer su ga Kinezi praktikovali i u odnosu na
nas prilikom usvajanja rezolucija koje su se odnosile na
nas.
Rezolucija Saveta bezbednosti 1441 je nepravedna,
samovoljna i predstavlja veliku pretnju medunarodnom miru
i bezbednosti. Nepravedna jer nije Irak jedina zemlja koja
(verovatno) proizvodi hemijsko, biolosko i nuklearno
oru?je. Tim oru?jem raspola?u pre svih upravo stalne
clanice Saveta bezbednosti, Izrael i jos ko zna koliko
zemalja. A, eto, Irak je na udaru kao da je on jedini.
Zbog toga nije mali broj onih koji veruju da se iza
proklamovanih razloga koje SAD navode da bi opravdale
svoju politiku prema Iraku kriju ustvari drugi razlozi a
oni su - naftom bogato podrucje ne samo Iraka nego i sire.
Dakle, imperijalni ciljevi.
Vec vidjeno
Ova rezolucija jos jednom pokazuje i dokazuje ono, vec
videno, sto bi trebalo da je poznato odranije: da su
Ujedinjene nacije prestale da budu ono sto su nekad bile i
sto bi po svoj Povelji morale da budu, i da su postale
instrument politike SAD. Tu gorku cinjenicu smo upravo mi
najvise osetili na svojoj ko?i. Sa nekoliko svojih
rezolucija u poslednjih desetak i nesto godina Savet
bezbednosti je, pod americkim pritiskom, pocinio teske
zlocine protiv naseg naroda i nase dr?ave, kao sto to cini
i navedenom rezolucijom i ranijim rezolucijama protiv
Iraka usled kojih je iracki narod postradao, ukljucujuci i
smrt preko 500.000 dece. Spomenimo samo one rezolucije
koje su nanele najvise zla nasoj dr?avi nasem narodu.
(a) Rezolucijom 757 od 30. maja 1992. uvedene su sankcije
bez presedana Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji koje se bez
preterivanja mogu nazvati zlocinackim, samo zbog toga sto
su se Srbi usudili da brane svoju dr?avu, Jugoslaviju, od
secesionistickih zlocinaca koji su protivustavno i nasilno
krenuli u oru?anu secesiju. Zato sto su tu secesiju
isplanirali, organizovali, podsticali i aktivno pomagali
oni koji su sebe proglasili za stvaraoce novog svetskog
poretka, oni su odlucili da naprave pritisak na Savet
bezbednosti da kazni Srbe sto su se usudili da ometaju
imperijalisticko i zlocinacko cerecenje Jugoslavije i
srpskog naroda. Ni to im nije bilo dosta, nego su dana 18.
aprila 1993. usvojili novu, dodatnu rezoluciju, 820, kojom
su poostrene sankcije uvedene prethodnom rezolucijom koje
su, time, postele genocidne u punom smislu te reci, jer se
islo na fizicko i duhovno unistenje srpskog naroda samo
zato sto se usudio da se brani od genocidnih nasrtaja na
sebe.
(b) Rezolucijom 777 od 19. septembra 1992, bez ikakvog
racionalnog razloga i samo zato sto su SAD tako ?elele,
preporuceno je Generalnoj skupstini UN da suspenduje,
ustvari da iskljuci, Jugoslaviju iz Ujedinjenih nacija,
sto je kukavna Generalna skupstine, pod americkom
dirigentskom palicom i ucinila, i prihvatila. Tim
rezolucijama je protiv Jugoslavije, jednog od osnivaca UN,
pocinjen i dodatni zlocin time sto joj je osporen
kontinuitet u odnosu na prethodnu dr?avu, SFRJ, koju su u
krvi razorili, samo da bi mogli svoje secesionisticke
tvorevine primiti u Ujedinjene nacije kao kobojagi nove
nezavisne dr?ave. Rezolucijama 753 i 754 od 18. maja 1992,
755 od 20.maja i 817 od 7. aprila 1993. Savet bezbednosti
priznao je secesionisticke entitete Hrvatsku, Sloveniju,
Bosnu i Hercegovinu za nezavisne dr?ave i preporucio
Gneralnoj skupstini da i ona to isto ucini. U medunarodnom
pravu je zlocin davanje priznanja secesionistickim
entitetima koji su "nezavisnost" stekli krsenjem ustava i
medunarodnog prava.
(c) Rezolucijom 827 od 25. maja 1993. osnovan je tzv.
Medunarodni krivicni tribunal za sudenje pociniocima
teskih povreda medunarodnog humanitarnog prava na
teritoriji prethodne Jugoslavije od 1. januara 1991.
godine, iako Savet bezbednosti nema takvog prava po
Povelji Ujedinjenih nacija. U praksi, taj "sud" postao je
instrument nastavka genocidne politike protiv srpskog
naroda i njegove satanizacije, i sredstvo izrugivanja sa
medunarodnim pravom.
(d) Rezolucijom 1244 od 10. juna 1999. izvrsene je,
ustvari, legalizacija agresije NATO pakta i njgovih
satelita na Jugoslaviju, a srpska i jugoslovenska
pokrajima Kosovo i Metohija stavljena pod protektorat
formalno Ujedinjenih nacija, a stvarno pod okupaciju od
strane NATO pakta i SAD. Nakon te okupacije gotovo
celokupno nealbansko stanovnistvo je pobeglo sa Kosova i
Metohije usled terora siptarskih terorista, narkodilera i
mafijasa, uz svestranu podrsku okupatora.
Eto, to je u najkracem ono u sta se pretvorio Savet
bezbednosti i Ujedinjene nacije u celini. Postavsi
sredstvo politike SAD on - umesto da bude glavni cuvar
medunarodnog mira i bezbednosti sto mu je i du?nost po
Povelji - postao je mo?da najveca pretnja medunarodnom
miru i bezbednosti i pravnom poretku sto se vidi i iz
njegove najnovije rezolucije o Iraku.
Kako onemoguciti samovolju Saveta bezbednosti?
Ne samo mi, nego ljudi sirom planete su zabrinuti zbog
ovakvog stanja stvari. Upravo na dan usvajanja rezolucije
o Iraku u Firenci su odr?ane demonstracije protiv takvog
stanja stvari kakve se ne pamte: oko 450.000 ljudi iz
citave Evrope je demonstriralo. Pored politickih akcija,
raste nemirenje i u strucnim intelektualnim krugovima. U
tim krugovima se uglavnom predla?e da se uvede pravna
kontrola svih odluka Saveta bezbednosti. To bi znacilo da
bi Savet bezbednosti morao pre nego sto neka njegova
odluka stupi na snagu bio du?an da je dostavi odredenom
telu, odredenom organu UN - na primer Medunarodnom sudu
pravde - da oceni da li je predlo?ena odluka u skladu sa
Poveljom i medunarodnim pravom. Mi smatramo da bi to bilo
najprakticnije resenje. Ne vidimo razloga zasto bi neko -
osim onih koji od postojeceg stanja imaju koristi - bio
protiv toga da jedno pravno, sudsko telo kontrolise
zakonitost u medunarodnim odnosima.
=== 3 ===
ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Datum: 12 novembar 2002
VASINGTONSKI "JASTREBOVI" CEKAJU SVOJ CAS
Moskva, 11. novembra RIA "Novosti"
specijalno za Artel-Gopolitiku
Vladimir SIMONOV, politicki komentator RIA "Novosti"
Ko pored koga stoji znacajno je samo na tribini Mauzoleja. Americki
analiticari obratili su paznju na to, da je objavljujuci ispred
Bele kuce usvajanje nove rezolucije Saveta bezbednosti o Iraku
Dzordz Buss pored sebe postavio Kolina Puela. Istovremeno je
predsednik stedro pohvalio drzavnog sekretara na njegovom
"rukoovdjenju, dobrom radu i upornosti". Samim tim Pauel kao da je
rehabilitovan u ulozi lidera predsednicke spoljnopoliticke ekipe.
Tokom poslednjih meseci ta uloga mu je izmicala. Drzavni sekretar
je jednu po jednu gubio od apologeta ostrog kursa u administraciji
poziciju, bilo da se radilo o politici na Bliskom Istoku, odnosu
prema Iranu, ili cak i o ucescu SAD u humanitarnim programima.
Potpredsednik Riccard Ccejni, ministar odbrane Donald Ramsfeld,
koji stoje na celu vasingtonskih "jastrebova", tesko su skrivali
svoj trijumf. Moguce je da je upravo u njihovom okruzenju u opticaj
pustena glasina, da je Pauel na izdisaju, da gubi blagonaklonost
predsednika, da je blizu podnosenja ostavke.
Glasine se nisu obistnile. Na protiv, stvaranje kompromisne
rezolucije SB OUN, iz koje je ispao pasaz o kaznjavanju Iraka
silom, vasingtonska elita pravicno je ocenila kao licni uspeh
drzavnog sekretara, koji je donedavno hodao u generalskoj uniformi.
Mozda je upravo zato njemu i poslo za rukom da se vesto suprostavi
pritisku Ramsfeldovog generaliteta i Cejnijevih pomocnika, koji su
predlagali predsedniku da se ne bakce sa usvajanjem novog dokumenta
SB OUN, vec da samo informise taj organ o "medjunarodnom
legitimitetu" udara SAD po Iraku. Na kraju krajeva, Bagdad se vec
deceniju nalazi u redu prekrsitelja predjasnjih rezolucija,
insistirali su "jastrebovi". Pauelu je poslo za rukom, takodje, da
prelomi raspolozenje samog predsednika. Buss je sklon da smatra OUN
organizacijom XX veka, koja se jos nije licem okrenula prema
opasnostima i zahtevima XXI veka. Medjutim, predsednik je poslusao
argument drzavnog sekretara, da bez medjunarodne koalicije, cije je
formiranje moguce jedino u prostorijama OUN, rat sa Irakom nece
izgledati dobro. Zapravo, izgledace kao jednostrani akt odmazde
Bagdadu od strane opijene svojom moci supersile.
O tome, na kakvom je koloseku lebdela rezolucija 1441 svedoce
detalji koji su isplivali na povrsinu tokom poslednjih dana.
Ispostavilo se da je britanski premijer Toni Bler maltene svakog
dana ubedjivao Bussa telefonom da je vaznije postici usaglasenu
rezoluciju nego u njoj braniti svaku rec. Ispostavilo se da je
ministar inostranih poslova Rusije Igor Ivanov telefonirao Kolinu
Pauelu da mu saopsti pristanak Rusije u 9 sati izjutra, u petak, na
dan glasanja. Telefonski poziv sa pristankom Sirije stigao je na
mobilni telefon ambasadora SAD u OUN Dzona Negrepontea, kada je
ovaj vec prilazio vratima sale za zaasedanje Saveta bezbednosti.
Tri meseca stresa, u kome je ziveo Pauel, okoncana su vedrim
njujorskim jutrom.
Ali, ne zadugo. Cak i sam drzavni sekretar smatra svoju pobedu nad
apologetama obracuna sa Bagdadom samo kao prolaznu, medjuprostornu.
Vasingtonski "jastrebovi" cekaju svoj trenutak. On moze nastupiti i
pre 21. februara, kada inspekcijska komisija Hansa Bliksa treba da
obavesti Savet bezbednosti o tome, sta je ona i zaista otkrila u
Iraku.
Taj isti Pauel ne ocekuje mnogo od pristanka Bagdada na novu
rezoluciju, mada ce taj pristanak, sudeci po svemu, ipak uslediti.
Ponajpre ce "da" Iraka biti umotano u arapski vez ograda I magle,
da bi bilo tumacen na razlicite nacine, smatraju u drzavnom
departmentu SAD. Tamo preovladava misljenje da Bagdad nece
dopustiti "pretres do gola", sa kojim se moze uporediti novi
drasticni inspekcijski rezim. Zato se pre ili kasnije Buss okupiti
oko sebe "jastrebove" i izazovno im pogledati u oci pitajuci: "Kada
cemo poceti rat? Predsednik je vec utvrdio plan vojnih operacija.
Oticanje te informacije u stampu nije sracunato samo na
zastrasivanje Sadama Huseina i njegovih generala kojima, kao, jos
nije kasno da napuste svog lidera. Plan je pozvan da umiri svetsku
zajednicu: SAD ce vojevati pazljivo, promisljeno, protiv rezima, a
ne protiv naroda. Uz to, imajuci u vidu solidno iskustvo operacije
1991. u Zalivu i nedavne vojne kampanje u Avganistanu. Kako to
irnoicno veli na sve to jedan ruski starac, uz bombu ce privezati
humanitarnu posiljku.
Kako, dakle, izgleda rat sa Irakom na papiru, koji je utvrdio
predsednik SAD?
Pripremno bombardovanje iz vazduha bice znatno krace, nego za vreme
"Pustinjske oluje", koje je trajalo 43 dana. Ovog puta bice
dovoljno i mesec. Preko 60 procenata izrucenih projektila iz
vazduhoplova na Irak bice bombe i rakete sa laserskim navodjenjem.
1991. godine korisceno je svega 9 procenata takvog cuda-oruzja.
Medju prioritetnim ciljevima su predsednicki dvorci i komandni
centri, cije razaranje treba da priblizi, po misljenju pentagonskih
stratega, brzi kolaps rezima Sadama Huseina. Odmah posle avijacije
u Irak ce biti prebaceni svim zamislivim sredstvima - pomocu
helikopterske grupe koja je sada bazirana u Kuvajtu, kopnom i morem
- do 250 hiljada vojnika. Plus simbolicna hiljada Engleza, koje ce
poslati verni prijatelj SAD Toni Bler. Napad ce se razvijati po
principu "rastuceg talasa". Tojest, planirano je "blickrig"
zauzimanje teritorija unutar Iraka, koje ce biti koriscene kao
potporne baze za upad narednih, jos krupnijih kontingenata u dubinu
zemlje. Na taj nacin Pentagon se nada da ce izbeci neprijatne
diplomatske situacije skopcane sa krupnim koncentracijama vojske na
teritoriji trecih zemalja, recimo, u Saudijskoj Arabiji. A da ne
govorimo da ce do tad u Irak prodreti americki specijalci. U
uobicajene njihove zadatke spada navodjenje avijacije na ciljeve,
diverzije u skladistima oruzja, ukljucujuci, verovatno, i oruzje a
masovno unistavanje. A pridodati su im jos i neobicni zadaci: na
primer, da onemoguce Bagdad da potopi mocvare u Juznom Iraku kako
bi usporio americki blic, ili da potpali neftne busotine.
Briga o busotinama provlaci se kao crvena nit kroz ceo plan. I tako
istinski ciljevi plemenite bitke SAD sa irackim gnezdom terorizma
sstrcce vani.
Dalje treba da se odigra, kako se izrazio jedan visokopostavljeni
pentagonovski oficir, "besssavni prelazak" sa upada u vojnu
okupaciju znacajnog dela zemlje. Ta okupacija se modelira po uzoru
na poratne dogadjaje u Japanu. U pocetnoj etapi Irakom ce
upravljati americki vojni gubernator, najverovatnije Tomas Frenks,
komandant oruzanih snaga SAD u Persijskom zalivu.
