Informazione
Subject: Deep Concern about the conduct of the trial
of Mr Slobodan Milosevic
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 23:20:50 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
To: "ICTY Hag" <e@...>
ICTY- Den Haag
To: Claude Jorda
Belgrade,15 May 2002
Dear Mr. CLaude Jorda
I express my deep concern about the conduct of the
trial of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague and growing evidence of
partiality of the Tribunal.
I am especially concerned about the Tribunal's
acceptance of Mr. Riddle-Mayer as an independent
expert in the field of historical monuments of
culture. This acceptance came in spite of the fact
that Mr. Riddle-Mayer had obtained funding for his
one-sided Kosovo research project from his own sources
and then offered his services to the Office of the
Prosecutor of the ICTY. On the other hand, I am aware
that it is a well-estabilished practice of impartial
criminal courts anywhere in the world that experts for
a particular expertise are appointed by courts
themselves, while the financing of these expertises is
strictly determined by the rules governing the
procedure.
I am also concerned by a large and growing number of
issues which the presiding Judge Richard May declares
as irrelevant during the cross-examination of the
witnesses by Mr. Milosevic. To this end, strict time
restrictions are imposed on Mr. Milosevic, even when
he is cross-examining some of the most important
witnesses such as Mr. Ibrahim Rugova, President of
Kosovo, on 3 & 6 May 2002. I consider it unacceptable
that issues such as, for instance, the ascertainment
of the role, character and sources of financing of the
KLA are declared as irrelevant. At the same time, no
significant effort has been made by the presiding
Judge May to make Mr. Rugova give precise, concise and
concrete answers to the questions posed by Mr.
Milosevic and amicus curiae. Mr. Rugova's testimony
was characterised as a shame for international justice
by many lawyers and journalists present in The Hague,
reported Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti on 4 May 2002.
Noting that great many witnesses from Kosovo testify
not to have ever heard of the KLA, I am concerned that
not a single witness has been warned that a false
statement is subject to penal measures under Article
91 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence. These
measures must be applied in order to prevent
incredible testimonies, abuse of power by the
Prosecutor's Office and undue exhaustion of Mr.
Milosevic who is exposed to a rather long trial.
Finally, I am deeply concerned about the constant
changes in order of appearance of witnesses by the
Prosecution which the Chamber allows too lightly.
The Milosevic case is a complex one, raising complex
issues and too narrow, selective and impatient
approach by the Chamber to these issues can have
detrimental consequences for the rights of Mr.
Milosevic. Considering that such an approach has
already started affecting his right to a fair trial, I
call upon all human rights organisations to appoint
its observers at the trial, or to follow the
proceedings in other appropriate manner. I also calls
upon all human rights organisations to take any action
they deem appropriate in order to stop the violations
of the right to a fair trial of Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic.
Yours sincerely,
Vladislav Jovanovic,
Acting President of
The Belgrade Forum for
the world Of Equals
Belgrade, Misarska 6
Tel/Fax: (+381 11) 3245601
WWW.belgrade-forum.org
info@...
===*===
Subject: Baghdad Conference: RELEASE MILOSEVIC!
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 17:28:39 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
The Seventh Session of the Committee
of Follow-up and Co-ordination of
the Baghdad Conference has been
finished in Baghdad on May 9, with
participation of 160 representatives
of about 90 political parties and
organizations from more than 40
countries of all continents,
including the MPs from Belgium,
Belarus, Canada, France, Greece,
Great Britain, India, Italy,
Pakistan, Russian Federation, Spain,
Ukraine, ministers from South Africa
and Malaysia, as well as high
representatives from all Arab
countries and from several countries
of Africa and Latin America.
Representatives of several Yugoslav
parties also took part.
The Conference has adopted a joint
Declaration, reflecting the common
views on the contemporary
international processes, and
condemning the imperialist
"globalization".
A special joint Statement containing
the strong demand for release of
President Slobodan Milosevic, has
also been adopted, upon initiative
the SPS representative and Head of
Human Rights Commission of Yugoslav
Parliament, Mr. Zivorad Igic.
The full text of the joint statement:
"At the Seventh Session of the
Committee of Follow-up and
Co-ordination of the Baghdad
Conference held in Baghdad on 7-9
May 2002;
Having discussed the question of
putting President Slobodan Milosevic
before a so-called "Ad Hoc UN
Tribunal" at The Hague;
The Conference adopted the following
STATEMENT
1. The Conference does not
accept the legality of the said
Tribunal because it is politically
motivated and was not legally
constituted.
2. It is the people of
Yugoslavia who are the only
authority competent to deal with any
matter pertaining to their country,
Yugoslavia.
3. President Slobodan Milosevic
should be released immediately from
illegal detention, as this is the
only step, which conforms to
international law and the Charter of
the United Nations."
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)
of Mr Slobodan Milosevic
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 23:20:50 -0700
From: "Artel" <artel@...>
To: "ICTY Hag" <e@...>
ICTY- Den Haag
To: Claude Jorda
Belgrade,15 May 2002
Dear Mr. CLaude Jorda
I express my deep concern about the conduct of the
trial of Mr. Slobodan Milosevic before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague and growing evidence of
partiality of the Tribunal.
I am especially concerned about the Tribunal's
acceptance of Mr. Riddle-Mayer as an independent
expert in the field of historical monuments of
culture. This acceptance came in spite of the fact
that Mr. Riddle-Mayer had obtained funding for his
one-sided Kosovo research project from his own sources
and then offered his services to the Office of the
Prosecutor of the ICTY. On the other hand, I am aware
that it is a well-estabilished practice of impartial
criminal courts anywhere in the world that experts for
a particular expertise are appointed by courts
themselves, while the financing of these expertises is
strictly determined by the rules governing the
procedure.
I am also concerned by a large and growing number of
issues which the presiding Judge Richard May declares
as irrelevant during the cross-examination of the
witnesses by Mr. Milosevic. To this end, strict time
restrictions are imposed on Mr. Milosevic, even when
he is cross-examining some of the most important
witnesses such as Mr. Ibrahim Rugova, President of
Kosovo, on 3 & 6 May 2002. I consider it unacceptable
that issues such as, for instance, the ascertainment
of the role, character and sources of financing of the
KLA are declared as irrelevant. At the same time, no
significant effort has been made by the presiding
Judge May to make Mr. Rugova give precise, concise and
concrete answers to the questions posed by Mr.
Milosevic and amicus curiae. Mr. Rugova's testimony
was characterised as a shame for international justice
by many lawyers and journalists present in The Hague,
reported Belgrade daily Glas Javnosti on 4 May 2002.
Noting that great many witnesses from Kosovo testify
not to have ever heard of the KLA, I am concerned that
not a single witness has been warned that a false
statement is subject to penal measures under Article
91 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence. These
measures must be applied in order to prevent
incredible testimonies, abuse of power by the
Prosecutor's Office and undue exhaustion of Mr.
Milosevic who is exposed to a rather long trial.
Finally, I am deeply concerned about the constant
changes in order of appearance of witnesses by the
Prosecution which the Chamber allows too lightly.
The Milosevic case is a complex one, raising complex
issues and too narrow, selective and impatient
approach by the Chamber to these issues can have
detrimental consequences for the rights of Mr.
Milosevic. Considering that such an approach has
already started affecting his right to a fair trial, I
call upon all human rights organisations to appoint
its observers at the trial, or to follow the
proceedings in other appropriate manner. I also calls
upon all human rights organisations to take any action
they deem appropriate in order to stop the violations
of the right to a fair trial of Mr. Slobodan
Milosevic.
Yours sincerely,
Vladislav Jovanovic,
Acting President of
The Belgrade Forum for
the world Of Equals
Belgrade, Misarska 6
Tel/Fax: (+381 11) 3245601
WWW.belgrade-forum.org
info@...
===*===
Subject: Baghdad Conference: RELEASE MILOSEVIC!
Date: Wed, 15 May 2002 17:28:39 +0200
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"
The Seventh Session of the Committee
of Follow-up and Co-ordination of
the Baghdad Conference has been
finished in Baghdad on May 9, with
participation of 160 representatives
of about 90 political parties and
organizations from more than 40
countries of all continents,
including the MPs from Belgium,
Belarus, Canada, France, Greece,
Great Britain, India, Italy,
Pakistan, Russian Federation, Spain,
Ukraine, ministers from South Africa
and Malaysia, as well as high
representatives from all Arab
countries and from several countries
of Africa and Latin America.
Representatives of several Yugoslav
parties also took part.
The Conference has adopted a joint
Declaration, reflecting the common
views on the contemporary
international processes, and
condemning the imperialist
"globalization".
A special joint Statement containing
the strong demand for release of
President Slobodan Milosevic, has
also been adopted, upon initiative
the SPS representative and Head of
Human Rights Commission of Yugoslav
Parliament, Mr. Zivorad Igic.
The full text of the joint statement:
"At the Seventh Session of the
Committee of Follow-up and
Co-ordination of the Baghdad
Conference held in Baghdad on 7-9
May 2002;
Having discussed the question of
putting President Slobodan Milosevic
before a so-called "Ad Hoc UN
Tribunal" at The Hague;
The Conference adopted the following
STATEMENT
1. The Conference does not
accept the legality of the said
Tribunal because it is politically
motivated and was not legally
constituted.
2. It is the people of
Yugoslavia who are the only
authority competent to deal with any
matter pertaining to their country,
Yugoslavia.
3. President Slobodan Milosevic
should be released immediately from
illegal detention, as this is the
only step, which conforms to
international law and the Charter of
the United Nations."
To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world of
equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)
From : "vojislava mitrovic"
Date : Thu, 16 May 2002 14:31:03 +0200
Subject : Re: [JUGOINFO] Digest Number 508
Ho letto attentamente l'articolo di Italo Slavo e concordo pienamente
con
Lui. Putroppo l'Italia è pienas di giornalisti qualunquisti, che credono
e
si sentono di essere esperti "balcanologi" io li ritengo invece
"balcanisti", (gli ismi hanno sempre un significato negativo in
italiano) in
quanto sanno poco o niente di quella terra slava, dell'anima slava, e
vanno
a disininformare la gente su quello che vuol dire essere Slavo del Sud,
come
era veramente Izet Sarajilic. Ho conosciuto personalmente Izet
Sarajilic,
alcuni anni or sono in una conferenza che ha tenuto presso la cattedra
di
serbo-croato del La Sapienza di Roma, dove studio lingua e letteratura
serbo-croata, e quello che ho visto in lui era quella "prosta dusa
slovenska" che solo chi è nato e cresciuto in Jugoslavija può avere. Ho
amato la semplicità di quell'uomo, la sua schiettezza, la sua modestia,
che
lo differenzia da quel giornalista "pivello" che lo ha intervistato,
quel
fricchettone, che il grande Sarajilic ha subito inquadrato con la sua
grande
sensibilità propria non solo del poeta ma anche dello slavo del Sud,
quel
fricchettone che neanche ha capito l'ironia sarcastica di
quell'osservazione
di Sarajilic. Non prendiamocela troppo con chi ha voluto dare spazio al
giornalista frichettone, perché si sa che in democrazia hanno tutti il
diritto ad esprimere la propria opinione e ricordiamo piuttosto, che chi
ha
saputo amare ed apprezzare l'arte del piccolo grande Izet ha saputo
anche
leggere e fare le dovute considerazioni sulla grande tragedia della
disgregazione della Jugoslavija. Nonostante questi fricchettoni che
credono
di sapere tutto, Sarajevo non è mai stata e mai sarà un luogo comune
perché
Sarajevo, con la sua multiculturalità, la sua gente, la sua atmosfera è
e
sarà sempre l'ombelico d'Europa, l'ombelico del mondo.
Ringraziando nuovamente Italo Slavo per il suo bellissimo articolo,
porgo i
più distinti saluti,
Vojislava Mitrovic
> Data: Wed, 15 May 2002 00:11:28 +0200
> Da: "jugocoord@..." <jugocoord@...>
> Oggetto: Sarajevo e' un luogo comune
>
>
> La guerra del quotidiano "Il Manifesto" contro i serbi della
> Bosnia non e' ancora finita.
>
> Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
> accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
> interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
> di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
> riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
> piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
> momenti del conflitto.
>
> E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
> informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
> (imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
> Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
> spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
> Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
> alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
> del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
> procediamo nella lettura.
>
> Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
> non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
> del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
> trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
> fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
> ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
> "divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
> sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
> altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
> sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
> Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
> preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
> formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
> letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
> accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
> motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
> di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
> fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
> fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
> abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
> avanti.
>
> Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
> due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
> che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
> che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
> biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
> collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
> di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
> bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
> Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
> che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
> 6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
> uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
> il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
> cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.
>
> La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
> <<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
> guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
> peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
> (si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
> <<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
> del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
> loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
> serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
> serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
> distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
> se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
> citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
> Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
> Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
> serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
> quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
> anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
> ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
> altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
> preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.
>
> <<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
> Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
> [il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
> pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
> capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
> dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
> dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
> sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
> bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
> magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?
>
> Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
> vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
> sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
> musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
> tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
> tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
> capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
> <<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
> "Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
> presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
> parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
> doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.
>
> La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
> <<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
> stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
> la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
> Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
> comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
> sicuramente di piu'.
>
> Italo Slavo
>
Date : Thu, 16 May 2002 14:31:03 +0200
Subject : Re: [JUGOINFO] Digest Number 508
Ho letto attentamente l'articolo di Italo Slavo e concordo pienamente
con
Lui. Putroppo l'Italia è pienas di giornalisti qualunquisti, che credono
e
si sentono di essere esperti "balcanologi" io li ritengo invece
"balcanisti", (gli ismi hanno sempre un significato negativo in
italiano) in
quanto sanno poco o niente di quella terra slava, dell'anima slava, e
vanno
a disininformare la gente su quello che vuol dire essere Slavo del Sud,
come
era veramente Izet Sarajilic. Ho conosciuto personalmente Izet
Sarajilic,
alcuni anni or sono in una conferenza che ha tenuto presso la cattedra
di
serbo-croato del La Sapienza di Roma, dove studio lingua e letteratura
serbo-croata, e quello che ho visto in lui era quella "prosta dusa
slovenska" che solo chi è nato e cresciuto in Jugoslavija può avere. Ho
amato la semplicità di quell'uomo, la sua schiettezza, la sua modestia,
che
lo differenzia da quel giornalista "pivello" che lo ha intervistato,
quel
fricchettone, che il grande Sarajilic ha subito inquadrato con la sua
grande
sensibilità propria non solo del poeta ma anche dello slavo del Sud,
quel
fricchettone che neanche ha capito l'ironia sarcastica di
quell'osservazione
di Sarajilic. Non prendiamocela troppo con chi ha voluto dare spazio al
giornalista frichettone, perché si sa che in democrazia hanno tutti il
diritto ad esprimere la propria opinione e ricordiamo piuttosto, che chi
ha
saputo amare ed apprezzare l'arte del piccolo grande Izet ha saputo
anche
leggere e fare le dovute considerazioni sulla grande tragedia della
disgregazione della Jugoslavija. Nonostante questi fricchettoni che
credono
di sapere tutto, Sarajevo non è mai stata e mai sarà un luogo comune
perché
Sarajevo, con la sua multiculturalità, la sua gente, la sua atmosfera è
e
sarà sempre l'ombelico d'Europa, l'ombelico del mondo.
Ringraziando nuovamente Italo Slavo per il suo bellissimo articolo,
porgo i
più distinti saluti,
Vojislava Mitrovic
> Data: Wed, 15 May 2002 00:11:28 +0200
> Da: "jugocoord@..." <jugocoord@...>
> Oggetto: Sarajevo e' un luogo comune
>
>
> La guerra del quotidiano "Il Manifesto" contro i serbi della
> Bosnia non e' ancora finita.
>
> Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
> accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
> interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
> di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
> riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
> piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
> momenti del conflitto.
>
> E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
> informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
> (imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
> Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
> spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
> Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
> alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
> del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
> procediamo nella lettura.
>
> Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
> non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
> del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
> trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
> fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
> ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
> "divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
> sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
> altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
> sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
> Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
> preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
> formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
> letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
> accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
> motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
> di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
> fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
> fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
> abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
> avanti.
>
> Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
> due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
> che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
> che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
> biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
> collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
> di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
> bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
> Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
> che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
> 6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
> uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
> il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
> cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.
>
> La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
> <<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
> guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
> peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
> (si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
> <<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
> del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
> loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
> serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
> serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
> distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
> se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
> citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
> Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
> Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
> serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
> quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
> anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
> ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
> altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
> preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.
>
> <<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
> Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
> [il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
> pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
> capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
> dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
> dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
> sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
> bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
> magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?
>
> Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
> vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
> sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
> musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
> tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
> tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
> capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
> <<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
> "Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
> presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
> parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
> doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.
>
> La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
> <<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
> stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
> la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
> Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
> comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
> sicuramente di piu'.
>
> Italo Slavo
>
> http://www.timesonline.co.uk/printFriendly/0,,1-7-295526,00.html
THE TIMES (UK), Tuesday, May 14, 2002
A very dirty little war
by Anthony Loyd
The investigation of a bus bomb that killed 11 Serbs was blocked at
every
turn and the four suspects are now free. Our correspondant reports on
the
murky world of UN and Nato peacekeeping in Kosovo
February 16, 2001: It was a warm morning with clear skies and the mood
of
the passengers and accompanying soldiers was relaxed. There were seven
coaches in all, each filled with Serb civilians returning from Nis in
Serbia
to their homes in Kosovo to commemorate zadusnica, one of the Serb
Orthodox
Church's three annual days of the dead. Most were refugees who had fled
the
Yugoslav province to escape retributive killings by Albanians after
Nato's
arrival 19 months earlier.
Held at the provincial border between Kosovo and Serbia to have their
Ids
checked and pick up an escort of Swedish and British troops who were
part of
the Nato contingent in the province (Kfor), the convoy was en route for
Gracanica, a small Serb town in central Kosovo.
Stojan Kostic, 52, was sitting in the front coach as the convoy entered
Kosovo. Beside him sat his sister-in-law Planinka. Stojan was dozing,
and
woke briefly as the vehicle accelerated, before closing his eyes again.
At
12 minutes past 11, on a hillside above the road, an Albanian watching
the
lead vehicle approach the village of Merdare touched the exposed ends of
a
cable to a battery, just as the coach passed over a culvert.
The bomb blast blew Kostic into the back of the bus and though the
floor,
which had been opened up. He landed in the luggage compartment, covered
in
hot engine oil. His nose was cut in half. His ribs and a leg were
broken. He
put his hand up to his jaw, and two of his teeth fell out.
Planinka, meanwhile, remained stuck in her seat. The explosion had left
her
almost untouched, but killed all those in front of her, leaving her an
immobile witness to the bomb's immediate aftermath.
"Everyone before me was blown to pieces," she says. "Before me was
twisted
metal and light. There was a whole brain in front of me. On either side
of
the bus I could see bodies missing limbs. The roof was peeled up but
hanging
down and pieces of people were glued all over it. Just above me someone
had
been blown halfway through the roof vent. Their legs hung down from the
gap."
Eleven Serbs were dead, including Danilo Cokic, a two-year-old boy.
Twenty
others were injured, eight critically.
PLANTED in the culvert, the bomb was made from 200lbs of TNT and
detonated
by a command wire that ran for nearly a kilometre to the hillside firing
point. It was the most cold-blooded and calculated terrorist strike
since
Nato entered the province in June, 1999. But it provoked more than just
revulsion. To Nato's critics, the murder of 11 Serbs on a coach
sandwiched
between Nato armoured vehicles seemed to epitomise the organisation's
inability to control Albanian extremists, to protect the Serbs or to
hold
the moral high ground in their justification of the war.
And for the British there was a sense of culpability in the bombing.
Since
November, 2000, Nato intelligence sources had warned of the possibility
of
an Albanian attack on the road, which lay in the British sector,
specifying
the threat of a culvert bomb. Yet, on the day of the attack, a flawed
route-check by British troops that left two culverts unchecked, faulty
communications and ill-fortune all conspired to produce catastophe.
The UN and Nato knew that, with so much of their credibilty in Kosovo at
stake, there was still a chance to save face and regain some lost
initiative, and it lay with the successful capture and prosecution of
those
responsible for the bombing.
THE pounding on the door of his Pristina apartment roused Cele Gashi
from
sleep. Bleary-eyed, he stumbled from the bed and clipped a pistol belt
to
his waist. It was 4.30pm on March 19. Gashi had just finished a 12-hour
duty
shift at his TMK barracks in Pristina, where he served with the rank of
colonel.
The TMK, an acronym that translates as Kosovo Protection Corps, was
created
in the summer of 1999 under the aegis of Nato and the UN after the Serb
withdrawal from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all former KLA fighters.
Funded by, among others, the EU and the US State Department, the TMK is
styled as a "civil emergency" unit. Its members are given a variety of
training to this end by organisations including the British and French
armies. Top commanders, their bodyguards and sentries are allowed to
carry
weapons, and on duty all wear berets and uniform; whatever their role,
they
look like a militia and they think they are Kosovo's future army.
Though Nato and the UN technically control its membership, since its
creation the TMK has been as contentious as its KLA parent. Some senior
UN
officials regard it as a monster. Frequently implicated in the murder
and
intimidation of Serb civilians, organised crime and cross-border
insurgencies into rump-Serbia and Macedonia, the TMK nevertheless
survives
as the recipient of foreign funding and training.
Opening the door, Gashi saw a group of men in British uniform standing
in
the corridor. "They didn't say anything," he remembers. "Without a word
they
leapt upon me, threw me on the ground and handcuffed my arms behind my
back."
Gashi was hooded, driven away, and eventually removed from the vehicle
and
frogmarched into a small room. "There they removed the hood from me. I
was
standing on a small wooden pallet. In front of me were three armed men
pointing their guns at me, and a woman. All were in uniform. The woman
spoke
bad Albanian. She said to me, 'If you try anything these men will kill
you'."
