Informazione

Ciao,

desideriamo farti sapere che, nella sezione File del gruppo
crj-mailinglist, troverai un nuovo file appena caricato.

File : /dalema99.rtf
Caricato da : itajug <jugocoord@...>
Descrizione : Attacco alla Jugoslavia, 24 marzo 1999: LA SINISTRA VA ALLA GUERRA

Puoi accedere al file dal seguente indirizzo:
http://it.groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/files/dalema99.rtf

Per ulteriori informazioni su come condividere i file con gli altri
iscritti al tuo gruppo, vai invece alla sezione di Aiuto al seguente
indirizzo:
http://help.yahoo.com/help/it/groups/files


Cordiali saluti,

itajug <jugocoord@...>

Kurt Köpruner

"Reisen in das Land der Kriege.
Erlebnisse eines Fremden in Jugoslawien"

Viaggiare nel paese delle guerre.
Esperienze di uno straniero in Jugoslavia

Eine Empfehlung / Kurzbeschreibung / Der Verlag über das Buch /
Auszug / Inhaltsverzeichnis / Rezensionen / Leserrezensionen /
BUCHLESUNGEN IN BERLIN, 22-23/3/2002

===*===

Ci scrive da Berlino Wolfgang Schulz:

"Oggi vorrei parlarvi di un libro sulla Jugoslavia,
che sto leggendo proprio adesso con grande interesse.
Le mie esperienze in Jugoslavia, in parte dimenticate
da lungo tempo, si risvegliano con la lettura di questo
libro degno di nota. E' davvero un testo pregevole.
(...) Sul sito Amazon tedesco il testo e' in cima alla
classifica dei libri sulla Jugoslavia sin dallo scorso
ottobre. (...) Al momento e' in corso la traduzione in
lingua serba, ma io credo che esso meriti di essere
tradotto anche in altre lingue, perche' venga letto
da ancor piu' persone... Vi allego parte della descrizione
del libro fatta dalla editrice, che potete trovare sul
sito Amazon"

Sintesi

E' soprattutto per ragioni professionali che
Kurt Köpruner, manager austriaco di una ditta ingegneristica
di Regensburg, ha viaggiato ripetutamente, tra il 1990 ed il
2000, nella Jugoslavia in disgregazione. Con mano leggera
e grande talento narrativo egli ha descritto cio' che li'
ha vissuto in prima persona e cio' che ha sperimentato
attraverso svariati contatti di lavoro e privati - e tutto
questo generalmente non corrisponde per nulla alle correnti
versioni "d'ufficio" riguardanti la crisi nei Balcani.
Trattenendo il respiro, il lettore deve seguire il ciclone
dei suoi racconti, in parte sorprendenti ed in parte
inquietanti - sulla "notte dei cristalli" in Dalmazia, sulle
benedizioni della politica di pace occidentale in Bosnia
o sul ghetto serbo nel "protettorato" del Kosovo, nell'ottobre
2000. Alla conclusione del secolo, Köpruner non ha perduto
solamente la "sua" Jugoslavia, ma anche ogni rispetto nei
confronti dei media e della politica tedesca ed austriaca.

===*===

"Heute möchte ich euch mit einem Buch über Jugoslawien
bekannt machen, das ich gerade mit großem Interesse lese.
Meine zum Teil längst vergessenen Erlebnisse in Jugoslawien
werden beim Lesen dieses bemerkenswerten Buches wach. Es
ist ein sehr ehrliches Buch.
Auf den deutschen Seiten von Amazon findet ihr unter
http://www.amazon.de/exec/obidos/ASIN/3885208016/
qid%3D998744142/028-5391566 - 9954151
mehr zu diesem Buch. Ich habe anliegend davon einiges
kopiert.
Erwähnenswert wäre sicher auch, daß das Buch unter allen
Sachbücher zum Thema "Jugoslawien" bei Amazon seit Oktober
ganz vorn auf der Verkaufsliste steht.
Noch ein Hinweis: Derzeit wird das Buch ins Serbische
übersetzt. Aber ich meine, es müsste auch in andere Sprachen
übersetzt werden, damit eine große Leserschar es kennen lernen kann.
Das hat das Buch einfach verdient. Ich kenne auch den Autor
persönlich und meine, dass er es auch verdient, im Ausland
bekannt gemacht zu werden." Wolfgang Schulz



Reisen in das Land der Kriege. Erlebnisse eines Fremden in Jugoslawien.
von Kurt Köpruner
Preis: EUR 19,90

Versandfertig in 2 bis 3 Werktagen.