A taj ce u svom irackom ofisu obesiti portret generala Daglasa
Makartura, koji je bio komandant okupacionih snaga u Japanu posle
njegove kapitulacije 1945. godine. Sudeci po utvrdjenom od strane
Dzordza Bussa planu rata protiv Iraka, americka istorija treba da
se vrti na jednom mestu, kao pseto koje pokusava da se ujede za
rep. Medjutim, istorija je kapriciozna i sve moze da se odigra
drugacije!
===
A MANSLAUGHTER OF SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
IS BEING PREPARED AT THE HAGUE
Public statement by Genadi Zyuganov,
Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of the Russian Federation (CC CPRF),
Chairman of the Peoples' Patriotic Alliance of Russia
(PPAR)
According to the recent information the health
condition of Slobodan Milosevic have been seriously
deteriorated. Extremely high arterial blood pressure
(240/140 mmHg) could cause the hardest stroke. This is a
direct consequence of the torture, which is there called
"tribunal". Many hours of exhausting "court" proceedings.
Lack of any medical assistance and of opportunity to
breathe the fresh air. Unbearable load of 100.000 pages
of documents and 600 video tapes, that he has to study
instead of the rest. All this is quickly ruining the
health of the former head of the Yugoslav state.
There is a clear conclusion of an independent
medical concilium that continuation of the process with
its current intensity and denial of specialized medical
assistance to Slobodan Milosevic can lead to his death.
However, the NATO "tribunal" persistently refuses to
follow the medical doctors' recommendations. The Hague
"judges" and "prosecutors" with full consciousness direct
the events towards the loss of life of their political
prisoner. And the Dutch authorities do nothing to prevent
the attempted crime.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation
and the Peoples' Patriotic Alliance of Russia most
strictly condemn the inhuman and contradicting to all
generally accepted humanitarian norms behavior of the
prosecutor Carla del Ponte and of the judge Richard May.
The leadership of Russia bears considerable
part of the responsibility for the ruthlessness in
relation to Slobodan Milosevic. Eltzin's representative
voted in UN Security Council for the sanctions against
Yugoslavia and for the establishment of the so-called
"international tribunal for the former Yugoslavia". The
leadership of Russia hasn't condemned the abduction of
Slobodan Milosevic from Belgrade. Kremlin is silent even
before the severest human rights violations taking place
currently at The Hague.
We call upon the President of the Russian
Federation and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Russian Federation to perform the most vigorous actions
in order to prevent the manslaughter of the former head
of a friendly country.
As an innocent man and following the principle
of the presumption of innocence, Slobodan Milosevic has
to be released. He has to receive medical assistance in
Yugoslavia by the physicians who treated him for many
years. And he has to prepare and conduct his defense as a
free man.
Moscow, November 11, 2002
Genadi Zyuganov,
Chairman of CC CPRF,
Chairman of PPAR
===
Milosevic needs heart treatment, life in danger, brother says
MOSCOW, Nov 11 (AFP) - Slobodan Milosevic has only months to
live and can only be saved if he is urgently sent to hospital for
heart treatment, the former Yugoslav president's brother said Monday.
Borislav Milosevic, the former Yugoslav ambassador to Moscow,
said he spoke by telephone last week with his brother, on trial for
war crimes in The Hague, and is worried about his survival.
"He is on the verge of having a heart attack," Borislav told AFP by
telephone. "He constantly suffers from high blood pressure. If he is
not treated, a fatal result is inevitable."
He added that his brother should be treated for a short time in
Belgrade, and that the trial in The Hague could resume once Milosevic
was again in stable health. "After he is cured, this process can
resume."
Judges trying Milosevic, 61, have voiced concern that the trial
might not be completed, after the former Yugoslav president's poor
health again forced a delay in the proceedings.
His trial has been interrupted four times since it began in
February because of ill health.
Doctors who carried out a full medical check-up in July confirmed
he had high blood pressure and ran the risk of a heart attack.
The court tried to reduce the workload on Milosevic after the last
health warning but even with the time limits imposed on it the case
will take years to complete.
The prosecution has until May 2003 to present its case. Milosevic
will have until at least mid-2004 for his defense, which he is
conducting himself.
===
Russie-TPI-Milosevic
La vie de Milosevic en danger, selon son frère
MOSCOW, 11 nov (AFP) - Slobodan Milosevic n'aura plus que
quelques mois à vivre s'il n'est pas hospitalisé d'urgence pour un
traitement destiné à empêcher une crise cardiaque, a
déclaré lundi à Moscou le frère de l'ancien président
yougoslave.
Borislav Milosevic, ancien ambassadeur yougoslave en Russie, a
indiqué à l'AFP qu'il s'était entretenu avec son frère la
semaine dernière et qu'il était très inquiet.
"Il est au bord d'une crise cardiaque. Il souffre constamment de
l'hypertension. S'il n'est pas soigné, une issue fatale est
inévitable", a-t-il dit.
L'ancien dirigeant yougoslave devrait subir un traitement de courte
durée à Belgrade et son procès devant le TPI pourrait reprendre
dès que son état de santé redeviendrait stable, a estimé
Borislav Milosevic.
"Quand il sera guéri, ce procès pourra reprendre", a-t-il
déclaré.
Depuis le 12 février, date du début du procès, les audiences
ont été ajournées à plusieurs reprises du fait de l'état de
santé de M. Milosevic, qui mène seul sa défense.
En juillet, un rapport médical a indiqué que l'ancien dirigeant,
âgé de 61 ans, présente des "risques cardio-vasculaires
sévères".
M. Milosevic est accusé de génocide, crimes de guerre et
crimes contre l'humanité. Le second volet de son procès,
consacré à sa responsabilité dans les crimes commis en Croatie
et Bosnie, a commencé fin septembre.
===
Letter sent to the Permanent Mission of PR China to UN
Dear Mr. Security Council President
We wish to bring to your attention the inhumane conditions
being imposed on former President Slobodav Milosevic at the
US-sponsored and financed International Tribunal.
President Milosevic's health is precarious at best. He has been
given insufficient time to prepare his case, insufficient time to
rest.
The case against him is going poorly and the treatment accorded
him is cruel and unfair.
We urge you to bring this issue before the UN and ask that
the punitive and unjust "court" be obliged to give Mr. Milosevic
decent treatment, more rest, shorter sessions, more opportunity for
fresh air and food, and--most important--all the medical care that he
needs.
As of now, his poor health is being ignored or dismissed out
of hand by the court.
Thank you for your attention to this matter,
Michael Parenti, Ph.D., Berkeley, California, USA
Christian Parenti, Ph.D., New York, NY, USA
Lauren Coodley, M.A., Napa, California, USA
Peggy Karp, Albany, California, USA
===
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Nov. 14, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
CONTINUES TO RESIST KANGAROO COURT:
CONCERN GROWS FOR MILOSEVIC'S HEALTH
By John Catalinotto
Is former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's life in
danger? On Oct. 31, Milosevic had a sudden increase of high
blood pressure that often comes with his illness--malignant
hypertension plus angina pectoris.
Since then, the proceeding in the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) at The Hague,
Netherlands, have been postponed.
Milosevic's supporters pointed out in a statement soon after
that "such an event can cause his death." The Serb official
who led Yugoslavia during the aggression on that country by
the U.S./NATO war machine has been defending himself
against
spurious war-crimes charges in the court set up by NATO
since last February.
Since the trial began in mid-February, Milosevic has
managed
to turn the case around on NATO, exposing the criminal
actions of the U.S. and its European allies, first for
plotting to bring about the war and destruction of
Yugoslavia, and then for bombing the civilian infrastructure
and killing thousands of Yugoslav civilians. He has been so
successful that the imperialist media has chosen to ignore
what at first was designed to be a show trial of the
Yugoslav leader.
The Hague authorities are holding him under onerous
conditions. His cell is small, without access to natural
air. He attends the trial every weekday between 9 a.m. and
4:30 p.m., and is confined to the ICTY basement during the
lunch break, where he can eat only a sandwich. He goes
through humiliating searches when in transit. Back in
detention by 6 p.m., he must choose between dinner and a
short walk in fresh air, then must prepare until late at
night for the next day of trial.
The former president faces mountains of papers to review
without facilities to prepare his extraordinary courtroom
battle. He also has absolutely no medical care. By the end
of the prosecution's case, which is scheduled to conclude in
May 2003, he has to review over 100,000 pages of text and
over 600 videotapes submitted by the prosecution.
Milosevic's supporters in Serbia and worldwide are using a
seven-day hiatus proclaimed by the court to campaign to get
him specialized medical treatment in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.
They want him seen by doctors who have taken care of his
health for years, until his full recovery.
They ask that people send faxes to the ICTY at 31-70-512-
8637 and demand this treatment. Lawyers are invited to fax
ICTY President Claude Jorda and President of Trial Chamber
III Richard May at the same number.
- END -
===
International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
(ICDSM) - German Section
Internationales Komitee für die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic - Deutsche Sektion
c/o Klaus Hartmann
SchillstraÃYe 7
D-63067 Offenbach am Main
T/F: -69 - 83 58 50
e-mail: vorstand@...
URL: www.free-slobo.de
06.11.2002
Herrn Claude Jorda
Präsident des ICTY; Den Haag
Herrn Richard May
Praesident der Dritten Kammer des ICTY, Den Haag
Fax: 0031-70-512 5252
Sehr geehrte Herren,
im Maerz d. J. appellierten wir an Sie (siehe Anhang), Slobodan
Milosevic freizulassen, damit er seine Verteidigung kuenftig
wenigsten unter minimalen Bedingungen der Fairness vorbereiten kann.
Leider erfolgte darauf keine positive Reaktion, und wir erhielten auch
keine Antwort auf unseren Brief.
Im Gegenteil:
Donnerstag, den 31. Oktober, abends, litt Slobodan Milosevic
ploetzlich unter ansteigendem Blutdruck, wie dies fuer seine Krankheit
(Boesartiger Bluthochdruck und Angina pectoris) typisch ist. Danach
fuehlte er sich so krank, dass er am naechsten Morgen dem "Verfahren"
nicht beiwohnen konnte.
Ein solcher Vorfall kann zu seinem Tode fuehren.
Diese ploetzliche Bedrohung der Gesundheit und des Lebens von Slobodan
Milosevic ist eine unmittelbare, dramatische Folge der
Haftbedingungen, der Art, in der das "Verfahren" gefuehrt wird, sowie
der Tatsache, dass das Tribunal sogar die Empfehlungen der Aerzte
missachtet hat, die es selbst bestellt hatte, um den
Gesundheitszustand von Slobodan Milosevic feststellen zu lassen.
Es koennte mit Recht davon gesprochen werden, dass verschiedene Mittel
moderner Folter gegen Slobodan Milosevic angewandt wurden, und zwar
seit dem ersten Tag seines Aufenthalts im UN-Gefaengnis in Den Haag
mit 24 Stunden taeglich angeschalteten Reflektoren in seiner kleinen
Zelle, die keinen Zugang zu natuerlicher Luft und nur primitive
sanitaere Einrichtungen hat, sowie unter permanenter
Video-Kameraueberwachung. Er kann nur das Oeffentliche Telefon
benutzen und bezahlt fuer seine Anrufe. Er ist in den letzten neun
Monaten (allerdings mit einer Unterbrechung im August) gezwungen
gewesen, an jedem Arbeitstag dem Verfahren beizuwohnen. Sein
Arbeitstag beginnt um 7 Uhr morgens. Er ist erniedrigender Behandlung
waehrend des Transports von der Haftanstalt zum Gerichtssaal und
zurueck ausgesetzt. Das Verfahren findet von 9 Uhr morgens bis 16 Uhr
30 nachmittags statt. Waehrend der Mittagspause ist er im
Kellergeschoss des Tribunals eingeschlossen und kann nur ein Sandwich
zu sich nehmen. Gegen 18 Uhr kehrt er in die Haftanstalt zurueck und
muss dann zwischen dem Abendessen und einem kurzen Gang an der
frischen Luft waehlen. Danach bereitet er sich bis spaet in die Nacht
auf den naechsten Verhandlungstag vor. Fuer das restliche Vorbringen
der Anklagevertretung, das nach Plan im Mai 2003 beendet sein soll,
muss er ueber 100.000 Seiten Text und ueber 600 Videoaufnahmen
durchsehen, die von der Anklagevertretung vorgelegt wurden. Die Laenge
des Verfahrens und die Menge des ihm zugestellten Materials sind fuer
die Anklage unerheblich, und ihr primaerer Zweck besteht darin,
Praesident Milosevic zu zermoerben.
Sein Rechtsbeistand kann ihn nicht an Wochenenden besuchen. Im
Unteschied zu anderen Gefangenen, die ihre Familien jeden Tag sehen
koennen, und sogar unbeaufsichtigt, kann Slobodan Milosevic seine
Familie nur einmal im Monat an zwei bis drei Tagen sehen und immer
unter Aufsicht. Auch alle uebrigen Besuche fuer Praesident Milosevic
unterliegen aussergewoehnlichen Beschraenkungen.
Es fehlt nicht nur an einer medizinischen Spezialbehandlung fuer
Slobodan Milosevic, es fehlt ueberhaupt an jeglicher aerztlichen
Betreuung. Nach vielfachen Appellen und Antraegen aus Belgrad, und
nachdem umfassende medizinische Unterlagen an das Tribunal gesandt
wurden, stimmte die Kammer einer medizinischen Untersuchung zu. Diese
erfolgte nur einmal am 11. Juli 2002, und zwar durch vom ICTY
bestellte niederlaendische Allgemeinmediziner.
Gleichwohl bestaetigten die Aerzte, dass die Lebens- und
Arbeitsbedingungen von Praesident Milosevic ein Risiko fuer Leben und
Gesundheit darstellten, und dass es notwendig waere, die
Anstrengungen, denen er ausgesetzt worden ist, zu reduzieren und fuer
eine Untersuchung und Betreuung durch einen Kardiologen zu sorgen. Die
Kammer beriet ueber ihren Bericht und ihre Empfehlungen am 25. Juli
und 26. August 2002 und kam zu dem Schluss, dass diese nicht woertlich
sondern "sinngemaess" verwirklicht werden sollten. Doch bis zum
heutigen Tag erhielt kein Kardiologe die Moeglichkeit, Praesident
Milosevic zu untersuchen, waehrend die Verhandlungen, die zuvor um 14
Uhr unterbrochen wurden, wieder tagtaeglich bis 16 Uhr 30 verlaengert
wurden.
Offenkundig verletzt das Tribunal damit Resolutionen und Dokumente der
UN-Generalversammlung im Bezug auf die Gesundheit von Personen in
Haft, und zwar
· die Bestimmungen der Resolution der UN-Generalversammlung Nr. 3794
vom Dezember 1982, welche Aerzte und anderes medizinisches Personal
verpflichtet, Personen im Gefaengnis oder in Haft "eine Therapie
derselben Qualitaet und gemaess denselben Normen wie fuer Personen,
die sich nicht im Gefaengnis oder in Haft befinden", zukommen zu
lassen, sowie
· Artikel 6 des Kodex fuer das Verhalten von Personen der
Rechtspflege, der von der UN-Generalversammlung am 17. Dezember 1979
angenommen wurde, und der alle Gerichte verpflichtet, fuer einen
vollstaendigen Schutz der Gesundheit von Personen Sorge zu tragen, die
ihrer Rechtsprechung unterliegen.
