Informazione

Nel periodo che va dal gennaio 1998 al novembre 2001, le milizie
fondamentaliste dell'UCK hanno ucciso 1835 persone (Albanesi, Serbi, Rom
ecc.).
Di altre 1441persone, sempre vittime dell'UCk, non si ha traccia
alcuna.
La maggioranza degli uccisi e degli scomparsi vanno pero' riferiti al
periodo
successivo all'ingresso delle truppe internazionali (KFOR), cioe' da
giugno 1999
in poi.

----- Original Message -----

Deutsche Presse Agentur

Belgrade: 3,276 Victims of Albanian Militia in Kosovo,
DPA, Feb 21
DPA, 20 February 2002

BELGRADE -- A total of 3,276 Serbs, Albanians and
others disappeared or were killed by ethnic Albanian
rebels between January 1998 and November 2001, a
Yugoslav committee said Wednesday.
"They are victims of Albanian terrorism in Kosovo ...
before and after the arrival of international civil
and military missions," Ilija Simic, of the body in
charge of collecting evidence of crimes against
humanity, told a press conference.
In his words, 1,835 people were killed and 1,441
disappeared. These included ethnic Albanians who
opposed their compatriots in the Kosovo Liberation
Army militia or refused to be drafted by them.
A United Nations administration and a NATO-led
peacekeeping mission arrived in Serbia's southern
province in June, 1999, after NATO intervened against
Yugoslavia to force former Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic into pulling the security forces out.
Simic, who led the data-gathering team over the
previous three years, said the majority of Serbs,
Montenegrins and other non-Albanians - 1,154 of them -
disappeared since then.
The investigation produced a 500-page book, including
360 summarized testimonials that were filed to the UN
war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

===*===

DI SEGUITO:
LINK A DUE ARTICOLI SULLA CONDIZIONE DELLE MINORANZE
KOSOVARE E DEI PROFUGHI DAL KOSMET

===*===

http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cj/Qyugo-kosovo-refugees.RfaW_CuO.html

Three years after their exodus, Kosovo Serbs impatient
to return
AFP / Aleksandar Mitic

-The meeting is aimed at presenting a plan for return
and collecting funds to prevent a "humanitarian
catastrophe" next winter for the Serbs displaced from
Kosovo as well as for more than 500,000 Serb refugees
from Bosnia and Croatia who are currently in Serbia.

http://www.ptd.net/webnews/wed/cj/Qyugo-kosovo-refugees.RfaW_CuO.html

===*===

http://www.canada.com/ottawa/ottawacitizen/
story.asp?id={EF184AEF-BE18-4476-8A7F-D0D0E9E490CD}

'The most dangerous place on Earth'

Secret guerrilla armies. Neighbours stoning
schoolbuses. Two peoples living
in terror and hatred: Three years later,
war-ravaged Kosovo remains a powderkeg.

Scott Taylor
The Ottawa Citizen

Saturday, June 22, 2002

Photos:
* Monuments and tributes to the Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA), like this mural
in the village of Kline, have been erected
all across Kosovo. For the Serbs
living in NATO-protected enclaves, this
militant Albanian nationalism is
viewed as intimidation.
* In Kosovo-Polje, formerly a Serbian suburb of
Pristina, Albanians construct
a 'monster' home. Many humanitarian aid
workers in Kosovo question the scale
of accommodations being provided to these
former refugess as a 'basic human
necessity.' Throughout the Albanian sectors
Albanians are building these
large homes, many of which are larger than
7,000 square feet.
* Following NATO's 1999 entry into Kosovo,
Albanian extremists embarked on a
large-scale 'revenge campaign' aimed at
forcing Serbs from the province and
preventing their return. Since the 14th
century, Kosovo has been the
religious heartland of Serbia, and many of
the historical landmark Orthodox
churches - like this one near Pec -- were
destroyed.

http://www.canada.com/ottawa/ottawacitizen/
story.asp?id={EF184AEF-BE18-4476-8A7F-D0D0E9E490CD}

-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the June 27, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------

TURNING THE TABLES ON U.S.:
MILOSEVIC CROSS-EXAMINES WAR CRIMINAL

By Heather Cottin

The prosecution has brought in its heavy hitters for the
show trial of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic
in The Hague.

They trotted out William Walker, the head of a U.S.
"peacekeeping" mission in Kosovo, on June 12, followed by
the head of the German army, Gen. Klaus Neumann, the next
day.

Even with Judge Richard Mays' open displays of hostility,
Milosevic was not intimidated.

The major NATO powers, notably the United States and
Germany, created the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in 1993 to criminalize Serb and
Yugoslav leaders and personnel as part of their plan to
dismember and re-colonize Yugoslavia.

Milosevic confronted William Walker first. Walker worked for
the U.S. State Department from 1985-1988 on Central America
policy. He was U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador during the
Sumpul River massacre. So he knows about massacres. He knows
how to cover them up.

Walker was an integral part of the Reagan-Bush war against
the people of El Salvador that took nearly 100,000 lives.

Walker was directly involved in another campaign of terror
while in Central America. He supported the anti-Sandinista
Contra fighters in Nicaragua with proceeds from secret arms
sales to Iran. The CIA-organized counter-revolutionaries
killed over 20,000 people in Nicaragua.

'MASSACRE' ALLEGATION BY U.S. WAR CRIMINAL

It was Walker who first reported the story that the U.S. and
NATO used to justify the 78-day bombing war against
Yugoslavia in 1999. As the Associated Press noted in its
coverage of the testimony, "William Walker, the former U.S.
head of an OSCE Kosovo peacekeeping mission, claimed he saw
'piles of bodies at Racak,' a massacre that focused world
attention on atrocities by Serb forces."

An analysis by Armen Georgian and Arthur Neslen in the April
5, 2001, edition of the New Statesman showed that the
January 1999 "Rakac Massacre" came at a convenient time,
when the Clinton administration was looking for an excuse to
begin the war against socialist Yugoslavia.

It was, according to the New Statesman article, reminiscent
of the Gulf of Tonkin incident, "the CIA-manipulated story
... that escalated the Vietnam War." The report is notable,
since the New Statesman is not friendly to Milosevic or the
Yugoslav socialists.

Georgian and Neslen pointed out that on Aug. 12, 1998, the
U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee had commented:
"Planning for a U.S.-led NATO intervention in Kosovo is now
largely in place. The only missing element seems to be an
event--with suitably vivid media coverage--that could make
the intervention politically saleable."

The Sunday Times of London reported in 2001 that Walker was
"inextricably linked with the CIA." In the Times story,
diplomatic and intelligence sources alleged that the team
led by Walker which discovered the "Rakac Massacre" was a
CIA front that also gave logistical and technical support to
the Kosovo Liberation Army.

Milosevic knew all this. Cross-examining Walker, he charged
that the CIA had recruited the OSCE team.

"In Kosovo, you supported a different kind of Contras,"
Milosevic charged, "the Contra Kosovo Liberation Army." He
also suggested Walker was involved in the murder of Jesuit
priests and nuns in El Salvador.

Clearly flustered on the witness stand, Walker said he had
only supplied humanitarian aid to El Salvador from the air
base used by U.S. authorities to provide illicit arms to the
Contras.

His credibility was clearly damaged.

GERMAN GENERAL'S INCREDIBLE STORY

The next day, General Neumann gave his testimony to the
ICTY. His story was even more incredible.

Neumann claimed, on the stand, that Milosevic told him in
1999 "that Yugoslavia's problems would be solved if ethnic
Albanians were murdered."

Neumann was the commanding officer of KSK, the elite
commando unit of the Bundeswehr, or German army. His unit
trained the KLA in Albania and at NATO bases in Turkey in
1998.

Milosevic's defense of himself and of Yugoslavia during the
trial has proven that he knew intimately what NATO forces
were doing to destabilize and destroy Yugoslavia.

Milosevic knew Germany's role in dismembering the socialist
federation. He knew that Klaus Neumann, the most powerful
military leader in Germany, was the archenemy of the Serbian
people and a united Yugoslavia. Neumann was part of the
effort to supply and train the Kosovo Liberation Army,
NATO's cat's paw in Yugoslavia.

Milosevic could never confide in Neumann. He knew Neumann
was an implacable enemy of peace in Yugoslavia.

The ongoing trial in The Hague is a clear case of "victor's
justice." As political activist and author Greg Elich wrote:
"Open perjury appears not to be a problem for Judge May. The
prosecution hasn't even come close to presenting a case, and
not a shred of evidence that Milosevic was responsible for
crimes." (www.stopnato.org)

- END -

(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
ww@w... Subscribe wwnews-on@w...
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Subject: Rtf : NOUVEAU FILM : Les Damnés du Kosovo
Date: Mon, 10 Jun 2002 20:40:45 +0200
From: Michel COLLON


Un document essentiel pour tous les pays
menacés de devenir un jour une cible des
Etats-Unis

Les Damnés du Kosovo

Film de Michel Collon & Vanessa Stojilkovic

Bill Clinton avait promis que l¹occupation
de l¹Otan amènerait la paix et la
protection de toutes les nationalités au
Kosovo. Qu¹en est-il aujourd¹hui ?
Vingt témoins parlentS

Chassée de son appartement à Pristina,
Maria n¹a eu la vie sauve que parce
qu¹elle parlait albanais. Son neveu,
interprète pour l¹ONU, a été
sauvagement assassiné. Le mari de Silvana a
été kidnappé en 1999, elle est
toujours sans nouvelles. La maison de
Stanimir a été brûlée. Qu¹ont-ils en
commun? Ils sont Serbes et vivent, ou
plutôt survivent, au Kosovo. Mais le
³nettoyage² frappe aussi les autres
minorités : Roms, Juifs, Gorans,
Musulmans... Pourquoi les médias ne
parlent-ils plus de cette région occupée
par l¹Otan ? Le nouveau film de Michel
Collon et Vanessa Stojilkovic brise
le silence.

Pour éclairer ce débat : la mondialisation
nous mène-t-elle vers des guerres
de plus en plus nombreuses ?

80 minutes ­ 9 Euros
Infos, commandes, organisation de
projections-débats : voir fin de message

Interview des auteurs dans un mail séparé :
³Que se passe-t-il au Kosovo ?²
Peut être fourni en Word Mac ou PC, avec
illustrations du film. Peut être
reproduit en avertissant les auteurs (
³Fair use only²).

Bon de commande :
Nom, prénom :
..............................
Rue, numéro :
...............................
Code, ville :
...............................
Pays :
..........................................
E-mail :
.....................................

Commande :
........ exemplaires en français des Damnés
du Kosovo
........ exemplaires en serbo-croate des
Damnés du Kosovo

Veut recevoir une information sur la
parution des versions en
O anglais O espagnol O italien O russe
O néerlandais O arabe O allemand

Est prêt à aider à faire connaître ce film
:
O en organisant une projection, un débat
O traductions O relectures O montage O
diffusion O promotion Internet

Suggère de :
......................................................

A renvoyer à :
Michel Collon, 68 rue de la caserne, 1000
Bruxelles - Belgique
00 32 (0)2 50 40 140
info@...

Ou à Vanessa Stojilkovic 00 33 - (0)6 03
13 78 13 nessa.kovic@...

Un libro per la difesa della Memoria storica e per l'oggi


Segnalo un libro di E. Sequi, recentemente ristampato dopo
l'edizione del 1950: "Eravamo in tanti" (Ed. Comedit,
Euro 10,33). E' il diario partigiano di questo italiano
che ha combattuto nell'Esercito Popolare di Liberazione
Jugoslavo, contro il nazifascismo croato, tedesco ed
italiano nelle terre jugoslave.

