Informazione
1. Slobodan Milosevic Addresses the Public
2. President Milosevic under treath of total isolation
3. ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
=== 1 ===
Slobodan Milosevic Addresses the Public
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
The shameful terror against my family is part of the criminal
lawlessness and tyranny, through which the Belgrade regime is aiding
The Hague and its aggression against our country and our people
- Slobodan Milosevic’s public response to charges fabricated by the
Belgrade regime -
In March 2001, I was accused of imaginary crimes, so I could be
arrested and delivered to The Hague.
These new accusations in 2003 have the same purpose: The Hague. Only
this time, their goal is to try to prevent, or at least minimize, the
obvious fiasco of the false Tribunal, which is serving as the weapon of
war against our country and our people. This time, unlike 2001, they
have also begun to terrorize my family, fiendishly persecuting my wife
and my son. The criminal campaign against my wife and my son is being
mounted solely because of my struggle here.
It is absurd and shameful that they are hounding a woman, a spouse of a
long-time head of state, a University professor; the author of ten
books, translated into 30 languages and printed worldwide, so no one
will be able to destroy or cover up her weekly testimonies on the
Yugoslav crisis. Their worth has been time-tested and proven, to Mira’s
honor and our pride. No other intellectual has raised her voice more
against war, violence, primitivism, exploitation, and slavery and in
favor of peace, freedom and equal rights.
They are hounding a young man who with an open and clear heart decided
to make his way in life independently, through his own labor,
intelligence and abilities, and has done everything to help others and
make his town more beautiful and more humane.
A crime is being committed against two people who have treated others
with nothing but goodness and humanity.
Their only crime is being my family.
People of Serbia and freedom-loving people throughout the world send me
messages of support and wish me victory. It seems that only the
Belgrade regime cheers on the Hague Tribunal, so much so that it does
not balk from terrorizing women and children.
I have told the two men who came to interrogate me – five months after
I publicly requested it – that only cowards attack women and children,
that there is no greater shame. The political, media and police
campaign against me and my family is the greatest infamy for any
country; an infamy that will grow greater for its participants, but
also those who witness it in silence, with time.
Legija and the Red Berets
Regarding the “reasons” for which the judge and the prosecutor came to
The Hague, I wish to make it clear that:
Neither I nor my entourage ever had any connections with any criminal
groups.
No “Zemun Clan“ existed while I was President. It is the direct result
of the current governments’ behavior, the role certain groups and
individuals had in the October 5, 2000 coup, and their mutual
arrangements.
Neither I nor any of my entourage had personal contacts or
acquaintances with members of the Special Operations Unit, popularly
known as the Red Berets. I believed it was an elite anti-terrorist
unit, common to any Security Service. I still believe that most of that
unit’s members were true to this description. Those who had a criminal
past or inclination thereto are certainly better known to the present
regime, as they used them on October 5.
My visit to the Kula facility in 1997 was ceremonial, a gesture of
appreciation for the Service chief Jovica Stanisic, whom I respected as
a professional and a man who endeavored to do his job in accordance
with his position. That the visit was ceremonial, and that everything
there was new to me, should be obvious to anyone who reviews the entire
tape and pays attention.
The officer who reported to me on the parade grounds was unfamiliar to
me. Now I know his name was Lukovic, “Legija.” When he came to arrest
me in March 2001, I mistook him for the officer who during my visit
drove Stanisic and me from the headquarters to the outdoors gymnasium,
which they also wanted to show me. By the way, even today I cannot
recall any of the names of officers who reported to me on various
occasions before an honor guard. This goes even for the commanders of
Yugoslav Army Guard units.
The first time I talked to Lukovic-Legija was when he came to arrest
me, on March 31, 2001. Given that I had never been in any contact with
him before, or even conversed with him, the only thing I could have
“ordered” him would have been my arrest.
Clearly, those who used the “Red Berets” members for my arrest (and
others, who jumped over the fence into the residence with stockings on
their heads) have also used them before and after. I clearly could not.
Rumors that this unit also worked as my security detail are not true.
Plain lies. My security detail at all time was the public security unit
(not State Security), commanded by Senta Milenkovic.
Ivan Stambolic
I have been a friend of Ivan Stambolic for many years. We parted ways
at the 8th Session of the Serbian League of Communists’ Central
Committee, in 1987. We never quarreled personally.
After he was relieved, he came to me and asked for one of the best jobs
(in both our opinion) in the SFRY: President of the Yugoslav bank for
international economic relations. And he received it, staying in that
position for over 10 years despite the practice of rotating the
management, until his retirement – for which he was eligible long
before, on grounds of both work experience and age.
He had been completely forgotten as a politician for many years. Thus
the story of how he represented a potential challenge in the elections
is a blatant lie, since he was never in the running. He was not even a
candidate. Besides, in those ten years, has any harm befallen any other
candidates?
It is absurd to claim that I rushed to kill him as a threat, after I’d
enabled him to hold a position of his choice for 10 years and he
retired!
Especially puzzling for me is that his family has readily accepted this
shallow lie. It seems they care more to blame me than find out the
truth about the fate of their father and husband.
Ivan Stambolic was a forgotten politician, and at the time of his
disappearance, a forgotten banker as well. No one in the state or the
political apparatus had mentioned him for years. He belonged to the era
of the former SFRY, and things have unfortunately changed since 1990.
No offense, but no one cared about Ivan Stambolic any more. There was
no persecution of those who supported his position at the 8th Session.
Desimir Jeftić, the chairman of the Serbian government who was also
relieved, was for many years the Ambassador to Romania. Ivan’s best
friend and neighbor Dragan Tomic, the CEO of ”Simpo” furniture company,
remained a member of the Party and state leadership. I am certain he
would confirm that I had told him, after Ivan was relieved, that I
would think of him the worst if he’d renounced his friend and turned
his back on him. So, the truth is quite the opposite from the story
fabricated by several pathetic creatures.
I was informed of Ivan’s disappearance over the telephone, by interior
minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic. I told him to use all the available
resources to find him. He told me that Ivan’s wife and son reported his
disappearance in the afternoon, though he went jogging that morning,
which would make the investigation more difficult.
All border posts were notified, and Vlajko Stojiljkovic told me later
that evening that several hundred police were engaged in the
investigation. I insisted that all resources be used to find him
[Stambolic] as soon as possible. Certainly most of these officers are
still employed by the interior ministry, and can testify to that.
From what Stojiljkovic told me, everything that could have been done
was done.
Draskovic, Pavkovic and the Budva Incident
Since the investigator, during the introductions, mentioned my alleged
connection to the “attempted murder of Vuk Draskovic”, I wish to say a
few words about that as well.
I never believed that what happened in Budva was a real murder attempt,
because it seems improbable that someone could shoot up all the bullets
in a small room like that and miss with every one of them. Even Vuk
Draskovic, with his talent for the dramatic, could not have turned into
a fly or a mosquito. I believed that either someone tried to scare him,
or that he made the entire incident up to gain attention and promote
his role as the “victim of the regime.” It is not hard to see who could
have benefited from such an incident, but it is abundantly clear that
it did not serve the government. Quite to the contrary, in fact.
I am not aware that the Serbian Security Service had any activities in
Montenegro apart from gathering information about cigarette smuggling
into Serbia. Rade Markovic even showed me aerial reconnaissance photos
of an area known as Mehov Krs, on the Serbian side of the boundary with
Montenegro, and explained that according to his information, that was a
major warehouse for smuggled cigarettes. He was preparing a raid to
catch the smugglers and seize the contraband, when the timing was
right. I do not know whether the photos were made from an airplane or a
helicopter, police or military, as these details did not interest me.
I never talked to Pavkovic about transporting “assassins” and “agents”
from Montenegro. It is incredulous that the Commander in Chief would be
involved in shuttling some alleged secret agents, especially through
the entire chain of command starting at the Chief of the General Staff.
Truth is, I’ve always insisted that services shouldcooperate and
abandon their rivalry, as they did not serve me but the state, and they
were supposed to work for the state, in accordance with the law.
General Aleksandar Vasiljevic testified about that in this illegal
court, as a witness of the prosecution, no less. And Rade Markovic
testified both here and in front of two parliamentary committees that
he was illegally coerced into trying to incriminate me.
The only helicopter incident I ever remember concerned a low-altitude
flyover of one helicopter over the White Palace (which was illegal),
when a Yugoslav Army officer in charge of White Palace security kept
his calm and prevented it from being tragically shot down. Later that
day it turned out that the helicopter was evacuating a seriously ill
person from the [Bosnian] Serb Republic to the Academy of Military
Medicine [VMA].
Are you not ashamed?
I demanded of both the investigator and the prosecutor that my
interrogation be public, and that they could even bring an open
telephone line, so anyone could ask me whatever they wanted. They
explained that this was not allowed by law, as long as the
investigation was ongoing. I accepted that, but requested that the
recordings be made public at the end of the investigation – since there
would be no danger of potential interference at that time. They
rejected that as well, even though they had the full legal authority to
approve it. Neither I, nor they, nor my legal representatives disputed
that.
Today’s government uses the law as an excuse for lawlessness and
tyranny. Nothing new!
Montestquieu wrote as early as 1742 that “There is no crueler tyranny
than one perpetrated under the shield of law, and in the name of
justice.”
In this entire dirty operation of trying to save this illegitimate
Hague court from a fiasco, the most shameful element is surely the
persecution of my wife and son. I told the investigating judge that his
investigation should include the phantom gold bars, foreign currency
reserves, villas in Switzerland and whatnot, because they were all
mentioned in various statements and extensive newspaper stories, only
to be “forgotten” later.
I asked him “Are you not ashamed?” He did not answer.
To my wife and son, Mira and Marko, who have been separated from me in
this heinous way, I wish to say: “Life is too short to thank you for
your goodness.”
The Hague, 17 August 2003.
Slobodan Milosevic
URL for this text: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/engleski/slobaE170803.htm
=== 2 ===
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC UNDER THREAT OF TOTAL ISOLATION!
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
Dear friends,
The Hague tribunal has just issued an order to ban all the visits to
President Milosevic from SPS and SLOBODA/Freedom Association!
Their “explanation” is that it was done because the members of the SPS
delegation gave statements to media after their recent visit.
The Tribunal’s decision was issued just after the application of Mr.
Bogoljub Bjelica, Chairman of SLOBODA to visit President Milosevic.
We responded to the tribunal letter immediately. You can read our
respond and our original application bellow and the tribunal’s
outrageous letter addressed to President Milosevic in the attachment.
After he has been deprived of family visits, President Milosevic is now
cut from the visits of his closest associates, who also work on
preparations of his struggle for truth.
The strongest legal and public reaction is urgently needed.
It is perhaps also time to attack the fact that President Milosevic is
prohibited to talk to media when, at the same time both tribunal and
its prosecution have several spokespersons who talk to media all the
time!
The criminal political mechanisms of the Hague machinery, which in the
panic of total defeat try to destroy the victor, should be totally
exposed and stopped.
Vladimir Krsljanin
General Secretary of SLOBODA
Coordinator of ICDSM
Foreign Relations Assistant to President Milosevic
---
Mr. Hans Holthuis
Registrar
ICTY, The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Re: Your unjustified decision of August 12 and our application for a
visit of August 11, 2003
Dear Mr. Holthuis,
In your letter to President Milosevic, dated August
12, the copy of which we have received by fax on August 15, after our
phone intervention to accelerate your respond to our August 11
application, and which has been delivered to President Milosevic only
yesterday, August 18, you threat with total isolation of President
Milosevic. After he has been deprived of family visits, now you want to
cut also the visits of his closest associates. Except it is outrageous,
your decision is totally legally unsustainable. Here are the reasons:
1. It is not true that your rules prohibit that any information
about the visit can be disclosed to the media. Rule 63(B) of your
“Rules on Detention” and Regulation 33(B) of your “Regulations to
govern the supervision of visits to and communications with detainees”
only says that: “Permission may be denied if the Registrar has reason
to believe that the purpose of the visit is to obtain information which
may be subsequently reported in the media.” So even if someone says
some detail to media it still does not mean that it was the purpose of
his visit. Then, even if some individual does something you dislike, it
still does not mean that you should punish the whole organization. And
finally, the spirit of all your other relevant rules implies that the
discretion right given to you should have only meaning to prevent
influence of media on the processes before the ICTY.
2. Nobody in Serbia is aware that any of the members of SPS
delegation gave any public statement that can influence the process.
3. You are very well aware that listing the Freedom Association
among the “associated entities” with SPS has absolutely no legal
meaning and is bellow the level of anyone who claims to be a lawyer.
SPS is a political party and Freedom Association is a non-governmental
and non-partisan organization. These two entities are completely
legally independent one from each other. Following the same logic of
who is “associated” with whom you can also ban visits of all Serbs and
finally of all human beings.