Darueber hinaus verletzt das "Tribunal" sein eigenes Statut,
insbesondere Artikel 21, Punkt 4b, der dazu verpflichtet, jedem
Angeklagten angemessene Zeit und Voraussetzungen fuer die Vorbereitung
seiner Verteidigung zu gewaehren.
Dies alles deutet darauf hin, dass das Verfahren nur ein
organisierter Versuch ist, Praesident Milosevic umzubringen.
Nur seine Freilassung und anschliessende medizinische Betreuung und
Erholung in Belgrad unter der Aufsicht von Spezialisten, die ihn seit
Jahren behandelt und seine Gesundheit Ueberwacht haben, sowie die
Gewaehr, dass er sich als freier Mann in dem spaeter fortzusetzenden
Verfahren verteidigen kann, koennten weitere Risiken fuer das Leben
von Praesident Milosevic ausschalten und dem elementaren Erfordernis
der Gleichwertigkeit im Verfahren Rechnung tragen.
Wir warnen Sie, dass es Ihre Pflicht ist, Ihre Verfahrensregeln und
-praktiken mit allen UN-Dokumenten ueber den Schutz der Menschenrechte
sowie mit dem Internationalen Pakt ueber buergerliche und politische
Rechte in Uebereinstimmung zu bringen.
Hochachtungsvoll
i.A.
Klaus Hartmann
Annex
International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
(ICDSM) - German Section
Internationales Komitee für die Verteidigung von
Slobodan Milosevic - Deutsche Sektion
c/o Klaus Hartmann
Schillstrasse 7
D-63067 Offenbach am Main
T/F: -69 - 83 58 50
e-mail: vorstand@...
URL: www.free-slobo.de
02.03.2002
FAIRNESS FOR MR. MILOSEVIC
Your Honour,
We, the panellists of the colloquium "The 'Milosevic Case' - The
International Criminal Jurisdiction and the New Wars of the
Great Powers", held today in Berlin, regret that Mr. Milosevic is
severely restricted in his basic legal right as a defendant to
unhampered consultation with advisors of his choice and freedom to
defend his case also through communication with the media. Our
colloquium took place in the City Hall of the Schoeneberg District of
Berlin and was attended by approximately 200 people.
We urge you to grant Mr. Milosevic's request to be released in order
to continue to prepare his defence under minimal conditions of
fairness.
Respectfully
· Rolf Becker, Actor, Hamburg
· Klaus Hartmann, President of the World Union of
Freethinkers, Offenbach
· Ralph Hartmann, Former ambassador to Yugoslavia,
author of three books on the destruction of Yugoslavia, Berlin
· Gert Julius, Berlin City District Counsellor, Schoeneberg
District
· Peter Koch, Attorney at Law, Heidelberg
· Norman Paech, Professor of international law, Hamburg
School of Economics and Politics, Hamburg
· Klaus von Raussendorff, Publicist, Bonn
· Eberhard Schultz, Attorney at Law, Bremen
(ANSA) - ZAGABRIA, 29 OTT - Una nave militare russa ha sparato ieri
sera contro un'imbarcazione sconosciuta che le si e' avvicinata,
senza identificarsi, nelle acque dell'Italia meridionale. Lo riferisce
l'agenzia di stampa Hina citando gli ufficiali della nave russa
attraccata ieri sera nel porto di Spalato. Si tratta della 'Jamal',
appartenente alla flotta del Mar Nero con 90 membri d'equipaggio.
Quando e' avvenuto l'episodio era diretta a Spalato per la prima
visita in Croazia di una nave russa dalla proclamazione
dell'indipendenza nel 1991. Secondo l'agenzia ''gli ufficiali della
nave hanno raccontato ai giornalisti croati alla presenza del
comandante Aleksandrovic, che un'imbarcazione senza insegne si e'
avvicinata alla nave ieri sera durante la navigazione verso Spalato''.
''Abbiamo lanciato dei razzi bengala di avvertimento - hanno
raccontato gli ufficiali - abbiamo chiesto agli occupanti di
identificarsi, non c'e' stata risposta e l'imbarcazione ha
continuato a venire verso di noi''. ''Si e' allontanata - hanno
aggiunto gli ufficiali - soltanto quando abbiamo sparato davanti alla
prua''. Gli ufficiali non hanno escluso la possibilita' di un atto
terroristico.
L'equipaggio del 'Jamal' non ha precisato dove esattamente sia
avvenuto l'incidente e se in quel momento navigasse in acque
internazionali o nelle acque territoriali italiane.
(ANSA). COR*VD 29/10/2002 17:44
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/croazia/20021029174432370122.html
2. Definisani detalji saradnje Njukarko i Zastave ("Danas")
=== 1 ===
www.resistenze.org - popoli resistenti - jugoslavia - 06-11-02
Nella prestigiosa azienda jugoslava arriva Malcom Bricklin, magnate
newyorchese
L'agonia della Zastava
di Claudio Grassi
Dopo le bombe dell'Alleanza atlantica, i tagli di Djindjic
"Dov'è questo mare, delle lacrime dei bambini, che ogni
giorno diventa più grande? Si trova forse su qualche
carta geografica perché lo veda tutto il mondo? Si è
abbattuta una tempesta feroce su questo pallido mare
(?) E' stata la tempesta a distruggere i sogni oppure è
stato il frutto delle mani di qualcuno? ". Mentre una
nuova guerra rischia di profilarsi all'orizzonte, nulla
descrive meglio la situazione in cui è piombata l'ex
Jugoslavia dei versi scritti da Milica Simovic, bambina
di Kragujevac e figlia di un operaio metalmeccanico
della Zastava. Una tempesta quella che, con conflitti e
odi razziali fomentati dall'esterno, in un decennio ha
spazzato via il suo paese, per mezzo secolo esempio di
multietnicità, indipendenza e non allineamento alle
scelte delle superpotenze. Che ha soffocato nel sangue
le speranze di progresso sociale, trasformando una
nazione un tempo prospera in uno dei dieci fanalini di
coda dell'economia mondiale, dove due terzi della
popolazione vive con meno di un euro al giorno e i
tassi di scolarità e copertura sanitaria sono tornati a
livelli pre-seconda guerra mondiale. Che ha distrutto i
sogni dei padri, anche quando questi trovavano come
spartana culla una fabbrica di autovetture. Sì, una
fabbrica di autovetture, una "bandiera rossa" intrisa
di olio e grasso difesa con orgoglio come il frutto del
riscatto di un intero popolo.
La Zastava era una delle officine più gloriose della
Jugoslavia socialista di Tito, l'unica dell'Est Europa
capace di esportare automobili anche in un mercato come
quello degli Stati Uniti. Era un laboratorio in cui si
sperimentava l'autogestione, sorto nel cuore di una
città martire della Resistenza, dove la lotta contro
l'occupante nazifascista è costata la fucilazione
sommaria di settemila persone. Ora è solo l'ombra di sé
stessa, prima quasi rasa al suolo dalle "bombe
intelligenti" della Nato, poi falcidiata dalle scelte
economiche di un governo telediretto da Washington. Con
i suoi operai, già fiore all'occhiello delle sei
repubbliche federate, oggi impossibilitati a far fronte
alle spese più elementari, come garantire un pasto e
l'istruzione ai propri figli.
Una storia gloriosa alle spalle
Sono i miracoli del liberismo sfrenato, la
religione laica da cui il nuovo esecutivo di Belgrado è
rimasto folgorato. Che tra i suoi riti prevede la
svendita di un ex presidente a un tribunale-fantoccio
straniero, l'esautorazione di parlamentari non graditi
al proprio premier "democratico", l'istituzione di un
Ministero ad hoc per le privatizzazioni selvagge, o,
semplicemente, il licenziamento in tronco di decine di
migliaia di lavoratori.
La Zastava era stata fondata nel 1851 come fabbrica di
armi e macchinari per officine meccaniche. Dopo la II
guerra mondiale, posta sotto la direzione dello stato
socialista, diventa una delle realtà industriali più
avanzate dell'Europa Orientale. A partire dal 1953,
stipula accordi commerciali con la Fiat che porteranno
alla produzione di veicoli per usi privati come la
Campagnola e la Zastava 600 B, gemella della più famosa
Fiat 600, di cui ne sfornerà fino al 1985 quasi un
milione di esemplari. Ma a fare la fortuna dello
stabilimento di Kragujevac - capoluogo della regione
serba della Sumadjia, 250 mila abitanti - sarà la
Zastava 101, praticamente una Fiat 128 con la parte
posteriore modificata, destinata a divenire una delle
autovetture più utilizzate nell'allora blocco
socialista, esportata anche in diversi paesi "fuori
cortina" e dell'Asia. La vettura conquisterà, nel 1973,
il Tour d'Europa di rally della sua categoria. Il
marchio della Zastava riesce addirittura a varcare
l'Oceano Atlantico. Oltre 140 mila esemplari di Yugo
Koral 45, utilitaria che monta il motore della Fiat
127, approdano negli States. Assieme alle automobili, a
partire dal 1955 la fabbrica produce, su licenza della
Fiat Iveco, anche camion, furgoni e autobus, fino ai
recenti piccoli mezzi da lavoro commercializzati con il
marchio "ZK Italia".
Nel 1999, prima dell'aggressione imperialista coperta
sotto l'etichetta di "operazione di polizia
internazionale", la Zastava poteva contare su una forza
lavoro stimata attorno ai 36.000 tra operai, tecnici e
impiegati, escluso l'indotto. Da essa dipendevano
direttamente o indirettamente i redditi di oltre il 70
percento degli abitanti attivi di Kragujevac. Una
speranza di progresso, per le popolazioni jugoslave
tutte che vi trovavano occupazione; un obiettivo
sensibile, per i generali della Nato. Tanto da essere
il bersaglio di buona dose di micidiali bombe
all'uranio impoverito, scagliate nel corso dei 35 mila
attacchi aerei ordinati dalle "sinistre con l'elmetto"
di Clinton, Blair e D'Alema tra il 24 marzo e l'8
giugno di quell'anno.
Poca roba resterà in piedi nei reparti di produzione
delle auto e dei camion, come nella centrale termica
della Zastava (che forniva il riscaldamento a molte
abitazioni della città), mentre risulterà seriamente
danneggiato l'efficiente centro sanitario interno, uno
dei punti di riferimento ospedaliero della regione. A
questi danni, si sommano quelli subiti dai lavoratori e
dall'ambiente circostante. Più di 120 i dipendenti
feriti dalle schegge, alcuni dei quali per mesi hanno
lottato con la morte e tutt'oggi portano sulla pelle il
ricordo di quelle giornate. Incalcolabili le tonnellate
di PCB (Piralene, policlorinato bifenile), liquido
refrigerante nei trasformatori elettrici e nella
preparazione delle vernici industriali, fuoriuscito
dallo stabilimento bombardato: si tratta di una
sostanza altamente tossica, responsabile di mortalità
fetale, danni al sistema immunitario, cancro al
cervello, di cui basta un solo litro per contaminare un
miliardo di litri d'acqua!
Condizioni di vita difficili
Ieri le bombe dell'Alleanza atlantica, oggi i pesanti tagli
di Djindjic e dello spezzone della cosiddetta "Opposizione
democratica serba" che gli è rimasta fedele.
Alla Zastava sono attualmente impiegati 17 mila
lavoratori, posti in una specie di cassa integrazione a
rotazione che li impegna nei pochi reparti attivi e con
un livello salariale che ha raggiunto il baratro dei
130-150 euro mensili. Cifra che non permette
assolutamente di far quadrare i bilanci familiari, se
si tiene conto che l'inflazione reale registrata in
Serbia è ben al di sopra del 5% sbandierato dal
governo, e che per sopravvivere dignitosamente un
nucleo ha bisogno di almeno 250 euro. Ma, se per
questi lavoratori le condizioni di vita sono
precipitate vorticosamente, ben peggiore è la sorte
toccata ai 9.200 lavoratori posti in esubero presso
l'ufficio di collocamento Zastava (con una situazione
simile alla nostra cassa integrazione a zero ore), che
percepiscono un'indennità mensile di 50 euro. O degli
8400 licenziati in via definitiva in seguito alle prime
ristrutturazioni dell'agosto 2001 e dei circa 800
lavoratori della Zastava di Pec, nel Kosovo occupato,
espulsi dalla "pulizia etnica" avviata dai terroristi
dell'UCK.
Questo, mentre all'orizzonte si profila una grande
incognita anche per i dipendenti "garantiti": nelle
scorse settimane, sotto la supervisione
dell'iper-liberista ministro Alekxander Vlahovic, è
stato stipulato un pre-accordo con un'azienda
statunitense, la Nucarco del magnate newyorkese Malcom
Bricklin, molto probabilmente antesignano di nuovi
colpi di mannaia contro la classe operaia serba. Di
certo, nonostante la disponibilità a investire 150
milioni di dollari per i prossimi tre anni, i trascorsi
che Bricklin si porta sulle spalle - due clamorosi
fallimenti, nel 1975 con la Bricklin Vehicle Co. e nel
1997 con l'Electric Bycicle Co. - sono pesanti come
macigni e non fanno sperare nulla di buono per il
futuro.
La solidarietà internazionalista
L'unico appiglio rimasto ai lavoratori di Kragujevac è
la solidarietà di classe internazionale. All'appello lanciato
dal Samostalni Sindikat, la sigla sotto cui converge la
componente maggioritaria e più combattiva della
Zastava, hanno già risposto diverse realtà politiche e
sindacali europee, specie del nostro Paese. Si punta in
primo luogo sulla campagna per le adozioni a distanza,
uno strumento che permette alle famiglie operaie di
sostenere gli studi per i propri figli e ammortizzare
le spese sanitarie: sono, infatti, migliaia i bambini
di queste zone affetti di leucemie, tumori, diabete,
malattie cardiache, asmatiche e psicosomatiche, in gran
parte attribuibili agli effetti dei proiettili Nato e
difficilmente curabili in strutture ospedaliere tornate
a standard da Terzo mondo.
Come ha affermato l'Ufficio rapporti internazionali del
Samostalni, "in questa difficile situazione riteniamo
che sia stato, e sia per il futuro, di vitale
importanza il poter contare ancora sugli aiuti ai
bambini con le adozioni a distanza, perché sono loro le
vittime innocenti delle colpe e degli errori degli
adulti. Il poter contare su questi aiuti è una speranza
per il futuro, speranza che non si può negare a un
bambino. Le adozioni a distanza sono state e sono un
grande aiuto, anche morale, ed un grande gesto di
solidarietà tra lavoratori".
=== 2 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Miroslav Antic" wrote:
Definisani detalji saradnje Njukarko i Zastave
Kragujevac - Vlasnik americke kompanije Njukarko Malkom Briklin
razgovarao je sa poslovodstvom Grupe Zastava vozila i Fabrike
automobila, a juce se susreo i sa predstavnikom Upravnog odbora Grupe
Zastava Miloradom Savicevicem i predstavnicima republicke Agencije za
privatizaciju.
- Mnoge stvari su definisane i pripremljen teren za potpisivanje
ugovora. Briklin je doveo investitore, odnosno predstavnike americkih
banaka koje treba da finansiraju njegove planove u zajednickkom
preduzecu, kazu u Zastavi.
Brinklin je najavio da ce i pre formiranja zajednickog preduzeca
ZMW predvidjenog za mart 2003, startovati sa izvozom inoviranih korala
i florida u Juznu Ameriku.