Una storia che ha contribuito, con tante altre, al
riscatto morale e politico del nostro paese, che sotto il
regime fascista ha insanguinato, distrutto e violentato
le genti e le terre Balcaniche, compiendovi atti e
misfatti di estrema e profonda ferocia. Furono 340.000 i
soldati italiani che occuparono e calpestarono il suolo
jugoslavo:

<<Topusko 14/11/1943... Quante di queste stragi e
di queste rovine portano il nome degli italiani? "Gli
italiani sono buoni, gli italiani non sanno essere
cattivi e barbari", e così via di questo passo. E' un po'
la convinzione diffusa, e invero gli italiani non
sarebbero cattivi, non sarebbero bestie. Ma i tronconi di
muri, i focolari dispersi al vento e il sangue di tanta gente
colpevole solo di essere nata serba o croata e di amare
la libertà, pesano sul mio nome d'italiano come una
coscienza sporca di delitti. Esiste un mezzo solo per non
sentire la colpa: sparare anche contro tutti quelli che
si dicono italiani e t'infamano un nome che t'è dolce
come quello di famiglia. Qui nessuno mi fa colpa dei
delitti commessi da bestie della mia lingua. Ma siamo croati,
serbi, sloveni ed io italiano, e tutti insieme combattiamo
senza compromessi contro le bestie di ogni lingua. Ci
comprendiamo meglio tra di noi, nella lotta, di
quanto mi sia possibile comprendere il toscano che
incendia la casupola di un contadino serbo, o scarica la
pistola sul petto tenero della fanciulla appena
violentata. Sono contento d'essere con loro.>> (E.Sequi)

Sequi, insegnante di lingua e letteratura italiana a
Zagabria, dopo l'8 settembre del 1943 aderì al movimento
partigiano, nel quale oltre ad essere un combattente, si
occupò di curare in italiano numerosi fogli partigiani
(tra cui "La voce del popolo" ancora oggi quotidiano della
comunità italiana in Croazia), indirizzati ai 40.000
compatrioti che ebbero il coraggio e la determinazione di
combattere il nazifascismo, fianco a fianco con il popolo
jugoslavo, per riscattare il debito contratto dal
fascismo verso questo popolo.

<<Kolaric Selo, 1/4/1944... "Favorisci, compagno, ma non
abbiamo cosa darti da mangiare". Lo so che non hanno
niente, neanche il sale, ma non sento fame, sento solo
voglia di stendermi e di dormire. C'è una stanza
sola. "E la casa chi te l'ha bruciata, gli italiani?" Dice
di no, sono stati gli ustascia. Meglio così. Sono
italiano anch'io, anche se partigiano. E lui è serbo...
Hanno ucciso il fratello... Chi? Me lo racconta: quel
campo laggiù, "mio fratello guidava l'aratro. Passò uno
squadrone di cavalleria italiana, tornavano da una
spedizione punitiva, furiosi d'aver fatto fiasco. Mio
fratello alzò la testa dall'aratro per guardare tutti
quei cavalli. Lo presero, l'attaccarono per i piedi alla
coda d'un cavallo, e via al galoppo." La strada è sassosa.
Ed io italiano in casa sua ho la vergogna in gola...
L'ora di cena. La figlia torna e mi mette davanti pane,
formaggio e latte. Eppure, sono italiano, e loro di certo
quella roba non l'hanno mangiata da anni. Non ho coraggio
di mangiare: penso al fratello ucciso. Non ho coraggio
nemmeno dopo che mi dice: "mangia compagno", e non tocco
nulla, neanche quando lo ripete. E allora mi guarda, e
capisce, lui, il contadino serbo. "Mangia compagno, mi
dice lentamente, quelli non erano italiani: erano fascisti,
tu sei italiano, ma tu sei un nostro compagno". Sono parole
grandi come la vetta delle montagne. Come Tito che gliele
ha insegnate.>> (E. Sequi)

E' una narrazione semplice e diretta, scritta alla sera o
nella notte, spesso dopo marce e scontri, su una piccola
agendina, ma che ha un grande valore: quello di
trasmettere una memoria storica, un lascito
alle future generazioni di coraggio, solidarietà,
fratellanza, di quella semplicità che, come diceva B.
Brecht, "è difficile da farsi". Un libro che va letto e
fatto circolare, non in quanto opera letteraria, ma
perché, scorrendone le pagine, emerge una quotidianità
fatta non tanto da eroismi (che ci furono e a cui va dato
atto), quanto da semplici gesti, semplici atti.
Sfaccettature di ciò che ha significato la Resistenza
antifascista: un patrimonio ed una ricchezza politica ed
umana fondata sulla solidarietà, sull'impegno di vita in
prima persona e sul collettivismo di coloro che ebbero il
coraggio allora di "andare in bosco", come si soleva
dire, per chi si dava alla lotta partigiana. Una
ricchezza che non dobbiamo lasciare andare dispersa e che
Sequi, neldescrivere la vita, le motivazioni, i limiti di
coloro che "scelsero" la lotta, rende viva. Una storia che
Sequi non termina nel 1945 ma che, per lui e per tanti altri
italiani, fu la base per vivere e contribuire alla
costruzione della nuova Jugoslavia socialista, nata
dalla lotta di liberazione; una storia che l'autore
proseguì coerentemente e orgogliosamente fino alla sua
morte, avvenuta nel 1995 a Belgrado, dove nei primi anni
Novanta si rifugiò, per sfuggire al riapparire
del rinascente nazionalismo ustascia croato che, come un
cancro non bene estirpato, si ripresentava dopo oltre 45
anni sulla scena jugoslava e che fu uno dei protagonisti
decisivi dello squartamento e distruzione della ex
Jugoslavia, grazie al sostegno del Vaticano e
dell'Occidente, e che nuovamente ha contribuito ad
insanguinare fino ai giorni nostri la terra jugoslava.
Responsabilità che ora è sulle spalle della nostra
generazione attuale che non è stata in grado di impedire
l'evolversi di atti e misfatti, per interessi meramente
geopolitici e di profitto, camuffati e "venduti" come
umanitari, con relativi interventi, aggressioni,
immiserimenti e bombardamenti "umanitari".

E chissà quando riusciremo a levarci questa nuova onta che
abbiamo addosso. Ecco perché questo testo è importante ed
attuale, perché non è farcito di episodi bellici, di
uccisioni, di violenza, ma è la storia di uomini e donne
che, con coraggio e determinazione ardui e faticosi da
raggiungere, come sempre nella storia e nella vita,
"scelgono" di stare da una parte, di essere partigiani
(nel senso più gramsciano del termine). E molte volte
il combattimento più difficile è quello contro le proprie
debolezze, contro fame, fatica, stanchezza, paura, sonno,
fango, gelo, nostalgia di casa, ricordi delle persone
care; ecco la battaglia più estenuante e continua, perché
dura ogni minuto dell'esistenza di un combattente.

Eppure, come racconta Sequi, è qui che la questione
politica e morale emerge. Si resiste solo perché si hanno
motivazioni forti, radicate nella propria coscienza,
nella realtà che si vede e vive intorno: l'oppressione di
un popolo, la violenza eretta a valore dal nazifascismo.
Si resiste e si lotta per ottenere la liberazione: quella
di un popolo, che è anche la propria. Questo in sostanza ciò
che si ha dalle righe di questo comunista
italo-jugoslavo, come fino alla fine soleva definirsi; un
messaggio di umanità cosciente, di sentimenti semplici e
puliti, intrisi di fiducia e di speranza - sempre più rari ai
giorni nostri. Un libro per le nuove generazioni e per chi
ha combattuto e vissuto da partigiano, un libro che
scalda l'anima di coloro che, in questi anni per motivi
diversi hanno lottato, difeso e sostenuto il popolo jugoslavo
contro l'aggressione politica, economica e culturale e
tutte le menzogne mediatiche, che lo hanno portato ad
essere quasi un popolo del Quarto Mondo. Ma la storia, si
sa, continua... e come scrisse lo stesso Sequi in una
prefazione di questo Diario: <<Vorrei che ogni lettore
sentisse, magari con ingenuità, l'immenso fresco
entusiasmo che ci spingeva, riprovasse l'inestinguibile
calore di umanità che ci alimentava, e comprendesse di
quanta poesia è fonte perenne quella nostra lotta per una
vita diversa e più giusta... si combatteva, sentendoci
tutti indissolubilmente fratelli nella guerra contro la
guerra ed ogni ingiustizia>>.

Enrico Vigna
Associazione "SOS Yugoslavia" - Torino

Per le richieste:
email: posta@... - 338/1755563

Il libro è disponibile per i compagni e le Associazioni a
8 Euro la copia, da 5 copie in su.

----- Original Message -----
From: Artel
Sent: Monday, June 24, 2002 12:24 AM
Subject: Novi tekst na ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA_ Akade3mik
Mihailo Markovic: Odnosi Srbije i Crne Gore

by www.artel.co.yu

office@...
Datum:23 jun 2002

AKADEMIK MIHAILO MARKOVI?: Odnosi Srbije i Crne Gore

Izlaganje na okruglom stolu Beogradskog foruma
odr?anom 15. 11. 2001. god. na temu "Odnosi Srbije i
Crne Gore"