So, after he has been in many respects deprived in comparison
with other detainees when the visits are concerned (he was the only one
kept in total isolation so long at the beginning of his detention; he
is the only one whose family can visit him for only three days in a
month; now his wife can not visit him at all; he is often not informed
about the requests of the people who apply to visit him; many visitors
were denied access with false justification that he didn’t request to
see them, in spite he made written requests etc.) President Milosevic
is now cut of the visits from the only home organization which protects
his human rights and from his closest associates, which also seriously
affects his right to defense.
We expect you to change your wrong decision immediately.
Otherwise, we will be forced to take other legal and public measures in
order to protect law and justice.
Belgrade, August 19th, 2003
On behalf of Freedom Association
Igor Raicevic, Chairman of the Assembly
---
Ms. Monica Martinez
Chief of OLAD
Registry, ICTY
The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Subject: Application for a visit of Mr. Bjelica to President Milosevic
Dear Ms. Martinez,
We apply hereby for a visit of the Chairman of the
“Freedom” Association Mr. Bogoljub Bjelica to President Milosevic. We
make this application with the consent of President Milosevic. The
visit would take place at earliest convenience. Having in mind the
health situation of Mr. Milosevic and the amount of his current
activities in the preparations for the continuation of the process, we
would appreciate very much if you could agree the exact date for the
visit in direct communication with President Milosevic.
Since several months have passed since our last visit, we
are sure that there will be no difficulties in approving this visit.
Our legal interest and our commitments remain as before.
For your reply or any further information our contacts
remain: phone +381 63 8862 301 or fax +381 11 630 549.
Belgrade, August 11th, 2003
Appreciating your cooperation, I remain
Yours sincerely
Igor Raicevic
Chairman of the Assembly of "Freedom" Association
=== 3 ===
ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
Hans
Holthuis
August 26, 2003
Registrar,
His Honour Judge Theodor Meron,
President,
The Honourable Judges Trial Chamber III
ICTY, The Hague, Netherlands
RE: Slobodan Milosevic
Illegal Prohibition of Visits and Communication With The Press
The International Committee For The Defense of Slobodan Milosevic
protests the illegal and unjustified prohibition of visits to Slobodan
Milosevic by members of the Socialist Party of Serbia and the Sloboda
(Freedom) Association, a non-government organization dedicated to
achieving his rightful freedom.
The order prohibiting visits is allegedly based on a violation of the
newly introduced rule prohibiting communication to the media of
statements made by a detainee during visits, a rule which is both
illegal and unjustified and the sole purpose of which is to silence the
voice of an innocent man, a political prisoner, held hostage by the
“judicial” arm of NATO.
The British House of Lords has stated in Regina v Ex Parte Sims and
O’Brien that the right of prisoners to communicate with the media is
essential to prevent miscarriages of justice. The prohibition of such
communication is a fundamental violation of the presumption of
innocence set out in the Statute of the Tribunal.
The blanket prohibition of personal visits is also a flagrant violation
of Article 10 of the European Convention For The Protection of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, of Rule 92 of the UN Standard Minimum
Rules For The Treatment of Prisoners, Principle 15 of the UN Principles
of Detention and the Tribunal Rules of Detention themselves.
The Tribunal is unable to demonstrate any need for this action in terms
of the security or good order of the UN Detention Unit or under any
other legitimate rationale. Therefore, the question arises; what is the
real purpose of the order of prohibition? There can be only one answer;
to silence the voice of an innocent man in order to prevent the
embarrassment of the NATO countries who are his political enemies and
the enemies of the Serbian people and in order to suppress the truth
about the war crimes committed by NATO in Yugoslavia.
The actions of the Tribunal follow the issuance of arrest warrants by
the present Belgrade regime against his wife and son which have the
sole objective of preventing them from visiting him in an attempt to
isolate him and wear him down psychologically. In this, neither NATO
nor the Tribunal will succeed.
The ICDSM demands that the order prohibiting visits to Slobodan
Milosevic be rescinded forthwith along with the “rule” prohibiting
communication with the news media.
Prof. Velko Valkanov, Co-Chair, ICDSM,
Christopher Black, Toronto
Prof. Mikhail Kuznetzov, Moscow
Maitre Jacques Verges, Paris,
For The Legal Committee, ICDSM
---
YOUR HELP
The work for the defense of Slobodan Milosevic totally depends on your
donations.
For more details, see: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/finappeal.htm
Send a check to our address:
SLOBODA
Rajiceva 16, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro, Yugoslavia
or transfer your donation to our account using the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomocdet.htm
---
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
2. President Milosevic under treath of total isolation
3. ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
=== 1 ===
Slobodan Milosevic Addresses the Public
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
The shameful terror against my family is part of the criminal
lawlessness and tyranny, through which the Belgrade regime is aiding
The Hague and its aggression against our country and our people
- Slobodan Milosevic’s public response to charges fabricated by the
Belgrade regime -
In March 2001, I was accused of imaginary crimes, so I could be
arrested and delivered to The Hague.
These new accusations in 2003 have the same purpose: The Hague. Only
this time, their goal is to try to prevent, or at least minimize, the
obvious fiasco of the false Tribunal, which is serving as the weapon of
war against our country and our people. This time, unlike 2001, they
have also begun to terrorize my family, fiendishly persecuting my wife
and my son. The criminal campaign against my wife and my son is being
mounted solely because of my struggle here.
It is absurd and shameful that they are hounding a woman, a spouse of a
long-time head of state, a University professor; the author of ten
books, translated into 30 languages and printed worldwide, so no one
will be able to destroy or cover up her weekly testimonies on the
Yugoslav crisis. Their worth has been time-tested and proven, to Mira’s
honor and our pride. No other intellectual has raised her voice more
against war, violence, primitivism, exploitation, and slavery and in
favor of peace, freedom and equal rights.
They are hounding a young man who with an open and clear heart decided
to make his way in life independently, through his own labor,
intelligence and abilities, and has done everything to help others and
make his town more beautiful and more humane.
A crime is being committed against two people who have treated others
with nothing but goodness and humanity.
Their only crime is being my family.
People of Serbia and freedom-loving people throughout the world send me
messages of support and wish me victory. It seems that only the
Belgrade regime cheers on the Hague Tribunal, so much so that it does
not balk from terrorizing women and children.
I have told the two men who came to interrogate me – five months after
I publicly requested it – that only cowards attack women and children,
that there is no greater shame. The political, media and police
campaign against me and my family is the greatest infamy for any
country; an infamy that will grow greater for its participants, but
also those who witness it in silence, with time.
Legija and the Red Berets
Regarding the “reasons” for which the judge and the prosecutor came to
The Hague, I wish to make it clear that:
Neither I nor my entourage ever had any connections with any criminal
groups.
No “Zemun Clan“ existed while I was President. It is the direct result
of the current governments’ behavior, the role certain groups and
individuals had in the October 5, 2000 coup, and their mutual
arrangements.
Neither I nor any of my entourage had personal contacts or
acquaintances with members of the Special Operations Unit, popularly
known as the Red Berets. I believed it was an elite anti-terrorist
unit, common to any Security Service. I still believe that most of that
unit’s members were true to this description. Those who had a criminal
past or inclination thereto are certainly better known to the present
regime, as they used them on October 5.
My visit to the Kula facility in 1997 was ceremonial, a gesture of
appreciation for the Service chief Jovica Stanisic, whom I respected as
a professional and a man who endeavored to do his job in accordance
with his position. That the visit was ceremonial, and that everything
there was new to me, should be obvious to anyone who reviews the entire
tape and pays attention.
The officer who reported to me on the parade grounds was unfamiliar to
me. Now I know his name was Lukovic, “Legija.” When he came to arrest
me in March 2001, I mistook him for the officer who during my visit
drove Stanisic and me from the headquarters to the outdoors gymnasium,
which they also wanted to show me. By the way, even today I cannot
recall any of the names of officers who reported to me on various
occasions before an honor guard. This goes even for the commanders of
Yugoslav Army Guard units.
The first time I talked to Lukovic-Legija was when he came to arrest
me, on March 31, 2001. Given that I had never been in any contact with
him before, or even conversed with him, the only thing I could have
“ordered” him would have been my arrest.
Clearly, those who used the “Red Berets” members for my arrest (and
others, who jumped over the fence into the residence with stockings on
their heads) have also used them before and after. I clearly could not.
Rumors that this unit also worked as my security detail are not true.
Plain lies. My security detail at all time was the public security unit
(not State Security), commanded by Senta Milenkovic.
Ivan Stambolic
I have been a friend of Ivan Stambolic for many years. We parted ways
at the 8th Session of the Serbian League of Communists’ Central
Committee, in 1987. We never quarreled personally.
After he was relieved, he came to me and asked for one of the best jobs
(in both our opinion) in the SFRY: President of the Yugoslav bank for
international economic relations. And he received it, staying in that
position for over 10 years despite the practice of rotating the
management, until his retirement – for which he was eligible long
before, on grounds of both work experience and age.
He had been completely forgotten as a politician for many years. Thus
the story of how he represented a potential challenge in the elections
is a blatant lie, since he was never in the running. He was not even a
candidate. Besides, in those ten years, has any harm befallen any other
candidates?
It is absurd to claim that I rushed to kill him as a threat, after I’d
enabled him to hold a position of his choice for 10 years and he
retired!
Especially puzzling for me is that his family has readily accepted this
shallow lie. It seems they care more to blame me than find out the
truth about the fate of their father and husband.
Ivan Stambolic was a forgotten politician, and at the time of his
disappearance, a forgotten banker as well. No one in the state or the
political apparatus had mentioned him for years. He belonged to the era
of the former SFRY, and things have unfortunately changed since 1990.
No offense, but no one cared about Ivan Stambolic any more. There was
no persecution of those who supported his position at the 8th Session.
Desimir Jeftić, the chairman of the Serbian government who was also
relieved, was for many years the Ambassador to Romania. Ivan’s best
friend and neighbor Dragan Tomic, the CEO of ”Simpo” furniture company,
remained a member of the Party and state leadership. I am certain he
would confirm that I had told him, after Ivan was relieved, that I
would think of him the worst if he’d renounced his friend and turned
his back on him. So, the truth is quite the opposite from the story
fabricated by several pathetic creatures.
I was informed of Ivan’s disappearance over the telephone, by interior
minister Vlajko Stojiljkovic. I told him to use all the available
resources to find him. He told me that Ivan’s wife and son reported his
disappearance in the afternoon, though he went jogging that morning,
which would make the investigation more difficult.
All border posts were notified, and Vlajko Stojiljkovic told me later
that evening that several hundred police were engaged in the
investigation. I insisted that all resources be used to find him
[Stambolic] as soon as possible. Certainly most of these officers are
still employed by the interior ministry, and can testify to that.
From what Stojiljkovic told me, everything that could have been done
was done.
Draskovic, Pavkovic and the Budva Incident
Since the investigator, during the introductions, mentioned my alleged
connection to the “attempted murder of Vuk Draskovic”, I wish to say a
few words about that as well.
I never believed that what happened in Budva was a real murder attempt,
because it seems improbable that someone could shoot up all the bullets
in a small room like that and miss with every one of them. Even Vuk
Draskovic, with his talent for the dramatic, could not have turned into
a fly or a mosquito. I believed that either someone tried to scare him,
or that he made the entire incident up to gain attention and promote
his role as the “victim of the regime.” It is not hard to see who could
have benefited from such an incident, but it is abundantly clear that
it did not serve the government. Quite to the contrary, in fact.
I am not aware that the Serbian Security Service had any activities in
Montenegro apart from gathering information about cigarette smuggling
into Serbia. Rade Markovic even showed me aerial reconnaissance photos
of an area known as Mehov Krs, on the Serbian side of the boundary with
Montenegro, and explained that according to his information, that was a
major warehouse for smuggled cigarettes. He was preparing a raid to
catch the smugglers and seize the contraband, when the timing was
right. I do not know whether the photos were made from an airplane or a
helicopter, police or military, as these details did not interest me.
I never talked to Pavkovic about transporting “assassins” and “agents”
from Montenegro. It is incredulous that the Commander in Chief would be
involved in shuttling some alleged secret agents, especially through
the entire chain of command starting at the Chief of the General Staff.
Truth is, I’ve always insisted that services shouldcooperate and
abandon their rivalry, as they did not serve me but the state, and they
were supposed to work for the state, in accordance with the law.
General Aleksandar Vasiljevic testified about that in this illegal
court, as a witness of the prosecution, no less. And Rade Markovic
testified both here and in front of two parliamentary committees that
he was illegally coerced into trying to incriminate me.