Kategorie(n): Geist & Wissen, Politik, Biografien & Zeitgeschichte,
Lernen & Nachschlagen

Kurzbeschreibung

Vor allem aus beruflichen Gründen reiste Kurt Köpruner,
österreichischer Manager einer Regensburger Maschinenbauagentur,
in den Jahren 1990 bis 2000 viele Male in das zerfallende
Jugoslawien. Mit leichter Hand und großem erzählerischen Talent
hat er aufgezeichnet, was er dort selber erlebt und in vielfältigen
geschäftlichen und privaten Kontakten erfahren hat - und das
entspricht meist ganz und gar nicht den hiesigen "amtlichen"
Darstellungen von der Krise am Balkan. Atemlos folgt der Leser
dem Wirbel seiner teils erstaunlichen, teils beängstigenden
Berichte - sei es über die "dalmatinische Kristallnacht", die
Segnungen westlicher Befriedungspolitik in Bosnien oder ein
serbisches Ghetto im "Protektorat" Kosovo im Oktober 2000. Am
Ende des Jahrhunderts hat Köpruner nicht nur "sein" Jugoslawien
verloren, sondern auch den Respekt vor den Medien und der deutschen
und österreichischen Politik.

Der Verlag über das Buch

Von einem, der auszog, das Fürchten zu lernen

Über den Autor

Kurt Köpruner, 1951 in Bregenz geboren, lebte bis 1989 in
Vorarlberg, Österreichs westlichstem Bundesland. Nach einer
kaufmännischen Ausbildung Leiter eines Instituts für
Erwachsenenbildung, später Landessekretär des Österreichischen
Gewerkschaftsbundes in Vorarlberg und SPÖ-Funktionär.
1989 übersiedelte er nach Deutschland, seitdem Unternehmer.
Viele Reisen, u.a. in verschiedene Regionen des früheren
Jugoslawien. Seit Beginn der neunziger Jahre lebt er in
Lebensgemeinschaft mit einer Kroatin und ihren zwei Kindern
in Regensburg.

Auszug aus Reisen in das Land der Kriege. Erlebnisse eines
Fremden in Jugoslawien. von Kurt Köpruner. Copyright © 2001.

Abdruck erfolgt mit freundlicher Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber.
Alle Rechte vorbehalten.

"Ich bin Serbe, und ich bin stolz darauf. Wir werden vielleicht
alle sterben, aber wir werden kämpfen!", begrüßte mich Cupe,
der Rent-a-Car-Mann, in gutem Deutsch, nachdem ihm Snjezana
mit wenigen serbokroatischen Sätzen unsere Lage erklärt hatte.
Na also, das war jetzt offenbar endlich einer von diesen Serben,
von denen ich schon damals so vieles gelesen hatte: voller
Pathos, kämpferisch, größenwahnsinnig, leidensbereit,
schicksalsschwanger, von Verfolgungswahn besessen. Ich
verbrachte den halben Tag mit ihm. Es wurden spannende
Stunden. Was er mir zu seinem ausgebrannten Bürogebäude
erzählte, hörte sich wie ein Schauermärchen an. Vor etwa
einem Monat, Anfang Mai, habe sich in Zadar jene, schon
von Josip kurz erwähnte, "dalmatinische Kristallnacht"
abgespielt. Eine Bande von etwa hundert Personen habe in
einer zehn (!) Stunden dauernden Aktion im Zentrum von Zadar
und in der näheren Umgebung insgesamt hundertsechzehn
serbische Geschäftslokale sowie Wohnhäuser zerstört. All
das habe nicht nur unter dem Schutz der Polizei stattgefunden,
diese habe die Operation sogar koordiniert! Er, Cupe, habe
die ganze Aktion am Polizeifunk mitgehört, vom Beginn bis
zum Ende. Ich sagte zu Cupe, dass ich in diesem Land
mittlerweile ja manches für möglich hielte, aber so könne
es nicht gewesen sein, so etwas wäre bei uns im Fernsehen
gekommen, mindestens in einer Zeitung hätte ich darüber
wenigstens eine kleine Notiz lesen müssen, wo doch täglich
auch über viel unspektakulärere Zwischenfälle in Jugoslawien
berichtet wurde. Er lacht böse auf: "In euren Zeitungen steht
doch nur, was für Schweine die Serben sind. Wenn Sie einmal
sehen wollen, wie die Wirklichkeit aussieht, dann kommen Sie
mit, ich zeige sie Ihnen!" Dieses Angebot nahm ich sofort an.
Zwei oder drei Stunden lang führte mich Cupe per Auto,
zwischendurch auch zu Fuß, von einer hässlichen Ruine zur
nächsten. Da waren Kleidergeschäfte, Bäckereien, Metzgereien,
Zeitungskioske, Zigarettenläden, Juweliergeschäfte, Bürohäuser,
Friseursalons und Dergleichen - teils einzeln stehende Gebäude,
teils kleine Blechhäuschen oder, wie in der Kala Larga,
Verkaufslokale, die im Erdgeschoss von Wohngebäuden beziehungsweise
in Einkaufspassagen untergebracht waren. Einige davon hatte
ich schon gestern während meines Spazierganges mit Josip
gesehen, aber erst jetzt begriff ich, was mir dieser da
zeigen wollte. Immer weniger fand ich den Ausdruck "dalmatinische
Kristallnacht" übertrieben. So ungefähr muss es damals
zugegangen sein, im November 1938, in den Städten Großdeutschlands.
Die Tour mit Cupe war starker Tobak für mich. Wenn ich nicht
alles mit eigenen Augen gesehen hätte - niemals hätte ich so
etwas für möglich gehalten. Als wir von einem Trümmerhaufen
zum nächsten zogen, fragte ich mich die ganze Zeit, warum mir
denn Snjezana von diesen Dingen nichts erzählt hatte. Das
konnte ihr doch unmöglich entgangen sein. Ich beschloss,
jetzt endlich die Wahrheit aus ihr herauszuquetschen.
Immerhin planten wir ja, im Juli bei diesem Verrückten
Urlaub zu machen, gemeinsam mit meiner Tochter Vera, die
damals gerade sechs Jahre alt war. Mehr und mehr schien
mir das eine äußerst riskante Sache zu werden. Snjezana
stellte fest, dass sie mich an diesem Tag sehr wohl angerufen
habe, um mir alles zu erzählen, aber dann doch kein Wort
herausbrachte. Sie habe mich einfach nicht beunruhigen
wollen, habe das auch irgendwie weggedrängt, nicht mehr
daran denken wollen, und außerdem hätte ich des Öfteren
eher ungläubig reagiert, wenn sie mir solche absurden Dinge
von Zadar erzählt habe. "Sei ehrlich, hättest du mir geglaubt,
wenn ich dir das erzählt hätte?" Ich kann nicht sagen, wie
ich mich bei alledem fühlte. "Hilflos" ist wohl das beste
Wort. Das alles war, ich muss es wiederholen, im Mai 1991,
Monate, bevor der Krieg in Kroatien begann.