Ja bih nesto rekao o strateskim pitanjima odnosa
Srbije i Crne Gore. Na?in na koji ?e biti reseno
pitanje odnosa izmedju Crne Gore i Srbije ima?e
brojne i dalekose?ne posledice za sve gradjane koji
?ive na ovim prostorima. Otcepljenje Crne Gore od
Jugoslavije ?eli jedna mawina gra|ana Crne Gore, oko
polovina od 380.000 Crnogoraca i albanska manjina.
Ta manjina je pravo odlu?vanja oduzela Crnogorcima
koji ?ive u Srbiji i kojih ima oko 150.000. Dakle to
tzv. "neotudjivo pravo na samoopredeljenje" ne
poziva se na nacionalne ve? na teritorijalne i
adminisgtrativne kriterijume. Jedni mogu, a drugi ne
mogu da u?estvuju na referendumu. Medjutim po
medjunarodom pravu administrativne jedinice nemaju
pravo na otcepljenje makar se one zvale "Republika".
Utoliko pre sto po postoje?em Zakonu o referendumu
on ?e se smatrati uspelim ako na glasanju u?estvuje
nesto vise od 50% i na referendumsko pitanje
pozitivno odgovori opet nesto vise od 50%, onih koji
su glasali.
O sudbini Crne Gore i Jugoslavije mo?e odlu?iti,
dakle, jedva nesto vise od ?etvrtine glasa?kog tela.
Tako koncipirani zakon o referendumu i otcepljenje
Crne Gore do koga mo?e do?i na osnovu arbitrarne
volje jedne neodgovorne manjine, (koja ustvari te?i
neograni?enom monopolu svoje mo?i i potpunoj
kontroli teritorije na kojoj neograni?eno vlada)
mo?e dovesti do razdora i nasilja, pre svega, u
samoj Crnoj Gori. Njen severozapadni deo (brda) i
deo koji je nekad bio hercegova?ki, ve? se politi?ki
organizovao za borbu protiv sadasnje vlasti, jer on
kao ni Boka Kotorska ne priznaje crnogorsku
nacionalnost i nije, kako se to ka?e "vekovno"
pripadao crnogorskoj dr?avi. Nema nikakve sumnje da
nasilni pokusaj razdvajanja Crne Gore i Srbije mo?e
izazvati gradjanski rat u Crnoj Gori.
Medjutim to razdvajanje i na druge na?ine mo?e
destabilizovati ceo region. Posle Kosova i Metohije
i Makedonije skoro je izvesno da bi albanski
nacionalisti i teroristi preneli svoje operacije i
na isto?ni deo Crne Gore od Plava, Gusinja, Ro?aja
do Ulcinja. Jos od formiranja "Prizrenske lige"
1878. godine isto?na Crna Gora figurira u svim
njenim planovima kao neophodni deo Velike Albanije.
Razbijanje Jugoslavije bi neposredno uticalo na
status Kosmeta, Prevlake i Republike Srpske.
Nestanak jugosovenske dr?ave bi odmah otvorio
pitanje proglasenja nezavisnosti Kosova, jer se u
Rezoluciji 1244 ne spominje suverenost Srbije nad
Kosovom i Metohijom. Hrvatska bi po?urila da
anekstira Prevlaku. Medjunarodni polo?aj Republike
Srpske bi bio osetno uzdrman, jer bi is?ezla dr?ava
koja je jedan od garanata Dejtonskog sporazuma.
Najzad bio bi pogorsan i strateski polo?aj same
Republike Srbije jer bi bila prese?ena njena,
strateski vrlo bitna veza, sa Jadranskim morem, i
dovedena u pitanje njena mornarica u kojoj je pored
ostalog i daleko najve?i deo sredstava ulagalo
stanovnistvo Srbije, a koje bi ?elelo da prigrabi
sadasnje rukovodstvo Crne Gore. Treba dodati da bi
se pogorsao i strateski polo?aj Makedonije, kojoj bi
se na njenim zapadnim i severnim granicama, nasli ne
samo Albanci iz albanije nego i oni iz Crne gore,
Kosova i Metohije.
Ovakva pretnja destabilizovanja celog regiona
Jugoisto?ne Evrope bila je jedan od razloga sto je
o?igledno doslo do izvesne promene stava
medjunarodne zajednice i posebno SAD prema
otcepljenju Crne Gore. To otcepljenje je od strane
zemalja NATO pakta bilo podr?avano kada je njihov
prioritet bilo slabljenje i rusenje tadasnjeg
vladaju?eg re?ima u Srbiji. U medjuvremenu je taj
cilj ostvaren. U SAD se promenila administracija, a
balkanska kriza se prosirila i na podru?je
Makedonije. Nova administracija u kojoj nije bilo
strasnih mrzitelja Srba, kao sto su bili Klinton,
gospodja Olbrajt, Holbruk i drugi, nije bila
motivisana da se iznad svega sveti Srbima zbog
neposlusnosti i prikrivanja gutitaka, iako je i ona
nastavila politiku globalizacije i kontrole nad
Balkanom. Ona nije mogla ne uvideti da ?e od
secesije Crne Gore imati samo problema a nikakve
koristi. Najzad, agresija albanskih terorista na
Makedoniju je upozorila da se to isto mo?e o?ekivati
i u Crnoj Gori ?im se osamostali. Pred celim svetom
je pala maska Siptara kao progonjenih ?rtava. Ako je
kao deo programa globalizacije bilo bitno da na
Balkanu ne postoji ni jedna jaka, potencijalno
neposlusna dr?ava, onda o?igledno protiv-produktivno
bi bilo dalje podr?avanje bilo ?ega sto je moglo
voditi formiranju jedne eufori?ne, izrazito
nacionalisti?ke Velike Albanije. Tako je oslabila
podrska za stvaranje nezavisnog Kosova ali i za
otcepljenje Crne Gore. To jos nisu definitivno
zauzeti stavovi, pa su u igri razli?itih lobija jos
uvek mogu?a neprijatna iznenadjenja. Ipak, ve? i
sami povremeni glasovi ameri?kih funkcionera o
potrebi ostajanja Crne Gore u okvirima zajedni?ke
dr?ave sa Srbijom mora?e imati odredjeno dejstvo,
odnosno ve? sami ti glasovi morali su imati
odredjeno dejstvo na pragmati?ni deo crnogorskih
separatista. Prema tome veliko je pitanje da li ?e
secesionisti?ke snage dobiti podrsku ?ak i onih
svega 26% bira?kog tela sto bi, u najgorem slu?aju,
bilo dovoljno za otcepljenje.
Iz analize odnosa unutrasnjih snaga u Crnoj Gori i
Srbiji mo?e se zaklju?iti kakve su mogu?nosti
budu?eg opstanka njihove sadasnje zajedni?ke dr?ave.
Dva bitna kriterijuma podele tih razli?itih
politi?kih snaga su nacionalno opredeljenje i
socijalna orijentacija. Po nacionalnom opredeljenju
treba, pre svega, razlikovati tri grupe Crnogoraca.
U prvoj su oni koji sebe smatraju Crnogorcima
srpskog roda, u drugoj su oni koji o sebi misle kao
o jednom specifi?nom delu srpskog naroda, dakle
Srbima crnogorskih brda, Isto?ne Hercegovine i Boke
Kotorske, dok tre?i misle da su oni Crnogorci po
nacionalnosti, koji imaju razli?iti nacionalni
identitet od Srba i po tome zaslu?uju da imaju
nezavisnu suverenu dr?avu. Za razliku od ovih
tre?ih, prve dve grupe se u ve?ini protive
otcepljenju. Pored ovih 380.00 Crnogoraca, u Crnoj
Gori ?ivi oko 235.000 pripadnika muslimanske i
siptarske manjine. Siptari su listom za otcepljenje
Crne Gore, dok je medju Muslimanima (ili Bosnjacima
kako oni sebe zovu) znatan broj onih koji ne ?ele
definitivnu deobu srpskog i crnogorskog dela
Sand?aka, pa bi se zbog toga mogli odlu?iti za
(makar privremeno) odr?anje zajedni?ke dr?ave
Jugoslavije sve dok se ne iznese na dnevni red
pitanje statusa celog Sand?aka.
Sto se ti?e socijalnih opredeljenja i njihovih
implikacija za opstanak zajedni?ke dr?ave situacija
nije tako jednostavna da bi se mogla opisati
jednostranom polarizacijom "levo-desno". Obe vode?e
politi?ke grupacije DPS i SNP poti?u iz Demokratske
partije Socijalista. Medjutim, vladaju?a DPS se
orijentisala ka sticanju bogatstva i u?vrs?enju
vlasti putem ja?awa organa nasilja, tako da je
postala tipi?na partija desnice, dok je druga SNP
ostala u okvirima klasi?ne partije levice. Prva je
separatisti?ka, druga prosrpska i jugoslovenska. Ova
podela reflektuje jednu raniju duboku podelu izmedju
"zelenasa" i "bjelasa". Prvi su se protivili
ujedinjenju sa Srbijom 1918. i kasnije masovno
ulazili u Komunisti?ku partiju Crne Gore-kad je
Kominterna proklamovala tezu o razbijanju
Jugoslavije, i o Crnogorcima kao posebnoj naciji sa
svojom posebnom dr?avom. Drugi "bjelasi", su se
1918. opredelili za ujedinjenje sa Srbijom, a
kasnije za odr?anje celovite jugoslovenske dr?ave.
Iz ove analize sledi da bi trebalo da levo
orijentisani Crnogorci srpskog roda kao i oni koji
se ose?aju Srbima, uz izvesnu podrsku jugoslovenski
orijentisanih Muslimana, dobiju minimalnu prevagu na
referendumu ako se on odr?i u prole?e 2002. godine.
U Srbiji je situacija druk?ija. Levica je posle
poraza na izborima 2000. godine znatno oslabljena.
Ona u celini ?eli odr?anje zajedni?ke dr?ave sa
Crnom Gorom, iako u toj dr?avi, paradoksalno, ona ne
saradjuje sa crnogorskom levicom Socijalisti?kom
narodnom partijom, koja je izabrala da udje u
koalicionu vladu sa srpskom desnicom iz DOS. Na
srpskoj desnici pa ?ak i u samoj vladaju?oj
koaliciji DOS situacija je slo?ena. Pored nesto
separatista, koji pri?eljkuju, (mada o tome otvoreno
ne govore) da se Crna Gora najzad jednom otcepi,
postoje jake nacionalisti?ke snage (DSS, SRS, SSJ)
koje smatraju da su Crnogorci ustvari ?isti Srbi i
da se prema tome mora o?uvati jedinstvena srpska
dr?ava.
Na drugoj strani su mondijalisti, recimo oni iz DOS,
ljudi koji ne moraju biti bez ikakvih nacionalnih
ose?anja ali koji daju prednost globalizaciji (i
u?es?u Srba u toj globalizaciji) pred odr?anjem
nacionalne dr?ave. Oni ne smatraju bitnim da li }e
Srbija i Crna Gora biti jedna ili dve nacionalne
dr?ave, ve? da li ?e obe postati regioni Evropske
zajednice.
U Srbiji se mo?e proceniti da bi referendum (ukoliko
bi ga bilo) dao znatnu prednost odr?anju zajedni?ke
dr?ave. Do dezintegracije Jugoslavije bi, ipak,
moglo do?i pod uslovom da se za nju odlu?e NATO
zemlje, sto u ovom ?asu nije najverovatnije, ili
ukoliko Jugoslavija do?ivi potpuni privredni slom u
2002. godini sto je sasvim mogu?e.

Subject: 9-11: The Missing Link
Date: Fri, 21 Jun 2002 17:04:58 -0400
From: Michel Chossudovsky


Was it an intelligence failure? to give red carpet treatment to the
"money man" behind the 9-11 terrorists, or was it simply
"routine"?

POLITICAL DECEPTION: THE MISSING LINK BEHIND 9-11

by Michel Chossudovsky

Global Outlook, No. 2. Summer 2002 at
http://www.globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/orderformI2.html

Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG),
http://www.globalresearch.ca, 20 June 2002

The URL of this article is
http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO206A.html



The foreknowledge issue is a Red Herring: "A Red Herring is a
fallacy in which an irrelevant topic is presented in order to divert
attention from the original issue."


ON May 16th The New York Post dropped what appeared to be
a bombshell: "Bush Knew . . . " Hoping to score politically, the
Democrats jumped on the bandwagon, pressuring the White
House to come clean on two "top-secret documents" made
available to President Bush prior to September 11, concerning
"advance knowledge" of Al Qaeda attacks. Meanwhile, the U.S.
media had already coined a new set of buzzwords: "Yes, there
were warnings" and "clues" of possible terrorist attacks, but
"there was no way President Bush could have known" what was
going to happen. The Democrats agreed to "keep the cat inside
the bag" by saying: "Osama is at war with the U.S." and the FBI
and the CIA knew something was cooking but "failed to connect
the dots." In the words of House Minority Leader, Richard
Gephardt:

"This is not blame-placing. . . . We support the President on the
war against terrorism have and will. But we've got to do better
in preventing terrorist attacks." 1

The media's spotlight on 'foreknowledge' and so-called "FBI
lapses" served to distract public attention from the broader issue
of political deception. Not a word was mentioned concerning
the role of the CIA, which throughout the entire post-Cold War
era, has aided and abetted Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda, as
part of its covert operations.

Of course they knew! The foreknowledge issue is a red herring.
The "Islamic Brigades" are a creation of the CIA. In standard
CIA jargon, Al Qaeda is categorized as an "intelligence asset".
Support to terrorist organizations is an integral part of U.S.
foreign policy. Al Qaeda continues to this date (2002) to
participate in CIA covert operations in different parts of the
World.2 These "CIA-Osama links" do not belong to a bygone
era, as suggested by the mainstream media.

The U.S. Congress has documented in detail, the links of Al
Qaeda to agencies of the U.S. government during the civil war
in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as in Kosovo.3 More recently in
Macedonia, barely a few months before September 11, U.S.
military advisers were mingling with Mujahideen mercenaries
financed by Al Qaeda. Both groups were fighting under the
auspices of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), within the same
terrorist paramilitary formation.4

The CIA keeps track of its "intelligence assets". Amply
documented, Osama bin Laden's whereabouts were always
known.5 Al Qaeda is infiltrated by the CIA.6 In other words,
there were no "intelligence failures"! In the nature of a well-led
intelligence operation, the "intelligence asset" operates
(wittingly or unwittingly) with some degree of autonomy, in
relation to its U.S. government sponsors, but ultimately it acts
consistently, in the interests of Uncle Sam.

While individual FBI agents are often unaware of the CIA's role,
the relationship between the CIA and Al Qaeda is known at the
top levels of the FBI. Members of the Bush Administration and
the U.S. Congress are fully cognizant of these links.

The foreknowledge issue focussing on "FBI lapses" is an
obvious smokescreen. While the whistleblowers serve to
underscore the weaknesses of the FBI, the role of successive
U.S. administrations (since the presidency of Jimmy Carter) in
support of the "Islamic Militant Base", is simply not mentioned.

FEAR AND DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN

The Bush Administration through the personal initiative of Vice
President Dick Cheney chose not only to foreclose the
possibility of a public inquiry, but also to trigger a fear and
disinformation campaign:

"I think that the prospects of a future attack on the U.S. are
almost a certainty. . . . It could happen tomorrow, it could
happen next week, it could happen next year, but they will keep
trying. And we have to be prepared." 7

What Cheney is really telling us is that our "intelligence asset",
which we created, is going to strike again. Now, if this "CIA
creature" was planning new terrorist attacks, you would expect
that the CIA would be first to know about it. In all likelihood, the
CIA also controls the so-called 'warnings' emanating from CIA
sources on "future terrorist attacks" on American soil.

CAREFULLY PLANNED INTELLIGENCE OPERATION

The 9-11 terrorists did not act on their own volition. The suicide
hijackers were instruments in a carefully planned intelligence
operation. The evidence confirms that Al Qaeda is supported by
Pakistan's military intelligence, the Inter-services Intelligence
(ISI). Amply documented, the ISI owes its existence to the CIA:

"With CIA backing and the funnelling of massive amounts of
U.S. military aid, the ISI developed [since the early 1980s] into a
parallel structure wielding enormous power over all aspects of
government....The ISI had a staff composed of military and
intelligence officers, bureaucrats, undercover agents and
informers estimated at 150,000."8

The ISI actively collaborates with the CIA. It continues to
perform the role of a `go-between' in numerous intelligence
operations on behalf of the CIA. The ISI directly supports and
finances a number of terrorist organizations, including Al
Qaeda.