Gashi had just been arrested by British special forces in connection
with
the Nis bus bombing. He says he spent the next 12 hours standing on the
wooden pallet being questioned about the attack, and was allowed to sit
down
for only 20 minutes when he became faint, before being handed over to a
UN
detention facility the next day. Gashi admitted nothing. He was a tough
man.
As a former guerrilla, he had been an intelligence officer for KLA in
the
Llap zone, the most northern of seven KLA operational zones that divided
Kosovo.
Two other former Llap KLA fighters were arrested that day by specialist
British units: Avdi Behluli and Jusuf Veliu, the latter a TMK captain at
the
time of his detention. An intensive military intelligence operation,
using a
panoply of Nato resources, pointed a finger at these men for having been
part of a nine-strong active service unit that planned and carried out
the
bomb attack.
A fourth suspect was detained that night by British soldiers. Unlike the
others, Florim Ejupi had no military experience. He was a smalltime,
unsophisticated Kosovar Albanian criminal who had lived in Germany for
the
duration of the war. He had served four sentences in German prisons for
drug
dealing, attempted manslaughter, burglary and assault while the fighting
was
at its height. Yet from the start he appeared to be the key to the
investigation. It seemed that Ejupi's crude crime profile and
inexperience
had led him to make a mistake. Of the four prisoners, he was the only
one to
be connected to the scene of the crime by physical evidence as opposed
to
intelligence information. A cigarette butt found at the bomb's hilltop
firing point, along with scraps of cable wrapping paper, bore his DNA
trace,
which was cross-checked for confirmation against his DNA print on German
police files.
However, in spite of his arrest, the UNMIK regional serious crime squad
responsible for the investigation was already in difficulties, and
whispers
of a conspiracy were beginning to shadow the case.
At the site of the explosion on the day the bomb went off, Detective Stu
Kellock, the squad's Canadian chief, had asked that UNMIK put a
dedicated
task force together to work on the investigation, as would have been
done in
any western country. That request and subsequent ones were ignored.
"It was obvious right from the start that there were other agendas going
on
that the police didn't know about," Kellock says. "Technically we were
in
charge of the investigation but it never seemed that way. Intelligence
about
the suspects was denied to us. Information was withheld by Kfor. We were
always the last to be told what was going on. From the word go, I got a
very
sinister feeling about the whole thing."
The police claim that as soon as the four suspects were transferred to
UNMIK
detention centres in Kosovo, some 12 hours after their initial arrest by
the
British, a UN order restricted police interviews of the men. Indeed,
Kellock
never personally managed to get access to a single interview with the
prisoners.
Another Canadian serious crimes officer, Joe McAllister, recalls: "We
were
told, 'These are the suspects - question them'. Yet we had no
information
upon which to base our questioning, nor any direction, and anyway we
couldn't get proper access to the prisoners." By early May the suspects
were
no longer in UNMIK custody, and the conspiracy theories were about to
become
legend.
Apparently haunted by the possibility of the suspects' escaping, the UN
ordered their transfer to the most secure detention area in the
province:
the jail inside the American base at Camp Bondsteel. The camp was home
to
more than 5,000 US soldiers; in its detention facility, suspects
languished
in Guantanamo Bay-style fluorescent orange suits, surrounded by
concertina
rolls of razor wire, floodlights and watchtowers.
The suspects were transferred to Bondsteel on May 3. But a year ago, on
the
night of May 14, Florim Ejupi, the most unsophisticated suspect and the
one
man against whom physical evidence existed, "disappeared" from the camp.
ACCORDING to Cele Gashi, the four suspects had been kept together in a
central holding area in Bondsteel - a move that allowed the prisoners
free
association and itself stymied evidence procedures. Late in the evening
of
May 14, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu drifted off to sleep while Ejupi
remained
awake, listening to a radio. The next thing Gashi says he remembers is
American soldiers bursting into the compound shortly after 4am. Ejupi
was
gone, and his transistor radio lay on his empty bed.
The Americans later said that he had escaped using a pair of wire
cutters
hidden in a spinach pie sent to the prison by his family. They say
crucial
floodlights were faulty, and there are claims that an inexperienced
National
Guard unit had left a stretch of perimeter wire unobserved for 100
minutes.
Soon, though, outraged UNMIK police officers were offering a different
story. They claim that from the moment the four suspects were
transferred to
camp Bondsteel, interview access, already difficult, was further
obstructed
by the Americans.
Some officers go on to claim that Ejupi had been a source for US
intelligence. They believe that Ejupi was released from Bondsteel either
because US intelligence agencies did not wish to be implicated by
association in the bombing of the Nis Express, or because they wanted to
establish the identities of the men who authorised the bomb attack to
use
for their own ends. Both escape and conspiracy theories challenge
belief.
"It's not clear cut either way," one senior UNMIK official admits. "We
really don't know what happened with Ejupi. It is possible that he was
released, but if that was the case then it was the act of an agency
operating without State Department or Pentagon approval. In the big
picture
the Americans had far more to lose than to gain from the
'disappearance',
however it happened."
WHATEVER the real truth, news of Ejupi's flight further crushed morale
among
the police investigators. Kellock says: "I would use the word
'devastating'.
It called into question the whole reason why we were in Kosovo, and any
questions we had concerning Ejupi's escape remain to this day
unanswered.
>From that moment on, the writing was on the wall for our
investigation."
Though three suspects, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu, remained in custody,
this
was of scant consolation to the police. They say that they had no
wiretaps
or covert surveillance to monitor associates of the prisoners. Witnesses
were afraid to come forward from a society that has traditionally been
impenetrable for law enforcers. Nato continued to withold its
intelligence.
And human rights groups in the UN and OSCE (Organisation for Security
and
Co-operation in Europe) ensured that the suspects' rights were so
rigorously
upheld that the few police interviews conducted were heavily restricted.
The investigation was already being scaled down. In the absence of a
dedicated taskforce, the 18-strong serious crimes squad was having to
divert
its resources to other crimes. By midsummer there were only three
detectives
still involved with the case. And a high turnover of UN personnel meant
that
few of the original investigators remained.
McAllister took over the job of lead investigator in June, but was
removed
from the post by the UN in August for speaking to a journalist about his
frustrations. After his departure the file on the Nis Express became the
responsibility of a single detective, and the investigation all but
ceased.
Paradoxically, this was the one time when the UN should have poured
resources into spreading the scope of the investigation. The presence of
the
remaining three suspects in custody was becoming a legal embarrassment.
Their continued detention was the result of an Executive Hold order by
Hans
Haekkerup, the senior UN administrator in Kosovo; this was a special
circumstances option that allowed for an extra-judicial detention, but
was
increasingly coming under criticism by human rights groups.
In the autumn, UNMIK created a Detention Review Commission of three
international judges to examine the case, validate (if appropriate)
Haekkerup's Executive Hold order and return the suspects' detention to a
judicial framework.
The three judges were given access to the Nato intelligence that lay
behind
the arrests. In September, 2001, they decided that the intelligence was
compelling enough to allow for the suspects' continued detention of 90
days
before the case went to Kosovo's Supreme Court.
The onus, therefore, was on the police to produce more evidence to put
before the Supreme Court. Yet their investigation was already dead in
the
water and no attempt was made to revive it. The 90 days expired and, on
December 18 last year, the case went before the Supreme Court. This body
was
not given access to Nato's intelligence files, and in the absence of any
fresh evidence, it recommended the immediate release of the three
suspects.
ANY remaining trust held by Kosovo's Serbs in UNMIK, Kfor or justice in
the
province disintegrated after the men were set free. The trio, still
terrorist suspects in an unclosed case, were given local heroes'
welcomes
after they left jail. Cele Gashi and Jusuf Veliu were embraced publicly
by
senior TMK officers. In January, Gashi returned to his position as a TMK
colonel in Pristina; Veliu was reinstated as a TMK captain. Nato
officials
in Kosovo denied that this move had been officially sanctioned. Yet six
weeks later both men were in barracks and in uniform.
In UNMIK there is confusion as to whether Gashi and Veliu were ever even
suspended from the TMK in the first place, some officials even
suggesting
that the suspects were being paid out of a UN-regulated budget during
their
time in custody.
As for Florim Ejupi, he remains "missing"; after a year, the mystery
surrounding his escape remains undiminished.
What the acronyms mean
KLA: Kosovo Liberation Army. Albanian resistance organisation, now
undergoing demilitarisation.
TMK: Kosovo Protection Corps, created in 1999 under the aegis of Nato
and
the UN after Serb withdrawl from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all
former
KLA fighters.
Kfor: The Nato-led international peacekeeping force in Kosovo.
UNMIK: United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo: a civilian law
enforcement unit.
THE TIMES (UK), Tuesday, May 14, 2002
A very dirty little war
by Anthony Loyd
The investigation of a bus bomb that killed 11 Serbs was blocked at
every
turn and the four suspects are now free. Our correspondant reports on
the
murky world of UN and Nato peacekeeping in Kosovo
February 16, 2001: It was a warm morning with clear skies and the mood
of
the passengers and accompanying soldiers was relaxed. There were seven
coaches in all, each filled with Serb civilians returning from Nis in
Serbia
to their homes in Kosovo to commemorate zadusnica, one of the Serb
Orthodox
Church's three annual days of the dead. Most were refugees who had fled
the
Yugoslav province to escape retributive killings by Albanians after
Nato's
arrival 19 months earlier.
Held at the provincial border between Kosovo and Serbia to have their
Ids
checked and pick up an escort of Swedish and British troops who were
part of
the Nato contingent in the province (Kfor), the convoy was en route for
Gracanica, a small Serb town in central Kosovo.
Stojan Kostic, 52, was sitting in the front coach as the convoy entered
Kosovo. Beside him sat his sister-in-law Planinka. Stojan was dozing,
and
woke briefly as the vehicle accelerated, before closing his eyes again.
At
12 minutes past 11, on a hillside above the road, an Albanian watching
the
lead vehicle approach the village of Merdare touched the exposed ends of
a
cable to a battery, just as the coach passed over a culvert.
The bomb blast blew Kostic into the back of the bus and though the
floor,
which had been opened up. He landed in the luggage compartment, covered
in
hot engine oil. His nose was cut in half. His ribs and a leg were
broken. He
put his hand up to his jaw, and two of his teeth fell out.
Planinka, meanwhile, remained stuck in her seat. The explosion had left
her
almost untouched, but killed all those in front of her, leaving her an
immobile witness to the bomb's immediate aftermath.
"Everyone before me was blown to pieces," she says. "Before me was
twisted
metal and light. There was a whole brain in front of me. On either side
of
the bus I could see bodies missing limbs. The roof was peeled up but
hanging
down and pieces of people were glued all over it. Just above me someone
had
been blown halfway through the roof vent. Their legs hung down from the
gap."
Eleven Serbs were dead, including Danilo Cokic, a two-year-old boy.
Twenty
others were injured, eight critically.
PLANTED in the culvert, the bomb was made from 200lbs of TNT and
detonated
by a command wire that ran for nearly a kilometre to the hillside firing
point. It was the most cold-blooded and calculated terrorist strike
since
Nato entered the province in June, 1999. But it provoked more than just
revulsion. To Nato's critics, the murder of 11 Serbs on a coach
sandwiched
between Nato armoured vehicles seemed to epitomise the organisation's
inability to control Albanian extremists, to protect the Serbs or to
hold
the moral high ground in their justification of the war.
And for the British there was a sense of culpability in the bombing.
Since
November, 2000, Nato intelligence sources had warned of the possibility
of
an Albanian attack on the road, which lay in the British sector,
specifying
the threat of a culvert bomb. Yet, on the day of the attack, a flawed
route-check by British troops that left two culverts unchecked, faulty
communications and ill-fortune all conspired to produce catastophe.
The UN and Nato knew that, with so much of their credibilty in Kosovo at
stake, there was still a chance to save face and regain some lost
initiative, and it lay with the successful capture and prosecution of
those
responsible for the bombing.
THE pounding on the door of his Pristina apartment roused Cele Gashi
from
sleep. Bleary-eyed, he stumbled from the bed and clipped a pistol belt
to
his waist. It was 4.30pm on March 19. Gashi had just finished a 12-hour
duty
shift at his TMK barracks in Pristina, where he served with the rank of
colonel.
The TMK, an acronym that translates as Kosovo Protection Corps, was
created
in the summer of 1999 under the aegis of Nato and the UN after the Serb
withdrawal from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all former KLA fighters.
Funded by, among others, the EU and the US State Department, the TMK is
styled as a "civil emergency" unit. Its members are given a variety of
training to this end by organisations including the British and French
armies. Top commanders, their bodyguards and sentries are allowed to
carry
weapons, and on duty all wear berets and uniform; whatever their role,
they
look like a militia and they think they are Kosovo's future army.
Though Nato and the UN technically control its membership, since its
creation the TMK has been as contentious as its KLA parent. Some senior
UN
officials regard it as a monster. Frequently implicated in the murder
and
intimidation of Serb civilians, organised crime and cross-border
insurgencies into rump-Serbia and Macedonia, the TMK nevertheless
survives
as the recipient of foreign funding and training.
Opening the door, Gashi saw a group of men in British uniform standing
in
the corridor. "They didn't say anything," he remembers. "Without a word
they
leapt upon me, threw me on the ground and handcuffed my arms behind my
back."
Gashi was hooded, driven away, and eventually removed from the vehicle
and
frogmarched into a small room. "There they removed the hood from me. I
was
standing on a small wooden pallet. In front of me were three armed men
pointing their guns at me, and a woman. All were in uniform. The woman
spoke
bad Albanian. She said to me, 'If you try anything these men will kill
you'."
Gashi had just been arrested by British special forces in connection
with
the Nis bus bombing. He says he spent the next 12 hours standing on the
wooden pallet being questioned about the attack, and was allowed to sit
down
for only 20 minutes when he became faint, before being handed over to a
UN
detention facility the next day. Gashi admitted nothing. He was a tough
man.
As a former guerrilla, he had been an intelligence officer for KLA in
the
Llap zone, the most northern of seven KLA operational zones that divided
Kosovo.
Two other former Llap KLA fighters were arrested that day by specialist
British units: Avdi Behluli and Jusuf Veliu, the latter a TMK captain at
the
time of his detention. An intensive military intelligence operation,
using a
panoply of Nato resources, pointed a finger at these men for having been
part of a nine-strong active service unit that planned and carried out
the
bomb attack.
A fourth suspect was detained that night by British soldiers. Unlike the
others, Florim Ejupi had no military experience. He was a smalltime,
unsophisticated Kosovar Albanian criminal who had lived in Germany for
the
duration of the war. He had served four sentences in German prisons for
drug
dealing, attempted manslaughter, burglary and assault while the fighting
was
at its height. Yet from the start he appeared to be the key to the
investigation. It seemed that Ejupi's crude crime profile and
inexperience
had led him to make a mistake. Of the four prisoners, he was the only
one to
be connected to the scene of the crime by physical evidence as opposed
to
intelligence information. A cigarette butt found at the bomb's hilltop
firing point, along with scraps of cable wrapping paper, bore his DNA
trace,
which was cross-checked for confirmation against his DNA print on German
police files.
However, in spite of his arrest, the UNMIK regional serious crime squad
responsible for the investigation was already in difficulties, and
whispers
of a conspiracy were beginning to shadow the case.
At the site of the explosion on the day the bomb went off, Detective Stu
Kellock, the squad's Canadian chief, had asked that UNMIK put a
dedicated
task force together to work on the investigation, as would have been
done in
any western country. That request and subsequent ones were ignored.
"It was obvious right from the start that there were other agendas going
on
that the police didn't know about," Kellock says. "Technically we were
in
charge of the investigation but it never seemed that way. Intelligence
about
the suspects was denied to us. Information was withheld by Kfor. We were
always the last to be told what was going on. From the word go, I got a
very
sinister feeling about the whole thing."
The police claim that as soon as the four suspects were transferred to
UNMIK
detention centres in Kosovo, some 12 hours after their initial arrest by
the
British, a UN order restricted police interviews of the men. Indeed,
Kellock
never personally managed to get access to a single interview with the
prisoners.
Another Canadian serious crimes officer, Joe McAllister, recalls: "We
were
told, 'These are the suspects - question them'. Yet we had no
information
upon which to base our questioning, nor any direction, and anyway we
couldn't get proper access to the prisoners." By early May the suspects
were
no longer in UNMIK custody, and the conspiracy theories were about to
become
legend.
Apparently haunted by the possibility of the suspects' escaping, the UN
ordered their transfer to the most secure detention area in the
province:
the jail inside the American base at Camp Bondsteel. The camp was home
to
more than 5,000 US soldiers; in its detention facility, suspects
languished
in Guantanamo Bay-style fluorescent orange suits, surrounded by
concertina
rolls of razor wire, floodlights and watchtowers.
The suspects were transferred to Bondsteel on May 3. But a year ago, on
the
night of May 14, Florim Ejupi, the most unsophisticated suspect and the
one
man against whom physical evidence existed, "disappeared" from the camp.
ACCORDING to Cele Gashi, the four suspects had been kept together in a
central holding area in Bondsteel - a move that allowed the prisoners
free
association and itself stymied evidence procedures. Late in the evening
of
May 14, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu drifted off to sleep while Ejupi
remained
awake, listening to a radio. The next thing Gashi says he remembers is
American soldiers bursting into the compound shortly after 4am. Ejupi
was
gone, and his transistor radio lay on his empty bed.
The Americans later said that he had escaped using a pair of wire
cutters
hidden in a spinach pie sent to the prison by his family. They say
crucial
floodlights were faulty, and there are claims that an inexperienced
National
Guard unit had left a stretch of perimeter wire unobserved for 100
minutes.
Soon, though, outraged UNMIK police officers were offering a different
story. They claim that from the moment the four suspects were
transferred to
camp Bondsteel, interview access, already difficult, was further
obstructed
by the Americans.
Some officers go on to claim that Ejupi had been a source for US
intelligence. They believe that Ejupi was released from Bondsteel either
because US intelligence agencies did not wish to be implicated by
association in the bombing of the Nis Express, or because they wanted to
establish the identities of the men who authorised the bomb attack to
use
for their own ends. Both escape and conspiracy theories challenge
belief.
"It's not clear cut either way," one senior UNMIK official admits. "We
really don't know what happened with Ejupi. It is possible that he was
released, but if that was the case then it was the act of an agency
operating without State Department or Pentagon approval. In the big
picture
the Americans had far more to lose than to gain from the
'disappearance',
however it happened."
WHATEVER the real truth, news of Ejupi's flight further crushed morale
among
the police investigators. Kellock says: "I would use the word
'devastating'.
It called into question the whole reason why we were in Kosovo, and any
questions we had concerning Ejupi's escape remain to this day
unanswered.
>From that moment on, the writing was on the wall for our
investigation."
Though three suspects, Gashi, Behluli and Veliu, remained in custody,
this
was of scant consolation to the police. They say that they had no
wiretaps
or covert surveillance to monitor associates of the prisoners. Witnesses
were afraid to come forward from a society that has traditionally been
impenetrable for law enforcers. Nato continued to withold its
intelligence.
And human rights groups in the UN and OSCE (Organisation for Security
and
Co-operation in Europe) ensured that the suspects' rights were so
rigorously
upheld that the few police interviews conducted were heavily restricted.
The investigation was already being scaled down. In the absence of a
dedicated taskforce, the 18-strong serious crimes squad was having to
divert
its resources to other crimes. By midsummer there were only three
detectives
still involved with the case. And a high turnover of UN personnel meant
that
few of the original investigators remained.
McAllister took over the job of lead investigator in June, but was
removed
from the post by the UN in August for speaking to a journalist about his
frustrations. After his departure the file on the Nis Express became the
responsibility of a single detective, and the investigation all but
ceased.
Paradoxically, this was the one time when the UN should have poured
resources into spreading the scope of the investigation. The presence of
the
remaining three suspects in custody was becoming a legal embarrassment.
Their continued detention was the result of an Executive Hold order by
Hans
Haekkerup, the senior UN administrator in Kosovo; this was a special
circumstances option that allowed for an extra-judicial detention, but
was
increasingly coming under criticism by human rights groups.
In the autumn, UNMIK created a Detention Review Commission of three
international judges to examine the case, validate (if appropriate)
Haekkerup's Executive Hold order and return the suspects' detention to a
judicial framework.
The three judges were given access to the Nato intelligence that lay
behind
the arrests. In September, 2001, they decided that the intelligence was
compelling enough to allow for the suspects' continued detention of 90
days
before the case went to Kosovo's Supreme Court.
The onus, therefore, was on the police to produce more evidence to put
before the Supreme Court. Yet their investigation was already dead in
the
water and no attempt was made to revive it. The 90 days expired and, on
December 18 last year, the case went before the Supreme Court. This body
was
not given access to Nato's intelligence files, and in the absence of any
fresh evidence, it recommended the immediate release of the three
suspects.
ANY remaining trust held by Kosovo's Serbs in UNMIK, Kfor or justice in
the
province disintegrated after the men were set free. The trio, still
terrorist suspects in an unclosed case, were given local heroes'
welcomes
after they left jail. Cele Gashi and Jusuf Veliu were embraced publicly
by
senior TMK officers. In January, Gashi returned to his position as a TMK
colonel in Pristina; Veliu was reinstated as a TMK captain. Nato
officials
in Kosovo denied that this move had been officially sanctioned. Yet six
weeks later both men were in barracks and in uniform.
In UNMIK there is confusion as to whether Gashi and Veliu were ever even
suspended from the TMK in the first place, some officials even
suggesting
that the suspects were being paid out of a UN-regulated budget during
their
time in custody.
As for Florim Ejupi, he remains "missing"; after a year, the mystery
surrounding his escape remains undiminished.
What the acronyms mean
KLA: Kosovo Liberation Army. Albanian resistance organisation, now
undergoing demilitarisation.