Inhaltsverzeichnis:
Peter Glotz über dieses Buch

WELTPOLIZEI - 1899, 1999
Wie dieses Buch entstand
Tito, Tito, Tito

KRIEG IN KROATIEN, 1991 BIS 1995
Die letzten Monate vor dem Krieg
Snjezana
Hier liegt was in der Luft
"Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker"
Die Wahl des jugoslawischen Staatspräsidenten
Die Haltung Österreichs
Die Zeichen stehen auf Sturm
"Roter Stern Belgrad"
Fahrt durch die Krajina
Josip - oder: "Die bitten Gott um Krieg"
Cupe - oder: Die dalmatinische Kristallnacht
Maria - oder: Eine Kerze im Fenster
Von Medien und Wahlen
Arif - oder: Die Geschichte eines kroatischen Muslims
"Die kroatische Armee kämpft nicht in Bosnien"
"Prijatno" - oder: Die Geburt einer Sprache
Kleine "Rassenlehre"
"Pro Kroatien" - "Pro Vorarlberg"
Jetzt müssen die Landkarten neu erstellt werden
Slowenien - oder: "Wer hat da auf wen geballert?"
Die Wende in Deutschland - oder: "Terror der Serben"
Nächtliche Explosionen
Bei Mirko, dem Einsiedler
Roman und Nina
"Bumm, fertig!"

Abschied von Snjezana
Neubeginn in Deutschland

Exkurs: Fragen an die Geschichte
Was heißt da schon "Geschichte"?
Prinz Eugen, die Türken und die Serben
Die Geburt Jugoslawiens
Ein uraltes Phänomen
Ustascha
Die Partisanen
Titos Gräuel
Titos Jugoslawien
Das Ende des Bundes der Kommunisten
Erste freie Wahlen
Tudjman, der Vater des neuen Kroatiens
Die Ustascha-Renaissance
Reaktionen der kroatischen Serben

Krieg an allen Fronten
Die Kriegsberichterstattung
Die HOS und ihre Söldner
Der Konflikt in der EG wird offensichtlich
Ein vergeblicher Brief an Kanzler und Minister
Ein Vergleich: Deutschland - Bayern - Niederbayern
Milosevic und Tudjman
Die UNO schaltet sich ein
Deutschland setzt Fakten
Der Kroatische Winter
Von lieben Nachbarn in schützenden Kellern
Genschers Friede
Ohnmächtige UNO
Schwerer Kater nach dem nationalistischen Rausch