THE MISSING LINK

The FBI confirmed in late September, in an interview with ABC
News (which went virtually unnoticed) that the 9-11 ring leader,
Mohammed Atta, had been financed from unnamed sources in
Pakistan:

"As to September 11th, federal authorities have told ABC News
they have now tracked more than $100,000 from banks in
Pakistan, to two banks in Florida, to accounts held by suspected
hijack ring leader, Mohammed Atta. As well . . . "Time
Magazine" is reporting that some of that money came in the
days just before the attack and can be traced directly to people
connected to Osama bin Laden. It's all part of what has been a
successful FBI effort so far to close in on the hijacker's high
commander, the money men, the planners and the
mastermind."9

The FBI had information on the money trail. They knew exactly
who was financing the terrorists. Less than two weeks later, the
findings of the FBI were confirmed by Agence France Presse
(AFP) and the Times of India, quoting an official Indian
intelligence report (which had been dispatched to Washington).
According to these two reports, the money used to finance the
9-11 attacks had allegedly been "wired to WTC hijacker
Mohammed Atta from Pakistan, by Ahmad Umar Sheikh, at the
instance of [ISI Chief] General Mahmoud [Ahmad]." 10
According to the AFP (quoting the intelligence source):

"The evidence we have supplied to the U.S. is of a much wider
range and depth than just one piece of paper linking a rogue
general to some misplaced act of terrorism." 11

PAKISTAN'S CHIEF SPY VISITS WASHINGTON

Now, it just so happens that General Mahmoud Ahmad, the
alleged "money man" behind 9-11, was in the U.S. when the
attacks occurred. He arrived on the 4th of September, one week
before 9-11, on what was described as a routine visit of
consultations with his U.S. counterparts. According to Pakistani
journalist, Amir Mateen (in a prophetic article published on the
September 10):

"ISI Chief Lt-Gen. Mahmoud's week-long presence in
Washington has triggered speculation about the agenda of his
mysterious meetings at the Pentagon and National Security
Council. Officially, he is on a routine visit in return to CIA
Director George Tenet's earlier visit to Islamabad. Official
sources confirm that he met Tenet this week. He also held long
parleys with unspecified officials at the White House and the
Pentagon. But the most important meeting was with Marc
Grossman, U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs.
One can safely guess that the discussions must have centred
around Afghanistan . . . and Osama bin Laden. What added
interest to his visit is the history of such visits. Last time Ziauddin
Butt, Mahmoud's predecessor, was here, during Nawaz Sharif's
government, the domestic politics turned topsy-turvy within
days." 12

Nawaz Sharif was overthrown by General Pervez Musharaf.
General Mahmoud Ahmad, who became the head of the ISI,
played a key role in the military coup.

CONDOLEEZZA RICE'S PRESS CONFERENCE

In the course of Condoleezza Rice's May 16 press conference
(which took place barely a few hours after the publication of the
"Bush Knew" headlines in The New York Post), an accredited
Indian journalist asked a question on the role of General
Mahmoud Ahmad:

Q: Dr. Rice?

Ms RICE: Yes?

Q: Are you aware of the reports at the time that the ISI chief was
in Washington on September 11th, and on September 10th
$100,000 was wired from Pakistan to these groups here in this
area? And why was he here? Was he meeting with you or
anybody in the Administration?

Ms RICE: I have not seen that report, and he was certainly not
meeting with me.13

Although there is no official confirmation that General Mahmoud
Ahmad met Dr. Rice, she must have been fully aware of the
$100,000 transfer to Mohammed Atta, which had been
confirmed by the FBI. Lost in the barrage of media reports on
`foreknowledge', this crucial piece of information, on the ISI's
role in 9-11, implicates key members of the Bush Administration
including: CIA Director George Tenet, Deputy Secretary of
State, Richard Armitage, Under-Secretary, Marc Grossman, as
well as Senator Sam Biden, Chairman of the powerful Senate
Foreign Relations Committee (who met General Ahmad on the
13th of September).14

The Bush Administration had not only provided red carpet
treatment to the alleged "money man" behind the 9-11 attacks, it
also had sought his `cooperation' in the "war on terrorism". The
precise terms of this `cooperation' were agreed upon between
General Mahmoud Ahmad, representing the Pakistani
government and Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, in
meetings at the State Department on September 12 and 13. In
other words, the Administration decided in the immediate wake
of 9-11, to seek the `cooperation' of Pakistan's ISI in "going after
Osama", despite the fact (documented by the FBI) that the ISI
was financing and abetting the 9-11 terrorists. Contradictory?
One might say that it's like "asking the Devil to go after Dracula."


CIA OVERSHADOWS THE PRESIDENCY

Dr. Rice's statement regarding the ISI chief at her May 16 press
conference, is an obvious cover-up. While General Ahmad was
talking to U.S. officials at the CIA and the Pentagon, he had
allegedly also been in contact (through a third party) with the
September 11 terrorists. What this suggests is that key
individuals within the U.S. military-intelligence establishment
knew about these ISI contacts with the September 11 terrorist
`ring leader', Mohammed Atta, and failed to act. But this
conclusion is, in fact, an understatement. Everything indicates
that CIA Director George Tenet and ISI Chief General
Mahmoud Ahmad, had established a close working
relationship. General Mahmoud had arrived a week prior to
September 11 for consultations with George Tenet. Bear in
mind that the CIA's George Tenet, also has a close personal
relationship with President Bush. Prior to September 11, Tenet
would meet the President nearly every morning at 8:00 a.m.
sharp, for about half an hour. 15 A document, known as the
President's Daily Briefing, or PDB, "is prepared at Langley by
the CIA's analytical directorate, and a draft goes home with
Tenet each night. Tenet edits it personally and delivers it orally
during his early morning meeting with Bush." 16 This practice of
"oral intelligence briefings" is unprecedented. Bush's
predecessors at the White House, received a written briefing:

"With Bush, who liked oral briefings and the CIA director in
attendance, a strong relationship had developed. Tenet could
be direct, even irreverent and earthy."17


THE DECISION TO GO TO WAR

Was it an `intelligence failure' to give red carpet treatment to
the `money man' behind the 9-11 terrorists, or was it simply
`routine'? At meetings of the National Security Council and in
the so-called "War Cabinet", on September 11, 12 and 13, CIA
Director George Tenet played a central role in gaining the
Commander-in-Chief's approval to the launching of the "war on
terrorism."

George W. Bush's Timeline September 11 (from 9.45am in the
wake of the WTC-Pentagon Attacks to midnight)
Circa 9:45 a.m.: Bush's motorcade leaves the Booker
Elementary School, Sarasota, Florida.

9:55 a.m: President Bush boards "Air Force One" bound for
Washington.18 Following what was as a "false report" that Air
Force One would be attacked, Vice-President Dick Cheney had
urged Bush (10:32 a.m.) by telephone not to land in
Washington. Following this conversation, the plane was
diverted (10:41 a.m.) (on orders emanating from Washington) to
Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana. A couple of hours later
(1:30 p.m.), after a brief TV appearance, the President was
transported to Offut Air Force base in Nebraska at U.S. Strategic
Command Headquarters.

3:30 p.m.: A key meeting of the National Security Council (NSC)
was convened, with members of the NSC communicating with
the President from Washington by secure video.19 In the
course of this NSC video-conference, CIA Director George
Tenet fed unconfirmed information to the President. Tenet
stated that "he was virtually certain that bin Laden and his
network were behind the attacks. ?"20

The President responded to these statements, quite
spontaneously, off the cuff, with little or no discussion and with
an apparent misunderstanding of their implications. In the
course of this video-conference (which lasted for less than an
hour), the NSC was given the mandate by the
Commander-in-Chief to prepare for the "war on terrorism". Very
much on the spur of the moment, the "green light" was given by
video conference from Nebraska. In the words of President
Bush: "We will find these people. They will pay. And I don't want
you to have any doubt about it." 21

4:36 p.m.: (One hour and six minutes later . . .) Air Force One
departed for Washington. Back in the White House, that same
evening (9:00 p.m.) a second meeting of the full NSC took
place, together with Secretary of State Colin Powell who had
returned to Washington from Peru. The NSC meeting (which
lasted for half an hour) was followed by the first meeting of the
so-called "war cabinet". The latter was made up of a smaller
group of top officials and key advisers.

9:30 p.m.: At the war cabinet: "Discussion turned around
whether bin Laden's Al Qaeda and the Taliban were one and
the same thing. Tenet said they were." 22 By the end of that
historic meeting of the war cabinet (11:00 p.m.), the Bush
Administration had decided to embark upon a military
adventure which now threatens the collective future of
humanity. our civilization.

DID BUSH KNOW?

Did Bush, with his minimal understanding of foreign policy
issues, know all the details regarding General Mahmoud and
the "ISI connection"? Did Tenet and Cheney distort the facts, so
as to get the Commander-in-Chief's "thumbs up" for a military
operation which was already in the pipeline? In a bitter irony, a
meeting between Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage
and General Mahmoud, the 9-11 "money man", was scheduled
at the State Department for the morning after September 11 to
discuss their strategy.


NOTES

1. Quoted in AFP, 18 May 2002.

2. There are numerous documents, which prove beyond doubt
the links between Al Qaeda and successive U.S.
administrations. See Centre for Research on Globalisation,
Foreknowledge of 9-11: Compilation of key articles and
documents, http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CRG204A.html
May 2002, section 3.

3. U.S. Congress, Clinton-Approved Iranian Arms Transfers
Help Turn Bosnia into Militant Islamic Base, Republican Party
Committee, Congressional Press Release, Congress, 16
January 1997, http://globalresearch.ca/articles/DCH109A.html
See also Michel Chossudovsky, ?Osamagate', Centre for
Research on Globalisation,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO110A.html , 9
October 2001.

4. See Centre for Research on Globalisation, Foreknowledge of
9-11: Compilation of key articles and documents, op. cit. section
3. See articles by Isabel Vincent, George Szamuely, Scott
Taylor, Marina Domazetovska, Michel Chossudovsky, Umberto
Pascali, Lara Marlowe and Macedonian dailies.

5. See Bin Laden Whereabouts Before 9-11, CBS Evening
News with Dan Rather; CBS, 28 January 2002, Centre for
Research on Globalisation (CRG)
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/CBS203A.html Alexandra
Richard, The CIA met bin Laden while undergoing treatment at
an American Hospital last July in Dubai, Le Figaro.
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/RIC111B.html


6. The Boston Globe, 5 June 2002.

7. Fox News, 18 May 2002.

8. Ahmed Rashid, The Taliban: Exporting Extremism, Foreign
Affairs, November-December 1999. See also Michel
Chossudovsky, Who is Osama bin Laden, Global Outlook, No.
1, 2002.

9. Statement of Brian Ross reporting on information conveyed to
him by the FBI, ABC News, This Week, September 30, 2001.

10. The Times of India, Delhi, 9 October 2001. 11. AFP, 10
October 2001.

12. Amir Mateen, ISI Chief's Parleys continue in Washington,
News Pakistan, 10 September 2001.

13. Federal News Service, 16 May 2002. Note that in the White
House and CNN transcripts of Dr. Rice's press conference, the
words "ISI chief" were transcribed respectively by a blank "--"
and "(inaudible)" . Federal News Service Inc. which is
transcription Service of official documents provided a correct
transcription, with a minor error in punctua6tion, which we
corrected. The White House transcript is at:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/05/20020516-13.html
All three transcripts were verified by the author and are
available on Nexus. Federal News Service documents are also
available for a fee at http://www.fnsg.com/

14. New York Times, 14 September 2002,"According to Biden,
[Ahmad] pledged Pakistan's cooperation".

15. The Commercial Appeal, Memphis, 17 May 2002.

16. Washington Post, 17 May 2002.

17. Washington Post 29 January 2002.

18. Washington Post, 27 January 2002.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

Copyright © Michel Chossudovsky and Global Outlook 2002.
Permission is granted to post this text on non-commercial
community internet sites, provided the original source and the
URL are indicated, the essay remains intact and the copyright
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Global Outlook , at editor@...