TMK: Kosovo Protection Corps, created in 1999 under the aegis of Nato
and
the UN after Serb withdrawl from Kosovo. Its 5,000 members are all
former
KLA fighters.
Kfor: The Nato-led international peacekeeping force in Kosovo.
UNMIK: United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo: a civilian law
enforcement unit.
E' deceduto Giuseppe Maras.
Comandante della Divisione Italia, gia' Brigata Garibaldi, nella Lotta
di Liberazione jugoslava, poi Medaglia d'oro alla Resistenza. Decorato
anche da Tito, che conosceva personalmente.
Nel corso della Guerra Fredda fu espulso dal PCI per le sue posizioni
troppo vicine alla Jugoslavia federativa e socialista. Negli
ultimissimi anni aveva partecipato ad iniziative-dibattito pubbliche
sullo sfascio del paese meraviglioso che anche lui aveva contribuito a
costruire, e che oggi non riusciva piu' a riconoscere. Negli scorsi mesi
aveva aderito al progetto del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia.
La sua morte e' ignorata oggi dai giornali della sinistra, ma la sua
memoria vive e ci chiede di farci ancora e sempre paladini dei valori
internazionalisti della lotta partigiana.
UMRO JE JOS JEDAN BORAC ZA SLOBODU
I funerali si tengono oggi 14 maggio 2002 a Roma, alle 15:30
nella chiesa di San Lorenzo al Verano.
Comandante della Divisione Italia, gia' Brigata Garibaldi, nella Lotta
di Liberazione jugoslava, poi Medaglia d'oro alla Resistenza. Decorato
anche da Tito, che conosceva personalmente.
Nel corso della Guerra Fredda fu espulso dal PCI per le sue posizioni
troppo vicine alla Jugoslavia federativa e socialista. Negli
ultimissimi anni aveva partecipato ad iniziative-dibattito pubbliche
sullo sfascio del paese meraviglioso che anche lui aveva contribuito a
costruire, e che oggi non riusciva piu' a riconoscere. Negli scorsi mesi
aveva aderito al progetto del Coordinamento Nazionale per la Jugoslavia.
La sua morte e' ignorata oggi dai giornali della sinistra, ma la sua
memoria vive e ci chiede di farci ancora e sempre paladini dei valori
internazionalisti della lotta partigiana.
UMRO JE JOS JEDAN BORAC ZA SLOBODU
I funerali si tengono oggi 14 maggio 2002 a Roma, alle 15:30
nella chiesa di San Lorenzo al Verano.
Subject: A New Book of Vojislav Micovic:
Globalization and New World Order
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 12:46:19 -0700
From: "Artel"
by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:13/05/2002
The New Book of Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D.
Globalization and the New World Order
The new book of Vojislav
Micovic, Ph. D.
Globalization and new world
order was reviewed in
TANJUG Press Center on 22
April 2002 by Dr Mihailo
Markovic, member of Serbian
Academy of Sciences and
Arts (SANU), Dr Blagoje
Babic, expert of
international economy
systems of the Institute of
Politics and economy of
Belgrade and General in
retreat Radovan Radinovic,
expert in military affairs.
The Book can be ordered
through ARTEL for the price
of 300,00 Dinars (or 5
Euros) plus transport fees. The interested ones
are invited to contact us through tel/fax: (+381
11) 699-495, or by e-mail: office@....
(The Book is in Serbian).
NOTES ON THE AUTHOR
Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is a publicist and a
political analyst by profession. He studied at the
College of Diplomatics and Journalism of Belgrade
and was graduated from the University of Belgrade
Faculty of Law. Micovic is one of the most
prominent Yugoslav experts on the phenomenon of
mass media and an analyst of global international
relations and special warfare, in particular its
psychological-propaganda and spiritual-cultural
forms, as well as an expert on the strategy of the
New World Order.
Micovic held important posts in the printed media,
on radio and television, and was a state and
political official in Serbia and in Yugoslavia
(undersecretary of culture, information minister,
director of Radio Belgrade, member of the UNESCO
National Commission, secretary and president of
the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance
of Yugoslavia, etc.).
Micovic published a large number of scientific and
expert papers and books in the areas of mass
communications, propaganda and international
relations, including: The Principle of Publicity
and Information, Mass Media in Yugoslavia, Foreign
Propaganda in Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia's Openness to
the World, Special Warfare and the New World
Order, The Aggression on Yugoslavia - "Angel of
Mercy" of the New World Order. The books Media in
Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia's Openness to the World
have been translated into French and English, and
the book Aggression on Yugoslavia into English.
The latest book by Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is
Globalization and the New World Order.
The book was reviewed by renomed philosopher and
world famous researcher Mihailo Markovic, member
of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
(SANU).
Globalization and the New World Order has been
widely distributed and can be purchased in all
major bookstores in Yugoslavia.
CONTENT
Remarks by the author
I THE WORLD AT THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRD
MILLENNIUM......13
1. THE IDEA AND ROOTS OF
MONDIALISM.....................15
Forerunners of the
idea............................15
Sources of ideology of mondialism in
freemasons....16
Mondialism - an ideology of globalization and the
New World Order................................18
2. MONDIALISM (GLOBALISM) AND NATIONAL
SOVEREIGNTY......233. THREE HISTORICAL MODELS OF
GLOBALIZATION.............31
15th-20th century colonization - conquering lands
and partitioning the
world.........................32
Hitler's New
Order.................................33
Division of world into blocs after
WWII............37
II
4. PLANETARY COLONIALISM - OLD IDEA, NEW
PACKAGING......43
End of Cold War (WWIII) - seed of new
globalization
model................................43
American dream of ruling the
world.................46
5. ARCHITECTURE AND FORMS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER............56
Moulding a political
system........................56
Free market - model of economic exploitation and
enslaving......................................60
Cultural imperialism - imposing a system of
values.............................................67
Globalization of information space - one-way flow
of information........................78
Mega military structures - globalization of a
military
force...................................85
6. INSTITUTIONAL PILLARS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER.............88
United Nations - transformation or
decline.........88
European
Union.....................................95
NATO and Partnership for
Peace.....................99
World Bank and IMF - economic pillars of THE New
World Order...............................107
7. WHO RULES THE WORLD BEHIND THE
SCENES...............109
Council of International Relations and Royal
Institute...................................111
Trilateral
Commission.............................115
Bilderberg
Group..................................117
Role of Rockefeller - King of Financial
Empire....121
Who is
Soros......................................122
8. HOW TO REALIZE PLANS FOR NEW
ORDER...................125
1. Psychological-propaganda methods of special
warfare...........................................125
On idea and essence of special warfare.......129
Institutions for informative and propaganda
activities...................................131
Staff for waging psychological-propaganda
warfare......................................137
Ways and methods for "softening up" and
manipulation.................................139
Who is the target public.....................144
Means for influencing human emotions.........148
2. Sanctions - method of collective punishment of
peoples and states........................150
3. Use of armed force and new forms of
occupation.158
9. PHENOMENON OF GLOBAL TERRORISM (CAUSES AND
CONSEQUENCES).........................160
10. PLANNING NEW FORMS AND WAYS OF
GLOBALIZATION.......170
Conquering new territories - Arctic and
Space.....170
Regional political
integrations...................174
11. RESISTANCE TO FORCIBLE GLOBALIZATION AND
AMERICAN
HEGEMONY.................................180
12. CAUSES AND LESSONS OF NATO AGGRESSION ON
YUGOSLAVIA........................................189
NATO aggression on Yugoslavia - part of the
western strategy in the
Balkans...................189 Why Kosovo and
Metohija? Actual causes and fabricated
reasons................................195
Specificities of NATO aggression on
Yugoslavia....198
World reaction and universal meaning of resistance
to aggression..........................202
13. WHAT IS THE ALTERNATIVE TO GLOBALIZATION AND
THE NEW
ORDER.....................................210
Summary................................................215
Notes on the
author....................................221
SUMMARY
The spirit of mondialism and globalization is
increasingly spreading throughout the modern
world. That is an immanent process in the level of
the reached development of economic, cultural,
scientific-technological, and the overall
potentials of modern mankind. That process is
present today mostly and primarily in the most
developed parts of the world (United States,
Western Europe) and has a tendency to spread to
other areas of our planet. The pace and content of
globalization are determined by the United States
as the only super power, with smaller or greater
support from its European allies. The problem is
not in that process, which is objective and
inevitable, but in that its main participants see
the future, in spite of all the diversities and
inequalities in power and quality of life, as
uniformed, stripped of personality, subjugated to
the stronger, a world in which nations will not
have their independence or the elementary
possibility to be equal to each other and free,
without any threats to the freedoms of other
peoples and nations.
At the beginning of the third millennium, it is
characteristic for the world that there is a
turbulent development of the scientific-technical
revolution as the driving force behind economic
and political integration processes and a material
basis for the ideas of mondialism and the
globalization process. On these foundations,
neoimperialistic tendencies grew stronger and
plans were made for the neocolonial conquering of
the world and the creation of strategies for the
New World Order. The Freemasons are the source of
the ideology of mondialism and mondialism is the
ideology of globalization and the New World Order.
The ideology of mondialism and the practice of
globalization are inversely related to national
sovereignty. International integration processes
and linking of peoples and states are inherent to
their interests, provided their specific
charactaristics, history, tradition, and other
circumstances are respected. In these processes,
there are also inevitably certain changes in the
understanding of the term and contents of
sovereignty. It is possible to resolve the problem
of relations between mondialism and sovereignty
only provided states - carriers of sovereignty,
aware of their needs and interests, voluntarily
transfer part of their sovereignty to
international organs and institutions which
coordinate these interests with other subjects
taking part in that process. Otherwise, any other
manner of limiting, curtailing or abolishing
national sovereignty would lead to conflicts and
similar undesired situations.
Three historical models of globalization preceded
the modern process of globalization and
neocolonial conquering of the world. They are:
world colonization from the 15th to the 20th
century, Hitler's "New Order", and the division of
the world into blocs following the 2nd World War.
After the end of the so-called Cold War and the
dismantling of the Eastern European bloc,
tendencies toward new planetary globalization and
neocolonialism were revived. In the United States,
as the only world super power, the new
international circumstances and relations were
understood as a possibility strongly to renew the
historic dream of America ruling the world. That
dream has been in existence for over two centuries
and is based on ideological and propaganda phrases
that the United States "deserves to have the
leading role in the world."
Plans for the construction of the New World Order
have the central place in the strategy of
globalization. The "architecture" of that order
envisages several elementary models: the creation
of one model of a political system in all
countries regardless of the historical
circumstances and tradition in organizing society
in certain countries; securing a "free market" as
a way which will enable unhindered activities by
multi-national companies in all areas, in
particular in economically undeveloped and poor
countries, paving the way to different forms of
economic exploitation and enslaving many
countries; one of the ways to create the New World
Order is also the tendency to impose cultural and
spiritual values from one part of the world,
mostly the United States and Western Europe, on
the rest of the world; a vital element of the New
World Order is the globalization of media space
and a predominantly one-way flow of information
through global electronic media and other forms of
information; and, finally, mega-military
structures, whose main part is the armed force of
NATO, have an important place within the
"architecture" of this new order.
The United Nations presents the institutional
pillars of this New World Order, headed by the
Security Council which is increasingly becoming an
organ with the functions of a world government, as
it is presented in the ideas of theoreticians and
ideologists of mondialism, then the European
Union, NATO as the military guarrantor for the
creation of the new order, and, finally, the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund as the
economic pillars of this order.
In addition to these institutions, there is also
an entire network of very powerful informal
centers which de facto rule the world behind the
scenes. These are primarily the US Council for
International Relations, the Royal Institute of
Great Britain, the Trilateral Commission (United
States, Europe, Japan), the Rome Club, the
Bilderberg Group, and some others. In these
organizations which always work far from the
public eye, hold secret meetings and withold their
conclusions from the public, there are a large
number of statesmen, corporation presidents,
political leaders, owners of mega-media, bankers,
and other figures. The basic principle of the
activities of these organizations is that their
members realize in practice the conclusions which
are secretly adopted, and they are thus
transported into political and economic decisions
of state and international organs and institutions
which they head or which they can directly
influence.
The methods for realizing the plans for a New
World Order are very diverse. Firstly, many
instruments of psychological-propaganda special
warfare are used. Their objective is to influence
the awareness of the masses, possibly without the
use of rough physical or other force, using
propaganda to induce them to accept a certain
system of values. A series of countries,
especially the United States and several Western
European countries, have an organized network of
propaganda institutions throughout the world and
in these countries. They receive large funds and
employ staffs of thousands who specialize in
specific psychological-propaganda activities.
Their activities are aimed at special "targets",
groups of people from different levels of social
stratification - figures from the political and
economic profession who determine the policy or
those who are not in power but will probably come
to power, persons from the armed forces, editors
and reporters, university professors and teachers,
trade union and student leaders, party leaders,
leaders of ethnic, national and cultural
minorities.
The second method of realizing the new order, or
the implementation of different forms of pressure
on nations and states, are sanctions with which
collective punishment was passed on entire nations
through a series of economic, political, media,
and other measures. In this aspect, the example of
the sanctions against Yugoslavia is especially
characteristic, as they were imposed in 1992 and
are still in effect in certain segments. These
sanctions were comprehensive, they covered all
areas of life and were the first of that kind
known in history. This method is being applied on
an increasing number of states. In the second half
of the 20th century, there were 173 cases of
sanctions imposed in the world, including 125
cases where only the United States imposed
sanctions.
The third form of realizing plans for the New
World Order and applying force is the use of armed
force in order to punish and subjugate certain
nations and states. Armed force was used most
often in co-action with psychological-propaganda,
economic, and other forms of activities in order
to force some countries to accept certain
conditions, to give up their national sovereignty,
to submit to servitude and enable the setting up
of foreign military bases and the use of their
territory for the needs of foreign armed forces.
Within the context of the general tendencies
toward globalization, the phenomenon of global
terrorism has occurred. With the very beginning of
this century, terrorism has acquired new contents
and new dimensions. A vital transformation of
conventional terrorism has occurred. Illegal
terrorist organizations have been formed in all
continents, which have begun to carry out major
terrorist actions. They have not articulated any
concrete goals except the struggle "against the
United States." An anti-terrorist action has been
launched following the attacks on targets in the
United States, and an anti-terrorist coalition has
been set up, spearheaded by the United States,
which was followed by the attack on Afghanistan
and the ousting of the Taliban government. Another
characteristic of contemporary terrorism is
increasingly present state terrorism, or
international state terrorism. This is an open and
united attack and the use of military force and
other means against certain countries. The most
drastic example of such terrorism was the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia in 1999. Military force,
propaganda-psychological means and sanctions were
used.
In connection with the struggle against terrorism,
it is important to point out that the world is
ready to fight against terrorism, but that it
increasingly frequently asks the question: What
are its true causes? Many analysts, state leaders
and others, consider a battle against consequences
dangerous and with an uncertain outcome, while
nothing is done to outroot the causes of
terrorism. The United States, however, is
dictating new goals and testing the entire world
to see whether it is devoted to its ideas. Such
behaviour is understood as diktat and arrogance,
which creates misunderstandings and confusion and
resistance, not only in the world, but among
America's western allies as well.
The strategists of planetary globalization are
planning the conquering of new spaces - the Arctic
and the Universe. At the same time, regional
(continental) political integrations are
developed.
Insofar as linking of nations and states are
natural and inevitable, experience so far shows
that this linking and integration processes
proceed to a large extent using force and
violence. This awareness causes throughout the
world smaller or greater resistance to violent
globalization, in whose foundations American
hegemony is recognized. Among the figures who
point out the dangers of such a US policy are
numerous independent intellectuals in the United
States, leaders of many political parties in the
world, statesmen from among US allies in Western
Europe, scientists and professional analysts from
a series of institutes for strategic research, and
others.
The NATO armed aggression on Yugoslavia took place
in 1999, the first armed intervention by NATO
outside its territory. That act of aggression was
carried out under the pretext of preventing a
"humanitarian disaster," allegedly to protect the
rights of Kosovo Albanians. However, this was a
fabricated reason aimed at realizing a completely
different goal. That goal was to secure the
dominance of this military alliance in this part
of southeastern Europe and to secure a strategic
territorial corridor toward the continent of Asia,
toward the richest sources of raw materials and
fuels in the Caspian Sea region. Yugoslavia could
not accept the conditions set by the United States
and NATO because that would have meant its
occupation. That is why it was so cruelly
punished. The United States and NATO sent a
message to all countries through the example of
Yugoslavia, especially to small, undeveloped, weak
countries, to guard themselves from modern
terrorist violence by mighty western powers, that
they will get that same lesson if they stand in
the way of the new world colonizers.
The question arises: What is the alternative to
(forcible) globalization and the new order as
conceived by its strategists? Cooperation among
nations and states in all areas of life is an
inevitability and a necessary part of their
future. The only alernative to forcible
integrations and forcible globalization are
togetherness, linking, and interdependence in
differences. A precondition for this is that
states preserve their independence, national and
cultural identity, and the ability to make
unhindered and uninfluenced decisions about their
own destiny, respecting the interests and needs of
others.
Globalization and New World Order
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 12:46:19 -0700
From: "Artel"
by www.artel.co.yu
office@...
Date:13/05/2002
The New Book of Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D.
Globalization and the New World Order
The new book of Vojislav
Micovic, Ph. D.
Globalization and new world
order was reviewed in
TANJUG Press Center on 22
April 2002 by Dr Mihailo
Markovic, member of Serbian
Academy of Sciences and
Arts (SANU), Dr Blagoje
Babic, expert of
international economy
systems of the Institute of
Politics and economy of
Belgrade and General in
retreat Radovan Radinovic,
expert in military affairs.
The Book can be ordered
through ARTEL for the price
of 300,00 Dinars (or 5
Euros) plus transport fees. The interested ones
are invited to contact us through tel/fax: (+381
11) 699-495, or by e-mail: office@....
(The Book is in Serbian).
NOTES ON THE AUTHOR
Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is a publicist and a
political analyst by profession. He studied at the
College of Diplomatics and Journalism of Belgrade
and was graduated from the University of Belgrade
Faculty of Law. Micovic is one of the most
prominent Yugoslav experts on the phenomenon of
mass media and an analyst of global international
relations and special warfare, in particular its
psychological-propaganda and spiritual-cultural
forms, as well as an expert on the strategy of the
New World Order.
Micovic held important posts in the printed media,
on radio and television, and was a state and
political official in Serbia and in Yugoslavia
(undersecretary of culture, information minister,
director of Radio Belgrade, member of the UNESCO
National Commission, secretary and president of
the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance
of Yugoslavia, etc.).
Micovic published a large number of scientific and
expert papers and books in the areas of mass
communications, propaganda and international
relations, including: The Principle of Publicity
and Information, Mass Media in Yugoslavia, Foreign
Propaganda in Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia's Openness to
the World, Special Warfare and the New World
Order, The Aggression on Yugoslavia - "Angel of
Mercy" of the New World Order. The books Media in
Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia's Openness to the World
have been translated into French and English, and
the book Aggression on Yugoslavia into English.
The latest book by Vojislav Micovic, Ph.D., is
Globalization and the New World Order.
The book was reviewed by renomed philosopher and
world famous researcher Mihailo Markovic, member
of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
(SANU).
Globalization and the New World Order has been
widely distributed and can be purchased in all
major bookstores in Yugoslavia.
CONTENT
Remarks by the author
I THE WORLD AT THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRD
MILLENNIUM......13
1. THE IDEA AND ROOTS OF
MONDIALISM.....................15
Forerunners of the
idea............................15
Sources of ideology of mondialism in
freemasons....16
Mondialism - an ideology of globalization and the
New World Order................................18
2. MONDIALISM (GLOBALISM) AND NATIONAL
SOVEREIGNTY......233. THREE HISTORICAL MODELS OF
GLOBALIZATION.............31
15th-20th century colonization - conquering lands
and partitioning the
world.........................32
Hitler's New
Order.................................33
Division of world into blocs after
WWII............37
II
4. PLANETARY COLONIALISM - OLD IDEA, NEW
PACKAGING......43
End of Cold War (WWIII) - seed of new
globalization
model................................43
American dream of ruling the
world.................46
5. ARCHITECTURE AND FORMS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER............56
Moulding a political
system........................56
Free market - model of economic exploitation and
enslaving......................................60
Cultural imperialism - imposing a system of
values.............................................67
Globalization of information space - one-way flow
of information........................78
Mega military structures - globalization of a
military
force...................................85
6. INSTITUTIONAL PILLARS OF NEW WORLD
ORDER.............88
United Nations - transformation or
decline.........88
European
Union.....................................95
NATO and Partnership for
Peace.....................99
World Bank and IMF - economic pillars of THE New
World Order...............................107
7. WHO RULES THE WORLD BEHIND THE
SCENES...............109
Council of International Relations and Royal
Institute...................................111
Trilateral
Commission.............................115
Bilderberg
Group..................................117
Role of Rockefeller - King of Financial
Empire....121
Who is
Soros......................................122
8. HOW TO REALIZE PLANS FOR NEW
ORDER...................125
1. Psychological-propaganda methods of special
warfare...........................................125
On idea and essence of special warfare.......129
Institutions for informative and propaganda
activities...................................131
Staff for waging psychological-propaganda
warfare......................................137
Ways and methods for "softening up" and
manipulation.................................139
Who is the target public.....................144
Means for influencing human emotions.........148
2. Sanctions - method of collective punishment of
peoples and states........................150
3. Use of armed force and new forms of
occupation.158
9. PHENOMENON OF GLOBAL TERRORISM (CAUSES AND
CONSEQUENCES).........................160
10. PLANNING NEW FORMS AND WAYS OF
GLOBALIZATION.......170
Conquering new territories - Arctic and
Space.....170
Regional political
integrations...................174
11. RESISTANCE TO FORCIBLE GLOBALIZATION AND
AMERICAN
HEGEMONY.................................180
12. CAUSES AND LESSONS OF NATO AGGRESSION ON
YUGOSLAVIA........................................189
NATO aggression on Yugoslavia - part of the
western strategy in the
Balkans...................189 Why Kosovo and
Metohija? Actual causes and fabricated
reasons................................195
Specificities of NATO aggression on
Yugoslavia....198
World reaction and universal meaning of resistance
to aggression..........................202
13. WHAT IS THE ALTERNATIVE TO GLOBALIZATION AND
THE NEW
ORDER.....................................210
Summary................................................215
Notes on the
author....................................221
SUMMARY
The spirit of mondialism and globalization is
increasingly spreading throughout the modern
world. That is an immanent process in the level of
the reached development of economic, cultural,
scientific-technological, and the overall
potentials of modern mankind. That process is
present today mostly and primarily in the most
developed parts of the world (United States,
Western Europe) and has a tendency to spread to
other areas of our planet. The pace and content of
globalization are determined by the United States
as the only super power, with smaller or greater
support from its European allies. The problem is
not in that process, which is objective and
inevitable, but in that its main participants see
the future, in spite of all the diversities and
inequalities in power and quality of life, as
uniformed, stripped of personality, subjugated to
the stronger, a world in which nations will not
have their independence or the elementary
possibility to be equal to each other and free,
without any threats to the freedoms of other
peoples and nations.