KRIEG IN BOSNIEN, 1992 BIS 1995
Die Kettenreaktion nimmt ihren Lauf
Der Mythos vom multikulturellen Bosnien
Jeder gegen jeden
Zum Kriegsverlauf
Die UNO in Bosnien
Massakerpolitik (1)
Dayton
"Journalismus"
Nach dem Krieg in Bosnien
Ein kleines Lehrstück in Sachen Korruption
"Glauben Sie kein Wort!"
Anmerkungen zur Architektur eines Krieges (1)
Ruder Finn - oder: Dementis sind wertlos
"Serben sind Monster"
"Ich weiß doch, was meine Chefs wollen!"
Bosnien am Ende des Jahrhunderts
"Brüderlichkeit"
Ergina
In Ivo Andrics Heimatstadt
Zwei junge Muslime erzählen von Himmel und Hölle
Marshallplan im Jahre 1999
Erlebnisse in der deutschen Botschaft
Eine zum Himmel stinkende Show
Eine wertlose Telefonnummer
Im Mekka des Multikulturalismus
Auf dem Weg ins "Neue Reich des Bösen"
Olovo und Kladanj
In der Serbischen Republik Bosnien

KRIEG IN SERBIEN, 1998 BIS 1999
Das Problem "Kosovo"
Zu den Mehrheitsverhältnissen im Kosovo
Zuspitzung der Lage nach Titos Tod
Milosevics Aufstieg
Zur Aufhebung der Autonomie des Kosovo
Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Staates "Kosova"
Die UCK

Sieg oder "Schutt und Asche"!
Die letzten Monate vor den Nato-Bomben
Der Bürgerkrieg im Jahre 1998
Das Holbrooke-Abkommen und die OSZE-Mission
Anmerkungen zur Architektur eines Krieges (2)
Bomben auf Belgrad
Racak - oder: Massakerpolitik (2)
"Rambouillet" - die Friedenskonferenz
Der Vertragstext und seine Knackpunkte 139
Die Nato-Luftschläge
Sauberer High-tech-Krieg oder Bombenterror?
Die ersten Monate nach den Luftschlägen
Neue Erkenntnisse über einen Bundesgenossen
Serbien im Winter nach den Natobomben
Beim Konsulat in München
Von Todesängsten und Vorurteilen
Erste "Interviews"
In Sremska Mitrovica
Belgrad fünf Monate nach den Bomben
Die Serben und Milosevic
Zrenjanin, Kikinda und weitere Begegnungen
Dusan
Der 42. Tag
Ich gebe ein Interview
Bombensightseeing
Der Nebel lichtet sich, die Sicht bleibt schlecht
Wer flüchtete wann, vor wem und warum?
Wer oder was tötete wen?
Völkermord? - oder: Asyl nein - Bomben ja
Ging die deutsche Bundesregierung davon aus, dass Völkermord stattfand?
Die Lageberichte des deutschen Außenministeriums
Hatte die Nato das Recht, militärisch zu intervenieren?
ALS TOURIST IM KOSOVO, OKTOBER 2000
Wie kommt man als Tourist in den Kosovo?
Fahrt nach Orahovac
Heidi
"Seither bin ich kaputt"
Bei der OSZE
Von Bürgerkriegs- und Bombenzeiten
Pec
Decani
Im serbischen Getto
Cica
"Wir haben gemeinsam gelitten"
"Was haben wir den Albanern getan?"
Der Wurm im Lügengebäude
Die Kinder von Kragujevac
Am Ende des Jahrzehnts

ANHANG
Die Nato-Luftschläge in Zahlen und Stichworten
Zeittafel
Literatur
Der Autor



Rezensionen

DIE PRESSE, 17. November 2001
Köpruners klug gegliedertes Werk orientiert sich mehr
an Werken engl. Historiker denn an dt. Kriegsreportagen.
Der Autor bleibt konkret, wo andere mutmaßen.

Zeit-Fragen, 8. Oktober 2001
Das überaus spannende Buch ist nicht nur für den Balkan-Laien,
sondern auch f. d. Experten geeignet, weil es die menschliche
Dimension der Konflikte beleuchtet.

Neues Deutschland, 5. November 2001
Der besondere Wert dieses Buches besteht darin, dass es
nicht in Archiven entstanden ist, sondern auf teils
abenteuerlichen Entdeckungstouren im Lande selbst.

Junge Welt, 15. November 2001
Es gibt nur wenige politische Bücher, die hochkomplexe
Zusammenhänge auf derart anschauliche Art zu zeichnen in
der Lage sind, daß man sie nicht weglegen mag.

Vorarlberger Nachrichten, 22. September 2001
Der Autor fragt mit bestechender Klarheit und ohne
vorgefertigte Urteile: Wie hat das kommen können? Wer
Antworten möchte, dem ist das Buch zu empfehlen.