This article was published in Global Outlook , Issue No 2
9-11: Foreknowledge or Deception? Stop the Nuclear Threat.
Now available. Details at
http://www.globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/orderformI2.html

Order by phone from publisher. Call (toll free) 1-888-713-8500.
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Srpskohrvatska verzija na:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1810
English text:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1819

La lettera che segue prende spunto dalle dichiarazioni del senatore
USA Biden, secondo il quale i serbi, colpevoli di tutto quanto
successo nei Balcani negli scorsi anni, devono chiedere scusa
formalmente ai loro vicini. Si veda:
> http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1791



"TANTE SCUSE" DA PARTE DEI SERBI

di Bane Popovic
Belgrado, 27 maggio 2002
(fonte: ARTEL GEOPOLITIKA)

Le scuse da parte dei serbi sono mancate al recente arrivo del
signor Josef Biden, presidente del Comitato per la politica
estera del Senato americano. Al posto di Kostunica o Djindjic
sarò io allora a presentarle (anch'io sono un serbo, in fondo...).

E dunque, noi serbi solennemente ci scusiamo:

- Per esserci opposti alla distruzione della Jugoslavia titina da
parte della eversione anticomunista della CIA e degli altri servizi
segreti occidentali, e poi dal separatismo croato, sloveno,
musulmano-bosniaco e schipetaro.
- Per l'artificioso riconoscimento di Croazia, Slovenia, Macedonia
e Bosnia-Erzegovina da parte degli USA e dei suoi satelliti, con
il quale si è voluta sostenere in pratica la secessione armata di
queste repubbliche. E per avere risposto affermando la continuità
della RF di Jugoslavia, con la storica (ancora dalla fine del 19.
secolo) unione dei due Stati riconosciuti, e cioè la Serbia e il
Montenegro.
- Per essere stati sottoposti per due anni ad un brutale embargo
economico da parte degli USA e dei loro satelliti, in base alla
falsa accusa contro la Jugoslavia di avere aggredito la Bosnia-
Erzegovina, benche' nel giorno della introduzione dell'embargo
la RF di Jugoslavia non avesse nemmeno piu' soldati su quel
territorio, mentre viceversa la Croazia ne teneva alcune decine
di migliaia.
- Per avere sperimentato sulla nostra pelle che la Croazia, durante
le azioni belliche di "Medacki dzep", e poi le operazioni "Lampo"
e "Tempesta", commise terribili crimini contro i civili ed esegui'
la cacciata genocida di alcune centinaia di migliaia di serbi
dalla Croazia.
- Chiediamo venia all'opinione pubblica mondiale per avere indicato
come i servizi segreti degli USA e dei loro paesi satelliti fossero
i principali organizzatori della messa in scena della strage in via
Miskina e di quelle al mercato Markale, a Sarajevo, e come, usando
la falsa attribuzione di responsabilita' contro i serbi, abbiano
introdotto sanzioni e bombardato i serbi della Bosnia.
- Per essere stati vittime dell'imposizione da parte degli USA del-
l'accordo di Dayton e delle sue conseguenze, con il quale si sono
realizzate le piu' grandi ingiustizie verso i serbi.
- Chiediamo umilmente scusa anche in quanto ai croati è stato
consegnato in toto il territorio sud della Bosanska Krajina, che
fino ad allora era popolata prevalentemente da serbi, e per la
spaccatura in due parti del territorio della Repubblica Serba di
Bosnia, attraverso la creazione del "distretto di Brcko".
- Chiediamo scusa perché è stata data la priorità al punto di
vista croato nella risoluzione della questione del promontorio di
Prevlaka, invece di prendere in considerazione l'integrità e la
sovranità sulle Bocche di Cattaro. Chiediamo scusa perche' il Kosmet
(Kosovo e Metohija), parte indivisibile dello stato della Serbia,
è stato occupato.
- Per essere stati sottomessi al "muro esterno" delle sanzioni da
parte degli USA e dei loro satelliti.
- Per non essere stata re-inserita, la Jugoslavia, nelle NU, nel
FMI, nella Banca mondiale e nelle altre organizzazioni
internazionali.
- Per l'isolamento della delegazione estera, come anche per
l'ingerenza continua nei processi interni della RF di Jugoslavia.
- Per il finanziamento fornito alla opposizione globalista interna
(quisling) ed ai media subalterni.
- Per il modo in cui la dirigenza montenegrina e' stata aizzata
contro quella serba.
- Per la faziosita' dei principali media del pianeta, impegnati
a demonizzare il governo serbo ed il suo popolo, come anche per
le continue condizioni imposte a Belgrado (dal Tribunale dell'Aia,
alle secessioni dalla ex Jugoslavia, al Kosmet).
- Per avere dovuto sopportare il finanziamento e il sostegno
americano al movimento secessionista schipetaro nel Kosovo e
Metohija, per la messinscena del cosiddetto massacro di Racak
da parte dell'americano Walker, per l'ultimatum contro la Serbia
e la RF di Jugoslavia con gli accordi-farsa di Rambouillet.
- Ci scusiamo tanto per esserci difesi dal terrorismo schipetaro
nel Kosmet, per esserci opposti alla non-applicazione del diritto
internazionale nel caso del bombardamento selvaggio da parte
della aviazione NATO, con il quale sono state materialmente
distrutte l'economia e le infrastrutture del trasporto e delle
comunicazioni, e la stessa Jugoslavia e' stata contaminata
fisicamente da materiale radioattivo e tossico.
- Scusateci tanto se tocca a noi provare l'ingiustizia del
cosiddetto tribunale dell'Aia, dove oggi si giudicano soltamente
i più alti rappresentanti politici e militari della nostra
nazione (della Repubblica Srpska della Bosnia, della Serbia e
della RF di Jugoslavia), che si sono opposti a questo attacco
degli USA, dei loro satelliti e dei quisling locali nostrani,
con i quali gli USA e i loro satelliti cercano di mettere a
tacere la propria grande responsabilità per tutti i crimini
commessi contro la nazione serba.
- Scusateci perché oggi, da nazione sotto occupazione USA ed
occidentale, avendo imposto al popolo serbo un governo
collaborazionista col compito di adempiere completamente al
diktat americano che vuole definitivamente spaccare lo Stato
indipendente serbo e finalmente realizzare la politica decennale
di cacciata dei serbi nell'ovile del "Nuovo ordine mondiale"
sotto il controllo degli USA.

"Ci scusiamo, ci scusiamo tantissimo..."

Per tutto cio', finito così tragicamente, perché centinaia di
migliaia di persone sono rimaste senza i loro beni, senza il
loro tetto, senza patria, senza prospettive, per tutti quei
morti, questo è chiaro.

Perché noi serbi siamo i maggiori perdenti di tutte le guerre
provocate per la distruzione della Repubblica Socialista Federativa
di Jugoslavia, perché siamo le vittime della distruzione della
Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia, come dovrebbe vedere ogni
osservatore onesto, perché questa è la pura verità, se tale
osservatore vuole essere almeno un po' obiettivo.
Mentre la colpa e' dalla parte di quelli che hanno voluto essere
indipendenti a discapito del popolo che più ha contribuito
nel passato alla loro stessa emancipazione e maturazione come
nazioni. Anche questa dovrebbe essere una semplice verità.
La colpa è anche di quei fattori esterni che hanno intravisto la
possibilità della realizzazione definitiva dei loro interessi
geopolitici ed economici di lunga data, e perciò hanno fomentato
la guerra civile jugoslava partecipandovi loro stessi, con il
tragico obiettivo di distruggere la nazione serba. A dire il vero,
la tragica divisione ed il disaccordo tra i serbi ha contribuito
a questa, per noi serbi, infausta soluzione.

E che tra i serbi ci sia della mala erba, come in ogni grano,
è anche questa una triste verità.

=

(Tradotto da Ivan Pavicevac per il CNJ)

--- In Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli., "Miroslav Antic" wrote:

Feljton: Agenti CIA protiv Jugoslavije (2)

Obavestajni centri na Balkanu

Jugoslavija sama po sebi nije dugo godina bila direktna meta
interesovanja CIA, ali nakon razvoja separatistièkog procesa na Kosovu
i pojave nacionalizama u Sloveniji, Hrvatskoj i Srbiji, krajem
osamdesetih godina, raðene su specijalne obavestajne studije i analize
o situaciji u SFRJ

pise: Marko Lopusina

Studiju CIA o Jugoslaviji list Njujork tajms objavio je 1990. godine
kao upozorenje amerièkoj, svetskoj, ali i jugoslovenskoj javnosti. U
tom izvestaju CIA reèeno je da æe se SFRJ raspasti za osamnaest
meseci.
Èetvrtog decembra 1990. godine amerièki predstavnici i struènjaci CIA
i FBI sa Maðarima u Budimpesti dogovorili su taktiku podrske onima
koji se otcepljuju i taktiku napada i pritisaka na Beograd i Srbiju.
Budimpesta je postala tada centar CIA i FBI za ilegalno naoru?avanje
Hrvatske.
Amerikanci su dali podrsku tim novim demokratama, mada je CIA u svojim
izvestajima i analizama jasno napisala da u bivsoj Jugoslaviji nema
snage koja mo?e taj proces da izvede mirno i koja mo?e da porazi
komuniste. Ta i tako podr?ana "demokratizacija", koja je dovela do
cepanja SFRJ, otvorila je vrata ulasku SAD na Balkan i amerièkoj
presiji na Srbe, koja je dosla najvise do izra?aja 1994. godine.
Dr Ronald Hatèet, amerièki profesor, bivsi oficir CIA ka?e:
- Amerika, odnosno CIA i DIA znaèajnije se ukljuèuju u jugoslovensku
krizu tek 1994. godine. Reè je, po mom misljenju, o protivustavnoj
objavi rata SAD protiv Srba, o ilegalnom ratu, koji Bil Klinton vodi
na Balkanu, iako ga javno nije objavio. Amerièka javnost o tom
nezvaniènom ulasku SAD u rat u Bosni malo zna, jer mi Amerikanci tamo
nismo do danas imali nikakve ljudske gubitke koji bi uznemirili
amerièko javno mnjenje.
SAD su usle u Bosnu onog trenutka kada su 1994. godine shvatile da
Alija Izetbegoviæ i muslimanska Vlada sami ne mogu da dobiju taj rat.
Vasington je tada odluèio da preko CIA i DIA ilegalno naoru?a
muslimansku i hrvatsku vojsku, obuèi njihove oficire i jedinice za
borbu protiv armije generala Ratka Mladiæa. Èitavu tu tajnu operaciju
plaæao je islamski svet.

Kobni prijatelji
Tako je zapoèeo èetvrti period najdirektnijeg mesanja CIA i DIA u
unutrasnje politièke prilike na tlu bivse Jugoslavije. Muslimanski
premijer Haris Silajd?iæ je èak i javno priznao da je simpatizer
amerièke Vlade, dok se hrvatski politièar Stipe Mesiæ svojevremeno
hvalio da je sva dokumenta o JNA koja su postojala u Zagrebu lièno
odneo u Pentagon i DIA. I Janez Drnovsek, bivsi predsednik SFRJ,
hvalio se da je imao tajne razgovore sa vasingtonskim emisarima. Ta i
takva misija CIA i DIA danas je kulminirala zvaniènim ulaskom
predstavnika ovih amerièkih tajnih slu?bi u Bosnu u svojstvu jos
jednog meðunarodnog garanta mira sklopljenog u Dejtonu i Parizu. U
Tuzli i sada postoji Stab civilnih i vojnih amerièkih obavestajaca,
koji je fomiran pod patronatom CIA radi sprovoðenja programa za mir,
sto je samo amerièki alibi za javno spijuniranje Srba, Hrvata i
muslimana. Pre Tuzle, Amerikanci su svoje spijunske centre prema
Jugoslaviji formirali u Nemaèkoj (Frankfurt), u Austriji (Beè), u
Sloveniji (Ljubljana), u Hrvatskoj
(Braè, Vis i Split), u Albaniji (Draè), u Bugarskoj (Sofija), u
Makedoniji (Skoplje, Krivolek), i u Maðarskoj (Budimpesta).
U samoj Bosni obavestajni centri veæ su postojali u Sarajevu, a
napravljeni su u Kiseljaku i Tuzli. U Hrvatskoj glavni amerièki centar
za spijuna?u bio je Zagreb i Ambasada SAD. U tajnim operacijama SAD u
Hrvatskoj, a i Bosni, uèestvovao je lièno i ambasador Piter Galbrajt.
Formiranjem ovih centara rukovodio je Rod?er D?ord?, poverenik CIA za
Evropu i penzionisani general Pentagona, dok ih je kontrolisao lièno
tadasnji direktor D?ejms Vulsi. Dolaskom D?ona Teneta na èelo CIA,
Sofija je unapreðena u centar za tajno spijuniranje Jugoslavije.
Amerikanci u bivsoj Jugoslaviji imali su dve diplomatske misije:
Ambasadu u Beogradu i Generalni konzulat u Zagrebu. U nasem glavnom
gradu od sedamdesetak amerièkih slu?benika 35 je imalo diplomatski
status i imunitet. Tu je radilo jos i 220 jugoslovenskih graðana, od
kojih veæina stalno. Shodno svojoj politièkoj i diplomatskoj praksi,
Amerika je u Jugoslaviju uvek slala ljude koji su bili skolovani i
dobro poznavali istoènu Evropu, Balkan, pa i Jugoslaviju. Pre nego sto
bi dosli u Beograd, mnogi amerièki diplomati bi slu?bovali u Zagrebu,
u Konzulatu, pa je tako i doskorasnji ambasador Voren Cimerman bio u
tom konzulatu. Ima struènjaka koji tvrde da je za amerièke diplomate
Beograd èesto bio i ulaznica za Moskvu. To je ujedno znaèilo i da su
se dogaðaji u SSSR-u najbolje mogli pratiti upravo iz SFRJ.