The only helicopter incident I ever remember concerned a low-altitude
flyover of one helicopter over the White Palace (which was illegal),
when a Yugoslav Army officer in charge of White Palace security kept
his calm and prevented it from being tragically shot down. Later that
day it turned out that the helicopter was evacuating a seriously ill
person from the [Bosnian] Serb Republic to the Academy of Military
Medicine [VMA].
Are you not ashamed?
I demanded of both the investigator and the prosecutor that my
interrogation be public, and that they could even bring an open
telephone line, so anyone could ask me whatever they wanted. They
explained that this was not allowed by law, as long as the
investigation was ongoing. I accepted that, but requested that the
recordings be made public at the end of the investigation – since there
would be no danger of potential interference at that time. They
rejected that as well, even though they had the full legal authority to
approve it. Neither I, nor they, nor my legal representatives disputed
that.
Today’s government uses the law as an excuse for lawlessness and
tyranny. Nothing new!
Montestquieu wrote as early as 1742 that “There is no crueler tyranny
than one perpetrated under the shield of law, and in the name of
justice.”
In this entire dirty operation of trying to save this illegitimate
Hague court from a fiasco, the most shameful element is surely the
persecution of my wife and son. I told the investigating judge that his
investigation should include the phantom gold bars, foreign currency
reserves, villas in Switzerland and whatnot, because they were all
mentioned in various statements and extensive newspaper stories, only
to be “forgotten” later.
I asked him “Are you not ashamed?” He did not answer.
To my wife and son, Mira and Marko, who have been separated from me in
this heinous way, I wish to say: “Life is too short to thank you for
your goodness.”
The Hague, 17 August 2003.
Slobodan Milosevic
URL for this text: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/engleski/slobaE170803.htm
=== 2 ===
PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC UNDER THREAT OF TOTAL ISOLATION!
(received from "Sloboda" Association, Belgrade)
Dear friends,
The Hague tribunal has just issued an order to ban all the visits to
President Milosevic from SPS and SLOBODA/Freedom Association!
Their “explanation” is that it was done because the members of the SPS
delegation gave statements to media after their recent visit.
The Tribunal’s decision was issued just after the application of Mr.
Bogoljub Bjelica, Chairman of SLOBODA to visit President Milosevic.
We responded to the tribunal letter immediately. You can read our
respond and our original application bellow and the tribunal’s
outrageous letter addressed to President Milosevic in the attachment.
After he has been deprived of family visits, President Milosevic is now
cut from the visits of his closest associates, who also work on
preparations of his struggle for truth.
The strongest legal and public reaction is urgently needed.
It is perhaps also time to attack the fact that President Milosevic is
prohibited to talk to media when, at the same time both tribunal and
its prosecution have several spokespersons who talk to media all the
time!
The criminal political mechanisms of the Hague machinery, which in the
panic of total defeat try to destroy the victor, should be totally
exposed and stopped.
Vladimir Krsljanin
General Secretary of SLOBODA
Coordinator of ICDSM
Foreign Relations Assistant to President Milosevic
---
Mr. Hans Holthuis
Registrar
ICTY, The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Re: Your unjustified decision of August 12 and our application for a
visit of August 11, 2003
Dear Mr. Holthuis,
In your letter to President Milosevic, dated August
12, the copy of which we have received by fax on August 15, after our
phone intervention to accelerate your respond to our August 11
application, and which has been delivered to President Milosevic only
yesterday, August 18, you threat with total isolation of President
Milosevic. After he has been deprived of family visits, now you want to
cut also the visits of his closest associates. Except it is outrageous,
your decision is totally legally unsustainable. Here are the reasons:
1. It is not true that your rules prohibit that any information
about the visit can be disclosed to the media. Rule 63(B) of your
“Rules on Detention” and Regulation 33(B) of your “Regulations to
govern the supervision of visits to and communications with detainees”
only says that: “Permission may be denied if the Registrar has reason
to believe that the purpose of the visit is to obtain information which
may be subsequently reported in the media.” So even if someone says
some detail to media it still does not mean that it was the purpose of
his visit. Then, even if some individual does something you dislike, it
still does not mean that you should punish the whole organization. And
finally, the spirit of all your other relevant rules implies that the
discretion right given to you should have only meaning to prevent
influence of media on the processes before the ICTY.
2. Nobody in Serbia is aware that any of the members of SPS
delegation gave any public statement that can influence the process.
3. You are very well aware that listing the Freedom Association
among the “associated entities” with SPS has absolutely no legal
meaning and is bellow the level of anyone who claims to be a lawyer.
SPS is a political party and Freedom Association is a non-governmental
and non-partisan organization. These two entities are completely
legally independent one from each other. Following the same logic of
who is “associated” with whom you can also ban visits of all Serbs and
finally of all human beings.
So, after he has been in many respects deprived in comparison
with other detainees when the visits are concerned (he was the only one
kept in total isolation so long at the beginning of his detention; he
is the only one whose family can visit him for only three days in a
month; now his wife can not visit him at all; he is often not informed
about the requests of the people who apply to visit him; many visitors
were denied access with false justification that he didn’t request to
see them, in spite he made written requests etc.) President Milosevic
is now cut of the visits from the only home organization which protects
his human rights and from his closest associates, which also seriously
affects his right to defense.
We expect you to change your wrong decision immediately.
Otherwise, we will be forced to take other legal and public measures in
order to protect law and justice.
Belgrade, August 19th, 2003
On behalf of Freedom Association
Igor Raicevic, Chairman of the Assembly
---
Ms. Monica Martinez
Chief of OLAD
Registry, ICTY
The Hague, The Netherlands
U R G E N T
Subject: Application for a visit of Mr. Bjelica to President Milosevic
Dear Ms. Martinez,
We apply hereby for a visit of the Chairman of the
“Freedom” Association Mr. Bogoljub Bjelica to President Milosevic. We
make this application with the consent of President Milosevic. The
visit would take place at earliest convenience. Having in mind the
health situation of Mr. Milosevic and the amount of his current
activities in the preparations for the continuation of the process, we
would appreciate very much if you could agree the exact date for the
visit in direct communication with President Milosevic.
Since several months have passed since our last visit, we
are sure that there will be no difficulties in approving this visit.
Our legal interest and our commitments remain as before.
For your reply or any further information our contacts
remain: phone +381 63 8862 301 or fax +381 11 630 549.
Belgrade, August 11th, 2003
Appreciating your cooperation, I remain
Yours sincerely
Igor Raicevic
Chairman of the Assembly of "Freedom" Association
=== 3 ===
ICDSM protests isolation of President Milosevic
Hans
Holthuis
August 26, 2003
Registrar,
His Honour Judge Theodor Meron,
President,
The Honourable Judges Trial Chamber III
ICTY, The Hague, Netherlands
RE: Slobodan Milosevic
Illegal Prohibition of Visits and Communication With The Press
The International Committee For The Defense of Slobodan Milosevic
protests the illegal and unjustified prohibition of visits to Slobodan
Milosevic by members of the Socialist Party of Serbia and the Sloboda
(Freedom) Association, a non-government organization dedicated to
achieving his rightful freedom.
The order prohibiting visits is allegedly based on a violation of the
newly introduced rule prohibiting communication to the media of
statements made by a detainee during visits, a rule which is both
illegal and unjustified and the sole purpose of which is to silence the
voice of an innocent man, a political prisoner, held hostage by the
“judicial” arm of NATO.
The British House of Lords has stated in Regina v Ex Parte Sims and
O’Brien that the right of prisoners to communicate with the media is
essential to prevent miscarriages of justice. The prohibition of such
communication is a fundamental violation of the presumption of
innocence set out in the Statute of the Tribunal.
The blanket prohibition of personal visits is also a flagrant violation
of Article 10 of the European Convention For The Protection of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, of Rule 92 of the UN Standard Minimum
Rules For The Treatment of Prisoners, Principle 15 of the UN Principles
of Detention and the Tribunal Rules of Detention themselves.
The Tribunal is unable to demonstrate any need for this action in terms
of the security or good order of the UN Detention Unit or under any
other legitimate rationale. Therefore, the question arises; what is the
real purpose of the order of prohibition? There can be only one answer;
to silence the voice of an innocent man in order to prevent the
embarrassment of the NATO countries who are his political enemies and
the enemies of the Serbian people and in order to suppress the truth
about the war crimes committed by NATO in Yugoslavia.
The actions of the Tribunal follow the issuance of arrest warrants by
the present Belgrade regime against his wife and son which have the
sole objective of preventing them from visiting him in an attempt to
isolate him and wear him down psychologically. In this, neither NATO
nor the Tribunal will succeed.
The ICDSM demands that the order prohibiting visits to Slobodan
Milosevic be rescinded forthwith along with the “rule” prohibiting
communication with the news media.
Prof. Velko Valkanov, Co-Chair, ICDSM,
Christopher Black, Toronto
Prof. Mikhail Kuznetzov, Moscow
Maitre Jacques Verges, Paris,
For The Legal Committee, ICDSM
---
YOUR HELP
The work for the defense of Slobodan Milosevic totally depends on your
donations.
For more details, see: http://www.sloboda.org.yu/finappeal.htm
Send a check to our address:
SLOBODA
Rajiceva 16, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro, Yugoslavia
or transfer your donation to our account using the instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomocdet.htm
---
SLOBODA urgently needs your donation.
Please find the detailed instructions at:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/pomoc.htm
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sloboda.org.yu/ (Sloboda/Freedom association)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to defend Slobodan
Milosevic)
http://www.free-slobo.de/ (German section of ICDSM)
http://www.icdsmireland.org/ (ICDSM Ireland)
http://www.wpc-in.org/ (world peace council)
http://www.geocities.com/b_antinato/ (Balkan antiNATO center)
On Russia and the Kosovo issue
1. From Kosovo to Iraq
(by Vladimir Radyuhin, The Hindu, 18/08/2003)
2. Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid 'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's
Non-Albanians
(Novosti, June 11, 2003)
=== 1 ===
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/thscrip/
print.pl?file=2003081800911000.htm&date=2003/08/18/&prd=th&
Date:18/08/2003
URL: http://www.thehindu.com/2003/08/18/stories/2003081800911000.htm
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
From Kosovo to Iraq
By Vladimir Radyuhin
Any international security mission for Iraq will be under U.S. command.
This would set the stage for a replay of the Kosovo scenario.
RUSSIA IS not likely to send its peacekeepers to Iraq even though
Foreign Ministry officials have not ruled out the option if the United
Nations Security Council supports a multinational force for Iraq.
Russia has just pulled out of a similar arrangement in the Balkans
wishing it had never joined in, in the first place.
The quiet withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Kosovo was in stark
contrast to their triumphant arrival in the region in June 1999 after
the 78-day NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. Russia stunned the West
when about 200 of its paratroopers undertook a daring 600-km raid from
Bosnia across Yugoslavia and into Kosovo, stealing a march on NATO. The
local Serb population gave a rousing welcome to Russian troops as
liberators and protectors against Albanian militants. However, Moscow's
plan to fly in reinforcements from Russia even as the NATO command
mulled over the shocking news that the Russians had occupied the
strategic Pristina airport fell through when East European countries
closed their airspace to Russian transport aircraft on the request of
NATO, which they craved to join.
In the end, the Pristina raid proved little more than a damage control
exercise by the whimsical Russian leader, Boris Yeltsin, to camouflage
his abrupt turnaround from staunch support for Yugoslavia to blatant
sell-out when he persuaded the Yugoslav leader, Slobodan Milosevic, to
accept a Western ultimatum and agree to a NATO occupation of Kosovo.
Russia voted for the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, which
mandated an international peace force for Kosovo, KFOR. The resolution
called for "the deployment in Kosovo, under United Nations auspices, of
international civil and security presences." The text of the resolution
did not say clearly under whose command the peacekeepers would be
deployed, but an annexe appended to the resolution mentioned rather
evasively that the security force should include a "substantial NATO
participation" and be "under unified command and control."
This ambiguous wording deprived Russian diplomats of any bargaining
power to press Moscow's demand for its peacekeepers to serve under
Russian command in a separate sector of Kosovo populated predominantly
by Serbs to prevent their ethnic cleansing by Albanian militants. A
Russian force of 3,600 paratroopers, vastly outnumbered by NATO troops,
was split between the American, French and German sectors under NATO
command.
Resolution 1244 tasked the international security force with
"demilitarizing the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and other armed Kosovo
Albanian groups" and "establishing a secure environment in which
refugees and displaced persons can return home in safety." Neither
demand has been enforced. The KLA became Kosovo police and Serbs
terrorised by Albanians continued to flee Kosovo.
Contrary to the U.N. Security Council demand that Kosovo "enjoy
substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," the
region has gained de facto independence from Belgrade.