At the beginning of the third millennium, it is
characteristic for the world that there is a
turbulent development of the scientific-technical
revolution as the driving force behind economic
and political integration processes and a material
basis for the ideas of mondialism and the
globalization process. On these foundations,
neoimperialistic tendencies grew stronger and
plans were made for the neocolonial conquering of
the world and the creation of strategies for the
New World Order. The Freemasons are the source of
the ideology of mondialism and mondialism is the
ideology of globalization and the New World Order.
The ideology of mondialism and the practice of
globalization are inversely related to national
sovereignty. International integration processes
and linking of peoples and states are inherent to
their interests, provided their specific
charactaristics, history, tradition, and other
circumstances are respected. In these processes,
there are also inevitably certain changes in the
understanding of the term and contents of
sovereignty. It is possible to resolve the problem
of relations between mondialism and sovereignty
only provided states - carriers of sovereignty,
aware of their needs and interests, voluntarily
transfer part of their sovereignty to
international organs and institutions which
coordinate these interests with other subjects
taking part in that process. Otherwise, any other
manner of limiting, curtailing or abolishing
national sovereignty would lead to conflicts and
similar undesired situations.
Three historical models of globalization preceded
the modern process of globalization and
neocolonial conquering of the world. They are:
world colonization from the 15th to the 20th
century, Hitler's "New Order", and the division of
the world into blocs following the 2nd World War.
After the end of the so-called Cold War and the
dismantling of the Eastern European bloc,
tendencies toward new planetary globalization and
neocolonialism were revived. In the United States,
as the only world super power, the new
international circumstances and relations were
understood as a possibility strongly to renew the
historic dream of America ruling the world. That
dream has been in existence for over two centuries
and is based on ideological and propaganda phrases
that the United States "deserves to have the
leading role in the world."
Plans for the construction of the New World Order
have the central place in the strategy of
globalization. The "architecture" of that order
envisages several elementary models: the creation
of one model of a political system in all
countries regardless of the historical
circumstances and tradition in organizing society
in certain countries; securing a "free market" as
a way which will enable unhindered activities by
multi-national companies in all areas, in
particular in economically undeveloped and poor
countries, paving the way to different forms of
economic exploitation and enslaving many
countries; one of the ways to create the New World
Order is also the tendency to impose cultural and
spiritual values from one part of the world,
mostly the United States and Western Europe, on
the rest of the world; a vital element of the New
World Order is the globalization of media space
and a predominantly one-way flow of information
through global electronic media and other forms of
information; and, finally, mega-military
structures, whose main part is the armed force of
NATO, have an important place within the
"architecture" of this new order.
The United Nations presents the institutional
pillars of this New World Order, headed by the
Security Council which is increasingly becoming an
organ with the functions of a world government, as
it is presented in the ideas of theoreticians and
ideologists of mondialism, then the European
Union, NATO as the military guarrantor for the
creation of the new order, and, finally, the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund as the
economic pillars of this order.
In addition to these institutions, there is also
an entire network of very powerful informal
centers which de facto rule the world behind the
scenes. These are primarily the US Council for
International Relations, the Royal Institute of
Great Britain, the Trilateral Commission (United
States, Europe, Japan), the Rome Club, the
Bilderberg Group, and some others. In these
organizations which always work far from the
public eye, hold secret meetings and withold their
conclusions from the public, there are a large
number of statesmen, corporation presidents,
political leaders, owners of mega-media, bankers,
and other figures. The basic principle of the
activities of these organizations is that their
members realize in practice the conclusions which
are secretly adopted, and they are thus
transported into political and economic decisions
of state and international organs and institutions
which they head or which they can directly
influence.
The methods for realizing the plans for a New
World Order are very diverse. Firstly, many
instruments of psychological-propaganda special
warfare are used. Their objective is to influence
the awareness of the masses, possibly without the
use of rough physical or other force, using
propaganda to induce them to accept a certain
system of values. A series of countries,
especially the United States and several Western
European countries, have an organized network of
propaganda institutions throughout the world and
in these countries. They receive large funds and
employ staffs of thousands who specialize in
specific psychological-propaganda activities.
Their activities are aimed at special "targets",
groups of people from different levels of social
stratification - figures from the political and
economic profession who determine the policy or
those who are not in power but will probably come
to power, persons from the armed forces, editors
and reporters, university professors and teachers,
trade union and student leaders, party leaders,
leaders of ethnic, national and cultural
minorities.
The second method of realizing the new order, or
the implementation of different forms of pressure
on nations and states, are sanctions with which
collective punishment was passed on entire nations
through a series of economic, political, media,
and other measures. In this aspect, the example of
the sanctions against Yugoslavia is especially
characteristic, as they were imposed in 1992 and
are still in effect in certain segments. These
sanctions were comprehensive, they covered all
areas of life and were the first of that kind
known in history. This method is being applied on
an increasing number of states. In the second half
of the 20th century, there were 173 cases of
sanctions imposed in the world, including 125
cases where only the United States imposed
sanctions.
The third form of realizing plans for the New
World Order and applying force is the use of armed
force in order to punish and subjugate certain
nations and states. Armed force was used most
often in co-action with psychological-propaganda,
economic, and other forms of activities in order
to force some countries to accept certain
conditions, to give up their national sovereignty,
to submit to servitude and enable the setting up
of foreign military bases and the use of their
territory for the needs of foreign armed forces.
Within the context of the general tendencies
toward globalization, the phenomenon of global
terrorism has occurred. With the very beginning of
this century, terrorism has acquired new contents
and new dimensions. A vital transformation of
conventional terrorism has occurred. Illegal
terrorist organizations have been formed in all
continents, which have begun to carry out major
terrorist actions. They have not articulated any
concrete goals except the struggle "against the
United States." An anti-terrorist action has been
launched following the attacks on targets in the
United States, and an anti-terrorist coalition has
been set up, spearheaded by the United States,
which was followed by the attack on Afghanistan
and the ousting of the Taliban government. Another
characteristic of contemporary terrorism is
increasingly present state terrorism, or
international state terrorism. This is an open and
united attack and the use of military force and
other means against certain countries. The most
drastic example of such terrorism was the NATO
aggression on Yugoslavia in 1999. Military force,
propaganda-psychological means and sanctions were
used.
In connection with the struggle against terrorism,
it is important to point out that the world is
ready to fight against terrorism, but that it
increasingly frequently asks the question: What
are its true causes? Many analysts, state leaders
and others, consider a battle against consequences
dangerous and with an uncertain outcome, while
nothing is done to outroot the causes of
terrorism. The United States, however, is
dictating new goals and testing the entire world
to see whether it is devoted to its ideas. Such
behaviour is understood as diktat and arrogance,
which creates misunderstandings and confusion and
resistance, not only in the world, but among
America's western allies as well.
The strategists of planetary globalization are
planning the conquering of new spaces - the Arctic
and the Universe. At the same time, regional
(continental) political integrations are
developed.
Insofar as linking of nations and states are
natural and inevitable, experience so far shows
that this linking and integration processes
proceed to a large extent using force and
violence. This awareness causes throughout the
world smaller or greater resistance to violent
globalization, in whose foundations American
hegemony is recognized. Among the figures who
point out the dangers of such a US policy are
numerous independent intellectuals in the United
States, leaders of many political parties in the
world, statesmen from among US allies in Western
Europe, scientists and professional analysts from
a series of institutes for strategic research, and
others.
The NATO armed aggression on Yugoslavia took place
in 1999, the first armed intervention by NATO
outside its territory. That act of aggression was
carried out under the pretext of preventing a
"humanitarian disaster," allegedly to protect the
rights of Kosovo Albanians. However, this was a
fabricated reason aimed at realizing a completely
different goal. That goal was to secure the
dominance of this military alliance in this part
of southeastern Europe and to secure a strategic
territorial corridor toward the continent of Asia,
toward the richest sources of raw materials and
fuels in the Caspian Sea region. Yugoslavia could
not accept the conditions set by the United States
and NATO because that would have meant its
occupation. That is why it was so cruelly
punished. The United States and NATO sent a
message to all countries through the example of
Yugoslavia, especially to small, undeveloped, weak
countries, to guard themselves from modern
terrorist violence by mighty western powers, that
they will get that same lesson if they stand in
the way of the new world colonizers.
The question arises: What is the alternative to
(forcible) globalization and the new order as
conceived by its strategists? Cooperation among
nations and states in all areas of life is an
inevitability and a necessary part of their
future. The only alernative to forcible
integrations and forcible globalization are
togetherness, linking, and interdependence in
differences. A precondition for this is that
states preserve their independence, national and
cultural identity, and the ability to make
unhindered and uninfluenced decisions about their
own destiny, respecting the interests and needs of
others.
CROAZIA 1941-1944: UNA CATTOLICISSIMA MACELLERIA
Il nazista Pavelic e l'arcivescovo Stepinac, alleati di genocidio
di Karlheinz Deschner
Il testo che segue è la traduzione letterale di quello
presentato da Karlheinz Deschner il 26/12/1993 in occasione
dell'ultima puntata della sua serie televisiva sulla politica
dei Papi nel XX secolo. Questa serie è stata trasmessa
in Germania da Kanal 4, sulle frequenze di RTL. Il testo
e' stato ripreso dalla rivista marxista tedesca "Konkret"
(n.3-1994, pg.47) e tradotto in italiano a cura del Coord.
Romano per la Jugoslavia.
---
Il Papato di Roma - divenuto grande attraverso la
guerra e l'inganno, attraverso la guerra e l'inganno
conservatosi tale - ha sostenuto nel XX secolo il
sorgere di tutti gli Stati fascisti con
determinazione, ma più degli altri ha favorito proprio
il peggior regime criminale: quello di Ante Pavelic
in Jugoslavia.
Questo ex-avvocato zagrebino, che negli anni '30
addestrò le sue bande soprattutto in Italia, fece
uccidere nel 1934 a Marsiglia il re Alessandro di
Jugoslavia in un attentato che costò la vita anche al
ministro degli Esteri francese. Due anni più tardi
celebrò con un libello le glorie di Hitler, "il più grande
ed il migliore dei figli della Germania", e ritornò
in Jugoslavia nel 1941, rifornito da Mussolini con armi
e denari, al seguito dell'occupante tedesco. Da despota
assoluto Pavelic si pose nella cosiddetta
Croazia Indipendente a capo di tre milioni di Croati
cattolici, due milioni di Serbi ortodossi, mezzo
milione di Musulmani bosniaci nonchè numerosi
gruppi etnici minori. Nel mese di maggio cedette
quasi la metà del suo paese con annessi e connessi
ai suoi vicini, soprattutto all'Italia, dove con
particolare calore fu accolto e benedetto da Pio XII
in udienza privata (benchè già condannato a
morte in contumacia per il doppio omicidio di
Marsiglia sia dalla Francia che dalla Jugoslavia). Il
grande complice dei fascisti si accommiatò da lui
e dalla sua suite in modo amichevole e con i migliori
auguri, letteralmente, di "buon lavoro".
Così ebbe inizio una crociata cattolica che non ha
nulla da invidiare ai peggiori massacri del
Medioevo, ma piuttosto li supera. Duecentonovantanove
chiese serbo-ortodosse della "Croazia
Indipendente" furono saccheggiate, annientate,
molte trasformate persino in magazzini, gabinetti
pubblici, stalle.
Duecentoquarantamila Serbi ortodossi furono costretti
a convertirsi al cattolicesimo e circa
settecentocinquantamila furono assassinati. Furono
fucilati a mucchi, colpiti con la scure, gettati nei
fiumi, nelle foibe, nel mare. Venivano massacrati
nelle cosiddette "Case del Signore", ad esempio
duemila persone solo nella chiesa di Glina. Da vivi
venivano loro strappati gli occhi, oppure si
tagliavano le orecchie ed il naso, da vivi li si
seppelliva, erano sgozzati, decapitati o crocifissi. Gli
Italiani fotografarono un sicario di Pavelic che
portava al collo due collane fatte con lingue ed occhi di
esseri umani.
Anche cinque vescovi ed almeno 300 preti dei Serbi
furono macellati, taluni in maniera ripugnante,
come il pope Branko Dobrosavljevic, al quale furono
strappati la barba ed i capelli, sollevata la pelle,
estratti gli occhi, mentre il suo figlioletto era
fatto letteralmente a pezzi dinanzi a lui. L'ottantenne
Metropolita di Sarajevo, Petar Simonic, fu sgozzato.
Ciononostante l'arcivescovo cattolico della città
di Oden scrisse parole in lode di Pavelic, "il duce
adorato", e nel suo foglio diocesano inneggiò ai
metodi rivoluzionari, "al servizio della Verità, della
Giustizia e dell'Onore".
Le macellerie cattoliche nella "Grande Croazia" furono
così terribili che scioccarono persino gli stessi
fascisti italiani; anche alti comandi tedeschi
protestarono, diplomatici, generali, persino il servizio di
sicurezza delle SS ed il ministro degli Esteri nazista
Von Ribbentrop. A più riprese, di fronte alle
"macellazioni" di Serbi, truppe tedesche intervennero
contro i loro stessi alleati croati.
E questo regime - che ebbe per simboli e strumenti
di guerra "la Bibbia e la bomba" - fu un regime
assolutamente cattolico, strettamente legato alla
Chiesa Cattolica Romana, dal primo momento e sino
alla fine. Il suo dittatore Ante Pavelic, che era
tanto spesso in viaggio tra il quartier generale del
Führer e la Berghof hitleriana quanto in Vaticano,
fu definito dal primate croato Stepinac "un croato
devoto", e dal papa Pio XII (nel 1943!) "un cattolico
praticante". In centinaia di foto egli appare fra
vescovi, preti, suore, frati. Fu un religioso ad
educare i suoi figli. Aveva un suo confessore e nel suo
palazzo c'era una cappella privata. Tanti religiosi
appartenevano al suo partito, quello degli ustasa,
che usava termini come dio, religione, papa, chiesa,
continuamente. Vescovi e preti sedevano nel
Sabor, il parlamento ustasa. Religiosi fungevano
da ufficiali della guardia del corpo di Pavelic. I
cappellani ustasa giuravano ubbidienza dinanzi a
due candele, un crocifisso, un pugnale ed una
pistola. I Gesuiti, ma più ancora i Francescani,
comandavano bande armate ed organizzavano
massacri: "Abbasso i Serbi!". Essi dichiaravano
giunta "l'ora del revolver e del fucile"; affermavano
"non essere più peccato uccidere un bambino di
sette anni, se questo infrange la legge degli ustasa".
"Ammazzare tutti i Serbi nel tempo più breve
possibile": questo fu indicato più volte come "il nostro
programma" dal francescano Simic, un vicario militare
degli ustasa. Francescani erano anche i boia
dei campi di concentramento. Essi sparavano, nella
"Croazia Indipendente", in quello "Stato cristiano
e cattolico", la "Croazia di Dio e di Maria", "Regno
di Cristo", come vagheggiava la stampa cattolica
del paese, che encomiava anche Adolf Hitler
definendolo "crociato di Dio". Il campo di
concentramento di Jasenovac ebbe per un periodo
il francescano Filipovic-Majstorovic per
comandante, che fece ivi liquidare 40.000 esseri
umani in quattro mesi. Il seminarista francescano
Brzien ha decapitato qui, nella notte del 29 agosto
1942, 1360 persone con una mannaia.
Non per caso il primate del paradiso dei gangsters
cattolici, arcivescovo Stepinac, ringraziò il clero
croato "ed in primo luogo i Francescani" quando
nel maggio 1943, in Vaticano, sottolineò le conquiste
degli ustasa. E naturalmente il primate, entusiasta
degli ustasa, vicario militare degli ustasa, membro
del parlamento degli ustasa, era bene informato di
tutto quanto accadeva in questo criminale eldorado
di preti, come d'altronde Sua Santità lo stesso
Pio XII, che in quel tempo concedeva una udienza dopo
l'altra ai Croati, a ministri ustasa, a diplomatici
ustasa, e che alla fine del 1942 si rivolse alla
Gioventù Ustasa (sulle cui uniformi campeggiava
la grande "U" con la bomba che esplode all'interno)
con un: "Viva i Croati!". I Serbi morirono allora,
circa 750.000, per ripeterlo, spesso in seguito a
torture atroci, in misura del 10-15% della
popolazione della Grande Croazia - tutto ciò
esaurientemente documentato e descritto nel mio
libro La politica dei papi nel XX secolo [Die Politik
der Paepste im XX Jahrhundert, Rohwohl 1993; si veda
pure "L'Arcivescovo del genocidio", di M.A. Rivelli,
ediz. Kaos 1999]. E se non si sa nulla su questo
bagno di sangue da incubo non si può comprendere
ciò che laggiù avviene oggi, avvenimenti
per i quali lo stesso ministro degli Esteri dei nostri
alleati Stati Uniti attribuisce una responsabilità
specifica ai tedeschi, ovvero al governo Kohl-Genscher.
Più coinvolto ancora è solo il Vaticano, che
già a suo tempo attraverso papa Pio XII non solo
c'entrava, ma era così impigliato nel peggiore degli
orrori dell'era fascista che, come già scrissi
trent'anni fa, "non ci sarebbe da stupirsi, conoscendo la
tattica della Chiesa romana, se lo facesse santo".
Comunque sia: il Vaticano ha contribuito in maniera
determinante alla instaurazione di interi regimi
fascisti degli anni venti, trenta e quaranta. Con i
suoi vescovi ha sostenuto tutti gli Stati fascisti
sistematicamente sin dal loro inizio. E' stato il
decisivo sostenitore di Mussolini, Hitler, Franco,
Pavelic; in tal modo la Chiesa romano-cattolica si
è resa anche corresponsabile della morte di circa
sessanta milioni di persone, e nondimeno della morte
di milioni di cattolici. Non è un qualche secolo
del Medioevo, bensì è il ventesimo, per lo meno dal
punto di vista quantitativo, il più efferato nella
storia della chiesa.
---
POSTILLA: In occasione del primo viaggio in Croazia di
Giovanni Paolo II, il quotidiano italiano la Repubblica
taceva su tutto quanto sopra raccontato, pero' scriveva:
"...Ma il contatto con la folla fa bene a Giovanni Paolo
II. I fedeli lo applaudono ripetutamente. Specie quando
ricorda il cardinale Stepinac, imprigionato da Tito per
i suoi rapporti con il regime di Ante Pavelic, ma sempre
rimasto nel cuore dei Croati come un'icona del
nazionalismo. Woityla, che sabato sera ha pregato sulla
sua tomba, gli rende omaggio, però pensa soprattutto
al futuro..." (la Repubblica, 12/9/1994). Tre anni dopo,
lo stesso papa proclamava beato il nazista Stepinac, con
una pomposa cerimonia alla quale partecipava pure Franjo
Tudjman, regista della cacciata di tutta la popolazione
serba delle Krajne nella versione di fine secolo della
"Croazia indipendente".
Il nazista Pavelic e l'arcivescovo Stepinac, alleati di genocidio
di Karlheinz Deschner
Il testo che segue è la traduzione letterale di quello
presentato da Karlheinz Deschner il 26/12/1993 in occasione
dell'ultima puntata della sua serie televisiva sulla politica
dei Papi nel XX secolo. Questa serie è stata trasmessa
in Germania da Kanal 4, sulle frequenze di RTL. Il testo
e' stato ripreso dalla rivista marxista tedesca "Konkret"
(n.3-1994, pg.47) e tradotto in italiano a cura del Coord.
Romano per la Jugoslavia.
---
Il Papato di Roma - divenuto grande attraverso la
guerra e l'inganno, attraverso la guerra e l'inganno
conservatosi tale - ha sostenuto nel XX secolo il
sorgere di tutti gli Stati fascisti con
determinazione, ma più degli altri ha favorito proprio
il peggior regime criminale: quello di Ante Pavelic
in Jugoslavia.
Questo ex-avvocato zagrebino, che negli anni '30
addestrò le sue bande soprattutto in Italia, fece
uccidere nel 1934 a Marsiglia il re Alessandro di
Jugoslavia in un attentato che costò la vita anche al
ministro degli Esteri francese. Due anni più tardi
celebrò con un libello le glorie di Hitler, "il più grande
ed il migliore dei figli della Germania", e ritornò
in Jugoslavia nel 1941, rifornito da Mussolini con armi
e denari, al seguito dell'occupante tedesco. Da despota
assoluto Pavelic si pose nella cosiddetta
Croazia Indipendente a capo di tre milioni di Croati
cattolici, due milioni di Serbi ortodossi, mezzo
milione di Musulmani bosniaci nonchè numerosi
gruppi etnici minori. Nel mese di maggio cedette
quasi la metà del suo paese con annessi e connessi
ai suoi vicini, soprattutto all'Italia, dove con
particolare calore fu accolto e benedetto da Pio XII
in udienza privata (benchè già condannato a
morte in contumacia per il doppio omicidio di
Marsiglia sia dalla Francia che dalla Jugoslavia). Il
grande complice dei fascisti si accommiatò da lui
e dalla sua suite in modo amichevole e con i migliori
auguri, letteralmente, di "buon lavoro".