Banditski metodi
Ambasada SAD je uspostavljena 1945. godine i veæ tada, preko svojih
predstavnika, Amerikanci organizuju i klasièan obavestajni rad,
povezujuæi se sa ostacima razvlasæenih partija i kolaboracionistima.
Ona tada ne samo da otvoreno razvija spijuna?u veæ organizuje i
konkretne teroristièke akcije, atentate, diverzije, sabota?e i
ubacivanje neprijateljskih grupa iz inostranstva. Tokom 1946. godine
voðeno je vise sudskih procesa na kojima je otkrivena spijunska
delatnost pojedinih diplomata SAD i tako diskreditovana uloga ove
ambasade.
Ova suðenja su primorala Amerikance da svoj obavestajni rad menjaju.
Poèetkom 1947. godine CIA svoje centre za "pokrivanje" Jugoslavije
prebacuje u inostranstvo, dok same SAD preuzimaju prikupljanje
podataka o FNRJ na legalan naèin. Karakteristiènu ocenu o radu
Amerikanaca dao je u svom poverljivom izvestaju 7. juna 1974. godine
savetnik D?on Gabot. U toj deceniji CIA pise: "Banditski metodi,
metodi maske i kame a la Pridonof i Kloz kompromitovali su celu
Ambasadu. Moja je impresija da mi mo?emo sebi osigurati istu toliku
kolièinu informacija pristojnim ponasanjem i zadobijanjem poverenja
Jugoslovenske vlade!" Treba napomenuti da su gospoda Pridonof i Kloz
bili diplomate-spijuni koji su proterani iz FNRJ u SAD.
- Prikupljanje podataka kroz legalne forme Amerikanci poèinju da
primenjuju u Jugoslaviji od 1952. godine, jer i dolaze do zakljuèka da
ovim putem mogu vise da postignu nego preko agenture koju su
saèinjavali jugoslovenski emigranti i pripadnici revansistièkih snaga.
Zavisno od potreba SAD i CIA posebno, nikada se nisu sasvim odrekle
agenturnog rada u Jugoslaviji - tvrdi iskusni kontraobavestajac Vidan
Markoviæ.
- U personalnom sastavu Ambasade SAD uvek je bio i biæe odreðeni broj
profesionalnih obavestajaca CIA i DIA. Pokrivani diplomatskim
statusom, radili su iskljuèivo na spijuna?i. Pre dolaska u
Jugoslaviju, ti agenti su pripremani u obavestajnim centrima SAD u
Nemaèkoj. Najpoznatiji je bio u Garmis Parkenkirhenu. Posle bi se
vraæali u vojne baze, gde su dopunjavali svoje znanje o Balkanu i
SFRJ. Pored profesionalaca, ovim agenturnim poslovima su se povremeno
bavili i ostali slu?benici Ambasade ili Konzulata. Njihov zadatak je
bio da pronaðu meðu Jugoslovenima pojedince koji æe se "vezati" za
Ambasadu, pristati da putuju u SAD, i takvi bi se vrbovali da rade za
CIA ili DIA. Takvi ljudi tra?eni su najèesæe meðu intelektualcima iz
nauènog, umetnièkog i publicistièkog sveta. Ti slu?beni saradnici CIA
bavili su se i preuzimanjem i prenosom agenturnih izvestaja iz
Beograda i Zagreba prema SAD i to u sluèajevima kada redovne
komunikacijske veze nisu bile sigurne. Pojedini slu?benici
su slati na teren da snimaju odreðene objekte i poligone ili da svojim
prisustvom stvaraju alibi i uslove za rad profesionalaca iz CIA i DIA.
I napokon, u Ambasadi SAD redovno se nalazio i jedan broj obavestajnih
analitièara koji su se bavili istra?ivanjem pitanja za koje je
prioritetno bila zainteresovana i CIA, ali i amerièka Vlada - tvrdio
je Vidan Markoviæ, bivsi struènjak SSUP-a.

(Nastaviæe se)

http://www.patriotmagazin.com/media/010.htm

--- End forwarded message ---

UNO STUDIO SCIENTIFICO

Poiche' il "tribunale ad hoc" dell'Aia ha recentemente
commissionato uno studio dal titolo "Il nazionalismo serbo
nel XX secolo", si ritiene sia giunto il momento per preparare
un lavoro sul tema, altrettanto importante:
"Come distruggere una nazione: il linciaggio storiografico
dei serbi presso la corte americana dell'Aia - errori di fatto
ed interpretazioni tendenziose; il ruolo delle ONG e del neo-
imperialismo."
Cercansi magnati della finanza, istituti universitari o governi
interessati a sovvenzionare questo lavoro.

Von: Boba
Datum: 2002/06/15 Sa PM 11:48:12 GMT+02:00
Betreff: Pls. Fwd // Boba // Re: Reported
study commissioned by the American court in the Hague

Dear All:

With regard to the reported study by
Audrey Helfant Bading "Serb
Nationalism in the Twentieth Century"
commissioned by the ICFY in the Hague,
I believe that the time has come for a
study with the following theme:

"A Guide to How to Destroy a Nation :
Historiographic lynching of the Serbs at
the American court in
Europe - factual errors and malicious
interpretations; and the role of NGOs
of the New Imperialism."

Is there any rich person, or the
government out there who would like to pay
for a study like this one?

Boba B.
petar@...

DOPO LE "RIFORME"

In Serbia, oggi, piu' del 60 % della popolazione vive con meno di
due dollari al giorno a persona; un altro 20 % dispone invece di meno
di un dollaro. Questo a fronte di prezzi e tariffe che ormai sono
attestate
pienamente sugli "standard" dell'Europa occidentale. Da quando la DOS
ha preso il potere, nell'ottobre 2000, i prezzi al consumo sono infatti
aumentati in media del 450 %, mentre circa il 20 % dei lavoratori ha
perso il posto nel quadro delle "riforme strutturali" imposte da FMI e
BM,
che prevedono la liquidazione del sistema produttivo e finanziario
pubblico.
Un bilancio parziale della crisi economica e sociale in Serbia e' stato
tracciato in uno studio recentemente presentato con il nome di "Carta
sociale della Serbia".


+++ Serbien ärmer denn je +++

BELGRAD, 16. Juni 2002. Die Armut in Serbien hat in
Friedenszeiten noch nie dagawesene Ausmasse genommen. Mehr als
60% der Bevölkerung muss mit weniger als 2 US-Dollar täglich pro
Person auskommen, und weitere 20% mit weniger als 1 US-Dollar,
bei einem Preisniveu, das mit Westeuropa vergleichbar ist, heißt
es in einer unter dem Namen "Soziale Karte Serbiens"
flächenddeckend durchgeführten empirischen Studie, die heute in
Belgrad veröffentlicht wurde. Seit der Machtübernahme durch DOS
im Oktober 2000 sind Verbraucherpreise um durchschnittlich 450%
gestiegen und mehr als 20% aller Beschäftigten in Serbien
verloren im Zuge der "Reformen" ihre Arbeitsplätze.

STIMME KOSOVOS / AMSELFELD.COM

> http://english.pravda.ru/main/2002/06/19/30625_.html

2002.06.19/11:00
ALBANIA: TRAFFIC IN CHILDREN INCREASES

The Albanian Mafia gangs are actively involved in
trafficking of children to Italy, where they are exploited in
clandestine operations, some of which are
suspected of holding the victims in practices of sexual
exploitation.
Ostensibly smuggled into Italy for fruit-picking, the
thousands of children (usually between 12 and 17 years of age)
pour out of Albania?s poorer interiorr regions in search of
a fortune in the European Union. The dream soon turns into a
nightmare for many, who find themselves grid-locked in
Mafia-controlled criminal activities from which the only
escape in many cases is death.
The alert has been raised by the Catholic charitable
organisation, Caritas, which issued a report on the
phenomenon at the end of 2001. Father Cesare
Lodeserto, of the Regina Pacis Centre, said that ?In Albania
there is the rumour that children are untouchable in Italy?..
Maybe by Italians, but the Albanian Mafia, many of whom
were formerly active in the KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army, or UCK -
Ushtria Clirimtare e Kosoves in Albanian) has been known to
operate prostitution rings both inside Kosovo and Albania and
abroad. Many of the Kosovar woman supposedly fleeing from
the Serbs, were later discovered to have been running away
from the UCK, which were rounding up the prettier girls
to ship off to Italy.
In the last four years, the Italian carabinieri in
Tricarico have rounded up 100 women trafficked into Italy
to work in clandestine prostitution rings, and seventy
children, although captain Tusa declared that ?there is a
decrease in the number of women and an increase in the
phenomenon of the children?.
Captain Tusa added that ?the Mafia which control
immigration have changed their practices because the sign
given by the Italian state is the dismembering of
street prostitution and prostitution of minors, which will
not be allowed in Tricarico. The Italian police are extending
their operations to the cities of final
destination in northern Italy.

Timothy BANCROFT-HINCHEY

PRAVDA.Ru
©1999 "Pravda.RU". When reproducing our materials in whole
or in part, reference to Pravda.RU should be made.

===*===

Subject: Crimes Against Humanity: NATO-Sanctioned
Sex Slavery In Bosnia, Kosovo
Date: Mon, 17 Jun 2002 08:10:17 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Rozoff <r_rozoff@...>


[As actions, particularly consistent and
institutionally-sanctioned actions, speak much louder
than words, the obligatory disclaimers of Jacques
Klein and his ilk should be taken at their proper valuation.]

BBC
Friday, 14 June, 2002, 17:39 GMT 18:39 UK
Boys will be boys

It has become a tragic inevitability that whenever
international peacekeepers are sent to bring law and
order to a war torn country, a vast and exploitative
sex industry, allegedly follows close behind.
Correspondent looks at Bosnia and Kosovo where girls
as young as 15 have been duped into working in
brothels and forced to have sex with UN personnel. We
find that the boys will be boys culture prevails and
that international soldiers and police officers at the
highest level are turning a blind eye. It is a
shameful and disturbing tale. Sue Lloyd-Roberts
reports.
------------------------------------------------
Correspondent website,
Exclusive interviews:
Bosnian police officer denounces corruption UN
recommendation: Practice safe sex
------------------------------------------------
Sold into sex slavery
Like thousands of young women in the impoverished
countries of the Eastern bloc Monica, a
19-year-old Romanian, leapt at the chance when her
boyfriend said he had arranged a job as a waitress for
her in Italy.
The Vila Bar - a place of both hope and disgust
She would work for a year and put the money towards
their wedding. She was taken to the Vila Bar in
Bosnia.
Monica was led upstairs to a bedroom where Elena,
another Romanian girl, explained the routine.
Her shift lasted from 7 p.m. to 7 a.m. during which
she would have to dance and service up to eight
clients a night.
Monica reacted with disgust and outrage at the
betrayal.
Her boyfriend had sold her for 3000 Deutsch Marks,
around £1000.
She asked about the clients. Elena said: "There are
many foreigners, soldiers and policemen". Monica saw a
glimmer of hope.
A graduate of the Bucharest Language Institute, she
spoke French and English.
She would simply tell one of the foreigners that there
had been a mistake and ask for help.
The men know they are running a risk
"Most of them were Americans and German", Monica said.
"Of course, I appealed to them for help, the soldiers
and the policemen. But all of them said that they
shouldn't be there and they would get into trouble if
they helped."
Monica tells how in the end she befriended a local
taxi driver who agreed to drive her to the border in
return, of course, for sex.
International peacekeeping customers
In her testimony to the police, Monica identified four
officers from the International Police Task Force
(IPTF) and four Nato soldiers among her customers.
There are hundreds of premises selling sex in Bosnia,
employing on average ten girls each.
If Monica's foreign clientele of eight is an average
for the region, a lot of "peacekeepers" must be using
such services. Monk: "These are embarrassing and
damaging matters"
Richard Monk, is a respected British policeman and
former Deputy Commissioner of the Devon and Cornwall
Police. He was head of the IPTF in Bosnia for two
years from
1998.
He says "I knew of one case where a 14 year old girl
was actually living with an international police
officer. I had to set up an internal affairs branch to
manage investigations against my own police officers.
There was nothing more embarrassing and damaging to
the work that we were trying to do."
The Head of U.N. Mission in Sarajevo, Jacques Paul
Klein, says the situation is now under control.
He says: "We have a zero tolerance policy here. Any
officer, anywhere using the service of a prostitute,
will be fired immediately and sent home."
How many has he sent home for sexual misconduct since
he arrived in 1999? He is not sure. He thinks about
fifteen.
Unacceptable behaviour
Is it simply a case of "boys will be boys" and is it
hopeless to expect thousands of men posted away from
home not to take advantage of the perks on offer?
Poverty leads to desperate measures on the streets
Richard Monk has no sympathy, "I cannot see how you
can possibly go into a country representing an
international organisation like the United Nations or
Nato and behave in this way."
Monk suggests that all international police officers
and soldiers should be told that it is "totally
unacceptable for you to consort with all prostitutes,
as you may not know the difference between prostitutes
and trafficked girls. So, quite simply, this is an
offence and you will be court-martialled if you're
caught."
But while those in charge debate about what should be
done, there may be thousands of young women, like
Monica, still being held as sex slaves in Bosnia.
Boys will be boys: Sunday 16 June 2002 on BBC Two at
1915 BST
Reporter: Sue Lloyd-Roberts
Producer: Lode Desmet
Deputy Editor: Farah Durrani
Editor: Karen O'Connor