Russia's withdrawal from KFOR was precipitated by the U.S.-led war
against Iraq, which Moscow strongly opposed. As soon as the
U.S.-British forces attacked Iraq, the Russian President, Vladimir
Putin, began talks with NATO on the Kosovo pullout. As Russian
paratroopers packed up, television showed painful pictures of Kosovo
Serbs complaining that the "Russian brothers" had betrayed them by
leaving them alone to face Albanian violence.
However, Mr. Putin, who is striving to reassert Russia's influence in
global politics, could not afford to share responsibility with the U.S.
for further dismembering what remained of former Yugoslavia and seeing
Kosovo turn into a hotbed of terrorism and drug trafficking in the
heart of Europe. Nor could Mr. Putin, who has been arguing for a
stronger U.N. role in international affairs, be seen as conniving in
the flouting of the Security Council resolution on Kosovo.
History may now repeat itself in Iraq. As things stand today, there is
no chance that the U.S. would be prepared to let the U.N. take over
control of peacekeeping in Iraq. The U.S.-drafted resolution calls for
a timid "U.N. Assistance Mission." Even if the U.S. agrees at some
stage for a broader U.N. mandate, any international security mission
for Iraq will be under U.S. command. This would set the stage for a
replay of the Kosovo scenario.
When Russia's partners in the post-Soviet Commonwealth of Independent
States — Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan — scramble to jump on the
American bandwagon in Iraq, their motive is to win U.S. favour and
patronage.
Russia is a different case. By pulling out from Kosovo, Mr. Putin has
sent a clear signal that Russia will no longer pull chestnuts from the
fire for others.
© Copyright 2000 - 2003 The Hindu
=== 2 ===
Da: Rick Rozoff
Data: Gio 12 Giu 2003 09:31:08 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid
'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's Non-Albanians
http://en.rian.ru/rian/
index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3267393&startrow=21&date=2003-06-
11&do_alert=0
Russian Information Agency (Novosti)
June 11, 2003
GENERAL IVASHOV: DECISION TO DEPLOY RUSSIAN AIRBORNE BATTALION IN
KOSOVO WAS CORRECT
-That decision did not allow to "distort the essence
of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed
the sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
-"It was a brilliant raid, performed despite the
fierce pressure from Washington and Brussels [NATO
headquarters]. Russia's powerful military-political
potential was demonstrated, and not on the Balkans
alone. Unfortunately, this potential was not properly
used and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving
the Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
MOSCOW, June 11th, 2003 /from a RIA Novosti
correspondent/ -- The decision to deploy a Russian
airborne battalion in Kosovo in 1999 was correct, said
Colonel General Leonid Ivashov, a former top official
of the Russian Defence Ministry.
That decision did not allow to "distort the essence of
UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed the
sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
What was called "Russia's Pristina raid" was carried
out on June 11-12 from Bosnia, where a Russian
airborne battalion was deployed as part of
international peacemaking forces. "It was a brilliant
raid, performed despite the fierce pressure from
Washington and Brussels [NATO headquarters]. Russia's
powerful military-political potential was
demonstrated, and not on the Balkans alone.
Unfortunately, this potential was not properly used
and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving the
Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
Ivashov stressed that the battalion had been deployed
"in line with the international law and the UN SC
resolution". The operation was sanctioned by the then
Russian President Boris Yeltsin. "His decision, based
on reports of the ministers of defence and foreign
affairs, envisaged the deployment of a Russian
peacekeeping contingent simultaneously with NATO
troops if NATO refused to recognise Russia as an equal
partner in the Kosovo settlement," Ivashov stressed.
The deployment was carried out on an agreement with
Yugoslavia's political leadership. The then Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic ordered the defence
ministry and other ministries to provide assistance to
the Russian soldiers and co-operate with the Russian
contingent's command.
According to Ivashov, the final decision to deploy
troops was taken "after the disruption of negotiations
with the Americans who were trying to impose on Russia
discriminating terms of participation in the
peacekeeping operation in the Balkans." "Russia was
proposed to take part in the operation 'with two
battalions within the mobile reserve of General
Jackson, the KFOR commander, and Russia naturally
rejected such form of participation," the general
said.
The battalion was assigned the mission of seizing the
Slatina airdrome, Kosovo's key object. The order to
advance was received on June 11, 1999. The battalion
reached the airdrome on June 12 early in the morning.
1. From Kosovo to Iraq
(by Vladimir Radyuhin, The Hindu, 18/08/2003)
2. Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid 'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's
Non-Albanians
(Novosti, June 11, 2003)
=== 1 ===
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/thscrip/
print.pl?file=2003081800911000.htm&date=2003/08/18/&prd=th&
Date:18/08/2003
URL: http://www.thehindu.com/2003/08/18/stories/2003081800911000.htm
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
From Kosovo to Iraq
By Vladimir Radyuhin
Any international security mission for Iraq will be under U.S. command.
This would set the stage for a replay of the Kosovo scenario.
RUSSIA IS not likely to send its peacekeepers to Iraq even though
Foreign Ministry officials have not ruled out the option if the United
Nations Security Council supports a multinational force for Iraq.
Russia has just pulled out of a similar arrangement in the Balkans
wishing it had never joined in, in the first place.
The quiet withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Kosovo was in stark
contrast to their triumphant arrival in the region in June 1999 after
the 78-day NATO bombing war against Yugoslavia. Russia stunned the West
when about 200 of its paratroopers undertook a daring 600-km raid from
Bosnia across Yugoslavia and into Kosovo, stealing a march on NATO. The
local Serb population gave a rousing welcome to Russian troops as
liberators and protectors against Albanian militants. However, Moscow's
plan to fly in reinforcements from Russia even as the NATO command
mulled over the shocking news that the Russians had occupied the
strategic Pristina airport fell through when East European countries
closed their airspace to Russian transport aircraft on the request of
NATO, which they craved to join.
In the end, the Pristina raid proved little more than a damage control
exercise by the whimsical Russian leader, Boris Yeltsin, to camouflage
his abrupt turnaround from staunch support for Yugoslavia to blatant
sell-out when he persuaded the Yugoslav leader, Slobodan Milosevic, to
accept a Western ultimatum and agree to a NATO occupation of Kosovo.
Russia voted for the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, which
mandated an international peace force for Kosovo, KFOR. The resolution
called for "the deployment in Kosovo, under United Nations auspices, of
international civil and security presences." The text of the resolution
did not say clearly under whose command the peacekeepers would be
deployed, but an annexe appended to the resolution mentioned rather
evasively that the security force should include a "substantial NATO
participation" and be "under unified command and control."
This ambiguous wording deprived Russian diplomats of any bargaining
power to press Moscow's demand for its peacekeepers to serve under
Russian command in a separate sector of Kosovo populated predominantly
by Serbs to prevent their ethnic cleansing by Albanian militants. A
Russian force of 3,600 paratroopers, vastly outnumbered by NATO troops,
was split between the American, French and German sectors under NATO
command.
Resolution 1244 tasked the international security force with
"demilitarizing the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and other armed Kosovo
Albanian groups" and "establishing a secure environment in which
refugees and displaced persons can return home in safety." Neither
demand has been enforced. The KLA became Kosovo police and Serbs
terrorised by Albanians continued to flee Kosovo.
Contrary to the U.N. Security Council demand that Kosovo "enjoy
substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia," the
region has gained de facto independence from Belgrade.
Russia's withdrawal from KFOR was precipitated by the U.S.-led war
against Iraq, which Moscow strongly opposed. As soon as the
U.S.-British forces attacked Iraq, the Russian President, Vladimir
Putin, began talks with NATO on the Kosovo pullout. As Russian
paratroopers packed up, television showed painful pictures of Kosovo
Serbs complaining that the "Russian brothers" had betrayed them by
leaving them alone to face Albanian violence.
However, Mr. Putin, who is striving to reassert Russia's influence in
global politics, could not afford to share responsibility with the U.S.
for further dismembering what remained of former Yugoslavia and seeing
Kosovo turn into a hotbed of terrorism and drug trafficking in the
heart of Europe. Nor could Mr. Putin, who has been arguing for a
stronger U.N. role in international affairs, be seen as conniving in
the flouting of the Security Council resolution on Kosovo.
History may now repeat itself in Iraq. As things stand today, there is
no chance that the U.S. would be prepared to let the U.N. take over
control of peacekeeping in Iraq. The U.S.-drafted resolution calls for
a timid "U.N. Assistance Mission." Even if the U.S. agrees at some
stage for a broader U.N. mandate, any international security mission
for Iraq will be under U.S. command. This would set the stage for a
replay of the Kosovo scenario.
When Russia's partners in the post-Soviet Commonwealth of Independent
States — Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan — scramble to jump on the
American bandwagon in Iraq, their motive is to win U.S. favour and
patronage.
Russia is a different case. By pulling out from Kosovo, Mr. Putin has
sent a clear signal that Russia will no longer pull chestnuts from the
fire for others.
© Copyright 2000 - 2003 The Hindu
=== 2 ===
Da: Rick Rozoff
Data: Gio 12 Giu 2003 09:31:08 Europe/Rome
Oggetto: [yugoslaviainfo] Russian General: 1999 Pristina Raid
'Prevented Genocide Of Kosovo's Non-Albanians
http://en.rian.ru/rian/
index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=3267393&startrow=21&date=2003-06-
11&do_alert=0
Russian Information Agency (Novosti)
June 11, 2003
GENERAL IVASHOV: DECISION TO DEPLOY RUSSIAN AIRBORNE BATTALION IN
KOSOVO WAS CORRECT
-That decision did not allow to "distort the essence
of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed
the sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
-"It was a brilliant raid, performed despite the
fierce pressure from Washington and Brussels [NATO
headquarters]. Russia's powerful military-political
potential was demonstrated, and not on the Balkans
alone. Unfortunately, this potential was not properly
used and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving
the Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
MOSCOW, June 11th, 2003 /from a RIA Novosti
correspondent/ -- The decision to deploy a Russian
airborne battalion in Kosovo in 1999 was correct, said
Colonel General Leonid Ivashov, a former top official
of the Russian Defence Ministry.
That decision did not allow to "distort the essence of
UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and confirmed the
sovereignty of Russia's foreign policy and its
non-subordination to the U.S. and NATO. The deployment
helped the Serbian nation and prevented genocide of
Kosovo's non-Albanians," Ivashov said.
What was called "Russia's Pristina raid" was carried
out on June 11-12 from Bosnia, where a Russian
airborne battalion was deployed as part of
international peacemaking forces. "It was a brilliant
raid, performed despite the fierce pressure from
Washington and Brussels [NATO headquarters]. Russia's
powerful military-political potential was
demonstrated, and not on the Balkans alone.
Unfortunately, this potential was not properly used
and, what's more, devaluated - Russia is leaving the
Balkans itself," Ivashov noted.
Ivashov stressed that the battalion had been deployed
"in line with the international law and the UN SC
resolution". The operation was sanctioned by the then
Russian President Boris Yeltsin. "His decision, based
on reports of the ministers of defence and foreign
affairs, envisaged the deployment of a Russian
peacekeeping contingent simultaneously with NATO
troops if NATO refused to recognise Russia as an equal
partner in the Kosovo settlement," Ivashov stressed.
The deployment was carried out on an agreement with
Yugoslavia's political leadership. The then Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic ordered the defence
ministry and other ministries to provide assistance to
the Russian soldiers and co-operate with the Russian
contingent's command.
According to Ivashov, the final decision to deploy
troops was taken "after the disruption of negotiations
with the Americans who were trying to impose on Russia
discriminating terms of participation in the
peacekeeping operation in the Balkans." "Russia was
proposed to take part in the operation 'with two
battalions within the mobile reserve of General
Jackson, the KFOR commander, and Russia naturally
rejected such form of participation," the general
said.
The battalion was assigned the mission of seizing the
Slatina airdrome, Kosovo's key object. The order to
advance was received on June 11, 1999. The battalion
reached the airdrome on June 12 early in the morning.
http://www.apisgroup.org/article.html?id=1381
Serbs and Jews
1. Jewish literature
While talking about the horrors of the Holocaust, Jewish literature
tends to be ethnocentric. It is understandable to a certain degree.
Still, when talking about suffering in Yugoslavia, all of the
literature talks with one voice about "Serbs and Jews"... For Jews and
Serbs the destiny was the same.
"Encyclopedia of The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/ustashi.html#EH_Croatia
In many volumes of this book one can find many references on suffering
of Serbs and Jews in Yugoslavia. Just look for: Croatia, Serbia,
Jasenovac, Pavelic, Hussein al-, ... In the chapter on Croatia it says:
"THE USTASHA REGIME IN CROATIA, AND PARTICULARLY THIS DRIVE IN THE
SUMMER OF 1941 TO EXTERMINATE AND DISPOSSESS THE SERBS, WAS ONE OF THE
MOST HORRENDOUS EPISODES OF WORLD WAR II . THE MURDER METHODS APPLIED
BY THE USTASHA WERE EXTRAORDINARILY PRIMITIVE AND SADISTIC."