Financial Times Deutschland, 07.12.2001
"Ideale Perspektive: Gerade in Zeiten, in denen Frieden
klingt, wie ein Begriff aus einer untergegangenen Welt,
hilft das Buch Kriegspropaganda von Berichterstattung zu
unterscheiden."

Mail-Magazin (Stories & Texte), Dezember 2001
Buch des Monats. Empfehlenswert für jene, die sich
hauptberuflich mit der Politik auf dem Balkan beschäftigen
und als Standardwerk für jene, die es eben nicht getan haben.

Wann & Wo, 12. Dezember 2001
Köpruners Schilderung persönlicher Erlebnisse im zerfallenden
Jugoslawien und seine Beurteilung der Rolle der Medien sind
nicht nur äußerst informativ, sondern sehr, sehr spannend.

VN Heimat, 13. Dezember 2001
Rezensenten von bürgerlich konservativ bis ganz links
reagieren begeistert darüber, was Kurt Köpruner in seinem
Buch über die Hintergründe des Balkandramas ans Tageslicht zerrt.


LESERREZENSIONEN


Erlebnisse statt Mutmaßungen, 2. Februar 2002
Rezensentin/Rezensent: Rauch, Andreas P aus Bielefeld,
NRW Deutschland (andreasp.rauch@...)
Kurt Köpruner, war erstaunt, als er 1990 vor Ort ein ganz
anderes Jugoslawien vorfand als das, was in den Medien zu
sehen war. Bei Besuchen in Kroatien, die eigentlich der
Anbahnung von Geschäftsbeziehungen dienen sollten, wurde
er Zeuge, wie kroatische Nationalisten zunehmend an Einfluß
gewannen. Die Häuser einzelner Serben wurden angesteckt,
ganz offen die Ermordung unliebsamer Zeitgenossen diskutiert.
Rasch breiteten sich die Symbole und Parolen des
klerikalfaschistischen Ustascha-Regimes wieder über
Kroatien aus. Örtliche Medien hetzten offen gegen alles
Nicht-Kroatische. Krieg werde kommen, erfuhr Köpruner von
seinen Gesprächspartnern. Zunächst ungläubig - nichts davon
war den gängigen deutschen Medien eine Schlagzeile wert
gewesen -, dann zunehmend entsetzter beobachtete Köpruner,
wie die Einheimischen recht behielten.
In den nächsten zehn Jahren bereiste Kurt Köpruner immer
wieder den Balkan, pflegte private wie Geschäftskontakte
und ließ sich von den Menschen vor Ort erzählen. Was er
hörte, paßte nun ganz und gar nicht zu dem einfachen
Schwarz-Weiß-Bild, das hiesige Politiker und Medien malten.
Er begann, festzuhalten, was er sah und hörte, was ihm
berichtet wurde und was zeitgleich in deutschsprachigen
Medien zu lesen war.
Gut die Häfte des Buches "Reisen in das Land der Kriege"
besteht aus solchen Berichten. Köpruner erweist sich als
ausgezeichneter Beobachter. Lebendig und genau berichtet
er von seinen Eindrücken, Erlebnissen und Gesprächen. Aus
Kroatien, in das er schon während der Kriege immer wieder
reiste, aus Bosnien und Serbien nach dem Daytoner Abkommen,
und auch in das NATO-Protektorat Kosovo. Manches ist
beängstigend, das wenigste ist spektakulär - spannend wird
es gerade deshalb, weil es eine ganz andere Wirklichkeit
beschreibt als die, die man gemeinhin in den Medien
vorgeführt bekam. Dabei beschönigt Köpruner nichts,
relativiert weder Titos Diktatur nur die Untaten einzelner
Ethnien, nimmt nicht Partei für die eine oder andere "gute
Sache".
Die Erlebnisse eines "ganz normalen" Menschen, der
unvermittelt mit etwas konfrontiert wird, das ganz und
gar nicht "normal" ist, der genauer hinzuschauen und
genauer nachzufragen beginnt - die sind ungemein spannend
zu lesen. Die Hintergründe, die Köpruner immer wieder
einstreut, hätten kürzer beschrieben werden können, und
es gibt dazu auch bessere Bücher. M.-J. Calics "Krieg
und Frieden in Bosnien-Hercegovina" zum Beispiel, und H.
Loquais "Der Kosovo-Konflikt".
Hier hat jemand eine Reise getan, und er hat eine ganze
Menge zu erzählen - aus einem Land, das in Bürgerkriegen
zerfiel, und von den Menschen dort, und von ihren Geschichten.
Köpruner schafft es, auch die in den Bann zu schlagen,
die sich für den Balkan eigentlich gar nicht sonderlich
interessieren.
Unbedingt reinschauen!