Treba podsetiti da ovo trziste nije nepoznanica za Zastavu.
Naprotiv, Zastava je u juznoamericke zemlje izvezla vise hiljada
automobila, a svojevremeno je imala i svoje predstavnistvo za Juznu
Ameriku, sa sedistem u Dominikanskoj Republici.
U razgovorima sa americkim partnerom definisani su mnogi tehnicki
detalji u vezi sa planiranom proizvodnjom od oko 60.000 automobila u
prvoj godini rada zajednickog preduzeca.
Da je najava izvoza Zastavinih automobila u zemlje Juzne i Severne
Amerike, izazvala paznju ne samo domace vec i inostrane javnosti, a
pre svega drzava nastalim na prostoru bivse SFRJ, pokazao je i juce
zavrseni Prvi medjunarodni sajam auto-komponenti u Kragujevcu.
"Najveci broj izlagaca iz bivsih jugoslovenskih republika dosao je na
Sajam, upravo zbog Zastave i najave novih poslovnih aranzmana te
fabrike sa strateskim partnerom", receno je, izmedju ostalog, na
zavrsnoj pres konferenciji na kragujevackom Sajmu.
Prvi medjunarodni sajam auto-komponenti posetili su predstavnici
americke kompanije Nujkarko. Menadzeri Zastavinog poslovnog partnera
zeleli su da se upoznaju saproizvodno-poslovnim mogucnostima i
potencijalom kako domacih, tako i proizvodjaca auto-delova sa prostora
bivse Jugoslavije.
Z. R.
http://www.danas.co.yu/
--- End forwarded message ---
2. German Physicians and Therapists Slam 'Tribunal' Abuse of Milosevic
(11/11/2002)
3. The Hand That Feeds Milosevic's Defense (NYT, 10/11/2002)
=== 1 ===
Subject: Go publicly! Address the tribunal now!
Date: Sun, 10 Nov 2002 22:03:51 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
URGENT MESSAGE TO NATIONAL COMMITTEES, PROGRESSIVE PARTIES AND
ORGANIZATIONS AND ALL PEOPLE OF GOOD WILL
The "tribunal" at The Hague has received an outrageous "motion" from
Carla del Ponte, demanding that President Milosevic should be silenced
by imposing to him defense counsels against his will.
So the message of NATO justice is that President Milosevic should
either die or shut up!
The "tribunal" is hiding from media dozens of your appeals, motions,
petitions! Only Carla can be heard!
And the final "decision" of the "tribunal" can be made already
tomorrow!
So please, continue sending them your thoughts. And, as much as
possible, address the public and media.
LIFE OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC, TRUTH ABOUT YUGOSLAVIA AND FREEDOM OF
SERBIAN PEOPLE HAVE TO BE PROTECTED!
WE DEMAND THAT PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC SHOULD BE IMMEDIATELY ALLOWED TO
OBTAIN SPECIALIZED MEDICAL THERAPY AND A PERIOD OF RECOVERY IN
BELGRADE UNDER SUPERVISION OF PHYSICIANS WHO FOLLOWED HIS HEALTH FOR
YEARS. AFTER THAT HE SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO CONTINUE HIS BATTLE FOR
TRUTH AT THE HAGUE OUTSIDE OF PRISON. HE ALREADY STATED THAT FROM THAT
BATTLE HE WOULD NEVER FLEE!
Belgrade, November 10, 2002
SLOBODA - ICDSM
=== Here is how to address them... ===
Dear friends,
The political trial at The Hague is adjourned for whole
this week since deterioration of President Milosevic's
health.
President Milosevic is treated as war prisoner in Nazi
concentration camp.
Please read carefully the appeals bellow.
It is ESSENTIAL that you act NOW!
Please send your demands to the "tribunal". Ask your
lawyers and medical doctors to do the same.
Address the UN Security Council!
Writte to your parliamentarians.
Perform any other public action.
On behalf of SLOBODA
Vladimir Krsljanin
tel. +381 63 8862 301 fax +381 11 3282 491
On Thursday, October 31, evening, President Slobodan Milosevic
suffered one of the sudden high increases of blood pressure,
characteristic for his illness (malignant hypertension + angina
pectoris). After that he felt so sick, that he couldn't attend
the "trial" next morning.
SUCH AN EVENT CAN CAUSE HIS DEATH!
President Slobodan Milosevic, national leader of Serbia and
Yugoslavia and hero of resistance to USA/NATO murderous war
machinery is being killed at The Hague by dungeon prison
conditions, already nine months of a pervert political trial,
mountains of papers, lack of fresh air, food, rest, physical
activity, meetings with family and friends, any facilities to
prepare his extraordinary court room battle. He is being killed
also by total absence of medical care!
Here are the comments of the executioner "judge" May, according
to Reuters:
``He has complained of exhaustion and is being seen by a
doctor this morning and a report will be obtained,''
presiding judge Richard May told the U.N. court in
Milosevic's absence.
``In the light of the state of the accused's health and
the length and complexity of the case, the trial chamber
is concerned about completion of the trial,'' said May,
one of three judges hearing the case.
``Therefore we wish to have submission from the parties
on the future conduct of the case in order to ensure its
expeditious conclusion. We wish to have those submissions
within seven days,'' he told prosecutors and court
officials.
Let these seven days be days of public fight for life
of President Milosevic!
President Milosevic has to be allowed to get
specialized medical treatment in Belgrade, until full
recovery, by doctors who took care about his health for
years.
Perform every possible action!
Write to NATO puppet court ("International Criminal
Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia", "ICTY", fax +3170 512
8637) and tell them what you mean!
UN Security Council is responsible for the works (and
even for the crimes) of the "tribunal". Here is how you
can reach them:
Permanent Mission of the Peoples' Republic of China
(UN SC President for November 2002)
Address: 350 East 35th Street, New York, NY 10016
Telephone: 212-655-6100
Fax: 212-634-7626
E-mail: chinamission_un@...
Permanent
Representative
and Ambassador
Wang Yingfan
Tel:
212-655-6191
Fax:
212-481-2998
Lawyers are invited to write to the "ICTY President"
Claude Jorda and "President of Trial Chamber III"
Richard May, as well as to their friends "Amici Curiae"
Steven Kay and Branislav Tapuskovic (using the same
fax) and to tell them how they see "the future conduct
of the case"!
SLOBODA (Freedom) - Yugoslav Committee for the defense
of Slobodan Milosevic wrote to "ICTY" the following:
Mr. Claude Jorda, President
Mr. Richard May, President
of the Trial Chamber III
ICTY
The Hague
The Netherlands
The actual deterioration of the health of Mr.
Slobodan Milosevic, long time President of the Republic
of Serbia and of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is
a direct and dramatic consequence of the way the
process has been conducted and of the fact that you
have neglected the recommendations of the physicians
appointed by ICTY in order to determine the state of
Mr. President's health.
Even after of numerous warnings that,
considering the state of health of President
Milosevic, detention conditions and rhythm and conduct
of the process can cause his death, you still continue
to conduct your political process in the same way. We
remain you and warn you once again that eminent
Yugoslav cardiologists have concluded in their
objective and impartial expertise, which got consent
of the physicians appointed by you, that the way this
political process has been conducted represent a
threat to the life of President Milosevic.
In spite the claim that ICTY is an
international court of UN, you in severest way violate
the Resolutions and documents of the UN General
Assembly, related to health of persons in custody.
The first principle of the Resolution 3794
on the principles of medical ethics, adopted by the UN
General Assembly on December 18, 1982, establishes an
obligation to protect prisoners or detainees from
torture and other cruel, inhumane or humiliating
sanctions or behavior. The same Resolution obliges you
to secure the medical treatment of the same quality
and based on same standards as for the persons who are
not in prison or in detention. But in violation to
that, you have not provided President Milosevic with
medical therapy nor even with medical care of the same
quality and based on same standards as for persons who
are not in detention. This way you also violate the
Article 6 of the Codex of behavior of persons
responsible for application of the Law, adopted by UN
General Assembly on December 17, 1979.
In addition to violation of the mentioned
Resolutions, you also violate your own Statute, namely
its Article 21, point 4b, which obliges you to provide
every defendant with appropriate time and facilities
for preparation of his defense.
The astonishing rhythm of this political
process, purpose of which is not determination of the
truth, but total endangering of the health of
President Milosevic, leads us to a conclusion that the
fatal outcome is your intention.
Experience with other persons in detention
who faced dramatic deterioration of heath or even loss
of life, is also obliging you to decide to allow
Slobodan Milosevic to obtain medical therapy and
recovery in Belgrade by medical specialists who
followed his health condition for years, due to
existence of special circumstances and to resume the
process after the improvement of his health.
We warn you that it is your obligation to
harmonize your Rules and practices with all UN
documents on human rights protection, as well as with
the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights.
Belgrade, November 02, 2002
President of the Freedom Association -
Yugoslav Committee for the Defense of Slobodan Milosevic
Bogoljub Bjelica
And here is an information about the
President Milosevic's treatment at The
Hague:
ICTY Responsible for life and health of
President Milosevic
The International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The
Hague is directly endangering the life and
basic human rights of President Slobodan
Milosevic.
The long-term president of
Serbia and the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, founder and chairman of the
Socialist Party of Serbia, Slobodan
Milosevic is held in the ICTY's detention
unit under conditions that could rightly
be considered torture. President
Milosevic' cell is small, without access
to natural air, and has a low level of
overall sanitation. He can only use the
public telephone, and pays for all his
calls. He has been forced to attend the
trial every weekday for the past nine
months (though with a recess in August).
His workday begins around 7 AM. He endures
humiliating procedures during transport
from the detention unit to ICTY chambers
and back. The trial takes place between 9
AM and 4:30 PM. During the lunch break, he
is confined to the ICTY basement, and can
only eat a sandwich. He is back at the
detention unit by 6 PM, and then he must
choose between dinner and a short walk in
fresh air. Thereafter, till late at night,
he prepares for the next day of the trial.
For the remainder of prosecution's
case, which is scheduled to end in May
2003, he has to review over 100.000 pages
of text and over 600 videotapes submitted
by the prosecution. The length of the
trial and the amount of materials he has
received are irrelevant to the indictment,
and their primary purpose is to wear out
President Milosevic. His legal assistant
cannot visit him on weekends. Unlike other
prisoners, who are allowed to see their
families every day, and even unsupervised,
Mr. Milosevic can see his family only once
a month, for 2-3 days, and always in under
supervision. All other visits to
President Milosevic are subject to
exceptional restrictions as well.
President Milosevic suffers
from malignant hypertension and ischemical
myocardiopathy (angina pectoris).
Psychological and physical exertions to
which he is subjected, combined with poor
living conditions, can easily lead to a
heart attack, stroke, even sudden death.
Even so, the President not only lack
specialised medical care, he lacks any
medical care at all. After numerous
appeals and requests from Belgrade, and
after his full medical files have been
sent to the ICTY, the trial chamber
approved a medical check-up. This happened
only once, on July 11, 2002, and was
performed by Dutch general practitioners
approved by the ICTY. The physicians
nonetheless confirmed that the President's
living and working conditions represent a
risk to his life and health, and that it
would be necessary to reduce the exertions
to which he was subjected, and provide a
check-up and care by a cardiologist. The
trial chamber considered their report and
recommendations on July 25 and August 26,
2002, and concluded that they should not
be implemented to the letter, but "in
spirit".
However, to the present day, no
cardiologist has been allowed to examine
President Milosevic, while the trial -
previously adjourned by 2PM - has again
been extended to 4:30 PM every day.
All of this indicates that the
trial is but an organized attempt to
murder President Milosevic. Only his
release, followed by medical care and
recuperation in Belgrade under supervision
of specialists who have treated and
monitored his health for years, as well as
his ability to defend himself as a free
man in the later on continued process,
could remove further risks to President
Milosevic's life and secure the elementary
equality of the trial.
Beograd, 31 October 2002.
===
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
icdsm temporary address:
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/index.htm
for your donations:
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/donations.htm
=== 2 ===
International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
Url for this article is
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/physicians.htm
Dear friends,
At the moment the Website of the ICDSM
Website is shut down because we owe $900
in back fees. We have setup a temporarily
a Website at emperor.vwh.net/icdsm
Please consider making a donation. There's
a fund-raising appeal near the end of this
article.
Thank you!
Jared Israel, ICDSM, USA
Vladimir Krsljanin, Freedom Foundation,
Belgrade
Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/maillist.htm
Receive articles posted at
emperor.vwh.net/icdsm
Send the link to this text to a friend!
Or, if you are receiving this article via
e-mail, please forward the text to your
friends.
===========================
'In Concern for the Life and Health of
Slobodan Milosevic'
German Physicians and Therapists Slam
'Tribunal' Abuse of Milosevic
11 November 2002
===========================
To Mr. Claude Jorda
Mr. Richard May
Mr. Steven Kay
Mr. Branislav Tapuskovic
ICTY, The Hague
In concern for the life and health of
Slobodan Milosevic
Dear Sirs,
Reports from news agencies show that the
trial in the "case Milosevic" has
repeatedly been halted due to the health
situation of Mr. Milosevic. According to
these reports, the court brought up the
question of whether the trial can be
completed.
According to our information, the state of
health of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic led to a
detailed medical examination last summer.
The reports and suggestions that resulted
from that examination were discussed in
Trial Chamber III on July 25 and August
26, 2002. (1)
It is most disturbing that the measures
proposed by physicians have not been
applied or have been applied only in part.
Instead, the recommended time for rest was
greatly shortened, the trial has increased
to full-day procedures - in contradiction
to the advice of the physicians. The
ongoing deterioration of Mr. Milosevic'
state of health seems to be a direct
consequence of the violation of the
measures suggested by the physicians.
Further, it is not only incomprehensible,
but outrageous, that Mr. Milosevic is not
under constant medical observation and
check-ups and does not get adequate
medical treatment.
This way of dealing with a person whose
life is - with all consequences - in your
responsibility, can only be called
irresponsible and leads to the question of
motives. It is in total contradiction to
various documents and resolutions of the
United Nations concerning the treatment of
imprisoned persons. Those regulations
should be fully recognized by
representatives of UN institutions. (2)
In the ongoing situation for which the
ICTY is fully responsible, the only
possible solution is to free Mr. Milosevic
from that health-and life-threatening
situation and to release him in order that
he may receive the necessary medical
treatment in Belgrade from physicians who
have treated him for several years.
Sincerely,
Matthias Jochheim, Frankfurt am Main
Physician and psychoanalyst
Member of the leadership of the German
section of International Physicians for
the prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW -
Nobel Peace Prize 1985)
Dr. med. Uta Mader, Koeln
Physician
Member of the German section of
International Physicians for the
Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) Member
of Democratic Physicians (VDAA)
Prof. Dr. med. habil. Ilse Eisen-Hagemann,
Berlin
Physician
Dr. phil. Hans-Peter Brenner, Bonn
Psychoanalyst
Member of the board of directors of
Kassenaerztliche Vereinigung Koblenz
member of Kassenaerztliche
Bundesvereinigung (KBV)
Prof. Dr. med. habil. Ingeborg Rapoport,
Berlin
Physician
Prof. Dr. med. Dr. phil. Dr. hc. mult.