(Professor) Martin Gilbert: "The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/m-gilbert.html
This historian, the official biographer of Winston Churchill says: "in
Yugoslavia, Hitler had an ideological and physical ally in the Croat
Ustashi movement..."
(Professor) Helen Fein: "Accounting for Genocide"
http://www.apisgroup.org/H-Fein.html
This renowned historian says:"[Already] by June 1941, signs on public
establishments [in Nazi Independent State of Croatia] read, NO SERBS,
JEWS, NOMADS, AND DOGS ALLOWED. She clearly states:"...Nonpartisan
sources agree that mass genocide was authorized by the state of
Croatia. They concur the state instigated, planned, and executed masses
against the Serbian Orthodox minority ...and that the Catholic clergy
approved, led, or failed to denounce these massacres."
(Professor) Raul Hilberg: "The Destruction of the European Jews"
http://www.apisgroup.org/hilberg.html
This is probably the best known book on the Jewish holocaust. It
consists of two large volumes.
Briefly, this is what Dr. Hilberg says: Since April 1941, Serbia was
under German occupation. But proud Serbs could never stand oppression.
Soon they started uprising. Unlike anywhere else in occupied Europe,
angry Nazi Germans invented 1:100 formula. For every German soldier
killed 100 civilian hostages would be executed. Jewish male population
was first among the hostages. Croatian Ustashi then finished (by use of
gas vans) Jewish women and children of Serbia. This is how German Nazi
commander of occupied Serbia could brag that "Jewish question in Serbia
was solved".
In Fascist-Catholic Independent State of Croatia, Croat fascists
eagerly and bestially exterminate Serbs (in the first place), Jews and
Gypsies. Not only did Nazi Croats surpassed Nazi Germans and Fascist
Italians - they shocked them with the bestial methods they implemented.
It was Fascist Italians that tried to stop Ustashi bloody bacchanalia.
(Professor) Susan Zuccotti:"The Italians and the Holocaust -
Persecution, Rescue, Survival" (New York, 1987)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
Dr. Nora Levin:"The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Levin2.html
The author reminds us:"The Ustashi were fanatics bent on the
destruction of both Serbs and Jews... [They] murdered and tortured Jews
and Serbs in indescribably bestial fashion. One of the most notorious
camps in Hitler's Europe, Jasenovac
[http://www.apisgroup.org/jasenovac.html%5d, was in Croatia. Here the
Ustashi used primitive implements in putting their victims to death -
knives, axes, hammers and other iron tools... One source estimates that
770,000 Serbs, 40,000 Gypsies and 20,000 Jews were done to death in the
Jasenovac camp [alone]."
Michael R. Marrus: "The Holocaust in History"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marrus.html
While talking about the Nazi satellites, the author says:"The overall
level of violence was highest in Croatia, where Pavelic's Ustasha
movement devised the most thoroughly totalitarian state of any
satellite and pursued a merciless, bloody assault on the country's two
million Serbs..."
(Professor) Clive Ponting: "Armageddon"
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/books/ponting.html
This historian and politician says: "The greatest ethnic slaughter took
place as Yugoslavia was carved up after the German invasion in April
1941. The creation of a separate Croatia ... controlled by the fascist,
Catholic, extremist Ustasha movement was the catalyst for the
tragedy... Now, historic Croatia was expanded to include
Bosnia-Herzegovina and other teritories, and the Ustasha were left ...
to govern a population of nearly 7 million people, of whom about half
were Croats, just over 2 million were Serbs, about 750,000 were
Muslims, and small numbers were Protestants and Jews.... The Minister
of Education, Mile Budak, made clear the Ustasha aims: "Our new Croatia
will get rid of all Serbs in our midst in order to become one hundred
percent Catholic within ten years." He spoke of killing a third of the
Serbs, converting a third, and expelling the remainder. The leader of
the Ustasha, Ante Pavelic, said,"A good Ustasha is one who can use his
knife to cut a child from the womb of its mother." (end quote).
Dr. Ronnie S. Landau: "The Nazi Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/R-Landau.html
In Yugoslav Croatia, too, there is evidence that officials of the
Orthodox Church [that is - the Serbs] pleaded with the authorities
[that is to the Nazi Croats - Ustashi] to curtail the vicious treatment
meted out to both Orthodox Serbs and Jews.
Major Richard L. Felman
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/Felman/snf-speech.html#Jew
One of more than 500 American Airmen rescued by the Serbs during WWII
says: "Many Serbs risked their lives during World War II to save
countless Jews from Nazi death camps. This is something we can never
forget and for which I and The Jewish People will always be grateful."
Gottlieb Hlinko:"Kaddish in the Serbian Forest" -"The Massacre of
European Jewry: An Antology" (Israel: Kibbutz Merchavia, 1963)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
2. Jewish reaction to the current events
Some Jews still remember...
They shared our fate
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lapid.html
"As Jews, we do indeed have a historical obligation to the Serbs" says
Mr. Joseph Lapid, a columnist and editorial writer for"Ma'ariv" a
leading Hebrew daily.
'Eden' of Sarajevo disappeared during WWII
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lipson1.html
Says Dr. Alfred Lipson, a Senior Researcher at Holocaust Resource
Center and Archives, Queensborough Community College of the City
University of New York, Bayside, N.Y.
Serbs, Jews and Bosnia
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/ranz/July95.html
Professor John Ranz, Chairperson Survivors of the Buchenwald
Concentration Camp reminds us of the basic history of the region.
A plan bad to the bone
http://www.apisgroup.org/Reich.html
Dr. Reich, the Director of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in
Washington protests Croatian plan to mix the bones of the Holocaust's
victims in Croatia with those of its perpetrators.
Fascism is alive and well in Croatia
http://www.apisgroup.org/Adelson.html
Professor Howard L. Adelson says "Today Ustashi murderers are being
rehabilitated and are being extolled as national heroes by Tudjman
despite the fact that they were among the most brutal villains [of
WWII]."
The Serbian soldiers - utterly truthful and honorable
http://www.apisgroup.org/H_Brin.html
...says Herb Brin, the oldest working American journalist and adds:
"the decision to bomb the Serb position in Bosnia breaks my heart".
U.S. Jews and the Balkan Situation
http://www.apisgroup.org/Dorfman.html
Mr. Alvin Dorfman and Mrs. Heather Cottin explain how major Jewish
organizations got to spread government anti-Serb propaganda.
Shame, shame, shame!
http://www.apisgroup.org/betrayal.html
Charley Reese: "No sin blots American politics today more than the
betrayal of the Serbs. No one ought to be more ashamed of U.S.
treatment of the Serbs than American Jews."
Jewish motives
http://www.apisgroup.org/Ramati1.html
Dr. Yohanan Ramati, the Director of The Jerusalem Institute for Western
Defence explains mentality of diaspora Jews. How did they alow to be
duped.
An open letter to the American Jewish Commitee
http://www.apisgroup.org/Cadik.html
Mr. Danon Cadik, the chief Rabbi of Yugoslavia, et. al., pleads for
justice.
Set your records straight!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Almuli.html
Mr. Jasa Almuli, past President of the Jewish Community of Belgrade and
past Vice-President of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia, pleads for
truth.
The Serbs had for ever won a place in the hearts of the Jews
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mosic.html
"We the surviving Jews of Serbia have for them respect and
understanding. We know that the basic motive of their recent rebellion
in secessionist Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina were their distrust
and deep apprehension after they have been slaughtered in the Nazi era
by the Croat Ustashas and Muslim SS..." says Dr. Aleksandar Mosic,
Former Deputy President, Federation of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia.
Serbs are our brothers in soul
http://www.apisgroup.org/Enriko-Josif.html
"A media Auschwitz, was perpetrated on the Serbian people! The Serbs
were dehumanized and portrayed as monsters exactly as the Jews were
portrayed through centuries. Do not participate in persecution of the
Serbs. They are our brothers. They are people who share the same
destiny with us, the Jewish people." says Professor and composer Enriko
Josif.
60 Minutes...more yellow journalism on Bosnia!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marquette.html
An open letter by Mrs. Sandy Marquette a Jew from Chicago.
The European Hoodlum Democracy Will Not Break the Serbs
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mandic.html
Dr. Klara Mandic, a senior Belgrade Jewish community leader explains
the Serbian motives.
America in the Eye of a Hurricane
http://www.apisgroup.org/Kissinger.html
Dr. Henry Kissinger reminds us that Bosnia had never been an
independent state and warns us that long American tradition of support
to self-determination has been betrayed.
23. avgust 2003. godine
Serbs and Jews
1. Jewish literature
While talking about the horrors of the Holocaust, Jewish literature
tends to be ethnocentric. It is understandable to a certain degree.
Still, when talking about suffering in Yugoslavia, all of the
literature talks with one voice about "Serbs and Jews"... For Jews and
Serbs the destiny was the same.
"Encyclopedia of The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/ustashi.html#EH_Croatia
In many volumes of this book one can find many references on suffering
of Serbs and Jews in Yugoslavia. Just look for: Croatia, Serbia,
Jasenovac, Pavelic, Hussein al-, ... In the chapter on Croatia it says:
"THE USTASHA REGIME IN CROATIA, AND PARTICULARLY THIS DRIVE IN THE
SUMMER OF 1941 TO EXTERMINATE AND DISPOSSESS THE SERBS, WAS ONE OF THE
MOST HORRENDOUS EPISODES OF WORLD WAR II . THE MURDER METHODS APPLIED
BY THE USTASHA WERE EXTRAORDINARILY PRIMITIVE AND SADISTIC."
(Professor) Martin Gilbert: "The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/m-gilbert.html
This historian, the official biographer of Winston Churchill says: "in
Yugoslavia, Hitler had an ideological and physical ally in the Croat
Ustashi movement..."
(Professor) Helen Fein: "Accounting for Genocide"
http://www.apisgroup.org/H-Fein.html
This renowned historian says:"[Already] by June 1941, signs on public
establishments [in Nazi Independent State of Croatia] read, NO SERBS,
JEWS, NOMADS, AND DOGS ALLOWED. She clearly states:"...Nonpartisan
sources agree that mass genocide was authorized by the state of
Croatia. They concur the state instigated, planned, and executed masses
against the Serbian Orthodox minority ...and that the Catholic clergy
approved, led, or failed to denounce these massacres."
(Professor) Raul Hilberg: "The Destruction of the European Jews"
http://www.apisgroup.org/hilberg.html
This is probably the best known book on the Jewish holocaust. It
consists of two large volumes.
Briefly, this is what Dr. Hilberg says: Since April 1941, Serbia was
under German occupation. But proud Serbs could never stand oppression.
Soon they started uprising. Unlike anywhere else in occupied Europe,
angry Nazi Germans invented 1:100 formula. For every German soldier
killed 100 civilian hostages would be executed. Jewish male population
was first among the hostages. Croatian Ustashi then finished (by use of
gas vans) Jewish women and children of Serbia. This is how German Nazi
commander of occupied Serbia could brag that "Jewish question in Serbia
was solved".
In Fascist-Catholic Independent State of Croatia, Croat fascists
eagerly and bestially exterminate Serbs (in the first place), Jews and
Gypsies. Not only did Nazi Croats surpassed Nazi Germans and Fascist
Italians - they shocked them with the bestial methods they implemented.
It was Fascist Italians that tried to stop Ustashi bloody bacchanalia.
(Professor) Susan Zuccotti:"The Italians and the Holocaust -
Persecution, Rescue, Survival" (New York, 1987)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
Dr. Nora Levin:"The Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Levin2.html
The author reminds us:"The Ustashi were fanatics bent on the
destruction of both Serbs and Jews... [They] murdered and tortured Jews
and Serbs in indescribably bestial fashion. One of the most notorious
camps in Hitler's Europe, Jasenovac
[http://www.apisgroup.org/jasenovac.html%5d, was in Croatia. Here the
Ustashi used primitive implements in putting their victims to death -
knives, axes, hammers and other iron tools... One source estimates that
770,000 Serbs, 40,000 Gypsies and 20,000 Jews were done to death in the
Jasenovac camp [alone]."
Michael R. Marrus: "The Holocaust in History"
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marrus.html
While talking about the Nazi satellites, the author says:"The overall
level of violence was highest in Croatia, where Pavelic's Ustasha
movement devised the most thoroughly totalitarian state of any
satellite and pursued a merciless, bloody assault on the country's two
million Serbs..."