===*===

Subject: Review Of BBC Documentary On Sex Trade In Bosnia, Kosovo
Date: Wed, 19 Jun 2002 09:01:53 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Rozoff <r_rozoff@...>
To: r_rozoff@...



[This is a personal, in every sense of the word,
review of a recent BBC documentary on the epidemic sex
slave trade introduced under the auspices of NATO
occupation in Bosnia and the Serbian province of
Kosovo.
The very title of this halfhearted expose is painful
to read, as it trivializes crimes against humanity and
against women in particular that are auguably the
worst in the world currently.
Several aid agencies have estimated that 500,000
Eastern European girls and young women are duped and
abducted into the brutal and dehumanizing sex slave
industry based primarily in NATO-administered Bosnia
and Kosovo every year.
Every year.
If a single, say, American or English girl were to
suffer this fate the world press would feature
screaming headlines condemning this sordid practice, a
blot on the conscience of humankind.
But when Russian, Romanian, Moldovan, Bulgarian and
other impoverished nations have hundreds of thousands
of their daughters kidnapped, raped, drugged,
tormented, violated and sold like so much cheap
chattel the so-called civilized world is conspicuously
silent about it, especailly as the perpetrators of
these unspeakable crimes are more often than not
Western clients on whose behalf the US and NATO have
gone to war against innocent nations and peoples.
Particularly absent among those expressing concern
over this plague of modern slavery are the New York
and London based 'human rights' professionals, who are
adept at urging on the bombing of sovereign nations,
but who immediatey lose interest in the victims once
the aggression has ended.]


I saw the documentary: Boys Will Be Boys (BBC
2-Correspondent) on Sunday. I must admit that I felt
phisically sick. Every single native confirmed that
all that mess started after the 'liberators' moved in.
And Mr Klein lied about the accusations of the young
Romanian girl ( she has indentified 17 men out of 20
from the photos Mr Klein showed her during his visit
in Romania on other business, but he had just drooped
by?!) who was saved by an Argentinian official serving
in Bosnia at the time of her enslavement. And guess
what: The Latino was dismissed and sent back to his
country. The girl was bewildered. First a man of Mr
Klein's position does not do this sort of thing that
he did with the girl, and that is against the
procedure. What happend to the real culprits? Nothing.
Most of them are Americans, and Mr Klein is a US
citizen, and in a high position, and he went
personally to Romania and lied to the journalist who
made this programme, and did not want to show the
document (he claims existed) about his 'interview' of
the Romanian girl.
In the meantime the whole enterprise is booming in
Bosnia & Kosovo, and soon in Afghanistan,...
All that made me so sick, apart from my real physical
conditions these days (which are very bad)
Is all this misery ever going to be fought against and
defeated?
D

http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/friedenspreis.txt

"FRIEDENS"-PREIS FÜR DEL PONTE -
EINE VERHÖHNUNG ALLER FRIEDENSKRÄFTE!
Von Klaus von Raussendorff
(Der Artikel erscheint voraussichtlich in junge Welt, UZ und Zeitung
vum
Letzebuerger Vollek; Nachdruck erwünscht)
- Anl. 1 -

FREEDOM ASSOCIATION BULLETIN Nr. 1 bis 8
Tag für Tag Berichterstattung vom Milosevic-"Prozess" in deutscher
Übersetzung
(ab 7. Mai 2002) unter www.free-slobo.de :
Bisherige Folgen:
07.05.02 Kronzeuge Rugova tut sich schwer (1)
08.05.02 Wackelige Zeugen (2)
13.05.02 General als Chef der OSZE-Verifikationsmission schlecht
informiert
(3)
14.05.02 Terroristenkommandeur zugleich auch Zivilist (4)
15.05.02 "Geschützter Zeuge" Tanic - Mitautor der Anklageschrift (5)
16.05.02 Anklage in Nöten (6)
21.05.02 Zeuge Tanic diskreditiert die Anklage (7)
22.05.02 Forensische Wissenschaft keine Stütze der Anklage (8)
- Anl. 2 -

REISE NACH SOLANIEN
Von Jürgen Elsässer
Quelle: konkret 5/02, S 22-24
- Anl. 3 -

Unter:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/
friedenspreis.txt
zu lesen.

---

Anti-Imperialistische Korrespondenz (AIK), Redaktion: Klaus von
Raussendorff
Postfach 210172, 53156 Bonn; Tel.&Fax: 0228 - 34.68.50;
Email: redaktion@...

Anti-Imperialistische Online-Korrespondenz; Webmaster: Dieter Vogel
http://www.aikor.de; Email: webmaster@...

AIK-Infos können auf der Seite http://www.aikor.de
unter "Info-Dienst der AIK" runtergeladen werden


===*===


23.03.2002

Ausland
Ralph Hartmann / Aleksandar Sinowjew

Globalisierung als neuer Weltkrieg

Drei Jahre nach Kriegsbeginn: Warum ein
Sieg über den ehemaligen Präsidenten
Jugoslawiens für die USA und die NATO so
wichtig ist. Vorabdruck aus »Der
Fall osevic«

Anläßlich des dritten Jahrestages des
NATO-Krieges gegen Jugoslawien erscheint am
24. März im Dietz-Verlag das Buch »Der Fall
Milosevic«. Herausgeber ist Ralph Hartmann,
ehemaliger Botschafter der DDR in
Jugoslawien. junge Welt veröffentlicht im
folgenden Auszüge aus den Beiträgen von
Ralph Hartmann und Aleksandar Sinowjew


Ralph Hartmann:

Es war exakt 9.30 Uhr, als sich am
Dienstag, den 12. Februar 2002, im
nüchternen, mit hochmoderner
Computertechnik ausgestatteten ersten
Gerichtssaal des Haager Tribunals am
Churchillplatz Nr. 1 der Vorhang hob und
das Schauspiel begann: der Prozeß gegen
Slobodan Milosevic, langjähriger Präsident
Serbiens und Jugoslawiens, angeklagt in 66
Punkten der Verbrechen gegen die
Menschlichkeit und schwerer
Kriegsverbrechen in Kosovo, in Kroatien und
in Bosnien-Herzegowina, im letzteren auch
des Völkermordes.

Der mittelgroße, in grelles Neonlicht
getauchte Saal war bis auf den letzten
Platz besetzt. An seiner Stirnseite hatten
der britische Richter Richard May und seine
wie er in respekterheischende rote Roben
gekleideten Kollegen Patrick Robinson aus
Jamaica und O-Gon Kvon aus Südkorea auf
blauen Sesseln vor blauem Hintergrund Platz
genommen, links von ihnen das im
traurig-festlichen Schwarz gewandete halbe
Dutzend der Anklagevertreter mit Carla del
Ponte an der Spitze und diesen gegenüber,
eingerahmt von zwei blau uniformierten
Wächtern, der 60jährige Angeklagte im
dunklen Anzug mit hellblauem Hemd und
passender Krawatte. Der Platz für die
Zeugen war noch frei, über dreihundert
sollen in den nächsten zwei bis drei
Jahren, so lange soll das Verfahren dauern,
aufmarschieren.

Im und um das Gerichtsgebäude war die
höchste Sicherheitsstufe ausgerufen, und
neben der Polizei hatten zahllose
Fernseh-Übertragungswagen einen dichten
Schutzwall um das Gerichtsgebäude gelegt.
1200 Medienvertreter aus aller Welt hatten
sich zum ersten Gerichtstermin eingefunden,
nur einige Dutzend auserwählte hatten unter
den Zuschauern Platz nehmen können, der
Rest verfolgte den Prozeßauftakt in
Nebenräumen auf großen Videoschirmen.

Nach der Eröffnung durch Richter May gab
die Chefanklägerin del Ponte, mit beiden
Händen das Lesepult umklammernd, ihr
einleitendes Statement ab. Sie, die es
vehement abgelehnt hatte, in Sachen
Kriegsverbrechen der NATO im 78tägigen
Bombardement auf jugoslawische Städte und
Dörfer, Chemie- und andere
Industrieanlagen, auf Elektrizitätswerke,
Rundfunk- und Fernsehstationen, Brücken,
Krankenhäuser, Schulen, Kirchen und Klöster
auch nur zu ermitteln, erklärte: »Dieses
Tribunal und dieser Prozeß demonstrieren
machtvoll, daß niemand über den Gesetzen
steht und niemand der internationalen
Justiz entkommt.« Den Angeklagten beschrieb
sie als machtbesessenen Kriegsherrn ohne
Ideale, in dessen Verbrechen sie eine
»nahezu mittelalterliche Barbarei« zu sehen
meinte. Die Details der Schilderung der
Karriere des Kriegsherrn und seiner
Barbarei überließ sie ihren Vertretern.

Einer von ihnen, Staatsanwalt Geoffrey
Nice, rein zufälligerweise wie der neutrale
Richter May aus dem
Jugoslawien-kriegserfahrenen NATO-Land
Großbritannien kommend, hielt ein nicht
endenwollendes Eröffnungsplädoyer, in dem
er nachzuweisen versuchte, daß den Untaten
des Ex-Präsidenten, den drei Anklagen für
Kroatien, Bosnien-Herzegowina und Kosovo
»das Verbrechen der gewaltsamen Beseitigung
der Nichtserben« zugrunde liegt, »damit
Milosevic einen zentralistisch-serbischen
Staat erhält und kontrolliert«. Da war er,
der Mythos »Großserbien«, endlich vor die
Schranken des Haager Gerichts gebracht, und
der leitende Staatsanwalt Nice, der die
Oberaufsicht über das begonnene Verfahren
hat, schilderte ihn ausführlich und
beredsam, von Zeit zu Zeit auf
Tonaufzeichnungen, Fotos und Videos
zurückgreifend, so daß sein Plädoyer
streckenweise
zu einem Lichtbildervortrag geriet. Zur
emotionalen Einstimmung des
Publikums und als Beweis für die Schuld des
Angeklagten wurden die in den
vergangenen Jahren auf dem Boden der
früheren jugoslawischen Föderation
geschehenen und noch heute erschütternden
Greuel in Erinnerung gerufen,
darunter selbst die umstrittensten
Massaker, wie z. B. das von
US-Botschafter William Walker in Racak in
Szene gesetzte. Fast keines der
antiserbischen Klischees der letzten zehn
Jahre blieb unerwähnt, uralte
Legenden wurden wieder ausgekramt, so, als
seien sie in vielen
dokumentarischen Materialien, in
zahlreichen Büchern und anderen
Publikationen nicht längst widerlegt
worden, ganz zu schweigen von den
während des Internationalen Europäischen
Tribunals über den NATO-Krieg gegen
Jugoslawien und der ihm vorangegangenen
Hearings nachgewiesenen Tatsachen.
Selbst in die Fälscher-Fußstapfen des
deutschen Verteidigungsministers
Rudolf Scharping trat der leitende
Staatsanwalt, als er die Rede von
Milosevic zum 600. Jahrestag der Schlacht
auf dem Amselfeld durch ein aus
dem Zusammenhang gerissenes Zitat
entstellte, ihre Aussagen in ihr Gegenteil
verkehrte und zum Beweisstück der Anklage
machte.