Samuel Mitja Rapoport, Berlin
Physician
Dr. med. Christa Anders, Berlin
Physician
Dr. med. Ernst Bellmer, Erzhausen
Physician
Dr. med. Iris Jonkanski, Brinckheim
(France)
Physician
*********************************************
Footnotes & Further Reading Follow the
Appeal
**********************************************
Please Make a Donation to Defend the Truth
***************************************
It's David vs. Goliath, isn't it? NATO has
The Hague, the mass media and unlimited
money. Slobodan Milosevic has a pay phone,
two legal assistants, his supporters
around the world, and the truth.
To support the truth, we need money. If
you have not made a donation recently, or
ever, please consider doing so now. We
have very dedicated people. With your help
we can get lawyers to and from The Hague,
send faxes, make phone calls, hold press
conferences and publish literature.
Any amount - $20, $50, $100, $1000 - will
help.
** Here's How to Make a Donation **
* Make a donation at our secure server. Go
to
https://emperor.securesites.com/transactions/icdsm.php
You can use VISA, MasterCard or Discover
Donate by credit card over the phone. Call
us at:
ICDSM, USA 1 617 916-1705
Freedom Association, Belgrade 381 11
3282491 or 381 638 862 301
Donate using PayPal. Go to
https://www.paypal.com/xclick/business=icdsm%40aol.com
PayPal accepts VISA and MasterCard
Send us a check at:
ICDSM
831 Beacon St., #295
Newton Centre, MA 02459 (USA)
Make a donation by wire. For instructions,
go to
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/more/wire.htm
Thank you!
ICDSM
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm
*****************
Footnotes and Further Reading
*****************
1) On 15 July 2002 ICTY 'Judge' Richard
May summarized the findings of the
*non-specialist* physicians who were,
finally, permitted to examine Slobodan
Milosevic. Note that the ICDSM and others,
including Yugoslav physicians, had many
times requested that *cardiologists* be
permitted to examine the former Yugoslav
President, but this urgent request had
been denied without explanation.
Here are 'Judge' May's own words during
the session of the so-called trail on the
25th:
??We have received a report, a medical
report, which in its conclusion describes
the accused as a man with severe
cardiovascular risk which demands careful
future monitoring. The authors recommend
that his workload be reduced??
As the German physicians note above,
subsequent to this statement, the ICTY has
done exactly the opposite.
2) What can be the motivation of The Hague
'tribunal' in doing exactly the opposite
of what their own doctors have recommended
regarding Mr. Milosevic's health? It does
not take a brain surgeon to figure out
this one.
Originally, the "trial" was to be
broadcast on TV worldwide, but when the
'tribunal' realized that Milosevic was
winning (he had the unfair advantage of
truth) the broadcasting was drastically
curtailed in February and then virtually
stopped.
His statements and arguments are seldom if
ever quoted in the press. Thus, there has
been an obvious effort to silence him.
Now this health crisis, caused by
practices that contradict 'Judge" May's
July 25th report of the findings of
doctors who examined Mr. Milosevic. (1)
Claiming she wishes to resolve the lethal
crisis provoked by increasing the work
load and decreasing the rest of a man at
risk of heart attack - to 'resolve' this
induced crisis, 'tribunal' prosecutor
Carla del Ponte has introduced a motion to
force unwanted counsel, chosen by the
'tribunal,' on Mr. Milosevic. And this is
justified because - look at the danger to
his health!
So: Silence him; replace him with a
lawyer; and/or, kill him.
--- Jared Israel for the ICDSM
=== 3 ===
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/10/international/europe/10MILO.html
THE NEW YORK TIMES, Sunday, November 10, 2002
The Hand That Feeds Milosevic's Defense
By MARLISE SIMONS
THE HAGUE, Nov. 3 - Every morning and evening, Zdenko Tomanovic wades
through an emporium of documents that overflows his dining table,
packs the
wall-to-wall shelving, and piles up on his living room floor. When he
is not
tracking pages in his apartment here, he is dashing off to court or to
a
high security prison across town.
Mr. Tomanovic is a lawyer for Slobodan Milosevic, or rather his
virtual
lawyer.
His client, the former president of Yugoslavia, has not wanted to
appoint a
counsel in his war crimes trial because he is conducting his own
defense. In
court parlance, Mr. Tomanovic is called "a legal associate."
As he sees it, it is an uneven fight. Probing through a mound of
videotapes
sent by the court, as many as 600 of them, he said, "This is amazing.
Mr.
Milosevic has a video player, but how could he or I find time to see
all
this?"
He continued the tour, past binders and unsorted boxes. "This is what
150,000 documents look like," Mr. Tomanovic said. "I have calculated
that if
Mr. Milosevic or I read every page just once, at two minutes per page,
it
will take more than a year." Besides, he added, their classification
is
immensely complicated. "We have not managed to figure out the system."
The system is the evidence prepared by prosecutors of the war crimes
tribunal, the thousands of statements, maps, photographs and other
exhibits,
copies of which must be provided to the accused. Mr. Milosevic' copies
were
stored at first in a specially reserved jail cell, but overwhelmed by
the
avalanche of material, he sent it to Mr. Tomanovic's home.
The volume of papers is one measure of the largest war crimes trial in
modern times, covering a decade of conflicts in Bosnia, Croatia and
Kosovo.
Prosecutors say the wars for which they hold Mr. Milosevic accountable
were
replete with crimes against humanity and even genocide, because the
campaigns were directed largely against civilians. Prosecutors opened
their
case in February and are to conclude in May. Then Mr. Milosevic may
begin
his defense, and if his current tactics are a guide, he may ask for
equal
time, if not more.
But Mr. Milosevic's health overshadows the trial. Hearings have been
suspended four times already because of his heart and blood pressure
problems, and the prosecution has repeatedly asked to impose a defense
lawyer to allow the trial to move ahead when Mr. Milosevic is sick. He
continues to refuse, insisting on using his court time to give his
personal
views of history and politics. "The only reason I agreed to
participate in
this case of yours is because I want to be able to address the
public," he
told the judges just before collapsing on Nov. 1, of exhaustion,
doctors
said.
With Mr. Milosevic piloting the defense, Mr. Tomanovic remains
backstage. A
polite and thoughtful Serb, Mr. Tomanovic, 45, has served as chief
judge of
a trial court in Belgrade. He now spends hours in the public gallery,
following the moves and moods of a man who is arguably one of the
world's
most difficult clients. During breaks he slips away to see Mr.
Milosevic in
a small windowless waiting room.
"I give him documents, legal advice and lists of questions for
cross-examination," he said. After sessions, Mr. Tomanovic goes across
town
to the United Nations cellblock in a Dutch jail, where he and Mr.
Milosevic
hold longer meetings. He is one of two lawyers who may meet with him
alone;
the other is Dragoslav Ognjanovic, a Belgrade lawyer.
Does Mr. Milosevic take his advice? "Sometimes," Mr. Tomanovic said,
with a
faint smile. He has talked to friends about the obstinacy of his
client. He
said they had met only briefly before, when Mr. Milosevic was first
imprisoned in Belgrade last year. Once Mr. Milosevic arrived in The
Hague,
Mr. Tomanovic said, "he called me and asked me to come here." Why did
he
accept he job? "I am an attorney, and this is a big challenge," he
replied.
For now, Mr. Tomanovic wants to talk about his frustrations with the
prosecution.
It calls many witnesses, but there is little time to prepare, he said.
Complicating this is the prosecution's habit of changing the order of
witnesses at short notice, he said. Prosecutors have said they are
sometimes
forced to do this because of changes in the trial schedule, Mr.
Milosevic's
illness or by witnesses' travel complications.
Based on the prosecution's list, Mr. Tomanovic said, he mobilizes his
10-person law office in Belgrade, which studies the statements and
investigates witnesses. "Then the order suddenly changes, and we have
even
less time to prepare," he complained. "It often happens on a Friday,
which
is worse, because I am not allowed to visit Mr. Milosevic on the
weekend."
More than 130 witnesses have testified for the prosecution. But Mr.
Milosevic does not seem unprepared when cross-examining; indeed, he
has
regularly referred to close personal details of witnesses. In Belgrade
newspapers, this has been cited as evidence that Mr. Milosevic's
supporters
have access to police files.
Mr. Tomanovic denied such access and said his team does the best
possible
research. But the sheer volume of evidence dismays him. In his 22
years as a
lawyer, he said, "I have never seen a case of more than 1,000 pages."
Lawyers at the tribunal cite the magnitude of the charges, over so
many
years and three wars. Also, they say, Mr. Tomanovic and his colleagues
come
from a Communist-era judicial system where trials were much
simplified.
Mr. Tomanovic, however, points to what he calls a fundamental
contradiction
at The Hague. "The tribunal grants the accused the right to conduct
his own
defense," he said, "but it does not enable him to implement this right
because the case is unmanageable for the accused." Even with lawyers'
help,
someone defending himself must still go through much material to be
able to
cross-examine. In many countries, including Yugoslavia, he said,
people are
not allowed to conduct their own defenses in war crimes cases.
A former tribunal judge agreed that tribunal cases have been too long
and
too voluminous. "The management is a big burden, you need teams of
paralegals," the judge said. But then, the former judge added, "as a
prosecutor, you cannot tailor your presentation because the accused
wants to
defend himself."
letters@n...
_________________________________________________________________
Protect your PC - get McAfee.com VirusScan Online
http://clinic.mcafee.com/clinic/ibuy/campaign.asp?cid=3963
--- End forwarded message ---
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Gennaro Scala" ha scritto:
Ieri sul treno leggevo sul Corriere della Sera che la ministra
dell'istruzione Moratti ha accettato la richiesta di Gasparri di AN di
abolire dai libri di scuola il termine "imperialismo", perché "di
derivazione marxista" (in realtà non è strettamente vero, ma non è il
caso di fare l'etimologia del termine ora). Sempre sul C. d. S.
leggevo oggi un commento in cui si lamentava il fatto che durante la
manifestazione si fosse sentito questo termine. Insomma, imperialismo
... una brutta parola ... a pronunciarla si commette peccato.
--- Fine messaggio inoltrato ---
ostati jo¹ 800.000 radnika
2. Diplomiraj, pa emigriraj
=== 1 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Miroslav Antic" wrote:
Socijalna bomba kuca u Srbiji
Zbog privatizacije bez posla æe ostati jo¹ 800.000 radnika
Ekonomista Branko Draga¹ apeluje da vlada odustane od neoliberalnih
opita MMF da bi se izbegao argentinski scenario. Trgovinski deficit
veæi nego u vreme prethodnog re¾ima, industrijska proizvodnja zamrla,
nelikvidnost se kao zaraza ¹iri u privredi, rasprodaja nacionalne
imovine se bezdu¹no nastavlja. Sve u svemu, svi podaci govore da se sa
ovakvim reformama srlja u propast
"Odmah da ka¾em, zbog zlonamernih koji bespogovorno sprovode politiku
MMF-a, da nisam protivnik te institucije. Protiv sam zloupotrebe te
znacajne medunarodne institucije od strane njene birokratije,
trecerazrednih studenata Harvarda (kako ih je nazvao ©tiglic), koji,
umi¹ljeni u svojoj neoliberalnoj teoriji, guraju jedan propali
ekonomski koncept", istice ekonomista Branko Draga¹ i dodaje: "Sve
zemlje u razvoju koje se danas nalaze u ekonomskim problemima, dospele
su u nevolju zbog striktnog pridr¾avanja rigidnog koncepta birokrata
iz MMF-a".
Najgora situacija je u Argentini. Uprkos doslednog pridr¾avanja
nametnutog koncepta, uprkos silnim pohvalama za istrajnost u
sprovodenju ¹ok-terapije, vreme je, ipak, pokazalo da je Argentina
postala ¾rtva neoliberalnih opita. Za¹to bi Srbija ponovila istu
gre¹ku? Reformatori danas u Srbiji poku¹avaju da proguraju taj
koncept. Oni ne ¾ele da cuju dobronamerne savete domacih strucnjaka.
Kao svi malogradani na vlasti, opcinjeni su mocnijim i bogatijim od
sebe. Nemaju viziju razvoja sopstvene dr¾ave, arogantni su i bahati
jer znaju da ih podr¾avaju birokrate iz medunarodnih institucija. Zar
im nije va¾nije da ih hvale sopstveni gradani? Zar gradani na izborima
ne biraju svoju vlast? Jesmo li mi to vec postali protektorat?
Podaci za 2001. godinu krajnje su zabrinjavajuci i jasno govore kojim
putem su reforme krenule. Ne samo da nije do¹lo do ¾eljenog oporavka
privrede, vec su se pogor¹ali uslovi privredivanja. Trgovinski deficit
je dostigao iznos od 2,93 mld $ i za 47,2% je veci nego u vreme
prethodong re¾ima. Posebno zabrinjava ¹to je industrijska proizvodnja
ostala nepokrenuta, rast od jedva 0,6 odsto, mada nema ekonomskih
sankcija i smenjen je jedan despotski re¾im. Ukupan privredni rast bio
je svega 5,5 odsto, a to mo¾emo zahvaliti jedino rodnoj godini u
poljoprivredi. Reformatori su najavili da ce stopa privrednog rasta u
2002. godini biti - 4 odsto. Gradani moraju da znaju da cemo sa tako
niskom stopom rasta tek za 25 godina stici u 1989. god. Jesu li oni
spremni toliko dugo da trpe? Privatizacijom ce ostati bez posla
sigurno jo¹ 800.000 ljudi i nema nikakvog obja¹njenja gde ce toliki
nezaposleni da se zaposle. Socijalna bomba kuca u Srbiji. To je
posledica divlje liberalizacije i dirigovane privatizacije. S jedne
strane otpu¹taju se ljudi i zatvaraju firme, a sa druge strane ne
pokrece se proizvodnja, niti se otvaraju nova preduzeca. Inflacija je
pro¹le godine iznosila 40 odsto, plate su porasle na 230 DM, ali je
njihova kupovna moc bila svega 90 DM. Potro¹acka korpa ne mo¾e da
zadovolji osnovne egzistencijanalne potrebe i sve veci broj ljudi - 74
odsto, ¾ivi na svega 2$ dnevno. Preko 40 odsto ljudi ¾ivi na 1$
dnevno. Za prosecnu cetvoroclanu porodicu potrebno je mesecno 38.010
din da bi nekako placala sve narasle tro¹kove ¾ivota. Kako zaraditi
tolike pare u posrnuloj privredi? Ni pokazatelji za prvi kvartal
2002., na¾alost, nisu ni¹ta bolji. I dalje se nastavlja
pad industrijske proizvodnje: januar 5,5 odsto u odnosu na isti period
pro¹le godine, februar 4,9, a mart oko 4 odsto. Trgovinski deficit je
vec dostigao 756 mil $ za prva tri meseca. Nelikvidnost se kao zaraza
¹iri u privredi. U prva tri meseca 2002. godine bilo je nelikvidno
44.345 preduzeca u kojima je radilo 1.200.379 radnika. Neprekidno je
nelikvidno 25.546 preduzeca u kojima radi 699.870 zaposlenih i dug je
narastao na 95,5 milijardi dinara. Medutim, dok pada industrijska
proizvodnja rastu prihodi javnog sektora. Za prva dva meseca ove
godine ti prihodi su veci za 102 odsto u odnosu na isti period pro¹le
godine.
Nerealan porast zarada doveli su do natprosecnog rasta poreza na
dohodak za citavih 159 odsto.