(Professor) Clive Ponting: "Armageddon"
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/library/books/ponting.html
This historian and politician says: "The greatest ethnic slaughter took
place as Yugoslavia was carved up after the German invasion in April
1941. The creation of a separate Croatia ... controlled by the fascist,
Catholic, extremist Ustasha movement was the catalyst for the
tragedy... Now, historic Croatia was expanded to include
Bosnia-Herzegovina and other teritories, and the Ustasha were left ...
to govern a population of nearly 7 million people, of whom about half
were Croats, just over 2 million were Serbs, about 750,000 were
Muslims, and small numbers were Protestants and Jews.... The Minister
of Education, Mile Budak, made clear the Ustasha aims: "Our new Croatia
will get rid of all Serbs in our midst in order to become one hundred
percent Catholic within ten years." He spoke of killing a third of the
Serbs, converting a third, and expelling the remainder. The leader of
the Ustasha, Ante Pavelic, said,"A good Ustasha is one who can use his
knife to cut a child from the womb of its mother." (end quote).
Dr. Ronnie S. Landau: "The Nazi Holocaust"
http://www.apisgroup.org/R-Landau.html
In Yugoslav Croatia, too, there is evidence that officials of the
Orthodox Church [that is - the Serbs] pleaded with the authorities
[that is to the Nazi Croats - Ustashi] to curtail the vicious treatment
meted out to both Orthodox Serbs and Jews.
Major Richard L. Felman
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/Felman/snf-speech.html#Jew
One of more than 500 American Airmen rescued by the Serbs during WWII
says: "Many Serbs risked their lives during World War II to save
countless Jews from Nazi death camps. This is something we can never
forget and for which I and The Jewish People will always be grateful."
Gottlieb Hlinko:"Kaddish in the Serbian Forest" -"The Massacre of
European Jewry: An Antology" (Israel: Kibbutz Merchavia, 1963)
http://www.apisgroup.org/sorry.html
2. Jewish reaction to the current events
Some Jews still remember...
They shared our fate
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lapid.html
"As Jews, we do indeed have a historical obligation to the Serbs" says
Mr. Joseph Lapid, a columnist and editorial writer for"Ma'ariv" a
leading Hebrew daily.
'Eden' of Sarajevo disappeared during WWII
http://www.apisgroup.org/Lipson1.html
Says Dr. Alfred Lipson, a Senior Researcher at Holocaust Resource
Center and Archives, Queensborough Community College of the City
University of New York, Bayside, N.Y.
Serbs, Jews and Bosnia
http://www.srpska-mreza.com/ranz/July95.html
Professor John Ranz, Chairperson Survivors of the Buchenwald
Concentration Camp reminds us of the basic history of the region.
A plan bad to the bone
http://www.apisgroup.org/Reich.html
Dr. Reich, the Director of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in
Washington protests Croatian plan to mix the bones of the Holocaust's
victims in Croatia with those of its perpetrators.
Fascism is alive and well in Croatia
http://www.apisgroup.org/Adelson.html
Professor Howard L. Adelson says "Today Ustashi murderers are being
rehabilitated and are being extolled as national heroes by Tudjman
despite the fact that they were among the most brutal villains [of
WWII]."
The Serbian soldiers - utterly truthful and honorable
http://www.apisgroup.org/H_Brin.html
...says Herb Brin, the oldest working American journalist and adds:
"the decision to bomb the Serb position in Bosnia breaks my heart".
U.S. Jews and the Balkan Situation
http://www.apisgroup.org/Dorfman.html
Mr. Alvin Dorfman and Mrs. Heather Cottin explain how major Jewish
organizations got to spread government anti-Serb propaganda.
Shame, shame, shame!
http://www.apisgroup.org/betrayal.html
Charley Reese: "No sin blots American politics today more than the
betrayal of the Serbs. No one ought to be more ashamed of U.S.
treatment of the Serbs than American Jews."
Jewish motives
http://www.apisgroup.org/Ramati1.html
Dr. Yohanan Ramati, the Director of The Jerusalem Institute for Western
Defence explains mentality of diaspora Jews. How did they alow to be
duped.
An open letter to the American Jewish Commitee
http://www.apisgroup.org/Cadik.html
Mr. Danon Cadik, the chief Rabbi of Yugoslavia, et. al., pleads for
justice.
Set your records straight!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Almuli.html
Mr. Jasa Almuli, past President of the Jewish Community of Belgrade and
past Vice-President of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia, pleads for
truth.
The Serbs had for ever won a place in the hearts of the Jews
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mosic.html
"We the surviving Jews of Serbia have for them respect and
understanding. We know that the basic motive of their recent rebellion
in secessionist Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina were their distrust
and deep apprehension after they have been slaughtered in the Nazi era
by the Croat Ustashas and Muslim SS..." says Dr. Aleksandar Mosic,
Former Deputy President, Federation of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia.
Serbs are our brothers in soul
http://www.apisgroup.org/Enriko-Josif.html
"A media Auschwitz, was perpetrated on the Serbian people! The Serbs
were dehumanized and portrayed as monsters exactly as the Jews were
portrayed through centuries. Do not participate in persecution of the
Serbs. They are our brothers. They are people who share the same
destiny with us, the Jewish people." says Professor and composer Enriko
Josif.
60 Minutes...more yellow journalism on Bosnia!
http://www.apisgroup.org/Marquette.html
An open letter by Mrs. Sandy Marquette a Jew from Chicago.
The European Hoodlum Democracy Will Not Break the Serbs
http://www.apisgroup.org/Mandic.html
Dr. Klara Mandic, a senior Belgrade Jewish community leader explains
the Serbian motives.
America in the Eye of a Hurricane
http://www.apisgroup.org/Kissinger.html
Dr. Henry Kissinger reminds us that Bosnia had never been an
independent state and warns us that long American tradition of support
to self-determination has been betrayed.
23. avgust 2003. godine
Milosevic: Tiranija u Beogradu u sluzbi Haga i agresije
(Udruzenje "Sloboda", Beograd)
1. Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi
koju vodi rezim u Beogradu
2. Milosevic izolovan od poseta!
=== 1 ===
SRAMNI TEROR NAD MOJOM PORODICOM JE DEO KRIMINALNOG BEZAKONJA I
TIRANIJE KOJIMA REZIM U BEOGRADU POMAZE HAGU I AGRESIJI PROTIV NASE
ZEMLJE I NARODA
Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi koju
vodi rezim u Beogradu
Optužili su me marta 2001. za izmišljene krivice, samo da
bi mogli da me uhapse i isporuče u Hag.
Sada, 2003. nova optužba ima isti razlog. Hag. Samo ovog puta razlog je
da se pokuša da spreči, ili bar umanji, očigledan fijasko lažnog
Tribunala, koji služi kao sredstvo rata protiv naše zemlje i naroda.
Ali, ovoga puta, za razliku od 2001. paralelno su pristupili
terorisanju i moje porodice, zločinačkim progonom moje supruge i sina.
Taj zločin nad mojom suprugom i sinom vrši se isključivo zbog borbe
koju ovde vodim.
Da apsurd bude veći (ali i njihova sramota), zločin se vrši nad jednom
ženom, suprugom dugogodišnjeg šefa države, profesorom univerziteta i
piscem deset knjiga, koje su prevedene na trideset jezika i rasute
širom sveta, te ih niko neće moći da uništi ili sakrije kao
svedočanstvo pisano u vreme jugoslovenske krize iz nedelje u nedelju,
čiju je vrednost vreme potvrdilo, koje Miri služe na čast, a svima nama
na ponos. Ne postoji nijedan intelektualac, koji je više digao glas
protiv rata, nasilja, primitivizma, eksploatacije, ropstva. Za mir,
slobodu i ravnopravnost. I vrši se protiv jednog mladića koji je
otvorena i čista srca odlučio da se sam probija kroz život, sopstvenim
radom, pameću i sposobnostima i sve činio da pomogne drugima i da
njegov grad bude lepši i humaniji. Zločin se vrši nad dvoje ljudi koji
su druge ljude zadužili samo svojom dobrotom i humanošću.
Njihova jedina krivica je što su moja porodica.
Građani Srbije i slobodoljubivi ljudi širom sveta šalju mi izraze
podrške i žele pobedu.
Izgleda da samo režim u Beogradu navija za Haški tribunal i to tako
žustro da se ne libi ni terorisanja žene i dece.
Rekao sam ovoj dvojici, koji su došli da me saslušaju, pet meseci posle
mog javnog poziva, da samo kukavice napadaju žene i decu.Ništa sramnije
od toga ne postoji.
Politička, medijska, policijska kampanja koja se vodi protiv mene i
moje porodice je najveća sramota koju je neka država mogla sebi da
dopusti.Ta sramota, za sve njene učesnike ali i za one koji je ćutke
gledaju, postajaće sve veća kako vreme bude prolazilo.
U vezi sa ”razlozima” iz kojih su istražni sudija i tužilac dolazili u
Hag, da bude svakome jasno:
Nikada, ni ja ni moje okruženje, nije imalo veze ni sa kakvom
kriminalnom grupom.
Nikakav ”zemunski klan” nije ni postojao dok sam ja bio predsednik. On
je direktna posledica ponašanja sadašnje vlasti i uloge koju su grupe i
pojedinci imali u izvođenju puča od 5. oktobra 2000. i njihove
međusobne sprege.
Ni ja niti bilo ko iz mog okruženja nije imao nikakve lične kontakte
niti poznavao bilo kog pripadnika JSO, popularno poznate kao ”crvene
beretke”.
Verovao sam da se radi o elitnoj antiterorističkoj jedinici, kakvu ima
svaka služba. I danas verujem da je najveći broj pripadnika te jedinice
to i bio. Ko je među njima bio sa nekom kriminalnom prošlošću ili
sklonostima, to svakako bolje zna sadašnji režim jer su upravo takvi
upotrebljeni 5. oktobra.
Moja poseta centru u Kuli 1997. bila je protokolarne prirode i povodom
svečanosti, na koju je moj dolazak bio isključivo gest pažnje prema
Službi i njenom tadašnjem šefu Jovici Stanišiću, koga sam cenio kao
profesionalca i čoveka koji je nastojao da svoj posao obavlja u skladu
sa svojom funkcijom.
To, da je sve tamo za mene bilo novo i da je poseta bila protokolarne
prirode, može ustanoviti svako ko tu traku sa posete pažljivo i u
celini pogleda.
Oficira, koji mi je predao raport pred počasnim strojem jedinice, nisam
poznavao. Sada je poznato da se zove Luković Legija. Kada je došao da
me uhapsi marta 2001. godine čak sam ga zamenio sa oficirom koji je
prilikom moje posete Stanišića i mene prevezao dzipom od upravne zgrade
do vežbališta, koje su želeli takođe da mi pokažu.
Inače, ni danas ne bih mogao da se setim imena nijednog od oficira koji
su mi u raznim prilikama, pred počasnim strojem, predavali raport. U to
uključujem i komandante počasnih jedinica Garde Vojske Jugoslavije.
Prvi put u svom životu razgovarao sam sa Lukovićem Legijom upravo kada
je došao da me uhapsi 31. marta 2001. godine. S obzirom na to, tj. na
činjenicu da do tada sa njim nikada nisam bio u bilo kakvom kontaktu,
niti razgovarao, jedino delo koje sam bio u prilici da mu ”naložim”,
bilo bi moje sopstveno hapšenje.
Jasno je, dakle, da oni koji su upotrebili ljude iz ”crvenih beretki”
za moje hapšenje (i druge koji su sa čarapama na glavama preskakali
ogradu rezidencije), upotrebljavali su ih i pre toga i posle toga.A to
svakako ne bih mogao biti ja.
Priče o tome da je ta jedinica vršila i poslove mog obezbeđenja su
neistinite. Laž. Mene je sve vreme obezbeđivala jedinica javne
bezbednosti (a ne DB), čiji je komandant bio Senta Milenković.
Što se Ivana Stambolića tiče, bili smo dugo godina dobri prijatelji.
Razišli smo se politički na 8. sednici CK SKS 1987. godine.Lično nikad
nismo bili u sukobu.
Neposredno posle smenjivanja došao je kod mene da me zamoli da dobije
jedno od zaista (i po mom i po njegovom mišljenju) najboljih mesta u
SFRJ. Da bude postavljen za predsednika Jugoslovenske banke za
međunarodne ekonomske odnose.I dobio ga je. Na tom mestu ostao je više
od 10 godina, iako je princip bio da se vrši rotacija. Sve do odlaska u
penziju, za koju je ispunio i radne i starosne uslove daleko pre nego
što je penzionisan.
Kao političar bio je veći niz godina potpuno zaboravljen. A priča kako
je predstavljao opasnost za izbore je takođe gola laž, jer se na
izborima uopšte nije kandidovao. Uostalom, da li se bilo kom kandidatu
za tu čitavu deceniju ikada nešto dogodilo? A, on, čak, nije bio ni
kandidat.