Endlich ein Buch das zum nach- bzw. umdenken anregt,
27. Januar 2002
Rezensentin/Rezensent: Mittermayr Roman aus Wels Österreich
Endlich ein Buch das zum nach- bzw. umdenken anregt, viele
Fragen tauchen auf und je weiter man liest desto klarer
werden die Antworten. Ein unbedingtes muss für jeden der
sich objektiv über das Geschehen vor, während und nach
dem Krieg informieren will. Ein Buch für alle, die den
sogenannten "unabhängigen" Medien nicht über den Weg trauen.


spannend wie ein krimi, 24. September 2001
Rezensentin/Rezensent: B.Sima (calisalsa@...) aus
Berlin Deutschland
Scheinbar mühelos bringt es Kurt Köpruner fertig, in seinem
Buch "Reisen in das Land der Kriege",die Krise im zerfallenden
Jugoslawien zu schildern. Mit pochendem Herzen folgen wir
Köpruner in den Zeiten des Krieges nach Kroatien, Bosnien
und Serbien. Authenzität erhält das Buch vor allem durch
die zahlreichen persönlichen Kontakte des Autors. Vom
Betriebsdirektor bis zum mitgenommenen Tramper lässt Köpruner
alle zu Wort kommen. Jeder schildert auf seine Weise die
Erlebnisse und Auswirkungen des Krieges auf sich, seine
Familie und das gesamte Land. Oftmals decken sich die
Schilderungen nicht mit den bei uns herrschenden Meinungen.
Abgerundet wird das Buch durch zahlreiche Zitate von
offiziellen Stellen. Am Schluss des Buches sind wir, als
Touristen im Kosovo, Zeugen des Resultates des 1. Krieges
im Namen der Menschenrechte. Diese sind lange nicht so
hoffnungsvoll, wie man auf den 1.Blick zu erkennen glaubt.
Was bleibt, ist ein bitterer Beigeschmack über die Rolle
der Medien und Politik im Jugoslawien-Krieg, sowie ein
glänzend und spannend erzähltes Buch.


Spannend und sehr nahegehend, 19. September 2001
Rezensentin/Rezensent: B.Sima calisalsa@... aus
Berlin Deutschland
Ein Buch mit eine Fülle von Details über die Fehler & Lügen
der Medien & Politik im Jugoslawien-Konflikt. Köpruner
vermag die Zustände im zerfallenden Jugoslawien,bis hin
zum Krieg in Serbien, anhand von persönlichen Erlebnissen
anschaulich & emotional sehr nahegehend darzustellen. Ein
Buch, welches, durch fundierte politische Kenntnis untermauert,
ein spannendes Leseabenteuer für jeden politisch
Interessierten der jüngsten deutschen Kriegsgeschichte ist.


===*===

Buchlesungen Kurt Köpruner aus seinem Buch:
,,Reisen in das Land der Kriege":

22.03.2002,
20.00 Uhr, im TERZO MONDO, Grolmannstraße 28,
10623 Berlin (Nähe S-Bahn Savignyplatz / U-Bahn Uhlandstraße)
als Gast des Griechen Kostas Papanastasiou.

23.03.2002,
19.00 Uhr, in den Gemeinderäumen der Friedenskirche,
Ruppiner Straße 28, 13355 Berlin, (Nähe U-Bahn Voltastraße)
als Gast der serbisch-orthodoxen Kirchengemeinde Berlin.
Die dokumentarische Fotoausstellung ,,DIE BRÜCKE VON VARVARIN"
der Journalistin Gabriele Senft, Berlin, wird am
23.03.2002, vor der Lesung und nach dem Friedensgebet der
serbisch-orthodoxen Gemeinde Berlin in den Gemeinde-räumen
um 18.45 eröffnet. Die Veranstaltungen dienen auch der
Unterstützung der Klage der Varvariner NATO-Bombenopfer auf
Schadenersatz gegen die (mit-) verantwortliche Deutsche
Bundesregierung. Verantwortlich im Sinne des Pressegesetzes:
Harald Kampffmeyer, Berlin

IL REGISTA EMIR KUSTURICA DIVENTA
AMBASCIATORE UNICEF NELLA RF DI JUGOSLAVIA

DIRECTOR EMIR KUSTURICA BECOMES UNICEF AMBASSADOR
BELGRADE, March 12 ( Beta)- Yugoslav film director Emir Kusturica was
designated on March 12 as national UNICEF ambassador to Yugoslavia.
Speaking at a press conference of UNICEF's Belgrade office, Kusturica
announced that he would strive to promote certain ideas and actions of
the organization, by dealing with the rights of children in his movies
and vignettes.
UNICEF Belgrade office chief, Jean-Michel Delmotte, said that as a
UNICEF ambassador, Kusturica would employ his creativity to advocate the
rights of children and youth, as well as other activities of the
organization in Yugoslavia.
Delmotte also stressed that the UNICEF study entitled "A Brave Young
Generation" could serve as a foundation for the Yugoslav authorities to
formulate detailed policy regarding the young. The study, which refers
to Yugoslavs aged 15 to 24, has shown that 86 percent of that population
believes their life will be better than the lives of their parents, but
that half of them want to leave the country.