Sve u svemu, svi podaci govore da moramo ozbiljno da preispitamo
dosada¹nji koncept reformi. Kao iskusni strucnjak iz privrede,
poku¹avam javnost da opomenem na pogubno delovanje dana¹njih
reformatora. Po¹to su 28. decembra 2001. godine prodali tri cementare
u zemlji, a nekoliko dana kasnije urgentno zatvorili cetiri nacionalne
banke, pla¹im se da ce se nastaviti rasprodaja nacionalne imovine. A
ako ne zaustavimo takvu bezdu¹nu rasprodaju po nalogu MMF-a, postavlja
se pitanje kako cemo upravljati dr¾avom ako rasprodamo strate¹ke
grane? Kako cemo voditi nezavisnu ekonomsku politiku? Kakva ce nam
dr¾ava biti u buducnosti?
Zabrinut sam nad svim ovim pitanjima. Ima li izlaza iz ove situacije?
Ima. Pogre¹no je mi¹ljenje da moramo da sprovodimo naredbe
medunarodnih birokrata koji ni¹ta ne znaju o na¹oj privredi. Potrebno
je naci zajednicki interes izmedu MMF-a i na¹e zemlje. Ni MMF-u ne
odgovara da se u Srbiji ponovi argentinski scenario. Zbog toga je
va¾no da preko na¹ih poslovnih prijatelja lobiramo u MMF-u da se
odustane od neoliberalnog koncepta. Jedna strucna, sposobna i otresita
ekipa na¹ih privrednika napravila bi prezentaciju Programa za spas
Srbije u Medunarodnim finansijskim institucijama i tra¾ila bi podr¹ku
krupnog privatnog kapitala za svoj projekat. Tek kada oni prihvate taj
Program i nadu interes u njemu, mo¾emo da uspemo. Medunarodne
finansijske birokrate sprovodice naloge krupnog privatnog kapitala,
jer ce te¾iti da odbrane njihove interese. Tako ce se na¹i dr¾avni,
nacionalni gradanski i privredni interesi poklopiti sa interesima
medunarodnih institucija.
Niti ce se one stideti za pogre¹an koncept reformi, niti cemo mi
rizikovati da izgubimo dr¾avu i upadnemo u socijalnu anarhiju. MMF ce
obavljati svoju izvornu funkciju zbog koje je i osnovan. Mi cemo biti
plate¾no sposobni da vracamo preuzete obaveze. Gradani se nece
iseljavati u potrazi za poslom. Nece biti pritiska na razvijene
dr¾ave.
Evo puta za globalni oporavak svetske ekonomije i trajno re¹enje
ekonomskih problema zemalja u razvoju. Vrlo brzo bi se smanjile
tenzije izmedu razvijenih i nerazvijenih, izmedu bogatih i siroma¹nih.
Planeta bi postala mesto za ugodan ¾ivot. Revolucije bi definitivno
oti¹le u zaborav. Nestala bi i ukleta Fondrmacija. Uginula bi
sedmoglava sablast ¹to pro¾dire siroma¹ne zemlje i narode kako bi
nahranila sopstvenu prazninu. Pohlepom se covecanstvo ne mo¾e spasiti.
Du¹evni mir i skromnost postace utoci¹te za sve posrnule duhove.
Smisao i svrha svega bice mere vrednosti. Korisnost ce se meriti
davanjem. A niko nece ni¹ta hteti da uzme, pre nego ¹to ne ponudi
izbavljenje. Naravno, za sve.
---
Jaèi tlaèi
Danas 358 najbogatijih ljudi na svetu ima neto vrednost kapitala
jednak zajednickom godi¹njem prihodu 2,53 milijardi najsiroma¹nijih
ljudi.
Humanitarna organizacija Oxam international (OI) napravila je izve¹taj
o stanju svetske trgovine i do¹la do zakljucka koji je nama, ¹to
¾ivimo u nerazvijenim zemljama, svakodnevno vidljiv. Strucnjacima iz
ove studije je postalo jasno da su pravila medunarodne trgovine
smi¹ljena u korist bogatih zemalja. Od svakih 100 dolara zarade od
izvoza proizvoda u svetu, 97 odsto odlazi u razvijene i srednje
razvijene zemlje , a samo tri odsto sti¾e u siroma¹ne zemlje.
Tako Svetska tgovinska organizacija (WTO) slu¾i bogatim zemljama da
jo¹ vice uvecaju svoja nemala bogatstva. Nerazvijeni nisu sposobni da
se na otvorenom tr¾i¹tu bore sa mnogo mocnijim od sebe . To je dovelo
do apsurdne pozicije, da danas 358 najbogatijih ljudi na svetu ima
neto vrednost kapitala jednak zajednickom godi¹njem prihodu 2,53
milijardi najsiroma¹nijihljudi. Raslojavanja se i dalje nastavljaju,
tako da je u 2.000, ukupan iznos spoljnih i unutra¹njih dugova
dostigao cifru od 400.000 milijardi dolara. Koliko je to veliki iznos
najbolje se vidi kad uporedimo sa ostvarenim bruto svetskim proizvodom
u istoj godini, koji iznosi 42.000 milijardi dolara.
Najsiroma¹nije zemlje su u poslednjih 20 godina platile na svaki dolar
zajma vi¹e od 9 dolara kamate, a da nisu otplatile dug. Kuda to vodi?
Od cetiri milijarde stanovnika nerazvijenih zemalja, njih 1,3
milijarde nemaju vi¹e od dolara dnevno. Na¾alost, medu njima se nalazi
i najveci deo na¹ih gradana. Istovremeno, devizno tr¾i¹te obavi
svakodnevno transakcije oko 1.500 milijardi dolara, a desi se da,
recimo, vrednost nemackog Telekoma samo u jednom danu poraste za 20
milijardi DM. Gde je kraj finansijskim ¹pekulacijama bogatih?
Ono ¹to posebno zabrinjava, prema izve¹taju OI, jeste saznanje da su
sisroma¹ne zemlje pod velikim pritiskom kako NJTO, tako i MMF-a i
Svetske banke da odmah otvore svoja tr¾i¹ta, da liberalizuju cenei
izvr¹e brzu privatizaciju , ne vodeci racuna o socijalnim posledicama
takve ucenjivacke neoliberlane politike. U isto vreme, vlade
razvijenih zemalja uprkos blagom protivljenju i osudi administracije
iz NJTO, uvode necarinske barijere koje su se u EU povecale u periodu
1986-1998 sa 15 na 58 odsto ili u SAD sa 27 na 57 odsto.
---
http://www.skynemesis.org/ekon/sicg/1004.htm
--- End forwarded message ---
=== 2 ===
--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Miroslav Antic" wrote:
Glas istra¾uje: Da li i posle 5. oktobra 2000. istim tempom
odlaze mladi i obrazovani iz Srbije?
Diplomiraj, pa emigriraj
U poslednjoj deceniji oti¹lo 200.000 mozgova i u tome smo prvaci
sveta.
Da li ta pamet vredi 20 milijardi dolara
Marijana ®ivkoviæ iz Beograda oti¹la je jo¹ pre dve godine u
Australiju da zavr¹i studije. Vratila se pro¹le godine, ali je pre
nekoliko meseci ponovo spakovala kofere put Melburna: "Ovde i dalje
nema ¾ivota".
Tempo odlaska mladih, struènih ljudi iz Jugoslavije se nastavio, istim
intenzitetom kao i pre 5. oktobra 2000. godine. Procene struènjaka su
da æe ovaj fenomen nastaviti da se javlja u istoj meri iduæih tri
do pet godina, jer se ljudi jo¹ ne oseæaju dovoljno politièki,
ekonomski sigurnim u zemlji. Tako, mo¾emo da oèekujemo da æe desetine
hiljada Jugoslovena otiæi u svet da rade i ¾ive.
Odliv mozgova
- ©to se tièe povratka u zemlju, veliki uticaj ima porodièno
stanje èoveka. Ako je, na primer, o¾enjen strankinjom, ¹ansa da se
vrati je zanemarljiva. Trenutak povratka èesto je vezan za uzrast dece
- da li kreæe u ¹kolu ili kada razmi¹lja da zasnuje porodicu... Ipak,
za to bi uslovi ¾ivota ovde trebalo da budu polunormalni, a to nije
bio sluèaj.
Kod dijaspore je "bela kuga" malo "belja" nego u regionu. Od ukupnog
broja migranata, oko 42 odsto su samci, oko 38 odsto su u braku, ali
nemaju decu, 12 imaju dvoje dece, pet odsto jedno, a tek tri odsto
troje dece. Razlozi su kako mnogo radnih sati, tako i èeste selidbe
zbog posla u druge gradove - navodi dr Bogojeviæ.
Samim tim ¹to je i osamdesetih godina, kad je dr¾ava omoguæavala
pristojne uslove za ¾ivot, odlazilo oko dva odsto stanovni¹tva,
pokazuje se da je to prirodan "odliv mozgova", pravi resurs ove
zemlje.
Devedesetih, zbog ratova, besparice, ovaj se broj utrostruèio,
uz oscilacije 1993. i 2000. godine, pre izbora, kada je procenat
popeo na fantastiènih 19 odsto. Iako je masovan odlazak mladih pre 5.
oktobra bio prevashodno be¾anje iz zemlje, koja nije mogla ni¹ta da im
pru¾i, ljudi i dalje tra¾e sreæu po svetu, isto kao i pre deset
godina.
Ministarstvo prosvete Srbije, a i Rektorat Beogradskog univerziteta
nemaju podatak o tome koliko je ljudi zaista napustilo zemlju.
Iako ne postoji neka precizna statistika, nevladina organizacija
Obrazovni forum i Unesko procenili su da je devedesetih oti¹lo bar
400.000 ljudi.
Jugoslavija je po ovakvom izvozu svojih struènjaka prva u svetu.
Iako èitav region jugoistoènih zemalja ima isti fenomen, za na¹u
dr¾avu je karakteristièno da je izvezla najvi¹e struènih,
kvalifikovanih ljudi.
- Odlazak za vreme starog re¾ima, devedesetih godina, drugaèiji je po
karakteru od migracija posle Drugog rata. Ovoga puta su u pitanju
veæinom mladi, obrazovaniji ljudi, struèni, dok se ranije odlazilo u
druge zemlje ili iz politièkih razloga ili su to bili nekvalifikovani,
koji su i¹li da rade bilo ¹ta u inostranstvu. Devedesetih godina su
ljudi bukvalno "be¾ali iz zatvora" - ka¾e za "Glas" dr Aleksandar
Bogojeviæ iz Obrazovnog foruma i Instituta za fiziku.
Jedan od razloga zbog kojih ljudi i dalje odlaze, istièe
Kristina Vujièiæ, donedavno predsednica Saveza studenata Beograda i
èlan Otpora, jeste i ¹to se i dalje, za odreðene polo¾aje, ljudi
biraju prema politièkoj podobnosti, a ne prema struènosti.
- Sve u ¹ta smo verovali, nije se ostvarilo. Pre svega smo
nezadovoljni institucijama, jer svaki student ¾eli da zavr¹i fakultet
i da radi. To je bilo i ostalo nemoguæe, pogotovu kad mlad èovek vidi
da neko "dobro stoji", a da to nije stekao svojim radom. Vlast nije
obezbedila elementarni izbor, kako mladima, tako i drugima da njih
biraju, jer su sposobni.
Zato se i de¹ava da su predstavnici omladine DS-a, na primer, dobro
situirani, dok drugi ostaju na cedilu. Profesori na fakultetima, koji
nisu mogli da dobiju potreban broj glasova od svojih kolega, postali
su èlanovi saveta Vlade, ¹to je nonsens. Ko se brine o studentima
èiji je prosek preko devet?
Izgubljenih veæ 40.000
Danas je najvi¹e na¹ih ljudi izmeðu 26 i 30 godina u inostranstvu, oko
33 odsto od ukupnog broja, i izmeðu 31 i 35 godina - oko 22 odsto -
ukupno oko 200.000. To su ljudi, koji veæ imaju spoj fizièke i
psihièke snage i ovladali su nekim znanjima. Devedesetih godina su
odlazili i ljudi sa vi¹e od 40 godina, koji su ovde imali neku
karijeru, ali, isto tako, danas u inostranstvu ima oko osam odsto
na¹ih ljudi sa 21 do 25 godina.
- Oni su odlazili posle srednje ¹kole ili pre nego ¹to je zavr¹e. Kad
odu tako mladi, a nisu imali dovoljno vremena da se ve¾u za zemlju,
¹anse da se vrate su mnogo manje. Ako se uzme u obzir da je njih oko
deset odsto, onda imate armiju od oko 40.000 nepovratno oti¹lih
- ka¾e dr Bogojeviæ.
U drugim dr¾avama bi se firme veæ otimale o tog sposobnog mladog
èoveka, a on ovde mo¾e samo da ma¹ta da ode u inostranstvo. Kako neko
ovde da se doka¾e, kad veæ postoje podobni kadrovi - izrièita je
Vujièiæeva.
Domaæi studenti su se pokazali kao veoma uspe¹ni u svetu, a mi, ka¾e
Vuièiæeva, nemamo moguænosti da zadr¾imo jednog diplomiranog
japanologa ili matematièara.
- Studenti su bitni samo kad im treba ugu¹iti ¹trajk. Èeda Jovanoviæ,
koji je nekada bio u na¹im redovima, nije pokazao interesovanje da,
kada je do¹ao na polo¾aj, uèini ne¹to za svoje kolege. A svi su nas
dizali u nebo pre 5. oktobra - ka¾e Vujièiæeva.
Veæinom, èak 60 odsto na¹ih ljudi, nastanili su se u Severnoj Americi.
Brojèano ih je najvi¹e u SAD-u, ali u odnosu na broj stanovnika zemlje
u koju su oti¹li ljudi s ovih prostora, onda je Kanada èetiri puta
ispred svih drugih, jer je u to vreme bila najotvorenija. Ljudi s ovih
prostora tamo sada èine veliku manjinu, ¹to izaziva i odreðene promene
u dru¹tvu.
Preko okeana
Ne¹to vi¹e od 30 odsto nalazi se u zemljama Evrope, dok su svi drugi
rasporeðeni na Australiju, Novi Zeland, Afriku, Aziju i Ju¾nu Ameriku.
- Kad se pogledaju struèni profili ljudi koji su oti¹li, dominantna je
nauka. To ne znaèi da se svi oni i danas bave naukom tamo, veæ su
prosto pre¹li na primenu znanja, jer to i donosi vi¹e novca.
Tehnologija je druga struka, s kojom su odlazili magistri ili
diplomci. Kompjuterske, tehnolo¹ke nauke su ujedno i najtra¾eniji
profili sada u Evropi. Sve ostale kategorije - umetnost, pravo,
finansije, medicina, zastupljene su u manjoj meri, i to sa po
otprilike dva do ¹est odsto - navodi dr Bogojeviæ.
Materijalno-socijalni polo¾aj zaposlenih u nauènim institucijama je
vi¹e nego lo¹. Iz Instituta Vinèa u poslednje dve godine oti¹lo je
35 istra¾ivaèa, uglavnom magistara i doktora. Od 1990. oti¹lo je 90
istra¾ivaèa iz Instituta za biolo¹ka istra¾ivanja, od kojih 40 sa
doktorskom diplomom.