Proizlazi apsurd da sam ja, pošto sam mu obezbedio da 10 godina bude na
funkciji koju je sam tražio i pošto je postao penzioner, jurio da ga
ubijem da me ne bi ugrozio.
Za mene je posebno neshvatljivo što je njegova porodica spremno
prihvatila jednu ovako plitku laž, tako da ispada da im je više stalo
da okrive mene nego da saznaju stvarnu istinu o sudbini svoga oca i
supruga.
Ivan Stambolić je bio potpuno zaboravljen političar, pa čak u vreme
kada je nestao, i zaboravljen bankar. U čitavoj državnoj i političkoj
strukturi i u mom okruženju nećete naći nikoga ko ga je uopšte pominjao
čitav niz godina. To i ne čudi, jer sve je to pripadalo vremenu bivše
SFRJ, a od 1990. pa nadalje, brige i život uzele su, nažalost, potpuno
različit tok.
Bez uvrede, Ivan Stambolić više nikoga nije interesovao. Nikakvog
revanšizma nije bilo ni prema onima koji su ga podržali na 8. sednici.
Desimir Jeftić, tadašnji predsednik Vlade Srbije, koji je takođe posle
smenjen, bio je čitav niz godina ambasador u Rumuniji. Ivanov najbolji
prijatelj i komšija Dragan Tomić, direktor ”Simpa”, bio je sve vreme u
državnom i partijskom rukovodstvu.
Siguran sam da će i on potvrditi da sam njemu lično, posle Ivanove
smene, rekao da bih ga smatrao najgorim čovekom ako bi sada Ivanu pošto
je smenjen, okrenuo leđa i prestao da bude prijatelj. Stvari su, dakle,
potpuno suprotne od priče koju je isfabrikovalo nekoliko žalosnih
kreatura.
O Ivanovom nestanku obavestio me je telefonom Vlajko Stojiljković,
tadašnji ministar unutrašnjih poslova. Rekao sam mu da podigne sve
snage kojima raspolaže, da ga nađu. Upoznao me je da su Ivanovi supruga
i sin, njegov nestanak prijavili tek po podne iako je on otišao na
trčanje još toga jutra - što proširuje i otežava traženje.
Sve su granice obaveštene, a Vlajko Stojiljković me je kasnije, uveče
obavestio da je nekoliko stotina policajaca angažovano u potrazi.
Insistirao sam da se sve snage upotrebe i da ga što pre nađu. Sigurno
je da većina tih policajaca i danas radi u MUP-u i o tome može da da
sve podatke.
Iz svega što me je Vlajko Stojiljković obaveštavao, ništa što je moglo
biti preduzeto nije propušteno da se preduzme.
Pošto mi je istražni sudija prilikom predstavljanja sebe i tužioca i
razloga zbog kojih su došli, pomenuo i vezu sa ”pokušajem ubistva Vuka
Draškovića” želim i o tome da kažem nekoliko reči.
Nikad nisam poverovao da je to što se u Budvi dogodilo bio stvarni
pokušaj ubistva, jer je neverovatno da neko u maloj sobi, ispuca sve
metke i da sve promaši, pošto čak ni Vuk Drašković, sa svim svojim
smislom za glumu nije mogao da odglumi ni muvu ni komarca. Verovao sam
da je to učinjeno da bi ga neko zaplašio ili da je sa svojim smislom za
ulogu žrtve režima, to sam izmislio, da na sebe skrene pažnju. Nije
teško pretpostaviti kome je takav incident mogao da odgovara, ali je
sasvim jasno da nije bio u interesu tadašnje vlasti. naprotiv.
Nije mi poznato da je DB Srbije u Crnoj Gori imao bilo kakvu aktivnost
osim prikupljanja podataka o švercu cigareta na teritoriju Srbije. Rade
Marković mi je čak pokazivao snimke iz vazduha predela koji se zove
Mehov krš, a nalazi se na teritoriji Srbije, na granici sa Crnom Gorom,
sa objašnjenjem, da prema njegovim saznanjima tuda ide, nekim sporednim
putevima, šverc cigareta i da se tu i skladišti. Tada je pripremana
akcija da se u pogodnom trenutku pohapse šverceri i zapleni roba.
Nije mi poznato da li su ti snimci napravljeni iz aviona ili
helikoptera, policijskih ili vojnih, niti su me takvi detalji
interesovali.
Nikada nisam razgovarao sa Pavkovićem o prebacivanju nekakvih ubica i
agenata iz Crne Gore. Neverovatno je da se vrhovni komandant bavi
prebacivanjem nekakvih tajnih agenata i to po celoj liniji komandovanja
od načelnika generalštaba pa nadole.
Istina je samo to da sam uvek insistirao da službe sarađuju i da
napuste praksu međusobnog rivalstva, pošto službe nisu ni moje ni
njihove već državne i za državu treba da rade, u skladu sa zakonom.O
tome je, uostalom, na ovom nelegalnom sudu, govorio i general
Aleksandar Vasiljević. I to kao svedok optužbe. A Rade Marković je i
ovde i pred dva skupštinska odbora svedočio kakvo su sve nasilje i
bezakonje nad njim primenili da bi me za nešto optužili.
Jedino pominjanje helikoptera, koga se sećam, bilo je u vezi sa
incidentom niskog preleta jednog helikoptera iznad Belog dvora (što je
bilo zabranjeno), kada je samo prisebnošću oficira VJ, nadležnog za
zaštitu Belog dvora, izbegnut tragičan ishod, odnosno obaranje tog
helikoptera.
U toku dana je ustanovljeno da se radilo o helikopteru kojim je neki
teški bolesnik iz Republike Srpske prevezen na obližnji VMA.
Zahtevao sam od istražnog sudije i tužioca da saslušanje bude javno i
da mogu da uvedu čak i otvoreni telefon, da može ko god želi da me pita
šta želi. Objasnili su da to nije moguće po zakonu, dok traje istraga.
To sam uvažio i tražio da donesu odluku da trake budu objavljene po
završetku istrage, jer tada za to ne postoje nikakve smetnje, da
istraga, pošto se završi, bude ugrožena.
Ni to nisu prihvatili, iako su upravo oni, ona službena lica, koja po
zakonu odlučuju o tome, što nije bilo sporno ni za mene ni za njih, ni
za moje pravne zastupnike.
Sadašnja vlast zakone upotrebljava kao izgovor za stvarno bezakonje i
tiraniju.
Ništa novo!
Još 1742, Monteskije: ”Nema svirepije tiranije od one koja se sprovodi
pod štitom zakona i u ime pravde.”
U celoj toj prljavoj operaciji spasavanja fijaska ovog nelegalnog
Haškog suda, najsramniji element predstavljaju napadi na moju suprugu i
sina.
Rekao sam istražnom sudiji, kada mi je doneo traku, da istragu treba da
popuni i zlatnim polugama, deviznim rezervama, vilama u Švajcarskoj i
ne znam čime sve, o čemu su davane razne izjave i opširno pisala
štampa. Pa posle ”zaboravila”.
Pitao sam i: ”Zar vas nije sramota?”Nisam dobio odgovor.
A svojoj supruzi i sinu, Miri i Marku, koje su na ovako podao način od
mene odvojili, želim da poručim: ”Život je kratak da im se zahvalim na
njihovoj dobroti.”
Hag, 17. avgust 2003. Slobodan
Milosevic
=== 2 ===
Politika, cetvratak 21. avgust 2003
PROTEST UDRUŽENJA "SLOBODA"
Milošević "izolovan"
"Najodlučnije protestujemo zbog kriminalnog čina Haškog tribunala da se
Slobodanu Miloševiću zabrane sve posete i da se on potpuno izoluje i
ukoliko se ova bespravna odluka ne ukine, preduzećemo pravne mere",
rekao je juče član nacionalnog komiteta za odbranu Slobodana Miloševića
mr Vladimir Kršljanin.
Na konferenciji za novinare u sedištu udruženja građana "Sloboda"
Kršljanin je ocenio da je ovom odlukom otežan položaj bivšeg
jugoslovenskog predsednika i da su mu onemogućene pripreme za učešće u
haškom procesu.
"Miloševiću je sada zabranjeno da viđa najbliže saradnike, pa je čak i
njegovoj supruzi onemogućeno da ga posećuje. Ne prihvatamo obrazloženje
da je do toga došlo, jer su članovi delegacije SPS-a, nakon posete
Hagu, davali izjave medijima o sadržaju razgovora koje bi uticale na
tok procesa", dodao je Vladimir Kršljanin.
J. K.
---
Proslava rođendana
Povodom rođendana Slobodana Miloševića, a u okviru stalne tribine
"Slobodna Srbija", juče je prikazan i dokumentarni film " Poraženi Hag
(Hronika o borbi Slobodana Miloševića)", autora Dušana Čukića. U
Udruženju "Sloboda" izložene su i slike "Odbrana slobode" slikara
Zareta Đorđevića, a emitovano je i muzičko delo "Alarm", kompozitora
Miloša Raičkovića...
J. G.
---
Danas, cetvrtak, 21. avgust 2003.
U Udruženju "Sloboda" proslavljen 62. Miloševićev rođendan
(Udruzenje "Sloboda", Beograd)
1. Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi
koju vodi rezim u Beogradu
2. Milosevic izolovan od poseta!
=== 1 ===
SRAMNI TEROR NAD MOJOM PORODICOM JE DEO KRIMINALNOG BEZAKONJA I
TIRANIJE KOJIMA REZIM U BEOGRADU POMAZE HAGU I AGRESIJI PROTIV NASE
ZEMLJE I NARODA
Javni odgovor Slobodana Milosevica na kampanju izmisljenih optuzbi koju
vodi rezim u Beogradu
Optužili su me marta 2001. za izmišljene krivice, samo da
bi mogli da me uhapse i isporuče u Hag.
Sada, 2003. nova optužba ima isti razlog. Hag. Samo ovog puta razlog je
da se pokuša da spreči, ili bar umanji, očigledan fijasko lažnog
Tribunala, koji služi kao sredstvo rata protiv naše zemlje i naroda.
Ali, ovoga puta, za razliku od 2001. paralelno su pristupili
terorisanju i moje porodice, zločinačkim progonom moje supruge i sina.
Taj zločin nad mojom suprugom i sinom vrši se isključivo zbog borbe
koju ovde vodim.
Da apsurd bude veći (ali i njihova sramota), zločin se vrši nad jednom
ženom, suprugom dugogodišnjeg šefa države, profesorom univerziteta i
piscem deset knjiga, koje su prevedene na trideset jezika i rasute
širom sveta, te ih niko neće moći da uništi ili sakrije kao
svedočanstvo pisano u vreme jugoslovenske krize iz nedelje u nedelju,
čiju je vrednost vreme potvrdilo, koje Miri služe na čast, a svima nama
na ponos. Ne postoji nijedan intelektualac, koji je više digao glas
protiv rata, nasilja, primitivizma, eksploatacije, ropstva. Za mir,
slobodu i ravnopravnost. I vrši se protiv jednog mladića koji je
otvorena i čista srca odlučio da se sam probija kroz život, sopstvenim
radom, pameću i sposobnostima i sve činio da pomogne drugima i da
njegov grad bude lepši i humaniji. Zločin se vrši nad dvoje ljudi koji
su druge ljude zadužili samo svojom dobrotom i humanošću.
Njihova jedina krivica je što su moja porodica.
Građani Srbije i slobodoljubivi ljudi širom sveta šalju mi izraze
podrške i žele pobedu.
Izgleda da samo režim u Beogradu navija za Haški tribunal i to tako
žustro da se ne libi ni terorisanja žene i dece.
Rekao sam ovoj dvojici, koji su došli da me saslušaju, pet meseci posle
mog javnog poziva, da samo kukavice napadaju žene i decu.Ništa sramnije
od toga ne postoji.
Politička, medijska, policijska kampanja koja se vodi protiv mene i
moje porodice je najveća sramota koju je neka država mogla sebi da
dopusti.Ta sramota, za sve njene učesnike ali i za one koji je ćutke
gledaju, postajaće sve veća kako vreme bude prolazilo.
U vezi sa ”razlozima” iz kojih su istražni sudija i tužilac dolazili u
Hag, da bude svakome jasno:
Nikada, ni ja ni moje okruženje, nije imalo veze ni sa kakvom
kriminalnom grupom.
Nikakav ”zemunski klan” nije ni postojao dok sam ja bio predsednik. On
je direktna posledica ponašanja sadašnje vlasti i uloge koju su grupe i
pojedinci imali u izvođenju puča od 5. oktobra 2000. i njihove
međusobne sprege.