Così ebbe inizio una crociata cattolica che non ha
nulla da invidiare ai peggiori massacri del
Medioevo, ma piuttosto li supera. Duecentonovantanove
chiese serbo-ortodosse della "Croazia
Indipendente" furono saccheggiate, annientate,
molte trasformate persino in magazzini, gabinetti
pubblici, stalle.
Duecentoquarantamila Serbi ortodossi furono costretti
a convertirsi al cattolicesimo e circa
settecentocinquantamila furono assassinati. Furono
fucilati a mucchi, colpiti con la scure, gettati nei
fiumi, nelle foibe, nel mare. Venivano massacrati
nelle cosiddette "Case del Signore", ad esempio
duemila persone solo nella chiesa di Glina. Da vivi
venivano loro strappati gli occhi, oppure si
tagliavano le orecchie ed il naso, da vivi li si
seppelliva, erano sgozzati, decapitati o crocifissi. Gli
Italiani fotografarono un sicario di Pavelic che
portava al collo due collane fatte con lingue ed occhi di
esseri umani.
Anche cinque vescovi ed almeno 300 preti dei Serbi
furono macellati, taluni in maniera ripugnante,
come il pope Branko Dobrosavljevic, al quale furono
strappati la barba ed i capelli, sollevata la pelle,
estratti gli occhi, mentre il suo figlioletto era
fatto letteralmente a pezzi dinanzi a lui. L'ottantenne
Metropolita di Sarajevo, Petar Simonic, fu sgozzato.
Ciononostante l'arcivescovo cattolico della città
di Oden scrisse parole in lode di Pavelic, "il duce
adorato", e nel suo foglio diocesano inneggiò ai
metodi rivoluzionari, "al servizio della Verità, della
Giustizia e dell'Onore".
Le macellerie cattoliche nella "Grande Croazia" furono
così terribili che scioccarono persino gli stessi
fascisti italiani; anche alti comandi tedeschi
protestarono, diplomatici, generali, persino il servizio di
sicurezza delle SS ed il ministro degli Esteri nazista
Von Ribbentrop. A più riprese, di fronte alle
"macellazioni" di Serbi, truppe tedesche intervennero
contro i loro stessi alleati croati.
E questo regime - che ebbe per simboli e strumenti
di guerra "la Bibbia e la bomba" - fu un regime
assolutamente cattolico, strettamente legato alla
Chiesa Cattolica Romana, dal primo momento e sino
alla fine. Il suo dittatore Ante Pavelic, che era
tanto spesso in viaggio tra il quartier generale del
Führer e la Berghof hitleriana quanto in Vaticano,
fu definito dal primate croato Stepinac "un croato
devoto", e dal papa Pio XII (nel 1943!) "un cattolico
praticante". In centinaia di foto egli appare fra
vescovi, preti, suore, frati. Fu un religioso ad
educare i suoi figli. Aveva un suo confessore e nel suo
palazzo c'era una cappella privata. Tanti religiosi
appartenevano al suo partito, quello degli ustasa,
che usava termini come dio, religione, papa, chiesa,
continuamente. Vescovi e preti sedevano nel
Sabor, il parlamento ustasa. Religiosi fungevano
da ufficiali della guardia del corpo di Pavelic. I
cappellani ustasa giuravano ubbidienza dinanzi a
due candele, un crocifisso, un pugnale ed una
pistola. I Gesuiti, ma più ancora i Francescani,
comandavano bande armate ed organizzavano
massacri: "Abbasso i Serbi!". Essi dichiaravano
giunta "l'ora del revolver e del fucile"; affermavano
"non essere più peccato uccidere un bambino di
sette anni, se questo infrange la legge degli ustasa".
"Ammazzare tutti i Serbi nel tempo più breve
possibile": questo fu indicato più volte come "il nostro
programma" dal francescano Simic, un vicario militare
degli ustasa. Francescani erano anche i boia
dei campi di concentramento. Essi sparavano, nella
"Croazia Indipendente", in quello "Stato cristiano
e cattolico", la "Croazia di Dio e di Maria", "Regno
di Cristo", come vagheggiava la stampa cattolica
del paese, che encomiava anche Adolf Hitler
definendolo "crociato di Dio". Il campo di
concentramento di Jasenovac ebbe per un periodo
il francescano Filipovic-Majstorovic per
comandante, che fece ivi liquidare 40.000 esseri
umani in quattro mesi. Il seminarista francescano
Brzien ha decapitato qui, nella notte del 29 agosto
1942, 1360 persone con una mannaia.
Non per caso il primate del paradiso dei gangsters
cattolici, arcivescovo Stepinac, ringraziò il clero
croato "ed in primo luogo i Francescani" quando
nel maggio 1943, in Vaticano, sottolineò le conquiste
degli ustasa. E naturalmente il primate, entusiasta
degli ustasa, vicario militare degli ustasa, membro
del parlamento degli ustasa, era bene informato di
tutto quanto accadeva in questo criminale eldorado
di preti, come d'altronde Sua Santità lo stesso
Pio XII, che in quel tempo concedeva una udienza dopo
l'altra ai Croati, a ministri ustasa, a diplomatici
ustasa, e che alla fine del 1942 si rivolse alla
Gioventù Ustasa (sulle cui uniformi campeggiava
la grande "U" con la bomba che esplode all'interno)
con un: "Viva i Croati!". I Serbi morirono allora,
circa 750.000, per ripeterlo, spesso in seguito a
torture atroci, in misura del 10-15% della
popolazione della Grande Croazia - tutto ciò
esaurientemente documentato e descritto nel mio
libro La politica dei papi nel XX secolo [Die Politik
der Paepste im XX Jahrhundert, Rohwohl 1993; si veda
pure "L'Arcivescovo del genocidio", di M.A. Rivelli,
ediz. Kaos 1999]. E se non si sa nulla su questo
bagno di sangue da incubo non si può comprendere
ciò che laggiù avviene oggi, avvenimenti
per i quali lo stesso ministro degli Esteri dei nostri
alleati Stati Uniti attribuisce una responsabilità
specifica ai tedeschi, ovvero al governo Kohl-Genscher.
Più coinvolto ancora è solo il Vaticano, che
già a suo tempo attraverso papa Pio XII non solo
c'entrava, ma era così impigliato nel peggiore degli
orrori dell'era fascista che, come già scrissi
trent'anni fa, "non ci sarebbe da stupirsi, conoscendo la
tattica della Chiesa romana, se lo facesse santo".
Comunque sia: il Vaticano ha contribuito in maniera
determinante alla instaurazione di interi regimi
fascisti degli anni venti, trenta e quaranta. Con i
suoi vescovi ha sostenuto tutti gli Stati fascisti
sistematicamente sin dal loro inizio. E' stato il
decisivo sostenitore di Mussolini, Hitler, Franco,
Pavelic; in tal modo la Chiesa romano-cattolica si
è resa anche corresponsabile della morte di circa
sessanta milioni di persone, e nondimeno della morte
di milioni di cattolici. Non è un qualche secolo
del Medioevo, bensì è il ventesimo, per lo meno dal
punto di vista quantitativo, il più efferato nella
storia della chiesa.
---
POSTILLA: In occasione del primo viaggio in Croazia di
Giovanni Paolo II, il quotidiano italiano la Repubblica
taceva su tutto quanto sopra raccontato, pero' scriveva:
"...Ma il contatto con la folla fa bene a Giovanni Paolo
II. I fedeli lo applaudono ripetutamente. Specie quando
ricorda il cardinale Stepinac, imprigionato da Tito per
i suoi rapporti con il regime di Ante Pavelic, ma sempre
rimasto nel cuore dei Croati come un'icona del
nazionalismo. Woityla, che sabato sera ha pregato sulla
sua tomba, gli rende omaggio, però pensa soprattutto
al futuro..." (la Repubblica, 12/9/1994). Tre anni dopo,
lo stesso papa proclamava beato il nazista Stepinac, con
una pomposa cerimonia alla quale partecipava pure Franjo
Tudjman, regista della cacciata di tutta la popolazione
serba delle Krajne nella versione di fine secolo della
"Croazia indipendente".
Covert Action Quaterly - http://www.covertaction.org
YUGOSLAVIA: SPECIAL COVERAGE
> http://www.covertaction.org/yugo1.htm
Hawks and Eagles: "Greater NATO" Flies to the Aid of "Greater Albania
Diana Johnstone
Spring-Summer 1999 #65
>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo2.htm
NATO and Beyond
Ellen Ray and William Schaap
Winter 1999 # 66
>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo3.htm
Seeing Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass
Diana Johnstone
Fall 1998 # 65
>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo4.htm
Germany, U.S. and the Yugoslav Crisis
Sean Gervasi
Winter 1992-93 # 43
YUGOSLAVIA: SPECIAL COVERAGE
> http://www.covertaction.org/yugo1.htm
Hawks and Eagles: "Greater NATO" Flies to the Aid of "Greater Albania
Diana Johnstone
Spring-Summer 1999 #65
>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo2.htm
NATO and Beyond
Ellen Ray and William Schaap
Winter 1999 # 66
>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo3.htm
Seeing Yugoslavia Through a Dark Glass
Diana Johnstone
Fall 1998 # 65
>
http://www.covertaction.org/yugo4.htm
Germany, U.S. and the Yugoslav Crisis
Sean Gervasi
Winter 1992-93 # 43
La guerra del quotidiano "Il Manifesto" contro i serbi della
Bosnia non e' ancora finita.
Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
momenti del conflitto.
E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
(imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
procediamo nella lettura.
Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
"divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
avanti.
Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.
La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
<<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
(si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
<<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.
<<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
[il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?
Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
<<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
"Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.
La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
<<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
sicuramente di piu'.
Italo Slavo
Bosnia non e' ancora finita.
Oggi, 14 maggio 2002, a quasi sei anni e mezzo di distanza dagli
accordi di Dayton, con i quali la guerra fratricida in Bosnia si
interrompeva, una intera pagina di quotidiano pretende
di ricordare un poeta morto da pochi giorni. Invece,
riesuma quei luoghi comuni che speravamo di non dover
piu' leggere, e trasuda odio etnico come nei peggiori
momenti del conflitto.
E' la ciliegina sulla torta di molti giorni di cattiva
informazione, per il "Manifesto": nel silenzio ineffabile
(imbarazzato o complice, non sappiamo) sulle udienze del
Tribunale dell'Aia e sulla visita di Djindjic in Italia,
spunta la pagina "culturale": Sarajevo, of course.
Pagina 12. Il poeta da ricordare e' Izet Sarajlic. Dopo
alcune battute iniziali, che ci danno la misura precisa
del carattere dell'articolo, con sconforto e sofferenza
procediamo nella lettura.
Dell'autore dell'articolo, Emanuele Trevi, francamente
non sappiamo altro che il nome, ed una fugace impressione
del poeta stesso: <<molto divertito dal mio aspetto
trasandato, a un certo punto mi chiese se ero "un
fricchettone">>. Non sappiamo altro, eppure d'istinto
ci viene da pensare ad un giovane, uno qualsiasi in
"divisa" da intellettuale o militante della nostrana
sinistra post-comunista. "Societa' civile" e ben poche
altre paroline in codice, nel cervello, da rivendere
sulla Bosnia. Tantissimi come lui hanno girato per i
Balcani degli anni Novanta, senza conoscere niente
preventivamente della Jugoslavia e del mondo slavo, e
formandosi opinioni esclusivamente in base a quanto
letto per l'occasione, o ascoltato dalla bocca di
accompagnatori non esattamente imparziali. Viaggi
motivati da un misto di solidarieta' astratta, puramente
di principio, ed una forma di turismo "particolarmente
fico". Solo una impressione, che sicuramente nella
fattispecie, non corrisponde. Ma di persone cosi' ne
abbiamo conosciute tante, e ci viene da pensare. Andiamo
avanti.
Di Sarajlic, dall'articolo, veniamo a sapere solamente
due cose: primo, che scriveva poesie dai toni intimistici,
che parlano essenzialmente di affetti familiari; secondo,
che <<una granata serba aveva colpito in pieno la sua
biblioteca>>. Le due cose secondo Trevi sono strettamente
collegate, perche' <<un individuo dotato di un criterio
di verita' privato e inalienabile [cioe': un poeta] e' il
bersaglio preferito per ogni tipo di cecchino>>.
Scrivi "ogni tipo" ma leggi "serbo". Anche se i cecchini
che spararono sulla manifestazione antisecessionista del
6 aprile 1992 non erano serbi; anche se il cecchino che
uccise Moreno Lucatelli non era serbo. E' irrilevante:
il poeta abitava a Sarajevo, a Sarajevo c'erano i
cecchiniserbi, tutto attaccato. E' un luogo comune.
La vulgata vuole che Sarajevo sia la citta' che ha
<<polverizzato il record stabilito, durante la seconda
guerra mondiale, da Stalingrado>>. Infatti i serbi sono
peggio dei nazisti, mentre la resistenza dei "bosniaci"
(si intende solamente la parte musulmana) sarebbe stata
<<anche.... l'ultima pagina dell'anti-fascismo europeo
del Novecento>>. I fascisti: <<Milosevic, Karadzic ed i
loro lugubri complici e seguaci [cioe' la popolazione
serba della Bosnia] tentavano l'"urbicidio">>. Quelle
serbe erano <<forze di distruzione>>, anzi: <<forze di
distruzione serbe: obici, mortai, carri armati>>. Anche
se Sarajevo non era una citta' assediata, bensi' una
citta' divisa in due; anche se nei quartieri serbi di
Sarajevo la tragedia era simmetrica; anche se attorno a
Sarajevo furono ritrovate le fosse con i cadaveri dei
serbi; anche se in seguito agli accordi di Dayton i
quartieri serbi si svuotarono di circa 150mila abitanti;
anche se su tutto questo non merita scrivere una riga,
ne' in poesia, ne' in prosa, ne' sul "Manifesto", ne'
altrove. "Serbo", e hai detto tutto - e non ti devi
preoccupare: nessuno ti accusera' di essere razzista.
<<Nell'orrenda ipotesi di una conquista serba di
Sarajevo, sarebbero stati uomini come Izet e Divjak
[il "serbo buono" della favola, come Schindler] a
pagarla piu' cara degli altri: un poeta ed un soldato
capaci di ribellarsi alla demenza omicida
dell'appartenenza, al culto delle origini e
dell'identita' - culto sempre intimamente fascista, che
sia cucinato in salsa serba, croata, padana>>, musulmano-
bosniaca? Noo. Albanese? Macche': <<basca, corsa>>... E
magari anche kurda, irlandese, palestinese, perche' no?
Un grande calderone, affinche' tutto si trasformi nelle
vacche nere di una notte nera, e non si possa avere il
sospetto che fu anche proprio il secessionismo bosniaco-
musulmano, ed i suoi mentori all'estero, a generare la
tragedia della Bosnia-Erzegovina, dentro la piu' ampia
tragedia jugoslava. Lo disse Ivo Andric - selettivamente,
capziosamente, tendenziosamente citato nell'articolo:
<<la Bosnia e' "la terra dell'odio">>. Il giornalista del
"Manifesto", percio', si conforma: odia i serbi, e ci
presenta l'intera opera e messaggio di un poeta
parlandoci in sostanza solamente dei motivi per cui egli
doveva, soprattutto, odiare i serbi.
La Jugoslavia unitaria? Neanche un accenno. Il comunismo?
<<chi aveva sofferto di piu', nel comunismo reale, erano
stati i comunisti>>. Bugiardo! Izetbegovic, che durante
la seconda guerra mondiale aveva lavorato per la
Gioventu' Musulmana, alleata dei nazisti, e sotto il
comunismo non per caso era stato in galera, ha sofferto
sicuramente di piu'.
Italo Slavo
Index:
1. SPS Statement on the occasion of the 7th Baghdad Conference
(Baghdad, May 7-9, 2002)
2. Saopstenje od Bagdadske konferencije (U Bagdadu 9. maja 2002)
3. Final Communiqué of 7th Meeting of Baghdad Conference
Follow-up and Coordination Committee
===*===
> http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/news/2002.05/06.html
Belgrade, May 06th, 2002
THE STATEMENT OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF SERBIA
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF SERBIA IS AGAINST PRESSURES, THREATS AND
SANCTIONS THAT IRAQI PEOPLE ARE EXPOSED TO
ON DAILY BASIS
ON THE OCCASSION OF THE SEVENTH SESSION OF THE BAGHDAD
COMMITTEE TO BE HELD AT BAGHDAD ON MAY 07-09, 2002
THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE NEW WORLD ORDER
It is not difficult to see that world today has
entered into new dark age of uncertainty, stagnation, wars,
destructions and deep spiritual, ideological and political
crisis.
The present political order in the world, which is based on
force and power, on bombs and Tomahawk missiles, is permanent
source of new dangerous wars and catastrophic crises.
Is there any better proof for such conclusions then
new war-threats against Iraq, a sovereign country and founding
member of the United Nations, the threats that are completely
baseless and contrary to the international law.
Besides, it is clear to everybody in the world that
Iraq can not be the threat to anybody since it is the country
that is already for 11 years a victim of the unjust sanctions
and deadly pressures that could be compared to genocide.
However, this heroic country threatened on the daily basis by
new military pressures, invasions, bombardments and similar
"tools" of so called new world order.
The Socialist Party of Serbia is convinced that any
new military action against Iraq and its friendly people can
cause new regional and global crisis with extremely dangerous
and unforeseeable consequences, as well as harder and more
dangerous life for whole world.
The Socialist Party of Serbia expresses its solidarity
with friendly Iraq, seeing Iraq, in its courageous resistance
against unjust pressures and military threats, as one of the
torches of freedom in the present "globalized" world.. On the
other hand, it is evident that brave Iraqi people are supported
every new day by more and more countries and people in the
world, particularly in the Arab world.
One should not forget that creation of the so called
new world order, after 50 years of bipolarism, has started
through military actions against Iraq, actions which has caused
terrible sufferings of Iraqi people in last 12 years.
As the biggest political party in Yugoslavia and the
most numerous political force in Balkans, the Socialist Party
of Serbia is convinced that all kind of pressures and
media-warfare against Iraq (and some other countries) are
totally absurd and senseless.
The information system in the world has become the public
relations service of the aggressive power centers and the
richest capitalists in the Western world.
Fortunately, such senseless propaganda is becoming almost
totally useless and counterproductive for its creators.
The best proof for that is the fact that all attempts to
connect Iraq and some other countries with so called
international terrorism has failed in the very short period of
time, causing the big problems for all those who are trying to
poison the people in the world with such lies.
One of the most essential things today is to have one
objective and true assessment of the results of the new world
order since those "global changes" caused in the world nothing
but new problems, new wars, new killings and growing misery and
despair.
The present "globalization" in all its forms is
nothing else but new form of imposing the domination and
military hegemony in the world. One can be assured in this
assessment by seeing new threats against the poorest countries
of the world, new displacement of the troops, new pressures,
new crisis and new dangerous hotbeds all over the world.
The whole world came to the very edge of the cataclysm
and historical crossroad. It is obvious that the rich countries
are not able any more to keep their domination and they are
just deepening the agony of the world by new crisis, new
threats and new wars. The history will soon prove that the
unipolar world is impossible and that mulipolarism is the only
alternative for the mankind.
What are the true consequences of bombardments and
sanctions we Yugoslavs know very well. Today it has become
clear how short-sighted were those who believed that unnatural
changes and "reforms", as well as "self-slavery" could be less
evil then freedom and independence. For the handful of
promises, they forget that slaves have no rights and prospects.
Who can trust to the "new masters of the world" that are
conquering the world when they are promising new donors'
conferences and new billions of dollars for the
"reconstructions"?
By defending its independence, freedom and dignity, the people
of Iraq, of Yugoslavia and other countries that have the sword
of new world order over their heads - they contribute to the
future of mankind, to brighter history of human civilization,
to better life for all people on our Earth, to active peacefull
coexistence, to the strenghtening of the peace and
international solidarity in the world, making in that way the
real and the only possible defense for the whole humanity and
every human being against aggressive plans for the political
and economic colonization of the world which is threatening to
destroy very basis of human existence.
===*===
> http://www.sps.org.yu/aktuelno/2002/05/10-02.html
10. maja 2002. godine
Beograd
SAOP©TENjE
Sinoæ je zavr¹eno Sedmo zasedanje Komiteta za
praæenje i koordinaciju Bagdadske konferencije, na
kojem je uèestvovalo oko 160 predstavnika iz oko 90
politièkih partija i drugih organizacija iz oko 40
zemalja sveta. Na konferenciji je uèetvovalo i vi¹e
predstavnika iz Jugoslavije.
Ovaj meðunarodni skup je usvojio dokument kojim
se najsna¾nije zahteva pu¹tanje na slobodu
predsednika Slobodana Milo¹eviæa.
Zajednièka izjava je usvojena na inicijativu
predstavnika SPS-a ®ivorada Igiæa.
Integralni tekst zajednièke izjave:
"Na Sedmom zasedanju Komiteta za praæenje i
koordinaciju Bagdadske konferencije koja je odr¾ana u
Bagdadu od 7. do 9. maja 2002. godine, razmatrajuæi
pitanje stavljanja predsednika Slobodana Milo¹eviæa
pred takozvani "Ad hoc tribunal Ujedinjenih nacija" u
Hagu,
Konferencija je usvojila sledeæu
ZAJEDNIÈKU IZJAVU
1. Konferencija ne prihvata legalitet pomenutog
tribunala jer on nije konstituisan u skladu sa pravom
i jer je politièki motivisan.