Weder der getragene Tonfall, die
wohlformulierten Sätze, noch die perfekt
unterdrückten Tränen der Rührung über die
auf Video gezeigten Greueltaten
konnten verdecken, daß hier ein Mann seines
Amtes waltete, dem die
komplizierte, widersprüchliche, tragische
Geschichte der Zerschlagung der
früheren jugoslawischen Föderation trotz
aller Einarbeitungsbemühungen und
fremder Hilfestellung ziemlich fremd
geblieben ist und der nur eines im
Sinne hatte, den Angeklagten in gewählten
Worten
ls »Balkanmonster« hinzustellen. Kein Wort
dagegen fand er erwartungsgemäß
zur Verurteilung des NATO-Krieges.

Slobodan Milosevic, dem alle Schrecken der
jugoslawischen Bürgerkriege und
die in ihrem Verlauf begangenen
Grausamkeiten, einschließlich selbst der
grauenhaften Folgen des NATO-Luftterrors,
zur Last gelegt wurden, verfolgte
den Prozeßauftakt aufmerksam. Auch im
Blitzlichtgewitter und grellen Licht
der Scheinwerfer, unter den scharfen
Blicken der Richter, Ankläger,
Journalisten, die nach jeder Geste der
Unsicherheit, nach dem leisesten
Anzeichen, das Aufregung oder gar Angst
verraten könnte, spähten, zeigte er
sich wie gewohnt gelassen und beherrscht.

Von dieser Zurückhaltung war nichts mehr zu
spüren, als er am dritten
Prozeßtag das Wort zur Gegenrede bekam.
Entschieden und wohl begründet
kennzeichnete er das Verfahren als
politischen Prozeß und die Anklagen der
Carla del Ponte und ihrer Kollegen als ein
»Meer von Lügen und bewußten
Fälschungen, die das Opfer einer
kriminellen Aggression als kriminellen
Täter darstellen sollen«. Detailliert ging
er auf den Angriff der
NATO-Länder, »der 19 am höchsten
entwickelten Länder, die zusammen 676mal
stärker als Jugoslawien sind«, ein und warf
ihnen »Völkermord, Verbrechen
gegen die Menschlichkeit und Verstöße gegen
die Genfer Konvention« vor,
wobei er, dem Beispiel seiner Ankläger
folgend, seine Ausführungen mit
Fotodokumenten über die NATO-Verbrechen,
allerdings in diesem Fall eindeutig
zuzuordnender, untermauerte: zerstörte
Häuser, Fabriken, Krankenhäuser,
Leichen, Leichenteile, verkohlte Körper,
darunter von NATO-Raketen zerfetzte
albanische Flüchtlinge. Selbst
Korrespondenten von Nachrichtenagenturen
aus
NATO-Ländern stellten fest, daß Milosevic
so vom Angeklagten zum Ankläger
wurde.

Doch, so meinen zumindest Kenner des Haager
Gerichtes, seiner Entstehung,
seiner Akteure und Auftraggeber, wird ihm
dieser Rollentausch im
Gerichtssaal vorerst wenig nützen.
Milosevic selbst weiß um seine
Lage: »Dieser Prozeß«, so stellte er fest,
»ist nicht fair: Auf der einen
Seite steht ein riesiger Apparat, sind die
Medien und (Nachrichten)-Dienste,
und ich habe nur eine öffentliche
Telefonzelle, um gegen die größten
Verleumdungen zu kämpfen. Ihr möchtet, daß
ich mit gebundenen Händen und
Füßen an einem Schwimmwettkampf über 100
Meter teilnehme. Dies ist ein
Wettkampf zwischen Recht und
echt.«

Elektronische Kameras trugen den Beginn
dieser Auseinandersetzung, die Szenen der
Eröffnung des Verfahrens in die Welt
hinaus, bis in die letzten Winkel der Erde
und lösten gar unterschiedliche
Empfindungen aus: Genugtuung und Jubel bei
den Verantwortlichen für den NATO-Krieg
gegen Jugoslawien und den notorischen
Serbenhassern, gedämpfte Freude und
Unbehagen bei denen, die ihn der NATO
auslieferten, Beklommenheit und
selbstrechtfertigende Gedanken bei denen,
die wider besseren Wissens den Bruch
nationalen und internationalen Rechtes bei
der Entführung des Angeklagten nach Den
Haag schweigend oder gar billigend
hingenommen hatten, Verbitterung und Zorn
bei vielen Gegnern der NATO-Aggression und
schließlich Nachdenklichkeit und
Beunruhigung bei denen, die wie letztere
über den Tag hinaus denken und die um das
zivilisierte und von den Normen des
Völkerrechts geregelte Zusammenleben der
Völker und Staaten im Zeitalter der von den
USA dominierten Globalisierung zutiefst
besorgt sind.

Allein schon die unterschiedlichen
Reaktionen machen deutlich, daß es im
Haager Gerichtssaal nicht um eine
Privatperson geht, zu der jeder stehen
kann, wie er will und es für richtig hält,
nicht um einen gewöhnlichen Prozeß, wenn
auch gegen ein ehemaliges Staatsoberhaupt,
sondern um einen Fall von größter
politischer Brisanz und Tragweite. Der
»Fall Milosevic«, der Prozeß vor dem Haager
Tribunal ist die Fortsetzung des
NATO-Krieges gegen Jugoslawien mit
pseudo-juristischen Mitteln. Und er ist
mehr: Mit ihm wollen die Herren der neuen
Weltordnung und der Globalisierung einen
für alle Zeit geltenden Präzedenzfall für
den Umgang mit Politikern schaffen, die es
wagen, ihnen die Stirn zu bieten ...



Rede des Schriftstellers und Philosophen
Aleksandar Sinowjew, Vorsitzender des
Russischen Gesellschaftlichen Komitees zur
Verteidigung von Slobodan Milosevic, am 23.
August 2001 auf einer Festveranstaltung in
Moskau zum 60. Geburtstag des
jugoslawischen Ex-Präsidenten.


Über die Globalisierung spricht man
gewöhnlich als von irgendeinem objektiven
Prozeß der Vereinigung der Menschheit zu
einem einheitlichen Ganzen und zum
Wohlergehen der gesamten Menschheit. Aber
das ist eine ideologische Lüge. Die
Globalisierung entwickelt sich nicht von
selbst, sie wird von bestimmten Leuten
verwirklicht, von Leuten, die aktiv
handeln, die sie mit bestimmten Methoden,
als Gesamtheit vorher geplanter und
dirigierter Operationen im Interesse nur
eines bestimmten Teils der Menschheit und
zum Schaden des anderen, unvergleichlich
größeren Teils durchsetzen. Die
Globalisierung stellt nach ihrem sozialen
Wesen einen Krieg neuen Typs dar, einen
Krieg, der bereits den ganzen Planeten
erfaßt hat. Sein aktives Subjekt ist der
globale westliche Überbau, dessen Metropole
sich in den USA konzentriert hat und der
die ganze Macht der westlichen Welt in
seinem Interesse mobilisiert. Sein Ziel ist
die Unterwerfung der gesamten Menschheit
und ihre Organisierung nach dem eigenen
westl


ichen Vorbild und im Interesse der
Herstellung der eigenen Welthegemonie. In
diesem Krieg gibt es keine Grenzen zwischen
»friedlichen« und speziell militärischen
Mitteln, es gibt keine Grenzen zwischen der
Front und dem Hinterland, es gibt keine
Grenzen zwischen Zivilisten und
professionellen Militärpersonen. Dieser
Krieg ist einzigartig, einheitlich und
umfassend. Er differenziert sich in einer
großen Zahl von Operationen auf dem
gesamten Planeten, einschließlich
militärischer im gewöhnlichen Sinne des
Wortes (wie zum Beispiel auf dem Balkan),
die sich auf diese oder andere Art zu einem
einheitlichen Krieg mit dem Stab in den
USA, in »Washington«, vereinigen. Wenn
dieser fundamentale Faktor des
gegenwärtigen Lebens der Menschheit
ignoriert wird, kann man objektiv nicht ein
einziges mehr oder weniger bedeutendes
Ereignis auf dem Planeten begreifen.

Davon, von dieser nach meiner Auffassung
offensichtlichen und unbestreitbaren
Tatsache ausgehend, schätze ich das
Phänomen Slobodan Milosevic und sein
persönliches Schicksal ein.

Im Verlauf der Globalisierung als neuer
Weltkrieg entstand eine solche Situation,
daß Jugosl
awien den letzten ernsthaften Widerstand
gegen das Voranschreiten der
Globalisatoren in Europa leistete. Wie das
geschah, ist allgemein bekannt,
und ich werde über dieses Thema nicht
reden. Ich möchte nur das Folgende
unterstreichen und die Aufmerksamkeit
darauf lenken. Der kürzlich
beendete »heiße« Teil des Krieges der USA
und der NATO gegen Jugoslawien war
ein wichtiger Teil der Globalisierung. Er
hatte nicht die Zerschlagung des
im »heißen« Sinne militärischen
Widerstandes zum Ziel - einen solchen gab
es
überhaupt nicht -, sondern des
psychologischen, moralischen und
ideologischen Widerstandes gegen die
Globalisierung, nicht nur und nicht
einmal so sehr in Jugoslawien selbst als
vielmehr des Widerstandes in ganz
Europa, einschließlich Westeuropas und
Rußlands.

Slobodan Milosevic wurde das Symbol dieses
Widerstandes. Mit der Beendigung
des »heißen« Teiles ist der Krieg nicht zu
Ende. Er wird mit anderen Mitteln
fortgesetzt, die Ihnen ebenfalls gut
bekannt sind: Spaltung der Bevölkerung
Serbiens, Verwandlung eines Teils in eine
Opposition gegen die Macht von
Slobodan Milosevic und faktisch in die »5.
Kolonne« der NATO und der USA,
die Beseitigung von Slobodan Milosevic von
der Macht als erste Etappe einer
groben Abrechnung mit ihm, die
diversantenmäßige Operation der Entführung
Milosevics und seine Übergabe in die Hände
des sogenannten Haager Tribunals,
das ein Organ Washingtons und der NATO ist.
Übrig geblieben ist die letzte
Etappe des Krieges, in der die USA und die
NATO das Ziel haben, die Schuld
für ihre Verbrechen auf dem Balkan auf die
Opfer ihrer Verbrechen zu wälzen,
und in erster Linie - auf den Menschen, der
zum historischen Symbol des
Widerstandes gegen ihren kriminellen Krieg
geworden ist.

In keinem Fall darf man die Wichtigkeit
dieser letzten Etappe der
jugoslawischen Episode der Globalisierung
unterschätzen. Man darf sie nicht
nur als eine Episode des persönlichen
Lebens einer Privatperson betrachten.
Im Kontext der gesamten Globalisierung
bedeutet sie viel mehr als alle
vorangegangenen Etappen und Episoden. Wenn
sie für die USA und die NATO
nicht erfolgreich endet, dann kann man das,
was sie früher machten, in den
Augen der öffentlichen Meinung und vor dem
Urteil der Geschichte nicht als
ihren Erfolg betrachten. Der Krieg bleibt
ein unvollendeter Sieg, wenn das
Symbol des Widerstandes erhalten bleibt -
Slobodan Milosevic. Eines der
wichtigsten Merkmale des Krieges neuen Typs
- und die Globalisierung, und
ich bekräftige und unterstreiche es, ist
das - einschließlich des Krieges in
Jugoslawien, besteht in der
außerordentlichen Wichtigkeit und Wirkung
gerade
symbolischer Erscheinungen. Ein Sieg über
Slobodan Milosevic als einer
symbolischen Person für die USA und die
NATO ist in der entstandenen
Situation in der Welt sogar wichtiger als
alles andere, was sie in der
ganzen Periode des Krieges auf dem Balkan
erreicht haben.

* Ralph Hartmann: Der Fall Milosevic. Dietz
Verlag Berlin 2002, 256 Seiten,
12,80 Euro, ISBN: 3-320-02034-X (bei
amazon.de nicht gelistet)