L'"IMPERO" ED I SUOI SERVI

"Dobbiamo riconoscere che questa non e' un'azione dell'imperialismo
americano. E' in effetti un'operazione internazionale (o, per la
verita', sovranazionale). Ed i suoi obiettivi non sono guidati dai
limitati interessi nazionali degli Stati Uniti: essa e' effettivamente
finalizzata a tutelare i diritti umani (o, per la verita', la vita
umana)".
Cosi' parlava Michael Hardt, a proposito della aggressione della
NATO contro la Repubblica Federale di Jugoslavia ("Il Manifesto",
15 maggio 1999; citato da D. Losurdo su "Liberazione" del 9/3/2002).

Pochi mesi dopo, lo stesso Hardt pubblicava assieme a Toni Negri il
libro "Empire", nel quale si sostiene che l'"Impero", in quanto
delocalizzato, pervasivo ed ubiquo, "non e' americano". Poiche'
l'"Impero" tutto deve inglobare in se', ogni resistenza non solo e'
vana, ma e' pure regressiva e condannabile. Percio' la Jugoslavia
non aveva diritto di difendersi ne' dai micronazionalismi di stampo
revanscista-fascista, ne' dalla aggressione della NATO, guidata
dagli USA.

Cosi' il libro di Hardt e Negri aveva il successo garantito. Dopo
un incessante battage pubblicitario in molti paesi, attraverso il
quale il volume e le tesi in esso contenute venivano imposte come
Verbo alle "moltitudini" del movimento cosiddetto no-global, Negri
si guadagnava persino una lode sul "Time". Recentemente i due
autori sono stati ospiti di Stanlio ed Ollio su "La7"; il loro
testo sacro e' prossimo all'uscita in un paese come la Croazia, dove
viceversa non solo i vecchi film dell'epopea partigiana ma pure
quelli nuovi di Emir Kusturica ("Underground") sono sottoposti
a censura ed ostracismo.

> http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m030702.html

ANTIWAR, Thursday, March 7, 2002

Balkan Express
by Nebojsa Malic
Antiwar.com

Bitter Balkans Ironies

> http://www.antiwar.com/malic/pf/p-m030702.html

(Note: Antiwar.com is a conservative web site)

Subject: Drzavni teror SAD i NATO
Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 21:46:42 +0100
From: "Vladimir Krsljanin"

Drzzavni teror SAD i NATO

Deklaracija Evropskog mirovnog foruma

U IME stotina hiljada pristalica mira iz 23
evropske zemlje zahtevamo da se odmah i
bespogovorno oslobodi od natovskih
specijalnih sluzzbi nezakonito oteti hrabri
borac za slobodu svoje Otadzzbine, bivssi
predsednik Jugoslavije Slobodan Milossevicc!

Politiccka sudanija koju je otpocceo
nelegitimni takozvani Medjunarodni tribunal
za bivssu Jugoslaviju u Hagu, potkupljen od
SAD koje godissnje izdvajaju preko 100
miliona dolara, pokazala je svoju
neosnovanost kako u pravnom tako i
humanitarnom pogledu. Tezzecci opravdanju
banditske agresije SAD i NATO na suverenu
Jugoslaviju i druge balkanske zemlje,
natovski lazzni sudije i lazzni tuzzioci u
Hagu pokussavaju da operu natovske kolovodje
humanitarne i ekolosske katastrofe na Balkanu
i izlozze osudi herojske jugoslovenske borce
za slobodu i ljudsko dostojanstvo.

Mi u potpunosti podrzzavamo i zahtevamo da
se izvrsse presude Medjunarodnog drusstvenog
tribunala i nacionalnih tribunala za zloccine
NATO u Jugoslaviji, donete tokom 1999-2001.g.
u Jaroslavlju, Kijevu, Beogradu, Sofiji,
Berlinu, Rimu, Njujorku i Atini protiv
rukovodilaca SAD i NATO zbog vrssenja
drzzavnog terorizma protiv Jugoslavije u
periodu od 24. marta do 10. juna 1999.
godine, a koje su ranije poslate na adresu
OUN i Saveta Evrope.