2. Narod Jugoslavije je jedini kompetentan da se bavi
svim pitanjima koja se odnose na njihovu domovinu,
Jugoslaviju.
3. Predsednik Slobodan Milo¹eviæ mora biti odmah
pu¹ten iz ilegalnog zatoèeni¹tva, po¹to je njegovo
osloboðenje jedini akt koji je u skladu sa
meðunarodnim pravom i Poveljom Ujedinjenih nacija.
Uèesnici Sedmog zasedanja Komiteta za praæenje i
koordinaciju
Bagdadske konferencije
U Bagdadu 9. maja 2002."
===*===
> http://www.uruklink.net/iraqnews/enews27.htm
Final Communiqué of 7th Meeting of Baghdad Conference
Follow-up and Coordination Committee
The Baghdad Conference Follow-up and
Coordination Committee convened its 7th meeting
in Baghdad on 7 -9th May, 2002, chaired by its Chairman,
Head of the Arab Ba'th Socialist Party's Foreign
Relations Bureau Mr. Tariq Aziz, under the
slogan (The Aggression and Embargo on Iraq
are an Arab and International Issue).
Over (159) participants, representing (34)
countries, from Asia, Africa, Europe, the
Americas and the Arab Homeland took part in
this meeting, numerous figures attended the
meeting for the first time.
The meeting focused on the main and basic
aspects of Iraq's just cause of opposing the
embargo and the continuing aggression. It
also addressed other basic and international
issues, related to the worldwide struggle
for independence, justice and peace.
The participants reviewed the regional and
international developments, relevant to the
continuing American embargo and aggression
on Iraq, and recounted the activities of the
past 6 months.
The participants cited, with great pride,
the growing Arab and worldwide support and
solidarity with Iraq's cause and pointed
with satisfaction to the outcome of the 14th
Arab Summit Conference, held in Beirut, Lebanon in March, 2002,
represented by the solid progress achieved in promoting Arab
solidarity and Arab support for the lifting of the embargo, and
rejection of any threats of aggression on Iraq. The participants
also expressed high appreciation of the position taken by the Arab
masses and their vanguard, in calling for the lifting of the
embargo, and the end of aggression and conspiracies against Iraq.
The stand of Arab masses was manifested in the convening of the 7th
Arab Popular Forces Conference (Baghdad, March, 2002), the 12th
Pan-Arab Nationalist Conference (Manama, April, 2002), the General
Pan-Arab Conference (Beirut,March,2002), the Arab Democratic,
Revolutionary Dialogue Forum ( Cairo, April, 2002), and the Arab
Parliamentary Conference ( Khartoum, Febraury,2002), as well as
the numerous conferences and meetings of the parties, parliaments,
popular federations and professional organizations and unions in
various Arab capitals and cities, which have sent a clear and firm
message to the Washington-London axis that aggression on Iraq,
under any pretexts, is rejected, and the embargo must be lifted
immediately, and without any condition.
At the International level, the participants
hailed the continuity of activities of
support and solidarity with Iraq in various
capitals of the world. In this respect, we
may point to the conference of the Foreign
Friendship Associations with Iraq and the
Arab Peace and Solidarity Councils, held in
Baghdad in May, 2002, and the Porto Allegre
Conference, held in Brazil on 31 Jan. - 5
Feb., 2002, which condemned the embargo on
Iraq, in addition to the activities
organized by the 8th October Revolutionary Movement in
Brazil, Sao Paolo Forum (December 2001), the Moscow Conference
organized by the Peace and Unity Party, the various activities
conducted by the Communist Party, and the Russian Duma, along with
the important activities undertaken by Mr. George Galloway, the
British Labour MP, against American aggression on Iraq, the
Spanish Campaign for Lifting the Embargo on Iraq, the
Anti-Globalization Barcelona meeting (February- 2002), the Quito
meeting in Ecuador (May- 2002) the mass demonstrations organized
in London, Paris and other capitals, the activities of the NGOs in
Geneva, the Belgian Parliament's resolution calling
for lifting the embargo, the activities
organized in India and Pakistan in this
regard, the communiqué signed by hundreds of
international personalities and published
the International Herald Tribune daily on
March 20, 2002 and many other similar
activities worldwide.
The participants of the meeting denounced
the feverish American escalation and the
threat of a new aggression on Iraq under
false and unacceptable pretexts, as well as
the launching of a political, and media
campaign falsely alleging that Iraq has
resumed the production of weapons of mass
destruction and threatening its neighbors.
The participants declared their utmost
rejection of what the US administration
alleges and openly works on changing the
national and independent regime in Baghdad,
mobilizing agents, financing terrorist
activities and providing wide-scale
propaganda for them, a matter that
contradicts the UN Charter, international
law and the Security Council (SC) relevant
resolutions, which assert the respect of
Iraq's sovereignty and territorial
integrity. The participants consider the US
interference in Iraq's internal affairs as a
terrorist and aggressive act and useless
attempt to impose foreign trusteeship on the
free Iraqi people. They rejected the evil
attempts of Washington to add new conditions
to the MOU (The oil-for-food and medicine
program) when the discussion for extending
the 12th phase of the MOU at the end of May, by adopting a long
list of prohibited goods, which is part of the (smart sanctions)
proposal that tightens the embargo instead of lifting it.
The meeting focused on the current events in
Palestine. The participants affirmed their
support to the Intifadha of the Palestinian
people against Zionist occupation and the
right of Palestinian people of struggle for
getting rid of the occupation. They strongly
condemned the monstrous crimes committed by
the Zionist occupation forces against the
Palestinian people, particularly the recent
incursion, reoccupying the cities of the
West Bank, soiling Islamic and Christian
shrines and surrounding the compound of the
Palestinian President. They consider the
events in Jenin Refugee Camp as a crime
against humanity and a stigma, holding the
US- Israeli alliance responsible for it,
where savage massacres took place against
the civilians whose homes were destroyed
with them inside using the most horrific US
weapons. The meeting condemned the rejection
of rulers of Tel-Aviv to allow UN
fact-finding team to visit the Camp, a
matter that reaffirms their committing of
genocide against the humanity.
The 7th meeting, while it condemns the violation of the
Palestinian human rights by the Zionist forces with US support,
calls for prosecuting the Zionists war criminals. It considers the
US administration as partner in the massacres against the
steadfast Palestinian people, holding it responsible politically,
legally, morally and materially.
The participants in the 7th meeting are
absolutely sure of the ability of the
Palestinian people's legitimate resistance
against occupation, steadfastness and
achieving the complete victory by liberating
their homeland and establishing their
independent state with Al-Quds as its
capital and the return of the refugees to
their homes, asserting that aggressive
Zionist racism backed by the US absolute
support is doomed to failure and defeat,
expressing belief in the unity of the cause
of Iraq and Palestine, which forms the first
trench in facing the aggression and
occupation.
The 7th meeting hailed Iraq's stances declared by
President Saddam Hussein to provide all
forms of political and material support to
the Palestinian people and the victims of
the Zionist aggression under occupation such
as the families of the martyrs, the wounded
and those who had their homes destroyed in
Jenin Camp as well as the foods and medicine
caravans for the citizens placed under siege
and are subjected to annihilation.
The meeting highly appreciated the
steadfastness displayed by the people of
Palestine, their sacrifices and heroic deeds
in the face of Zionist occupation. The
meeting reiterated its full support to the
national and inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people. The meeting demanded the
provision of all forms of urgent support for
the reconstruction of what has been
devastated, for the compensation of the
human and material damage, for the
disclosure of all facts before international
public opinion and for the holding of Arab
and international tribunals for the trial of
those responsible for the Zionist and US crimes
of mass extermination and racial
"purgation", and condemns Sharon's crimes
and calls for taking legal measures against
him. The meeting also reiterated its support
for Syria and Lebanon in the face of
Zionist, terrorist aggressions and threats.
The meeting demanded the application of
para. 14 of SCR 687, calling for the
dismantling weapons of mass destruction
possessed by the Zionist entity and for
declaring the Middle East region free of
them.
The meeting referred to the double standards
which have widely and amazingly been adopted
by the Security Council and the UN regarding
the massacres committed against the people
of Palestine. The meeting emphasized the
necessity of struggling against this immoral
policy which encourages imperialism and
Zionism of indulging in their aggression.
Members of the Baghdad Conference Follow-up
and Coordination Committee renewed their
demand that the Security Council should
immediately and unconditionally lift the
sanctions imposed on Iraq, end the illegal
no-fly-zones in the northern and southern
parts of Iraq, condemn the on-going US and
British warplane attacks, reject any US
aggression on Iraq whatever its pretexts,
respect Iraq's unity, sovereignty,
independence, national security and stop
interfering in its internal affairs, expand
cooperation in all fields, apply article 50
of the UN Charter and resume regular air
flights to Baghdad and renewed their demand
to evacuate the US and British forces from
the Arab Gulf region.
The 7th meeting, as a result of the US tendency of dominating
the world and of its capitalist and monopolist greed, believed
that the need is now more urgent for the crystallization of new
centres of polarization instead of the uni-polar dictatorship for
the current international relations. Within this context, members
of the 7th meeting expressed their unqualified support for
President Saddam Hussein's call for establishing an
Institutional Gathering starting with
countries of the east for the realization of
equilibrium, for the preservation of
security and stability,for the constructive
cooperation between nations and peoples, for
the respect of their particularities and
doctrines and for conducting dialogue among
their cultures and experiences without
obliteration or fighting. The meeting paid
tribute to the steadfastness of Iraq,
leadership and people, which has set an
inspiring example for all Arab and foreign
free men in the face of US hegemony and
Zionist aggressiveness. Lending support to
Iraq by lifting the embargo imposed on it
and halting the aggression should remain a
task of priority of goodwill, freedom, peace
and progress all over the world.
The meeting hailed peoples and free men all
over the world, who with all means have
expressed their support and solidarity with
the issue of Palestine and Iraq and their
resistance to hegemony and aggression.
The meeting heard a large number of positive
ideas and proposals, which constitute a
program of action for the Baghdad
Conference. The parties, organizations and
personalities who took part in the meeting
are full of enthusiasm and hope for the
realization of greater progress along the
path of our noble objective.
The participants decided to hold the 8th
meeting of the Follow -up and Coordination
Committee on 29-31 October, 2002.
Participants
Baghdad Conference
7th Follow-up and Coordination Meeting
May 9 , 2002
1. SPS Statement on the occasion of the 7th Baghdad Conference
(Baghdad, May 7-9, 2002)
2. Saopstenje od Bagdadske konferencije (U Bagdadu 9. maja 2002)
3. Final Communiqué of 7th Meeting of Baghdad Conference
Follow-up and Coordination Committee
===*===
> http://www.sps.org.yu/eng/news/2002.05/06.html
Belgrade, May 06th, 2002
THE STATEMENT OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF SERBIA
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF SERBIA IS AGAINST PRESSURES, THREATS AND
SANCTIONS THAT IRAQI PEOPLE ARE EXPOSED TO
ON DAILY BASIS
ON THE OCCASSION OF THE SEVENTH SESSION OF THE BAGHDAD
COMMITTEE TO BE HELD AT BAGHDAD ON MAY 07-09, 2002
THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE NEW WORLD ORDER
It is not difficult to see that world today has
entered into new dark age of uncertainty, stagnation, wars,
destructions and deep spiritual, ideological and political
crisis.
The present political order in the world, which is based on
force and power, on bombs and Tomahawk missiles, is permanent
source of new dangerous wars and catastrophic crises.
Is there any better proof for such conclusions then
new war-threats against Iraq, a sovereign country and founding
member of the United Nations, the threats that are completely
baseless and contrary to the international law.
Besides, it is clear to everybody in the world that
Iraq can not be the threat to anybody since it is the country
that is already for 11 years a victim of the unjust sanctions
and deadly pressures that could be compared to genocide.
However, this heroic country threatened on the daily basis by
new military pressures, invasions, bombardments and similar
"tools" of so called new world order.
The Socialist Party of Serbia is convinced that any
new military action against Iraq and its friendly people can
cause new regional and global crisis with extremely dangerous
and unforeseeable consequences, as well as harder and more
dangerous life for whole world.
The Socialist Party of Serbia expresses its solidarity
with friendly Iraq, seeing Iraq, in its courageous resistance
against unjust pressures and military threats, as one of the
torches of freedom in the present "globalized" world.. On the
other hand, it is evident that brave Iraqi people are supported
every new day by more and more countries and people in the
world, particularly in the Arab world.
One should not forget that creation of the so called
new world order, after 50 years of bipolarism, has started
through military actions against Iraq, actions which has caused
terrible sufferings of Iraqi people in last 12 years.
As the biggest political party in Yugoslavia and the
most numerous political force in Balkans, the Socialist Party
of Serbia is convinced that all kind of pressures and
media-warfare against Iraq (and some other countries) are
totally absurd and senseless.
The information system in the world has become the public
relations service of the aggressive power centers and the
richest capitalists in the Western world.
Fortunately, such senseless propaganda is becoming almost
totally useless and counterproductive for its creators.
The best proof for that is the fact that all attempts to
connect Iraq and some other countries with so called
international terrorism has failed in the very short period of
time, causing the big problems for all those who are trying to
poison the people in the world with such lies.
One of the most essential things today is to have one
objective and true assessment of the results of the new world
order since those "global changes" caused in the world nothing
but new problems, new wars, new killings and growing misery and
despair.
The present "globalization" in all its forms is
nothing else but new form of imposing the domination and
military hegemony in the world. One can be assured in this
assessment by seeing new threats against the poorest countries
of the world, new displacement of the troops, new pressures,
new crisis and new dangerous hotbeds all over the world.
The whole world came to the very edge of the cataclysm
and historical crossroad. It is obvious that the rich countries
are not able any more to keep their domination and they are
just deepening the agony of the world by new crisis, new
threats and new wars. The history will soon prove that the
unipolar world is impossible and that mulipolarism is the only
alternative for the mankind.
What are the true consequences of bombardments and
sanctions we Yugoslavs know very well. Today it has become
clear how short-sighted were those who believed that unnatural
changes and "reforms", as well as "self-slavery" could be less
evil then freedom and independence. For the handful of
promises, they forget that slaves have no rights and prospects.
Who can trust to the "new masters of the world" that are
conquering the world when they are promising new donors'
conferences and new billions of dollars for the
"reconstructions"?
By defending its independence, freedom and dignity, the people
of Iraq, of Yugoslavia and other countries that have the sword
of new world order over their heads - they contribute to the
future of mankind, to brighter history of human civilization,
to better life for all people on our Earth, to active peacefull
coexistence, to the strenghtening of the peace and
international solidarity in the world, making in that way the
real and the only possible defense for the whole humanity and
every human being against aggressive plans for the political
and economic colonization of the world which is threatening to
destroy very basis of human existence.
===*===
> http://www.sps.org.yu/aktuelno/2002/05/10-02.html
10. maja 2002. godine
Beograd
SAOP©TENjE
Sinoæ je zavr¹eno Sedmo zasedanje Komiteta za
praæenje i koordinaciju Bagdadske konferencije, na
kojem je uèestvovalo oko 160 predstavnika iz oko 90
politièkih partija i drugih organizacija iz oko 40
zemalja sveta. Na konferenciji je uèetvovalo i vi¹e
predstavnika iz Jugoslavije.
Ovaj meðunarodni skup je usvojio dokument kojim
se najsna¾nije zahteva pu¹tanje na slobodu
predsednika Slobodana Milo¹eviæa.
Zajednièka izjava je usvojena na inicijativu
predstavnika SPS-a ®ivorada Igiæa.
Integralni tekst zajednièke izjave:
"Na Sedmom zasedanju Komiteta za praæenje i
koordinaciju Bagdadske konferencije koja je odr¾ana u
Bagdadu od 7. do 9. maja 2002. godine, razmatrajuæi
pitanje stavljanja predsednika Slobodana Milo¹eviæa
pred takozvani "Ad hoc tribunal Ujedinjenih nacija" u
Hagu,
Konferencija je usvojila sledeæu
ZAJEDNIÈKU IZJAVU
1. Konferencija ne prihvata legalitet pomenutog
tribunala jer on nije konstituisan u skladu sa pravom
i jer je politièki motivisan.
2. Narod Jugoslavije je jedini kompetentan da se bavi
svim pitanjima koja se odnose na njihovu domovinu,
Jugoslaviju.
3. Predsednik Slobodan Milo¹eviæ mora biti odmah
pu¹ten iz ilegalnog zatoèeni¹tva, po¹to je njegovo
osloboðenje jedini akt koji je u skladu sa
meðunarodnim pravom i Poveljom Ujedinjenih nacija.
Uèesnici Sedmog zasedanja Komiteta za praæenje i
koordinaciju
Bagdadske konferencije
U Bagdadu 9. maja 2002."
===*===
> http://www.uruklink.net/iraqnews/enews27.htm
Final Communiqué of 7th Meeting of Baghdad Conference
Follow-up and Coordination Committee
The Baghdad Conference Follow-up and
Coordination Committee convened its 7th meeting
in Baghdad on 7 -9th May, 2002, chaired by its Chairman,
Head of the Arab Ba'th Socialist Party's Foreign
Relations Bureau Mr. Tariq Aziz, under the
slogan (The Aggression and Embargo on Iraq
are an Arab and International Issue).
Over (159) participants, representing (34)
countries, from Asia, Africa, Europe, the
Americas and the Arab Homeland took part in
this meeting, numerous figures attended the
meeting for the first time.
The meeting focused on the main and basic
aspects of Iraq's just cause of opposing the
embargo and the continuing aggression. It
also addressed other basic and international
issues, related to the worldwide struggle
for independence, justice and peace.
The participants reviewed the regional and
international developments, relevant to the
continuing American embargo and aggression
on Iraq, and recounted the activities of the
past 6 months.
The participants cited, with great pride,
the growing Arab and worldwide support and
solidarity with Iraq's cause and pointed
with satisfaction to the outcome of the 14th
Arab Summit Conference, held in Beirut, Lebanon in March, 2002,
represented by the solid progress achieved in promoting Arab
solidarity and Arab support for the lifting of the embargo, and
rejection of any threats of aggression on Iraq. The participants
also expressed high appreciation of the position taken by the Arab
masses and their vanguard, in calling for the lifting of the
embargo, and the end of aggression and conspiracies against Iraq.
The stand of Arab masses was manifested in the convening of the 7th
Arab Popular Forces Conference (Baghdad, March, 2002), the 12th
Pan-Arab Nationalist Conference (Manama, April, 2002), the General
Pan-Arab Conference (Beirut,March,2002), the Arab Democratic,
Revolutionary Dialogue Forum ( Cairo, April, 2002), and the Arab
Parliamentary Conference ( Khartoum, Febraury,2002), as well as
the numerous conferences and meetings of the parties, parliaments,
popular federations and professional organizations and unions in
various Arab capitals and cities, which have sent a clear and firm
message to the Washington-London axis that aggression on Iraq,
under any pretexts, is rejected, and the embargo must be lifted
immediately, and without any condition.
At the International level, the participants
hailed the continuity of activities of
support and solidarity with Iraq in various
capitals of the world. In this respect, we
may point to the conference of the Foreign
Friendship Associations with Iraq and the
Arab Peace and Solidarity Councils, held in
Baghdad in May, 2002, and the Porto Allegre
Conference, held in Brazil on 31 Jan. - 5
Feb., 2002, which condemned the embargo on
Iraq, in addition to the activities
organized by the 8th October Revolutionary Movement in
Brazil, Sao Paolo Forum (December 2001), the Moscow Conference
organized by the Peace and Unity Party, the various activities
conducted by the Communist Party, and the Russian Duma, along with
the important activities undertaken by Mr. George Galloway, the
British Labour MP, against American aggression on Iraq, the
Spanish Campaign for Lifting the Embargo on Iraq, the
Anti-Globalization Barcelona meeting (February- 2002), the Quito
meeting in Ecuador (May- 2002) the mass demonstrations organized
in London, Paris and other capitals, the activities of the NGOs in
Geneva, the Belgian Parliament's resolution calling
for lifting the embargo, the activities
organized in India and Pakistan in this
regard, the communiqué signed by hundreds of
international personalities and published
the International Herald Tribune daily on
March 20, 2002 and many other similar
activities worldwide.
The participants of the meeting denounced
the feverish American escalation and the
threat of a new aggression on Iraq under
false and unacceptable pretexts, as well as
the launching of a political, and media
campaign falsely alleging that Iraq has
resumed the production of weapons of mass
destruction and threatening its neighbors.
The participants declared their utmost
rejection of what the US administration
alleges and openly works on changing the
national and independent regime in Baghdad,
mobilizing agents, financing terrorist
activities and providing wide-scale
propaganda for them, a matter that
contradicts the UN Charter, international
law and the Security Council (SC) relevant
resolutions, which assert the respect of
Iraq's sovereignty and territorial
integrity. The participants consider the US
interference in Iraq's internal affairs as a
terrorist and aggressive act and useless
attempt to impose foreign trusteeship on the
free Iraqi people. They rejected the evil
attempts of Washington to add new conditions
to the MOU (The oil-for-food and medicine
program) when the discussion for extending
the 12th phase of the MOU at the end of May, by adopting a long
list of prohibited goods, which is part of the (smart sanctions)
proposal that tightens the embargo instead of lifting it.
The meeting focused on the current events in
Palestine. The participants affirmed their
support to the Intifadha of the Palestinian
people against Zionist occupation and the
right of Palestinian people of struggle for
getting rid of the occupation. They strongly
condemned the monstrous crimes committed by
the Zionist occupation forces against the
Palestinian people, particularly the recent
incursion, reoccupying the cities of the
West Bank, soiling Islamic and Christian
shrines and surrounding the compound of the
Palestinian President. They consider the
events in Jenin Refugee Camp as a crime
against humanity and a stigma, holding the
US- Israeli alliance responsible for it,
where savage massacres took place against
the civilians whose homes were destroyed
with them inside using the most horrific US
weapons. The meeting condemned the rejection
of rulers of Tel-Aviv to allow UN
fact-finding team to visit the Camp, a
matter that reaffirms their committing of
genocide against the humanity.