Sindikat zaposlenih u nauèno-istra¾ivaèkoj delatnosti Srbije navodi da
je proseèna neto zarada po zaposlenom za prvih ¹est meseci ove godine
u Istorijskom institutu SANU bila 6.736 dinara, Etnografskom 8.676,
Institutu za knji¾evnost i umetnost 10.652.
U Institutu za politehnièke studije, proseèna zarada je tek 5.938
dinara. Iz bud¾eta Srbije za nauku se izdvaja 0,30 odsto, dok,
poreðenja radi, susedna Albanija za ove namene izdvaja duplo vi¹e
novca, istièu u Sindikatu.
Zato nije ni èudno ¹to za Srbiju mo¾e da se ka¾e da je za deset godina
svaki dvadeseti stanovnik oti¹ao! ©to se tièe susednih zemalja, Bosna
i Hercegovina prema broju stanovnika ima veæu dijasporu, ali nju ne
karakteri¹e samo odlazak struènjaka, veæ, kao ¹to je to
karakteristièno za zemlje zahvaæene ratovima, ljudi su prvenstveno
be¾ali da bi pre¾iveli. Hrvatska ima oko 140.000 migranata u zemlje
sveta.
- Prema nekim procenama, imamo oko dva miliona ljudi u inostranstvu,
koji su odlazili jo¹ od Drugog svetskog rata, ¹to je prilièno veliki
broj, ako se uzme u obzir da zemlja ima èetiri puta vi¹e stanovnika.
Ovo je masovan fenomen, gde na¹a zemlja le¾i na jednom gigantskom
resursu, a da li æe ga iskoristiti zavisi od nje same. Svi vole da
prièaju o uspostavljanju veze s dijasporom, posebno pred izbore, ali
niko ne radi ni¹ta po tom pitanju na nivou dr¾ave. Tako je Obrazovni
forum pokrenuo projekat "Brejndrejn" pro¹le godine.
Posle nekoliko meseci mogli smo da formuli¹emo i odreðene rezultate.
Ovaj projekat je progla¹en za jedan od pet prioritetnih programa
Uneska, jer je u jugoistoènoj Evropi fenomen odlaska iz zemlje
izuzetno izra¾en, a s druge strane u zapadnim zemljama postoji glad za
struènjacima - obja¹njava dr Bogojeviæ.
Ipak, najvi¹e se, i danas, odlazi za vreme studiranja, posle diplome
ili magistrature. Ti ljudi su postali bolji struènjaci i onda ova
zemlja raspola¾e ogromnim blagom u inostranstvu.
- Osamdesete godine su pokazale da postoji prirodni odliv ljudi i u
normalnim uslovima ¾ivota. Ovo je ipak mali sistem, u kome ne mogu svi
da doðu do izra¾aja, te je sasvim prirodno ¹to je tih godina oko dva
odsto stanovni¹tva oti¹lo iz zemlje. To je i na¹a velika prednost u
odnosu na druge jugoistoène zemlje - stanovni¹tvo je bilo vi¹e
integrisano u Evropu.
Ali, kad je devedesetih situacija postala politièki i ¾ivotno
nestabilna, broj odlazaka je odmah skoèio, i to tri puta. To je veæ
pokazatelj da se odavde be¾alo. Odliv nije, sam po sebi, lo¹, ako je
kontrolisan. Ali, tri puta se poveæao, a da je zemlja ostala ista.
Naroèito je bila izra¾ena 1993. godina, kad je oti¹lo èak 12 odsto
ljudi.
Ali, 2000. godine, pre 5. oktobra, ovaj broj skaèe na oko 19 odsto,
¹to je tri puta vi¹e nego tempo odlazaka devedesetih. Posle
demonstracija 1996/7. i jo¹ dve godine bez ikakvih promena, narod je
verovatno pomislio "ovi nikad neæe otiæi s vlasti". Onda se desilo
ovih 19 odsto - obja¹njava dr Bogojeviæ.
Posle 5. oktobra 2000. ovaj procenat se vratio na karakteristiènih
¹est odsto iz devedesetih godina. Do¹lo je do promene vlasti, ne¹to
je poèelo da se menja, ali ljudi, posle svega, nemaju toliko poverenja
da æe ovde uskoro zaista moæi normalno da se ¾ivi, i odlaze i dalje.
I dalje æe iæi
Nedavno se u medijima pojavila raèunica da je na¹a zemlja, ako
je oti¹lo 200.000 obrazovanih ljudi u zemlje razvijenog zapada, kroz
izvoz inteligencije, otplatila kredit od 20 milijardi dolara. Jer,
"godi¹nje svaki privatni univerzitet naplati od studenta oko 20.000
evra, a studira se u proseku pet godina, plus magistrature i
doktorati, pa neka svaki od tih ljudi "iznese" 140.000 dolara, koje su
ova zemlja i narod ulo¾ili u njih".
Dr Bogojeviæ ka¾e da to nije tako.
- To su gluposti, jer se ljudi bave brojkama da bi postigli nekakve
politièke poene. Ljudi su ovde emotivni i idu u krajnosti - "ili smo
mi geniji ili smo budale". Nisu taène brojke, a nije tako i zato ¹to
niko ne raèuna ¹ta smo dobili. Ako vam ode sto ljudi, a vrati vam se
jedan isfiltrirani èovek, on vredi vi¹e od onih sto - ka¾e dr
Bogojeviæ.
- Ni¹ta se bitno neæe promeniti u ovom smislu ni sledeæe tri do pet
godina. Tek, dakle, kad se broj odlazaka smiri na nivo osamdesetih,
moæi æe da se ka¾e da se odliv stabilizovao. To, s druge strane, ide
paralelno sa politièkom, ekonomskom stabilno¹æu u zemlji.
Ne verujem da æe biti nekih velikih, negativnih poteza vlasti, tako da
ovaj broj opet poraste, pa dostigne 2000. godinu. Ali, ipak je u
pitanju inercija odla¾enja, koja ne mo¾e tek tako da se suzbije. To
znaèi da æe u tom periodu otiæi desetine hiljada ljudi - ka¾e dr
Bogojeviæ.
Dobro je ¹to ljudi odlaze sa 25 godina u sredine, koje æe ih nauèiti
da rade, gde æe biti u takmièarskom svetu, da naðu sebi neku poziciju,
ka¾e dr Bogojeviæ, ali je lo¹e ¹to je odliv nekontrolisan i ¹to nema
mnogo nagove¹taja da æe se ovi ljudi vratiti u zemlju. Ni nivo odlaska
iz osamdesetih godina nije dobar, ako se niko nikad ne vrati.
- Na kraju bi se zemlja ispraznila. Kad smo pitali na¹e ljude u svetu
da li planiraju da se vrate, 60 odsto je odgovorilo sa "da", 24 sa
"mo¾da" i 16 sa "ne, nikad", s tim ¹to svi podrazumevaju neke uslove,
koji bi prethodno trebalo da se zadovolje, da bi se oni vratili. Ako
biste imali idealan povratak, bili biste najbogatija zemlja na svetu -
istièe dr Bogojeviæ.
Dr¾ava mora da zna, ka¾u struènjaci, da nauka mo¾e da pobolj¹a
ekonomsku situaciju u zemlji. Ako je zemlja siroma¹na, ne sme da
dozvoli da nema nauku, jer biæe jo¹ siroma¹nija.
DANIJELA ÆIROVIÆ
http://www.glas-javnosti.co.yu/danas/srpski/vest-dana.shtml
--- End forwarded message ---
SLOBODA e dal Comitato Internazionale per la Difesa di Slobodan
Milosevic (ICDSM):
---
MESSAGGIO URGENTE AI COMITATI NAZIONALI, AI PARTITI ED ALLE
ORGANIZZAZIONI PROGRESSISTE, ED A TUTTE LE PERSONE DI BUONA VOLONTA'
Il "tribunale" dell'Aia ha ricevuto una "mozione" vergognosa da parte
di Carla del Ponte, nella quale si chiede che il Presidente Milosevic
sia messo a tacere imponendogli un collegio di difesa contro la sua
volonta'.
Dunque, il messaggio della giustizia targata NATO e' che il Presidente
Milosevic deve morire oppure tacere!
Il "tribunale" sta tenendo i media all'oscuro di tutti gli appelli, le
richieste e le petizioni che voi inviate! Solo la voce di Carla si
deve sentire!
E' la "decisione" finale del "tribunale" potrebbe venire gia' domani!
Pertanto, vi preghiamo di continuare ad inviare a costoro le vostre
opinioni. E, per quanto possibile, di rivolgervi al pubblico ed ai
media.
LA VITA DEL PRESIDENTE MILOSEVIC, LA VERITA' SULLA JUGOSLAVIA E LA
LIBERTA' DEL POPOLO SERBO VANNO PROTETTI!
NOI CHIEDIAMO CHE AL PRESIDENTE MILOSEVIC SIA IMMEDIATAMENTE CONCESSO
DI OTTENERE UNA TERAPIA MEDICA SPECIALISTICA ED UN PERIODO DI
RIABILITAZIONE A BELGRADO, SOTTO LA SUPERVISIONE DEI MEDICI CHE DA
ANNI SEGUONO LA SUA SALUTE.
DOPODICHE' EGLI DOVREBBE AVERE IL DIRITTO DI POTER CONTINUARE LA SUA
BATTAGLIA PER LA VERITA' ALL'AIA, MA FUORI DI PRIGIONE. EGLI HA GIA'
AFFERMATO CHE NON SI SOTTRARRA' MAI A QUESTA BATTAGLIA!
Belgrado, 10 novembre 2002
SLOBODA - ICDSM
*** COME AGIRE ***
Cari amici,
il processo politico dell'Aia e' stato aggiornato alla prossima
settimana a causa del deterioramento delle condizioni di salute del
Presidente Milosevic.
Il Presidente Milosevic viene trattato come un prigioniero di guerra
in un campo di concentramento nazista [oltreche' per le modalita'
della detenzione del processo, questa affermazione va intesa alla
lettera: durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale la prigione di
Scheveningen era usata dagli occupatori nazisti per tenere i
prigionieri politici, ndt].
Vi preghiamo di leggere con attenzione gli appelli di cui sotto.
E' ESSENZIALE agire SUBITO!
Vi preghiamo di inviare le vostre domande al "tribunale". Chiedete
agli avvocati ed ai medici che conoscete di fare lo stesso.
Rivolgetevi al Consiglio di Sicurezza dell'ONU!
Scrivete ai vostri parlamentari!
Prendete posizione pubblicamente!
In rappresentanza dell'Associazione SLOBODA
Vladimir Krsljanin
tel. +381 63 8862 301
fax +381 11 3282 491
SCRIVETE
alla Corte-fantoccio dell'Aia
("International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia",
"ICTY", fax +3170 512 8637)
e dite la vostra opinione!
Il Consiglio di Sicurezza dell'ONU e' responsabile per il lavoro (ed
anche per i crimini) del "tribunale". Come raggiungerli:
Permanent Mission of the Peoples' Republic of China
(UN SC President for November 2002)
Address: 350 East 35th Street, New York, NY 10016
Telephone: 212-655-6100
Fax: 212-634-7626
E-mail: chinamission_un@...
Permanent Representative and Ambassador Wang Yingfan
Tel: 212-655-6191
Invitiamo gli avvocati a scrivere al "Presidente dell'ICTY"
Claude Jorda ed al "Presidente della Terza Corte" Richard May, nonche'
ai loro "Amici Curiae" Steven Kay e Branislav Tapuskovic (usando lo
stesso numero di fax) per dirgli cosa pensate della "futura conduzione
del caso"!
Noi abbiamo scritto quanto segue:
<< The actual deterioration of the health of Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic, long time President of the Republic of Serbia and of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a direct and dramatic consequence of
the way the process has been conducted and of the fact that you have
neglected the recommendations of the physicians appointed by ICTY in
order to determine the state of Mr. President's health.
Even after of numerous warnings that, considering the state
of health of President Milosevic, detention conditions and rhythm and
conduct of the process can cause his death, you still continue to
conduct your political process in the same way. We remain you and warn
you once again that eminent Yugoslav cardiologists have concluded in
their objective and impartial expertise, which got consent of the
physicians appointed by you, that the way this political process has
been conducted represent a threat to the life of President Milosevic.
In spite the claim that ICTY is an international court of
UN, you in severest way violate the Resolutions and documents of the
UN General Assembly, related to health of persons in custody.
The first principle of the Resolution 3794 on the principles
of medical ethics, adopted by the UN General Assembly on December
18, 1982, establishes an obligation to protect prisoners or detainees
from torture and other cruel, inhumane or humiliating sanctions or
behavior. The same Resolution obliges you to secure the medical
treatment of the same quality and based on same standards as for the
persons who are not in prison or in detention. But in violation to
that, you have not provided President Milosevic with medical therapy
nor even with medical care of the same quality and based on same
standards as for persons who are not in detention. This way you also
violate the Article 6 of the Codex of behavior of persons responsible
for application of the Law, adopted by UN General Assembly on December
17, 1979.
In addition to violation of the mentioned Resolutions, you
also violate your own Statute, namely its Article 21, point 4b, which
obliges you to provide every defendant with appropriate time and
facilities for preparation of his defense.
The astonishing rhythm of this political process, purpose of
which is not determination of the truth, but total endangering of
the health of President Milosevic, leads us to a conclusion that the
fatal outcome is your intention.
Experience with other persons in detention who faced
dramatic deterioration of heath or even loss of life, is also obliging
you to decide to allow Slobodan Milosevic to obtain medical therapy
and recovery in Belgrade by medical specialists who followed his
health condition for years, due to existence of special circumstances
and to resume the process after the improvement of his health.
We warn you that it is your obligation to harmonize your
Rules and practices with all UN documents on human rights protection,
as well as with the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights.
Belgrade, November 02, 2002
President of the Freedom Association -
Yugoslav Committee for the Defense of Slobodan Milosevic
Bogoljub Bjelica >>
---
PER MAGGIORI INFORMAZIONI E DOCUMENTAZIONE SULLA ILLEGITTIMITA' DEL
"TRIBUNALE" DELL'AIA, SUL TRATTAMENTO VESSATORIO CUI E' SOTTOPOSTO
MILOSEVIC, SULL'ANDAMENTO DEL "PROCESSO", SULLE TRASCRIZIONI INTEGRALI
DELLE UDIENZE - CHE LA NOSTRA STAMPA NON PUO' ALTRO CHE CENSURARE -
NONCHE' SULL'AGGRAVARSI DELLE CONDIZIONI DI SALUTE DI MILOSEVIC
RIMANDIAMO AI SITI:
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html
ARCHIVIO COMPLETO DEL "PROCESSO"
http://emperor.vwh.net/icdsm/
ICDSM
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/messages
ARCHIVIO "JUGOINFO"
(a cura di I. Slavo)
a political monthly
http://www.ZMag.org/
February 2002 Issue
Fog Watch
The NATO-Media Lie Machine
"Genocide" in Kosovo?
By Edward S. Herman & David Peterson
NATO's "humanitarian" enterprise in Kosovo was built on a structure of
lies, many of them flowing from NATO headquarters and officials of the
NATO powers, and uncritically passed along by the mainstream media of
the NATO countries.