Ni ja niti bilo ko iz mog okruženja nije imao nikakve lične kontakte
niti poznavao bilo kog pripadnika JSO, popularno poznate kao ”crvene
beretke”.
Verovao sam da se radi o elitnoj antiterorističkoj jedinici, kakvu ima
svaka služba. I danas verujem da je najveći broj pripadnika te jedinice
to i bio. Ko je među njima bio sa nekom kriminalnom prošlošću ili
sklonostima, to svakako bolje zna sadašnji režim jer su upravo takvi
upotrebljeni 5. oktobra.
Moja poseta centru u Kuli 1997. bila je protokolarne prirode i povodom
svečanosti, na koju je moj dolazak bio isključivo gest pažnje prema
Službi i njenom tadašnjem šefu Jovici Stanišiću, koga sam cenio kao
profesionalca i čoveka koji je nastojao da svoj posao obavlja u skladu
sa svojom funkcijom.
To, da je sve tamo za mene bilo novo i da je poseta bila protokolarne
prirode, može ustanoviti svako ko tu traku sa posete pažljivo i u
celini pogleda.
Oficira, koji mi je predao raport pred počasnim strojem jedinice, nisam
poznavao. Sada je poznato da se zove Luković Legija. Kada je došao da
me uhapsi marta 2001. godine čak sam ga zamenio sa oficirom koji je
prilikom moje posete Stanišića i mene prevezao dzipom od upravne zgrade
do vežbališta, koje su želeli takođe da mi pokažu.
Inače, ni danas ne bih mogao da se setim imena nijednog od oficira koji
su mi u raznim prilikama, pred počasnim strojem, predavali raport. U to
uključujem i komandante počasnih jedinica Garde Vojske Jugoslavije.
Prvi put u svom životu razgovarao sam sa Lukovićem Legijom upravo kada
je došao da me uhapsi 31. marta 2001. godine. S obzirom na to, tj. na
činjenicu da do tada sa njim nikada nisam bio u bilo kakvom kontaktu,
niti razgovarao, jedino delo koje sam bio u prilici da mu ”naložim”,
bilo bi moje sopstveno hapšenje.
Jasno je, dakle, da oni koji su upotrebili ljude iz ”crvenih beretki”
za moje hapšenje (i druge koji su sa čarapama na glavama preskakali
ogradu rezidencije), upotrebljavali su ih i pre toga i posle toga.A to
svakako ne bih mogao biti ja.
Priče o tome da je ta jedinica vršila i poslove mog obezbeđenja su
neistinite. Laž. Mene je sve vreme obezbeđivala jedinica javne
bezbednosti (a ne DB), čiji je komandant bio Senta Milenković.
Što se Ivana Stambolića tiče, bili smo dugo godina dobri prijatelji.
Razišli smo se politički na 8. sednici CK SKS 1987. godine.Lično nikad
nismo bili u sukobu.
Neposredno posle smenjivanja došao je kod mene da me zamoli da dobije
jedno od zaista (i po mom i po njegovom mišljenju) najboljih mesta u
SFRJ. Da bude postavljen za predsednika Jugoslovenske banke za
međunarodne ekonomske odnose.I dobio ga je. Na tom mestu ostao je više
od 10 godina, iako je princip bio da se vrši rotacija. Sve do odlaska u
penziju, za koju je ispunio i radne i starosne uslove daleko pre nego
što je penzionisan.
Kao političar bio je veći niz godina potpuno zaboravljen. A priča kako
je predstavljao opasnost za izbore je takođe gola laž, jer se na
izborima uopšte nije kandidovao. Uostalom, da li se bilo kom kandidatu
za tu čitavu deceniju ikada nešto dogodilo? A, on, čak, nije bio ni
kandidat.
Proizlazi apsurd da sam ja, pošto sam mu obezbedio da 10 godina bude na
funkciji koju je sam tražio i pošto je postao penzioner, jurio da ga
ubijem da me ne bi ugrozio.
Za mene je posebno neshvatljivo što je njegova porodica spremno
prihvatila jednu ovako plitku laž, tako da ispada da im je više stalo
da okrive mene nego da saznaju stvarnu istinu o sudbini svoga oca i
supruga.
Ivan Stambolić je bio potpuno zaboravljen političar, pa čak u vreme
kada je nestao, i zaboravljen bankar. U čitavoj državnoj i političkoj
strukturi i u mom okruženju nećete naći nikoga ko ga je uopšte pominjao
čitav niz godina. To i ne čudi, jer sve je to pripadalo vremenu bivše
SFRJ, a od 1990. pa nadalje, brige i život uzele su, nažalost, potpuno
različit tok.
Bez uvrede, Ivan Stambolić više nikoga nije interesovao. Nikakvog
revanšizma nije bilo ni prema onima koji su ga podržali na 8. sednici.
Desimir Jeftić, tadašnji predsednik Vlade Srbije, koji je takođe posle
smenjen, bio je čitav niz godina ambasador u Rumuniji. Ivanov najbolji
prijatelj i komšija Dragan Tomić, direktor ”Simpa”, bio je sve vreme u
državnom i partijskom rukovodstvu.
Siguran sam da će i on potvrditi da sam njemu lično, posle Ivanove
smene, rekao da bih ga smatrao najgorim čovekom ako bi sada Ivanu pošto
je smenjen, okrenuo leđa i prestao da bude prijatelj. Stvari su, dakle,
potpuno suprotne od priče koju je isfabrikovalo nekoliko žalosnih
kreatura.
O Ivanovom nestanku obavestio me je telefonom Vlajko Stojiljković,
tadašnji ministar unutrašnjih poslova. Rekao sam mu da podigne sve
snage kojima raspolaže, da ga nađu. Upoznao me je da su Ivanovi supruga
i sin, njegov nestanak prijavili tek po podne iako je on otišao na
trčanje još toga jutra - što proširuje i otežava traženje.
Sve su granice obaveštene, a Vlajko Stojiljković me je kasnije, uveče
obavestio da je nekoliko stotina policajaca angažovano u potrazi.
Insistirao sam da se sve snage upotrebe i da ga što pre nađu. Sigurno
je da većina tih policajaca i danas radi u MUP-u i o tome može da da
sve podatke.
Iz svega što me je Vlajko Stojiljković obaveštavao, ništa što je moglo
biti preduzeto nije propušteno da se preduzme.
Pošto mi je istražni sudija prilikom predstavljanja sebe i tužioca i
razloga zbog kojih su došli, pomenuo i vezu sa ”pokušajem ubistva Vuka
Draškovića” želim i o tome da kažem nekoliko reči.
Nikad nisam poverovao da je to što se u Budvi dogodilo bio stvarni
pokušaj ubistva, jer je neverovatno da neko u maloj sobi, ispuca sve
metke i da sve promaši, pošto čak ni Vuk Drašković, sa svim svojim
smislom za glumu nije mogao da odglumi ni muvu ni komarca. Verovao sam
da je to učinjeno da bi ga neko zaplašio ili da je sa svojim smislom za
ulogu žrtve režima, to sam izmislio, da na sebe skrene pažnju. Nije
teško pretpostaviti kome je takav incident mogao da odgovara, ali je
sasvim jasno da nije bio u interesu tadašnje vlasti. naprotiv.
Nije mi poznato da je DB Srbije u Crnoj Gori imao bilo kakvu aktivnost
osim prikupljanja podataka o švercu cigareta na teritoriju Srbije. Rade
Marković mi je čak pokazivao snimke iz vazduha predela koji se zove
Mehov krš, a nalazi se na teritoriji Srbije, na granici sa Crnom Gorom,
sa objašnjenjem, da prema njegovim saznanjima tuda ide, nekim sporednim
putevima, šverc cigareta i da se tu i skladišti. Tada je pripremana
akcija da se u pogodnom trenutku pohapse šverceri i zapleni roba.
Nije mi poznato da li su ti snimci napravljeni iz aviona ili
helikoptera, policijskih ili vojnih, niti su me takvi detalji
interesovali.
Nikada nisam razgovarao sa Pavkovićem o prebacivanju nekakvih ubica i
agenata iz Crne Gore. Neverovatno je da se vrhovni komandant bavi
prebacivanjem nekakvih tajnih agenata i to po celoj liniji komandovanja
od načelnika generalštaba pa nadole.
Istina je samo to da sam uvek insistirao da službe sarađuju i da
napuste praksu međusobnog rivalstva, pošto službe nisu ni moje ni
njihove već državne i za državu treba da rade, u skladu sa zakonom.O
tome je, uostalom, na ovom nelegalnom sudu, govorio i general
Aleksandar Vasiljević. I to kao svedok optužbe. A Rade Marković je i
ovde i pred dva skupštinska odbora svedočio kakvo su sve nasilje i
bezakonje nad njim primenili da bi me za nešto optužili.
Jedino pominjanje helikoptera, koga se sećam, bilo je u vezi sa
incidentom niskog preleta jednog helikoptera iznad Belog dvora (što je
bilo zabranjeno), kada je samo prisebnošću oficira VJ, nadležnog za
zaštitu Belog dvora, izbegnut tragičan ishod, odnosno obaranje tog
helikoptera.
U toku dana je ustanovljeno da se radilo o helikopteru kojim je neki
teški bolesnik iz Republike Srpske prevezen na obližnji VMA.
Zahtevao sam od istražnog sudije i tužioca da saslušanje bude javno i
da mogu da uvedu čak i otvoreni telefon, da može ko god želi da me pita
šta želi. Objasnili su da to nije moguće po zakonu, dok traje istraga.
To sam uvažio i tražio da donesu odluku da trake budu objavljene po
završetku istrage, jer tada za to ne postoje nikakve smetnje, da
istraga, pošto se završi, bude ugrožena.
Ni to nisu prihvatili, iako su upravo oni, ona službena lica, koja po
zakonu odlučuju o tome, što nije bilo sporno ni za mene ni za njih, ni
za moje pravne zastupnike.
Sadašnja vlast zakone upotrebljava kao izgovor za stvarno bezakonje i
tiraniju.
Ništa novo!
Još 1742, Monteskije: ”Nema svirepije tiranije od one koja se sprovodi
pod štitom zakona i u ime pravde.”
U celoj toj prljavoj operaciji spasavanja fijaska ovog nelegalnog
Haškog suda, najsramniji element predstavljaju napadi na moju suprugu i
sina.
Rekao sam istražnom sudiji, kada mi je doneo traku, da istragu treba da
popuni i zlatnim polugama, deviznim rezervama, vilama u Švajcarskoj i
ne znam čime sve, o čemu su davane razne izjave i opširno pisala
štampa. Pa posle ”zaboravila”.
Pitao sam i: ”Zar vas nije sramota?”Nisam dobio odgovor.
A svojoj supruzi i sinu, Miri i Marku, koje su na ovako podao način od
mene odvojili, želim da poručim: ”Život je kratak da im se zahvalim na
njihovoj dobroti.”
Hag, 17. avgust 2003. Slobodan
Milosevic
=== 2 ===
Politika, cetvratak 21. avgust 2003
PROTEST UDRUŽENJA "SLOBODA"
Milošević "izolovan"
"Najodlučnije protestujemo zbog kriminalnog čina Haškog tribunala da se
Slobodanu Miloševiću zabrane sve posete i da se on potpuno izoluje i
ukoliko se ova bespravna odluka ne ukine, preduzećemo pravne mere",
rekao je juče član nacionalnog komiteta za odbranu Slobodana Miloševića
mr Vladimir Kršljanin.
Na konferenciji za novinare u sedištu udruženja građana "Sloboda"
Kršljanin je ocenio da je ovom odlukom otežan položaj bivšeg
jugoslovenskog predsednika i da su mu onemogućene pripreme za učešće u
haškom procesu.
"Miloševiću je sada zabranjeno da viđa najbliže saradnike, pa je čak i
njegovoj supruzi onemogućeno da ga posećuje. Ne prihvatamo obrazloženje
da je do toga došlo, jer su članovi delegacije SPS-a, nakon posete
Hagu, davali izjave medijima o sadržaju razgovora koje bi uticale na
tok procesa", dodao je Vladimir Kršljanin.
J. K.
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Proslava rođendana
Povodom rođendana Slobodana Miloševića, a u okviru stalne tribine
"Slobodna Srbija", juče je prikazan i dokumentarni film " Poraženi Hag
(Hronika o borbi Slobodana Miloševića)", autora Dušana Čukića. U
Udruženju "Sloboda" izložene su i slike "Odbrana slobode" slikara
Zareta Đorđevića, a emitovano je i muzičko delo "Alarm", kompozitora
Miloša Raičkovića...
J. G.
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Danas, cetvrtak, 21. avgust 2003.
U Udruženju "Sloboda" proslavljen 62. Miloševićev rođendan