The 7th meeting, while it condemns the violation of the
Palestinian human rights by the Zionist forces with US support,
calls for prosecuting the Zionists war criminals. It considers the
US administration as partner in the massacres against the
steadfast Palestinian people, holding it responsible politically,
legally, morally and materially.
The participants in the 7th meeting are
absolutely sure of the ability of the
Palestinian people's legitimate resistance
against occupation, steadfastness and
achieving the complete victory by liberating
their homeland and establishing their
independent state with Al-Quds as its
capital and the return of the refugees to
their homes, asserting that aggressive
Zionist racism backed by the US absolute
support is doomed to failure and defeat,
expressing belief in the unity of the cause
of Iraq and Palestine, which forms the first
trench in facing the aggression and
occupation.
The 7th meeting hailed Iraq's stances declared by
President Saddam Hussein to provide all
forms of political and material support to
the Palestinian people and the victims of
the Zionist aggression under occupation such
as the families of the martyrs, the wounded
and those who had their homes destroyed in
Jenin Camp as well as the foods and medicine
caravans for the citizens placed under siege
and are subjected to annihilation.
The meeting highly appreciated the
steadfastness displayed by the people of
Palestine, their sacrifices and heroic deeds
in the face of Zionist occupation. The
meeting reiterated its full support to the
national and inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people. The meeting demanded the
provision of all forms of urgent support for
the reconstruction of what has been
devastated, for the compensation of the
human and material damage, for the
disclosure of all facts before international
public opinion and for the holding of Arab
and international tribunals for the trial of
those responsible for the Zionist and US crimes
of mass extermination and racial
"purgation", and condemns Sharon's crimes
and calls for taking legal measures against
him. The meeting also reiterated its support
for Syria and Lebanon in the face of
Zionist, terrorist aggressions and threats.
The meeting demanded the application of
para. 14 of SCR 687, calling for the
dismantling weapons of mass destruction
possessed by the Zionist entity and for
declaring the Middle East region free of
them.
The meeting referred to the double standards
which have widely and amazingly been adopted
by the Security Council and the UN regarding
the massacres committed against the people
of Palestine. The meeting emphasized the
necessity of struggling against this immoral
policy which encourages imperialism and
Zionism of indulging in their aggression.
Members of the Baghdad Conference Follow-up
and Coordination Committee renewed their
demand that the Security Council should
immediately and unconditionally lift the
sanctions imposed on Iraq, end the illegal
no-fly-zones in the northern and southern
parts of Iraq, condemn the on-going US and
British warplane attacks, reject any US
aggression on Iraq whatever its pretexts,
respect Iraq's unity, sovereignty,
independence, national security and stop
interfering in its internal affairs, expand
cooperation in all fields, apply article 50
of the UN Charter and resume regular air
flights to Baghdad and renewed their demand
to evacuate the US and British forces from
the Arab Gulf region.
The 7th meeting, as a result of the US tendency of dominating
the world and of its capitalist and monopolist greed, believed
that the need is now more urgent for the crystallization of new
centres of polarization instead of the uni-polar dictatorship for
the current international relations. Within this context, members
of the 7th meeting expressed their unqualified support for
President Saddam Hussein's call for establishing an
Institutional Gathering starting with
countries of the east for the realization of
equilibrium, for the preservation of
security and stability,for the constructive
cooperation between nations and peoples, for
the respect of their particularities and
doctrines and for conducting dialogue among
their cultures and experiences without
obliteration or fighting. The meeting paid
tribute to the steadfastness of Iraq,
leadership and people, which has set an
inspiring example for all Arab and foreign
free men in the face of US hegemony and
Zionist aggressiveness. Lending support to
Iraq by lifting the embargo imposed on it
and halting the aggression should remain a
task of priority of goodwill, freedom, peace
and progress all over the world.
The meeting hailed peoples and free men all
over the world, who with all means have
expressed their support and solidarity with
the issue of Palestine and Iraq and their
resistance to hegemony and aggression.
The meeting heard a large number of positive
ideas and proposals, which constitute a
program of action for the Baghdad
Conference. The parties, organizations and
personalities who took part in the meeting
are full of enthusiasm and hope for the
realization of greater progress along the
path of our noble objective.
The participants decided to hold the 8th
meeting of the Follow -up and Coordination
Committee on 29-31 October, 2002.
Participants
Baghdad Conference
7th Follow-up and Coordination Meeting
May 9 , 2002
Subject: la solidarieta' non cesserà, Rajka...
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 08:31:20 +0200
From: Alessandro Di Meo <dimeo@...>
To: "jugocoord@..." <jugocoord@...>
Un Ponte per... è un'associazione che porta gocce di solidarietà laddove
servirebbero fiumi e torrenti. Ma è convinta che anche le gocce servano,
così come dice Rajka Veljovic, per non fare in modo che l'abbandono, la
mancanza di amicizia, il disinteresse si manifestino e abbiano la
meglio.
No, non ci rassegnamo.
Con la testardaggine che meriterebbe ben altri successi, ci ostiniamo,
fra
le tante campagne in atto, a promuovere iniziative di solidarietà con la
Jugoslavia, ma che abbiano anche un ritorno politico tale da non far
cadere
nell'oblio l'infamia perpetrata ai danni dell'amico popolo jugoslavo,
dei
suoi figli, del suo futuro.
Al sito www2.uniroma2.it - università di Roma Tor Vergata, in alto a
destra
c'è lo spazio concesso per l'iniziativa "C'è un bambino che...",
ospitalità
presso famiglie dell'ateneo a bambini profughi dal Kosovo che stanno a
Kraljevo, un po' più a sud di Kragujevac. Dimenticati, invisibili,
lontani.
Una collega mi ha detto che...
non condivide l'iniziativa, non è giusto, per scopi anche politici,
giocare
sulla pelle di quei bambini che vivranno "nel nostro agio, coi nostri
privilegi" per due settimane e poi dovranno tornarsene a casa loro, dove
non hanno niente.
Le ho risposto che, forse, queste perplessità dovevamo averle TUTTI
anche
quando abbiamo buttato loro bombe, abbiamo fatto conoscere loro la
violenza
della guerra, la tragedia delle perdite negli affetti, la fuga,
l'abbandono, la criminalizzazione degli adulti.
Oggi che abbiamo la possibilità di regalare loro un messaggio, piccolo
piccolo, è vero, di speranza e di amicizia, ci vengono le perplessità.
Che
strane, queste perplessità. Hanno il sapore amaro dell'alibi...
Saranno quindici bambini, età inferiore ai dieci anni. Frequenteranno di
giorno i soggiorni estivi che l'amministrazione concede ai figli dei
dipendenti. Di sera staranno con le famiglie ospitanti, che si
incontreranno e faranno gruppo, l'intento è anche questo, per affrontare
argomenti difficili, poco presenti nelle tv berlusconiane e non solo in
quelle, come quello delle guerre, delle conseguenze, degli interessi
economici che le pilotano e le scatenano. Un progetto ambizioso, ma
bisogna
correre il rischio di affrontarlo.
La stessa esperienza da due anni si ripete a Cava dei Tirreni, grazie a
un
amico ex assessore al comune, al nostro supporto. Altri bambini, altri
volontari, altra solidarietà.
La prossima estate andremo all'Istituto Drinka Pavlovic, di Belgrado,
per
un campo di lavoro. Altro lavoro lungo e difficile, altri ragazzi, altri
bambini, altri volontari.
I sostegni a distanza (il termine, sostegno, ci viene proprio dalla
cultura
jugoslava lontana, e molto, dal significato spesso riposto qui da noi
nel
termine adozione... riflettiamoci su) aumentano, stiamo arrivando a
quaranta bambini non solo tra i profughi che, purtroppo, non sono i soli
ad
aver risentito dell'aggressione, ma anche tra residenti di Kraljevo,
ancora
più dimenticati, ancora più visibili.
E le nostre aule informatiche, coi relativi corsi di base, sono molto
frequentate. A Kraljevo come a Kragujevac.
Non è per sentirci dire bravi che ho scritto. E' per dare un segnale
anche
a Rajka che qualcuno cerca di fare qualcosa, che qualcuno non dimentica.
Costa fatica, questo ruolo di testimoni irriducibili e incorruttibili (i
fondi economici comuni europei restano sempre un mistero per pochi...)
Ma lavorare perchè i nostri figli possano correre, anche solo per
quindici
giorni l'anno con coetanei così lontani da tutto meno che dai nostri
cuori,
da tanta forza. Una forza, quella si, duratura, invincibile. Infinita.
alessandro di meo - associazione Un Ponte per...
www.unponteper.it
Date: Mon, 13 May 2002 08:31:20 +0200
From: Alessandro Di Meo <dimeo@...>
To: "jugocoord@..." <jugocoord@...>
Un Ponte per... è un'associazione che porta gocce di solidarietà laddove
servirebbero fiumi e torrenti. Ma è convinta che anche le gocce servano,
così come dice Rajka Veljovic, per non fare in modo che l'abbandono, la
mancanza di amicizia, il disinteresse si manifestino e abbiano la
meglio.
No, non ci rassegnamo.
Con la testardaggine che meriterebbe ben altri successi, ci ostiniamo,
fra
le tante campagne in atto, a promuovere iniziative di solidarietà con la
Jugoslavia, ma che abbiano anche un ritorno politico tale da non far
cadere
nell'oblio l'infamia perpetrata ai danni dell'amico popolo jugoslavo,
dei
suoi figli, del suo futuro.
Al sito www2.uniroma2.it - università di Roma Tor Vergata, in alto a
destra
c'è lo spazio concesso per l'iniziativa "C'è un bambino che...",
ospitalità
presso famiglie dell'ateneo a bambini profughi dal Kosovo che stanno a
Kraljevo, un po' più a sud di Kragujevac. Dimenticati, invisibili,
lontani.
Una collega mi ha detto che...
non condivide l'iniziativa, non è giusto, per scopi anche politici,
giocare
sulla pelle di quei bambini che vivranno "nel nostro agio, coi nostri
privilegi" per due settimane e poi dovranno tornarsene a casa loro, dove
non hanno niente.
Le ho risposto che, forse, queste perplessità dovevamo averle TUTTI
anche
quando abbiamo buttato loro bombe, abbiamo fatto conoscere loro la
violenza
della guerra, la tragedia delle perdite negli affetti, la fuga,
l'abbandono, la criminalizzazione degli adulti.
Oggi che abbiamo la possibilità di regalare loro un messaggio, piccolo
piccolo, è vero, di speranza e di amicizia, ci vengono le perplessità.
Che
strane, queste perplessità. Hanno il sapore amaro dell'alibi...
Saranno quindici bambini, età inferiore ai dieci anni. Frequenteranno di
giorno i soggiorni estivi che l'amministrazione concede ai figli dei
dipendenti. Di sera staranno con le famiglie ospitanti, che si
incontreranno e faranno gruppo, l'intento è anche questo, per affrontare
argomenti difficili, poco presenti nelle tv berlusconiane e non solo in
quelle, come quello delle guerre, delle conseguenze, degli interessi
economici che le pilotano e le scatenano. Un progetto ambizioso, ma
bisogna
correre il rischio di affrontarlo.
La stessa esperienza da due anni si ripete a Cava dei Tirreni, grazie a
un
amico ex assessore al comune, al nostro supporto. Altri bambini, altri
volontari, altra solidarietà.
La prossima estate andremo all'Istituto Drinka Pavlovic, di Belgrado,
per
un campo di lavoro. Altro lavoro lungo e difficile, altri ragazzi, altri
bambini, altri volontari.
I sostegni a distanza (il termine, sostegno, ci viene proprio dalla
cultura
jugoslava lontana, e molto, dal significato spesso riposto qui da noi
nel
termine adozione... riflettiamoci su) aumentano, stiamo arrivando a
quaranta bambini non solo tra i profughi che, purtroppo, non sono i soli
ad
aver risentito dell'aggressione, ma anche tra residenti di Kraljevo,
ancora
più dimenticati, ancora più visibili.
E le nostre aule informatiche, coi relativi corsi di base, sono molto
frequentate. A Kraljevo come a Kragujevac.
Non è per sentirci dire bravi che ho scritto. E' per dare un segnale
anche
a Rajka che qualcuno cerca di fare qualcosa, che qualcuno non dimentica.
Costa fatica, questo ruolo di testimoni irriducibili e incorruttibili (i
fondi economici comuni europei restano sempre un mistero per pochi...)
Ma lavorare perchè i nostri figli possano correre, anche solo per
quindici
giorni l'anno con coetanei così lontani da tutto meno che dai nostri
cuori,
da tanta forza. Una forza, quella si, duratura, invincibile. Infinita.
alessandro di meo - associazione Un Ponte per...
www.unponteper.it
INDICE:
1. DJINDJIC IN ITALIA
2. BERLUSCONI SUPPORTS YUGOSLAVIA'S FASTER INTEGRATION IN EU,
SAYS SERBIAN PREMIER
3. Italian investors invited to invest in Serbia
4. ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: BERLUSCONI-DJINDJIC, STAMPA SERBA
5. ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: VISITA DJINDJIC, IMPULSO A INTERSCAMBIO
6. SERBIAN PREMIER URGES PRIVATE BUSINESSMEN TO BUY SOCIALLY-
OWNED COMPANIES
===*===
DJINDJIC IN ITALIA
Zoran Djindjic, premier serbo, si e' recato l'8 maggio 2002 in
visita a Roma insieme ad altri autorevoli esponenti del suo
governo.
La visita e' stata significativamente ignorata in Italia da
tutta la stampa di "sinistra" e "centro-sinistra", la quale pure
aveva a suo tempo appoggiato il "cambio di regime" nella RF di
Jugoslavia, sostenendo la coalizione DOS oggi al governo, gli
"esperti di economia" di cui questa si avvale (il gruppo G17,
organico a FMI e BM) e le bande squadristiche di Otpor e affini,
responsabili dell'assalto al Parlamento e delle aggressioni
contro esponenti politici e sindacali. Ma, a sua volta, anche
Djindjic ha tranquillamente snobbato le "sinistre" italiane,
preferendo la compagnia di esponenti governativi ed imprenditori.
Per chiarire nel miglior modo possibile le intenzioni del
governo serbo in fatto di politiche economiche e del lavoro,
il ministro per le privatizzazioni Vlahovic
<< ha detto che l'economia serba sta andando incontro ad un
processo di ristrutturazione completa ed il governo sta cercando
di privatizzare immediatamente la parte sana dell'economia, vale
a dire le piccole e medie imprese. "Nei prossimi quattro anni
prevediamo di eliminare il capitale di proprieta' sociale e di
privatizzare circa 7000 imprese, delle quali 200 di grosse
dimensioni". Secondo Vlahovic, nel 2003 la Serbia comincera' con
la privatizzazione delle sue industrie petrolifera e della
energia elettrica, ma il processo includera' anche l'industria
alimentare, la produzione agricola e tessile, le ditte del vetro
e del legno. Gli imprenditori italiani, che in molti erano
presenti all'incontro (tenutosi presso l'Istituto italiano per
il Commercio Estero), hanno ricevuto un elenco delle imprese che
saranno oggetto di un'asta pubblica.>> (Tanjug)
Ricordiamo che le condizioni per l'investimento da
parte degli imprenditori stranieri sono particolarmente
favorevoli adesso in Serbia, dopo che nello scorso mese di
gennaio e' stata approvata la cosiddetta "Legge sul Lavoro" la
quale, analogamente a quanto il governo Berlusconi sta
preparando in Italia, demolisce essenziali diritti dei
lavoratori, facilita i licenziamenti e la precarizzazione e
limita le liberta' sindacali.
(a cura di I. Slavo)
===*===
BERLUSCONI SUPPORTS YUGOSLAVIA'S FASTER INTEGRATION IN EU, SAYS
SERBIAN PREMIER
BELGRADE, May 9 (Beta)- Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic said in
Rome on May 8 that Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi
supported Yugoslavia's faster integration into the European
Union next year, when Italy and Greece are to chair the EU.
Djindjic told BETA after a three-hour meeting with Berlusconi
that the prime minister also supported the speeding up of
projects of Italian investment in Serbia's economy. He said that
Berlusconi proposed to organize a media campaign in Italy to
break the cliche about Serbia as an unsafe country and, for this
purpose, announced his visit to Belgrade in June with a group of
journalists and businessmen which the Serbian government will
take on a tour of Serbia. The Serbian premier said that he and
Berlusconi discussed the creation of a logistic concept in the
struggle against organized crime and agreed to form a group of
Italian experts who would help improve Serbia's police,
judiciary and regulations and harmonize them with Italian
institutions, as Italy is a country with substantial experience
in the struggle against organized crime. According to Djindjic,
Berlusconi also announced that Italy would help Serbia create an
electronic tax system. Djindjic said that delegation members
discussed the issue of Serbian Telecom with the Italian prime
minister over lunch. Berlusconi told the Yugoslav media that he
will personally engage in boosting the development of the
Serbian economy and help the Italian public learn about the
situation in Serbia and possibilities of the two countries'
cooperation. He said he had the opportunity to meet the Serbian
premier and his team of, as he said, extremely capable, well
prepared and decisive young people, who are the only chance for
Serbia's development. Recalling that Italy is already engaged in
helping Serbia in international organizations, Berlusconi said
that such help will continue and be oriented towards Serbia's
European integration, which is also a matter of strategic
interest for Italy. After his conversation with Berlusconi,
Djindjic made a final speech at a gathering organized by the
Italian Institute for Foreign Trade, where he repeated the
Serbian government's stand that "it's not the right moment to
radically redefine relations between Serbia and Montenegro, as
this would waste the energy necessary for economic development."
The Serbian premier and the Italian Deputy Economy Minister
Adolfo Urso closed the one-day gathering held at the ICE. At the
same gathering, Serbian ministers Aleksandar Vlahovic, Goran
Pitic, Bozidar Djelic and Marija Raseta-Vukosavljevic held
introductory speeches.
===*===
Italian investors invited to invest in Serbia
ROME, May 8 (Tanjug) - State Undersecretary at the Italian
Foreign Ministry, Senator Roberto Antonione, has said that
things are very clear now in Serbia and that there are great
possibilities for cooperation, both with West Europe and with
Italy. Speaking at the opening of the Serbian Economy Days,
organized in Rome by the Foreign Trade Institute, Senator
Antonione said that Italy was Serbia's third largest foreign
trade partner, but that relations could still improve and that
work on this was being done. Franco Del Neri, advisor at the
Serbian Ministry of Economy and Privatization, told Italian
investors on Wednesday to prepare programs for investing in the
Serbian economy as soon as possible, in view of their huge
possibilities and the fact that they should arrive in Serbia in
time. Serbian Ministers of Finance Bozidar Djelic, for
Privatization Aleksandar Vlahovic and of International Economic
Relations Goran Pitic also spoke about the possibilities for
promoting the Serbian-Italian economic cooperation. Djelic said
that Serbia had boldly started with the restructuring of
enterprises and that Yugoslavia would very soon have a free
trade zone with numerous countries. Djelic informed Italian
investors that two-thirds of Serbia's debt to the Paris Club of
creditors had been written off and that talks with the London
Club of investors were under way. Pitic said that the 2001
volume of trade with Italy had amounted to 800 million dollars
and that there were 107 Italian representative offices in
Serbia, but that this was not enough. Vlahovic said that the
Serbian economy was to undergo a complete reconstruction process
and that the government was trying immediately to privatize the
promising part of the economy, i.e. small- and medium-sized
enterprises. "In the next four years, we plan to eliminate
socially-owned capital and to privatize about 7,000 enterprises,
200 of which are big," he said. Vlahovic said that in 2003
Serbia would start with the privatization of its oil and
electric power industries, but that the process would also
include the food-processing industry, agricultural production,
textile, glass and wood-processing industries. Italian
businessmen, a large number of whom attended the event, received
a list of enterprises which would undergo a public bidding
process.
===*===
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20020509155632217997.html
ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: BERLUSCONI-DJINDJIC, STAMPA SERBA
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 9 MAG - La stampa serba da' oggi grande
rilievo alla visita del premier Zoran Djindjic in Italia e ai
colloqui avuti ieri con il presidente del Consiglio Silvio
Berlusconi. Il quotidiano 'Politika' titola in prima pagina a
caratteri cubitali ''L'appoggio di Berlusconi'', dilungandosi
sulle aperture politiche alla futura integrazione di Belgrado
nell'Unione europea (che in base al calendario esposto da
Djindjic potrebbe avvenire entro il 2010) ed all'impulso dato
alle relazioni economiche bilaterali, in particolare a programmi
di investimento e joint ventures per piccole e medie imprese.
''Porte aperte agli investimenti'', afferma 'Vecernje Novosti',
definendo ''sincero'' l'incontro fra Berlusconi e Djindjic.