One of the great ironies of Operation Allied Force, NATO's brief 1999
war against Serbia, was that Yugoslavia's broadcasting facilities were
bombed by NATO on the claim that they were a "lie machine" serving the
Yugoslav apparatus of war. This was contrasted with the NATO media,
which in the view of NATO officials, and in that of media personnel as
well, were "objective" and provided what Richard Holbrooke described
as "exemplary" coverage. It never occurred to media leaders and
journalists that Holbrooke's accolade should embarrass them-although
were Slobodan Milosevic to have lauded the Serb media's performance as
"exemplary" we suspect their NATO-bloc counterparts would have
interpreted this as proof of the "lie machine" accusation. The double
standard runs deep.
An important reason for the congruity between Holbrooke's and the
media's views was the sense of self-righteousness that accompanied
Operation Allied Force. The belief that NATO was fighting a "just war"
against an evil enemy had been so well cultivated over the prior
decade that for the media, "getting on the team" and thereby promoting
the war effort seemed perfectly consistent with "objective" news
reporting. This perspective, which was not shared by most governments
and media outside NATO, or by a vigorous but marginalized media within
the NATO countries, was ideal from the viewpoint of the NATO war
managers, as it made their mainstream media into de facto propaganda
arms of NATO.
Ultimately, this gave NATO and its dominant governments a freedom to
ignore both international opinion and international law-and to destroy
and kill-that would have been far more difficult to achieve if their
media's performance had been less "exemplary."
Genocide Politicized
One of the many successes of the NATO-media lie machine was
effectively pinning the label of "genocide" on the Serbs for their
operations in Kosovo. "Genocide," like "terrorism," is an invidious
but fuzzy word, that has long been used in propaganda to describe the
conduct of official enemies. It conjures up images of Nazi death camps
and is frequently used along with the word "holocaust" to describe
killings that are being condemned. On the Nazi-Jewish Holocaust model,
genocide implies the attempt to wipe out an entire people. But in the
Genocide Convention of 1948 the word was defined more loosely as any
act "committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a
national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such." The Convention
even included in genocide acts that were causing serious "mental harm"
or inflicting "conditions of life" aimed at such destruction. This
vagueness has contributed to its politicization, and Peter Novick
notes how in the 1950s its users "focused almost exclusively on the
crimes-sometimes real, sometimes imagined-of the Soviet bloc" (The
Holocaust in American Life).
It is a notorious fact that the Clinton administration carefully
refrained from using the word genocide to apply to the huge 1994
Rwanda massacres of Tutsis by the Hutus. To have allowed the word to
be used there would have suggested a need to act, and having decided
not to act, the decision to avoid using an emotive word that might
have mobilized public opinion on the need to act followed accordingly.
By contrast, in the case of Kosovo, the decision to act demanded the
mobilization of opinion to support violent intervention, so the
aggressive use of the word genocide followed.
In the context of the wars over the disintegration of Yugoslavia, and
in its opportunistic use elsewhere, the word genocide has been applied
loosely wherever people are killed who are deemed "worthy" victims. In
our view this is not only opportunism but also a corruption of meaning
of a word whose unique sense implies not just killing or massacre but
an attempted extermination of a people, in whole or substantial part.
Genocide Pinned on Serbia
The word genocide was applied to the Serbs in the early 1990s by some
Western analysts and journalists who had aligned themselves with other
Yugoslav factions (notably the Bosnian Muslims), but it came into
intense use during the NATO 78-day bombing campaign and briefly
thereafter. In good part this escalated usage was a result of the
virtual hysteria of NATO leaders at the Serb reaction to their
bombing, which had been put forward as necessary to stop Serb
brutalities against the Kosovo Albanians but which caused their
exponential increase. With the help of the media, and cries of
genocide, Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, Gerhard Schroeder, and other NATO
spokespersons were able to transform the consequences of their bombing
strategy-the refugee crisis-into its retrospective justification.
To make their case the NATO leaders needed generous numbers of
victims, stories of Serb terror, and images of women and children in
flight or being put on expulsion trains, allowing recollections of
trains to Auschwitz. The number allegedly "missing" and suggested to
represent massacre victims by William Cohen on May 16 was 100,000, a
figure which peaked at 500,000 in a State Department estimate. Both
during and after the bombing campaign the main interest of the
cooperative NATO media was in finding victims; a scramble to unearth
and report on "mass graves" was launched. There were many victims, but
the media's appetite for them was insatiable and their gullibility led
them to make numerous errors, exaggerations, and misrepresentations
(see Philip Hammond and Edward S. Herman, eds., Degraded Capability:
The Media and the Kosovo Crisis, forthcoming from Pluto press, for
many illustrations). Numerous published images of departing Albanian
woman and children were linked to the "Holocaust," although as one
British commentator noted "the Nazis did not put Jews on the train to
Israel, as the Serbs are now putting ethnic Albanian Kosovars on the
train to Albania" (Julie Burchill, Guardian, April 10, 1999).
The word genocide was applied to Serb operations in Kosovo even before
the NATO bombing, although the number killed in the prior 15 months
was perhaps 2,000 on all sides and despite the fact that there was no
evidence of an intent to exterminate or expel all Albanians. The
Kosovo conflict was a civil war with defining ethnic overtones and
brutal but not unfamiliar repression (less ferocious than that carried
out by the Croatian army against the Krajina Serbs in August 1995, in
which some 2,500 civilians were slaughtered in the course of a few
days).
Even for the period of the bombing the term genocide is ludicrously
inapplicable. The Serb reaction to bombing, while frequently savage,
was based on their correct understanding that the KLA was linked to
NATO and that NATO was giving it air support (Tom Walker and Aidan
Laverty, "CIA Aided Kosovo Guerrilla Army," Sunday Times [London],
March 13, 2000). Their brutalities and expulsions were concentrated in
KLA stronghold areas, and those expelled were sent not to death camps
but to safe havens outside Kosovo. The intensive postwar search for
killings and mass graves has produced under 3,000 dead bodies from all
causes-killings of the same order of magnitude as the 1995 Krajina
massacres of Serbs, carried out with U.S. support.
In short, the use of the word genocide for Serb actions in Kosovo was
gross propaganda rhetoric designed to mislead as to the facts and to
provide the moral basis for aggressive intervention. It paralleled the
use of the War Crimes Tribunal to indict Milosevic in the midst of the
NATO bombing campaign-an indictment that was also designed to justify
NATO's increasingly civilian-oriented (and illegal) bombing of Serbia
by demonizing the head of the state under NATO attack.
Media & Left NATO Propaganda
Having encouraged the disintegration of Yugoslavia from 1991, and
actually obstructed peaceful solutions to the problem of protecting
minorities in breakaway states, the policies of Germany and the United
States in particular assured ethnic violence. Their chosen villain was
Serbia, and an intense official and media focus on Serb crimes
followed. This involved not only selectivity of outrage and a
misreading of causes and locus of responsibility, but also a
demonization process helped along by the one-sided, ahistorical
portrayal of events frequently infused with disinformation (as in the
British news station ITN's fabrication of a "death" or "concentration"
camp at the Trnopolje refugee center in 1992; see Thomas Deichmann,
"The Picture That Fooled the World," Living Marxism, Feb. 1997).
Demonization and the continuous purveying of atrocity news created a
moral environment receptive to charges of genocide. This reached
deeply into the liberal and left communities and media, with many
liberals or leftists passionate supporters of "doing something,"
including the NATO bombing war. This was to be expected of the New
Republic, where the notion of collective Serb guilt a la Daniel Jonah
Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners, conveniently justifying
attacking Serbian civil society and committing war crimes, found a
happy home. (Stacy Sullivan, "Milosevic's Willing Executioners," New
Republic, May 10, 1999). But it also affected the Nation, whose UN
Correspondent Ian Williams was pleased to see the UN bypassed in the
interest of humanitarian bombing (April 2, 1999), and where Kai Bird
(June 14, 1999) and Christopher Hitchens (November 29, 1999, among
others) both found Serb behavior "genocidal" in the course of their
quasi-defenses of NATO policy. Only Hitchens seemed to suggest that
the Serbs were trying to exterminate a people (based on ludicrous
arguments; see Herman, "Hitchens on Serbia and East Timor," Z
Magazine, April 1999).
In the mainstream media, genocide was used even more lavishly and
uncritically. Often it was presented in the form of assertions by
officials, with numbers like Cohen's 100,000, but reporters or
commentators rarely if ever challenged the figures or questioned
whether the actions designated as genocidal were intended to
exterminate a people. It was rare indeed to mention the difference
between trains to Auschwitz and to the Albanian border, as did Julie
Churchill in the Guardian.
Genocide was used as a symbol of aversion and disapproval, justifying
extreme measures against the "dictator" and his people-the media felt
impelled to call Milosevic a "dictator" even though this put a crimp
in condemning "ordinary Serbs" as responsible for his actions, but
they managed to do both at the same time (Anthony Lewis, "The Question
of Evil," NYT, June 22, 1999). Some commentators were carried away by
their own passion, David Rieff, a New York Times, Wall Street Journal,
and Chistopher Hitchens favorite, asserting that "the Milosevic regime
was trying to eradicate an entire people" ("Wars Without End?," NYT,
September 23, 1999). But most commentators were satisfied with using
the word without getting specific as to meaning or providing facts.
They never acknowledged any military rationale to the post-bombing
expulsions and killings: it was evil people doing evil things for evil
reasons.
In a masterpiece of the NATO anti-genocide apologetics genre, the New
York Times provided Sebastian Junger's "A Different Kind of Killing"
(NYT Magazine, February 27, 2000), where it is explained that even if
the number of bodies found in Kosovo were not of genocidal scope and
some stories turned out to be untrue, nevertheless "A single murder
can be considered an act of genocide if it can be shown that there was
an intent to kill everyone else in that person's group." Junger then
recounts his visit to the site of an unclaimed body of a teenage
woman, allegedly kidnapped, raped, and killed by Serbian "irregular
forces." Junger then says that, "it was not until this century that a
mechanized army carried out such crimes in the service of its
government. That is genocide; the rest is just violence." Junger makes
not the slightest effort to show that the "irregular forces" had done
this as part of a government plan and "in the service of its
government" rather than on their own, or that the KLA or U.S. army
didn't carry out similar acts. In short, this is completely worthless
nonsense-but it pins the word genocide on the official enemy, and
therefore the New York Times allows this travesty to appear in its
sunday magazine.
Some Comparative Data
We can also measure the spectacular politicization of the word
genocide by comparing its lavish use in describing Serb conduct in
Kosovo with its minimal use for Turkey's treatment of its Kurds in the
1990s (indeed, for decades) and Indonesia's treatment of East Timorese
in 1999 as well as in earlier years. The force of this comparison is
strengthened by the facts that Turkey killed far more Kurds in the
1990s than the Serbs killed Albanians in Kosovo, not only before the
bombing (whose number presumably elicited the "humanitarian"
intervention) but even including those killed during the 78-day
bombing and war (see Chomsky's New Military Humanism). Indonesia's
invasion-occupation led to the death of almost a third of the East
Timor population (1975-1980), and Indonesia was subsequently
responsible for the 1998-1999 slaughter and expulsion of a still
untold number of East Timorese associated with a UN-sponsored
election. The number of East Timorese killed in this latest round of
Indonesian terror far exceeded the pre-bombing total of Kosovo
Albanian victims-estimates run from 3,000-6,000 killed even before the
August 30, 1999 referendum unleashed unrestrained Indonesian
destruction and murder-and the grand total for 1999 is surely far
larger than the overall total of Kosovo Albanians killed by the Serbs
in 1998 and 1999.
But as Turkey and Indonesia are clients of the United States and the
recipients of aid, military supplies, and diplomatic support from the
United States, Britain, and the Western powers generally, their human
rights crimes are never referred to by Western officials as genocide.
In fact, in a droll feature of the NATO campaign against Serb genocide
in Kosovo, Turkey, a member of NATO, took part in the war against
Yugoslavia with direct bombing missions and the provision of bases for
flights of other NATO powers, perhaps generously reallocating its own
forces from the ethnic cleansing of Kurds to "humanitarian" NATO
service.
Given this warm relationship between the NATO powers and Turkey and
Indonesia, we would expect the NATO media to follow in the footsteps
of their leaders and treat Turkey and Indonesia kindly, refraining
from serious investigative effort and the enthusiastic searches for
"mass graves" they pursued in Kosovo, and avoiding the use of an
invidious word like genocide in reference to these client states, no
matter how applicable and inconsistent with their usage of the word as
regards Serbia. This expectation is fully realized.
We will limit ourselves here to usage in the New York Times, although
we believe the findings applicable to the general run of mainstream
media. In the Times the bias is startling, and has some unexpected
sidelights. The accompanying table shows that in the year 1999, the
word genocide was ascribed to the Serbs in Kosovo in 85 different
articles, including 15 that began on the front page, and in 16
editorials and op-ed columns. In some of these articles the word was
used repeatedly. (In one remarkable example, during the current year
and outside our sample proper, Michael Ignatieff repeated the word
genocide 11 times in a single op-ed [February 13, 2000]).
By contrast, the word showed up in the Times in only 9 items referring
to East Timor in 1999, only once in an editorial or opinion piece, and
only 15 times for East Timor in the entire decade of the 1990s. The
word was never used in a front-page article during the 1990s.
Furthermore, no Times reporter or editorial writer ever used the word
genocide in application to East Timor over the entire period,
1975-1999. (That is to say, in all instances where the word did
appear, it did not express the opinion of the Times writer, but was
attributed to another source.) Anthony Lewis, who repeatedly referred
to Serb action as genocidal and called for Western intervention there,
spoke of "human rights abuses in East Timor" (July 12, 1993), but he
never called it genocide or urged intervention. Barbara Crossette
repeatedly complimented Suharto for bringing "stability" to the
region. In a notable mention of the word genocide, veteran Times
reporter Henry Kamm explicitly denied its application to East Timor,
calling such usage "hyperbole," and allocating the mass deaths to
"cruel warfare and the starvation that accompanied it on this
historically food-short island" (February 15, 1981).
Equally remarkable, the table also shows that the word genocide was
never once used in application to Turkey and its treatment of its
Kurds in 1999, and was used only five times for such a relationship in
the decade of the 1990s, never in a front-page article. However, in a
wonderful illustration of how the Times follows the line of U.S.
foreign policy, the table shows that Iraq's mistreatment of its Kurds
in the years 1990-1999 was described as genocidal 22 times, in five
cases in front-page articles.
In short, only "worthy victims"-that is, the victims of officially
designated enemies like Yugoslavia and Iraq-suffer from genocide;
those that are unworthy, like East Timorese and the Turkish Kurds, are
merely subject to "cruel warfare" and adverse natural forces, as Henry
Kamm explained in regard to East Timor. So the Western media and
"international community" will be mobilized on behalf of the former,
and the latter will be compelled to suffer in silence. But as we have
stressed, there never was genocide in Kosovo, so that the NATO war
there was based on a lie. And that lie, like the May 27 indictment of
Milosevic by the War Crimes Tribunal, served mainly to provide a moral
cover that allowed NATO to bomb the hostage population of Serbia into
submission. That population now joins Iraq's in being subject to
further "sanctions of mass destruction" whose effects offer a much
closer fit to "genocide" than the Serb actions which, allegedly,
precipitated NATO's war.
Questions? Comments? Contact us at sysop@....