'Glas Javnosti' titola ''Nessun ostacolo a una nuova
cooperazione economica'', mentre sulla prima pagina di 'Danas'
campeggia ''L'Italia aiutera' la Serbia'': simile ma piu' deciso
il titolo di 'Blic', ''L'Italia ci sta aiutando''. (ANSA). OT
09/05/2002 15:56
===*===
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20020507185932215756.html
ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: VISITA DJINDJIC, IMPULSO A INTERSCAMBIO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 7 MAG - Il primo ministro serbo Zoran
Djindjic e' atteso stasera in Italia per una visita ufficiale di
24 ore, durante la quale incontrera' il presidente del Consiglio
Silvio Berlusconi e partecipera' a un incontro fra imprenditori
italiani e jugoslavi organizzato dall'Istituto italiano per il
commercio estero (Ice). Djinjdic e' accompagnato da una folta
delegazione del governo serbo, in pratica da tutti i
responsabili dei principali settori economici: i ministri del
commercio estero Goran Pitic, delle finanze Bozidar Djelic,
delle privatizzazioni Aleksandar Vlahovic, dei trasporti e delle
telecomunicazioni Maria Raseta- Vukosavljevic, nonche' una
ventina fra i principali imprenditori jugoslavi invitati al
convegno dell'Ice. Una 'task force' che dimostra l'attenzione
del premier serbo (soprannominato in patria 'il tedesco' per i
forti legami con la Germania) verso le aperture italiane
all'interscambio. ''L'Italia - aveva detto Djindjic dopo la
visita, il 17 gennaio, del presidente della repubblica Carlo
Azeglio Ciampi - e' uno dei nostri principali partner economici,
e spero che dopo gli accordi col club di Parigi (l'organismo dei
paesi creditori che alcuni mesi fa ha tagliato il 66% del debito
jugoslavo, ndr) sia giunto il momento per investimenti ancor
piu' importanti''. All'indomani della caduta del regime di
Slobodan Milosevic, Roma aveva stanziato per Belgrado fondi per
aiuti di emergenza e finanziamenti per la ricostruzione e lo
sviluppo. Nel dicembre scorso il viceministro per le attivita'
produttive con delega al commercio con l'estero, Adolfo Urso,
aveva sottolineato l' ''importanza strategica'' dei Balcani e
della Jugoslavia in particolare per il sistema imprenditoriale
italiano, annunciando l'intenzione di ''investire considerevoli
risorse nello sviluppo della regione'', quantificabili in circa
700 milioni di euro. La Sace, l'organismo creato per garantire
gli investimenti all'estero, ha parzialmente riaperto il credito
per chi intende investire in Jugoslavia, e altre organizzazioni
imprenditoriali come Finest e Simest hanno stanziato fondi per
la cooperazione. Infine e' stata inaugurata di recente, col
patrocinio dell'Ambasciata d'Italia, una sorta di 'camera di
commercio' italo-jugoslava per favorire interscambi e
investimenti. In gioco nei Balcani e' un potenziale mercato di
circa 55 milioni di persone, di per se' invitante: la Serbia,
oltre a esserne il centro geografico, ha da offrire accordi
doganali di favore con l'ambito mercato russo, quella che Urso
ha definito ''una economia compatibile'' e una manodopera
qualificata a basso costo. (ANSA). OT 07/05/2002 18:59
===*===
SERBIAN PREMIER URGES PRIVATE BUSINESSMEN TO BUY SOCIALLY-
OWNED COMPANIES
ZAJECAR, May 12 (Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic
announced on May 12 that the Serbian agency for the development
of small and medium enterprises will give loans to private
entrepreneurs who wish to take over some of the failing
sociallyowned companies.
In talks with Zajecar businessmen during a visit to that
city in eastern Serbia, Djindjic said that the Serbian
government's strategic goal was the development of small
and medium enterprises.
He also said that in the upcoming period the government
will work on curbing the gray economy. The government, he
specified, will do this by giving privileges to those who
work regularly. Djindjic said that this will be reflected
in granting favorable loans and benefits for employing workers,
as well as decreasing or annulling the investment tax.
1. DJINDJIC IN ITALIA
2. BERLUSCONI SUPPORTS YUGOSLAVIA'S FASTER INTEGRATION IN EU,
SAYS SERBIAN PREMIER
3. Italian investors invited to invest in Serbia
4. ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: BERLUSCONI-DJINDJIC, STAMPA SERBA
5. ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: VISITA DJINDJIC, IMPULSO A INTERSCAMBIO
6. SERBIAN PREMIER URGES PRIVATE BUSINESSMEN TO BUY SOCIALLY-
OWNED COMPANIES
===*===
DJINDJIC IN ITALIA
Zoran Djindjic, premier serbo, si e' recato l'8 maggio 2002 in
visita a Roma insieme ad altri autorevoli esponenti del suo
governo.
La visita e' stata significativamente ignorata in Italia da
tutta la stampa di "sinistra" e "centro-sinistra", la quale pure
aveva a suo tempo appoggiato il "cambio di regime" nella RF di
Jugoslavia, sostenendo la coalizione DOS oggi al governo, gli
"esperti di economia" di cui questa si avvale (il gruppo G17,
organico a FMI e BM) e le bande squadristiche di Otpor e affini,
responsabili dell'assalto al Parlamento e delle aggressioni
contro esponenti politici e sindacali. Ma, a sua volta, anche
Djindjic ha tranquillamente snobbato le "sinistre" italiane,
preferendo la compagnia di esponenti governativi ed imprenditori.
Per chiarire nel miglior modo possibile le intenzioni del
governo serbo in fatto di politiche economiche e del lavoro,
il ministro per le privatizzazioni Vlahovic
<< ha detto che l'economia serba sta andando incontro ad un
processo di ristrutturazione completa ed il governo sta cercando
di privatizzare immediatamente la parte sana dell'economia, vale
a dire le piccole e medie imprese. "Nei prossimi quattro anni
prevediamo di eliminare il capitale di proprieta' sociale e di
privatizzare circa 7000 imprese, delle quali 200 di grosse
dimensioni". Secondo Vlahovic, nel 2003 la Serbia comincera' con
la privatizzazione delle sue industrie petrolifera e della
energia elettrica, ma il processo includera' anche l'industria
alimentare, la produzione agricola e tessile, le ditte del vetro
e del legno. Gli imprenditori italiani, che in molti erano
presenti all'incontro (tenutosi presso l'Istituto italiano per
il Commercio Estero), hanno ricevuto un elenco delle imprese che
saranno oggetto di un'asta pubblica.>> (Tanjug)
Ricordiamo che le condizioni per l'investimento da
parte degli imprenditori stranieri sono particolarmente
favorevoli adesso in Serbia, dopo che nello scorso mese di
gennaio e' stata approvata la cosiddetta "Legge sul Lavoro" la
quale, analogamente a quanto il governo Berlusconi sta
preparando in Italia, demolisce essenziali diritti dei
lavoratori, facilita i licenziamenti e la precarizzazione e
limita le liberta' sindacali.
(a cura di I. Slavo)
===*===
BERLUSCONI SUPPORTS YUGOSLAVIA'S FASTER INTEGRATION IN EU, SAYS
SERBIAN PREMIER
BELGRADE, May 9 (Beta)- Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic said in
Rome on May 8 that Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi
supported Yugoslavia's faster integration into the European
Union next year, when Italy and Greece are to chair the EU.
Djindjic told BETA after a three-hour meeting with Berlusconi
that the prime minister also supported the speeding up of
projects of Italian investment in Serbia's economy. He said that
Berlusconi proposed to organize a media campaign in Italy to
break the cliche about Serbia as an unsafe country and, for this
purpose, announced his visit to Belgrade in June with a group of
journalists and businessmen which the Serbian government will
take on a tour of Serbia. The Serbian premier said that he and
Berlusconi discussed the creation of a logistic concept in the
struggle against organized crime and agreed to form a group of
Italian experts who would help improve Serbia's police,
judiciary and regulations and harmonize them with Italian
institutions, as Italy is a country with substantial experience
in the struggle against organized crime. According to Djindjic,
Berlusconi also announced that Italy would help Serbia create an
electronic tax system. Djindjic said that delegation members
discussed the issue of Serbian Telecom with the Italian prime
minister over lunch. Berlusconi told the Yugoslav media that he
will personally engage in boosting the development of the
Serbian economy and help the Italian public learn about the
situation in Serbia and possibilities of the two countries'
cooperation. He said he had the opportunity to meet the Serbian
premier and his team of, as he said, extremely capable, well
prepared and decisive young people, who are the only chance for
Serbia's development. Recalling that Italy is already engaged in
helping Serbia in international organizations, Berlusconi said
that such help will continue and be oriented towards Serbia's
European integration, which is also a matter of strategic
interest for Italy. After his conversation with Berlusconi,
Djindjic made a final speech at a gathering organized by the
Italian Institute for Foreign Trade, where he repeated the
Serbian government's stand that "it's not the right moment to
radically redefine relations between Serbia and Montenegro, as
this would waste the energy necessary for economic development."
The Serbian premier and the Italian Deputy Economy Minister
Adolfo Urso closed the one-day gathering held at the ICE. At the
same gathering, Serbian ministers Aleksandar Vlahovic, Goran
Pitic, Bozidar Djelic and Marija Raseta-Vukosavljevic held
introductory speeches.
===*===
Italian investors invited to invest in Serbia
ROME, May 8 (Tanjug) - State Undersecretary at the Italian
Foreign Ministry, Senator Roberto Antonione, has said that
things are very clear now in Serbia and that there are great
possibilities for cooperation, both with West Europe and with
Italy. Speaking at the opening of the Serbian Economy Days,
organized in Rome by the Foreign Trade Institute, Senator
Antonione said that Italy was Serbia's third largest foreign
trade partner, but that relations could still improve and that
work on this was being done. Franco Del Neri, advisor at the
Serbian Ministry of Economy and Privatization, told Italian
investors on Wednesday to prepare programs for investing in the
Serbian economy as soon as possible, in view of their huge
possibilities and the fact that they should arrive in Serbia in
time. Serbian Ministers of Finance Bozidar Djelic, for
Privatization Aleksandar Vlahovic and of International Economic
Relations Goran Pitic also spoke about the possibilities for
promoting the Serbian-Italian economic cooperation. Djelic said
that Serbia had boldly started with the restructuring of
enterprises and that Yugoslavia would very soon have a free
trade zone with numerous countries. Djelic informed Italian
investors that two-thirds of Serbia's debt to the Paris Club of
creditors had been written off and that talks with the London
Club of investors were under way. Pitic said that the 2001
volume of trade with Italy had amounted to 800 million dollars
and that there were 107 Italian representative offices in
Serbia, but that this was not enough. Vlahovic said that the
Serbian economy was to undergo a complete reconstruction process
and that the government was trying immediately to privatize the
promising part of the economy, i.e. small- and medium-sized
enterprises. "In the next four years, we plan to eliminate
socially-owned capital and to privatize about 7,000 enterprises,
200 of which are big," he said. Vlahovic said that in 2003
Serbia would start with the privatization of its oil and
electric power industries, but that the process would also
include the food-processing industry, agricultural production,
textile, glass and wood-processing industries. Italian
businessmen, a large number of whom attended the event, received
a list of enterprises which would undergo a public bidding
process.
===*===
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20020509155632217997.html
ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: BERLUSCONI-DJINDJIC, STAMPA SERBA
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 9 MAG - La stampa serba da' oggi grande
rilievo alla visita del premier Zoran Djindjic in Italia e ai
colloqui avuti ieri con il presidente del Consiglio Silvio
Berlusconi. Il quotidiano 'Politika' titola in prima pagina a
caratteri cubitali ''L'appoggio di Berlusconi'', dilungandosi
sulle aperture politiche alla futura integrazione di Belgrado
nell'Unione europea (che in base al calendario esposto da
Djindjic potrebbe avvenire entro il 2010) ed all'impulso dato
alle relazioni economiche bilaterali, in particolare a programmi
di investimento e joint ventures per piccole e medie imprese.
''Porte aperte agli investimenti'', afferma 'Vecernje Novosti',
definendo ''sincero'' l'incontro fra Berlusconi e Djindjic.
'Glas Javnosti' titola ''Nessun ostacolo a una nuova
cooperazione economica'', mentre sulla prima pagina di 'Danas'
campeggia ''L'Italia aiutera' la Serbia'': simile ma piu' deciso
il titolo di 'Blic', ''L'Italia ci sta aiutando''. (ANSA). OT
09/05/2002 15:56
===*===
http://www.ansa.it/balcani/jugoslavia/20020507185932215756.html
ITALIA-JUGOSLAVIA: VISITA DJINDJIC, IMPULSO A INTERSCAMBIO
(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 7 MAG - Il primo ministro serbo Zoran
Djindjic e' atteso stasera in Italia per una visita ufficiale di
24 ore, durante la quale incontrera' il presidente del Consiglio
Silvio Berlusconi e partecipera' a un incontro fra imprenditori
italiani e jugoslavi organizzato dall'Istituto italiano per il
commercio estero (Ice). Djinjdic e' accompagnato da una folta
delegazione del governo serbo, in pratica da tutti i
responsabili dei principali settori economici: i ministri del
commercio estero Goran Pitic, delle finanze Bozidar Djelic,
delle privatizzazioni Aleksandar Vlahovic, dei trasporti e delle
telecomunicazioni Maria Raseta- Vukosavljevic, nonche' una
ventina fra i principali imprenditori jugoslavi invitati al
convegno dell'Ice. Una 'task force' che dimostra l'attenzione
del premier serbo (soprannominato in patria 'il tedesco' per i
forti legami con la Germania) verso le aperture italiane
all'interscambio. ''L'Italia - aveva detto Djindjic dopo la
visita, il 17 gennaio, del presidente della repubblica Carlo
Azeglio Ciampi - e' uno dei nostri principali partner economici,
e spero che dopo gli accordi col club di Parigi (l'organismo dei
paesi creditori che alcuni mesi fa ha tagliato il 66% del debito
jugoslavo, ndr) sia giunto il momento per investimenti ancor
piu' importanti''. All'indomani della caduta del regime di
Slobodan Milosevic, Roma aveva stanziato per Belgrado fondi per
aiuti di emergenza e finanziamenti per la ricostruzione e lo
sviluppo. Nel dicembre scorso il viceministro per le attivita'
produttive con delega al commercio con l'estero, Adolfo Urso,
aveva sottolineato l' ''importanza strategica'' dei Balcani e
della Jugoslavia in particolare per il sistema imprenditoriale
italiano, annunciando l'intenzione di ''investire considerevoli
risorse nello sviluppo della regione'', quantificabili in circa
700 milioni di euro. La Sace, l'organismo creato per garantire
gli investimenti all'estero, ha parzialmente riaperto il credito
per chi intende investire in Jugoslavia, e altre organizzazioni
imprenditoriali come Finest e Simest hanno stanziato fondi per
la cooperazione. Infine e' stata inaugurata di recente, col
patrocinio dell'Ambasciata d'Italia, una sorta di 'camera di
commercio' italo-jugoslava per favorire interscambi e
investimenti. In gioco nei Balcani e' un potenziale mercato di
circa 55 milioni di persone, di per se' invitante: la Serbia,
oltre a esserne il centro geografico, ha da offrire accordi
doganali di favore con l'ambito mercato russo, quella che Urso
ha definito ''una economia compatibile'' e una manodopera
qualificata a basso costo. (ANSA). OT 07/05/2002 18:59
===*===
SERBIAN PREMIER URGES PRIVATE BUSINESSMEN TO BUY SOCIALLY-
OWNED COMPANIES
ZAJECAR, May 12 (Beta) - Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic
announced on May 12 that the Serbian agency for the development
of small and medium enterprises will give loans to private
entrepreneurs who wish to take over some of the failing
sociallyowned companies.
In talks with Zajecar businessmen during a visit to that
city in eastern Serbia, Djindjic said that the Serbian
government's strategic goal was the development of small
and medium enterprises.
He also said that in the upcoming period the government
will work on curbing the gray economy. The government, he
specified, will do this by giving privileges to those who
work regularly. Djindjic said that this will be reflected
in granting favorable loans and benefits for employing workers,
as well as decreasing or annulling the investment tax.
CROAZIA: ANNUNCIATA PRIVATIZZAZIONE COMPAGNIA PETROLIFERA
(ANSA) - ZAGABRIA, 10 MAG - Il governo croato ha annunciato
oggi l'avvio della privatizzazione della compagnia petrolifera
'Ina'. Si tratta - ha precisato il vicepremier per l'economia,
Slavko Linic, in una conferenza stampa - del 25% del pacchetto
azionario dell'azienda. Il governo ha anche pubblicato un
annuncio, uscito oggi sul quotidiano 'Vjesnik' e sul 'Financial
Times' in cui invita ''gli investitori strategici che
risulteranno qualificati'' a rivolgersi alla 'Deutsche bank AG'
di Londra o a 'Pricewaterhouse Coopers' - che sono i consulenti
del governo per la privatizzazione - entro il 31 maggio del 2002.
''La privatizzazione dell'Ina - ha detto Linic - e' di
importanza chiave per lo sviluppo della compagnia e il
mercato di petrolio e di gas in Croazia, che in senso
strategico significa anche lo sviluppo dell'intera economia
croata''. Secondo i dati pubblicati nel 2001, l'Ina ha prodotto
2 milioni di tonnellate di petrolio grezzo e 1,8 miliardi di
metri cubi di gas naturale, in Croazia e all'estero.
La compagnia possiede due raffinerie di petrolio e due impianti
per la produzione di lubrificanti, in cui sono state lavorate 4,8
milioni di tonnellate di petrolio grezzo. Le entrate consolidate
nel 2001 erano di 1,919 milioni di dollari mentre l'attivo totale
ammonta a 1,780 milioni di dollari. Attualmente 17 mila persone
sono impiegate nell'azienda. ''Sono convinto che ci sara' grande
interesse da parte dei potenziali investitori'', ha detto il
direttore della compagnia, Tomislav Dragicevic. ''Vorremmo vedere
Ina diventare un'azienda forte e competitiva sul mercato europeo
del petrolio e del gas'' ha aggiunto, ma per raggiungere questo
obiettivo e' necessario un forte partner strategico che porti
investimenti e sviluppo tecnologico''. (ANSA). COR*VD
10/05/2002 14:53
===*===
VERSO LA INCLUSIONE NELLA N.A.T.O.
Subject: Croatia To Join NATO: Human Rights Conditions Met
Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 09:57:45 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Rozoff
[There is the question of 250,000 Serbs and other
ethnic minority members driven out of the Krajina and
other parts of Croatia in 1995, never to return.
But as the Krajina ethnic purges were conducted under
the US-NATO assisted Operation Storm, with future KLA
- and so-called Kosovo Protection Corps - chieftan
Agim Ceku as artillery commander, this will not
present any problems to NATO's alleged 'human rights'
preconditions for membership.]
ABC Online
Croatia to join NATO. 11/5/2002. ABC News Online
http://www.abc.net.au/news/newsitems/s553389.htm%5d
Saturday, May 11, 2002. Posted: 11:52:03 (AEDT)
Croatia to join NATO
The United States has confirmed that NATO will invite
Croatia to join its membership action plan next week,
a probationary stage toward full membership.
Countries in the membership action plan agree to bring
their armed forces up to NATO standards, and ensure
civilian control of the military.
The US State Department also says a NATO ministerial
meeting in Iceland next week is expected to approve
terms for a new NATO Russia Council, giving Russia a
greater say in European security matters.
(ANSA) - ZAGABRIA, 10 MAG - Il governo croato ha annunciato
oggi l'avvio della privatizzazione della compagnia petrolifera
'Ina'. Si tratta - ha precisato il vicepremier per l'economia,
Slavko Linic, in una conferenza stampa - del 25% del pacchetto
azionario dell'azienda. Il governo ha anche pubblicato un
annuncio, uscito oggi sul quotidiano 'Vjesnik' e sul 'Financial
Times' in cui invita ''gli investitori strategici che
risulteranno qualificati'' a rivolgersi alla 'Deutsche bank AG'
di Londra o a 'Pricewaterhouse Coopers' - che sono i consulenti
del governo per la privatizzazione - entro il 31 maggio del 2002.
''La privatizzazione dell'Ina - ha detto Linic - e' di
importanza chiave per lo sviluppo della compagnia e il
mercato di petrolio e di gas in Croazia, che in senso
strategico significa anche lo sviluppo dell'intera economia
croata''. Secondo i dati pubblicati nel 2001, l'Ina ha prodotto
2 milioni di tonnellate di petrolio grezzo e 1,8 miliardi di
metri cubi di gas naturale, in Croazia e all'estero.
La compagnia possiede due raffinerie di petrolio e due impianti
per la produzione di lubrificanti, in cui sono state lavorate 4,8
milioni di tonnellate di petrolio grezzo. Le entrate consolidate
nel 2001 erano di 1,919 milioni di dollari mentre l'attivo totale
ammonta a 1,780 milioni di dollari. Attualmente 17 mila persone
sono impiegate nell'azienda. ''Sono convinto che ci sara' grande
interesse da parte dei potenziali investitori'', ha detto il
direttore della compagnia, Tomislav Dragicevic. ''Vorremmo vedere
Ina diventare un'azienda forte e competitiva sul mercato europeo
del petrolio e del gas'' ha aggiunto, ma per raggiungere questo
obiettivo e' necessario un forte partner strategico che porti
investimenti e sviluppo tecnologico''. (ANSA). COR*VD
10/05/2002 14:53
===*===
VERSO LA INCLUSIONE NELLA N.A.T.O.
Subject: Croatia To Join NATO: Human Rights Conditions Met
Date: Sat, 11 May 2002 09:57:45 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Rozoff
[There is the question of 250,000 Serbs and other
ethnic minority members driven out of the Krajina and
other parts of Croatia in 1995, never to return.
But as the Krajina ethnic purges were conducted under
the US-NATO assisted Operation Storm, with future KLA
- and so-called Kosovo Protection Corps - chieftan
Agim Ceku as artillery commander, this will not
present any problems to NATO's alleged 'human rights'
preconditions for membership.]
ABC Online
Croatia to join NATO. 11/5/2002. ABC News Online
http://www.abc.net.au/news/newsitems/s553389.htm%5d
Saturday, May 11, 2002. Posted: 11:52:03 (AEDT)
Croatia to join NATO
The United States has confirmed that NATO will invite
Croatia to join its membership action plan next week,
a probationary stage toward full membership.
Countries in the membership action plan agree to bring
their armed forces up to NATO standards, and ensure
civilian control of the military.
The US State Department also says a NATO ministerial
meeting in Iceland next week is expected to approve
terms for a new NATO Russia Council, giving Russia a
greater say in European security matters.
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