Oslanjajucci se na occitu lazz koju ssire
engleske i nemaccke vojne i tajne sluzzbe
SAD, kasnije dezavuisanu od strane
medjunarodnih nezavisnih eksperata i javnih
glasila Velike Britanije, Nemaccke, Sspanije,
Grccke i Italije, NATO je na teritoriju
Jugoslavije i susednih balkanskih drzzava
izvrssio banditski udar neviddjene vojne
sile, surovosti i cinizma. NATO je izveo
3.500 avionaleta u kojima je uccestvovalo
1.000 aviona, 206 helikoptera, preko 10.000
krilatih raketa. Bacceno je 200.000 tona
eksplozivnih i otrovnih materija, 31.000
projektila s osiromassenim uranom, preko 150
kontejnera sa 35.000 kasetnih bombi koje i
danas ugrozzavaju zzivote miliona dece i
odraslih ne samo u Jugoslaviji vecc i drugim
zemljama regiona. Primenjena su bojeva
punjenja s osiromassenim uranom,
termovizuelne i grafitne bombe - oruzzje
zabranjeno medjunarodnim konvencijama.
Vrssena su tepih-bombardovanja hemijskih
preduzecca, skladissta nafte, gradova i sela,
tokom kojih je, po missljenju nezavisnih
medjunarodnih eksperata, na teritoriju
Jugoslavije bacceno bojevih i otrovnih
sredstava jaccine 15 atomskih bombi baccenih
na Hirossimu i Nagasaki. To je imalo za
rezultat ubijanje preko 2.000 ljudi i tessko
ranjavanje preko 6.000 ljudi; preko 40
procenata ranjenih su deca, preko 600 dece je
ubijeno, oko 300.000 dece pati od psihicckih
trauma i potrebno im je dugotrajno medicinsko
leccenje, nega i posmatranje. Potpunim
razaranjem privrednih i kulturnih objekata
Jugoslaviji je naneta ssteta od preko 200
milijardi dolara, ssto je 19 puta visse nego
za ccitavo vreme Drugog svetskog rata.

Medjutim, ccak i posle donossenja rezolucije
Saveta bezbednosti OUN br. 1244 i dolaska
"natovskih mirotvoraca" na Kosovo i Metohiju
dosslo je do ponovnog snazznog razbuktavanja
agresije i terorizma: izvrsseno je preko
5.000 teroristicckih napada na nealbansko
stanovnisstvo; ubijeno je preko 3.000 ljudi;
sa svojih ognjissta proterano preko 400.000
Srba, Crnogoraca, Roma, Muslimana, Goranaca,
Turaka i ostalog nealbanskog zzivlja;
unissteno 107 crkava, manastira, spomenika
kulture; nasilno zauzeto na stotine zgrada
zdravstvenih ustanova, srednjih sskola,
univerziteta, zemljoradnicckih zadruga;
spaljeno preko 50.000 kucca Srba, Roma,
Muslimana i dr.

Dogadjaji u Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji
tokom poslednjih godina na konkretnim
ccinjenicama uveravaju u to da su SAD i NATO,
uvodecci "novi poredak" u Evropi i svetu,
organizovali zaveru, sprovodili drzzavni
teror i izvrssili agresiju na suverenu
drzzavu u cilju njenog daljeg razaranja i
vraccanja u kameno doba.

Biti zajedno sa tim zloccincima - sramota je
za svaku drzzavu, to je uvreda ccasti i
dostojanstvu svakog Evropljanina!

Miroljubivi narodi Evrope i drugih regiona
sveta zahtevaju prestanak rada nelegitimnog
Medjunarodnog tribunala za bivssu Jugoslaviju
u Hagu, dostavljanje materijala Medjunarodnog
i nacionalnih drusstvenih tribunala za
zloccine NATO u Jugoslaviji na raspolaganje i
razmatranje Evropskom sudu za ljudska prava u
Strazburu i predstojeccem u maju 2002. godine
u Atini Evropskom forumu mira na temu: "Za
evropski mirni poredak, ljudska prava i
dostojanstvo - protiv militarizacije
medjunarodne politike od strane Sjedinjenih
Americckih Drzzava i NATO".

Samo ujedinjeni ccemo stvoriti zajedniccki
miroljubivi dom za sve narode sveta, bez
vojnih blokova i drzzavnog terorizma SAD i
NATO!

U Evropi neofassizam necce procci! Slobodu
Slobodanu Milosseviccu!

Predsednici Evropskog foruma (konventa)
mira: Paolo PIOPPI - javni radnik, Fond Nina
Pastija, Italija (Rim); Ivan JACENKO - javni
radnik, profesor, advokat, Ruska Federacija
(Moskva); Boris OLEJNIK - javni radnik,
potpredsednik Saveta Evrope, poslanik, pisac,
Ukrajina (Kijev); Ken KOATES - javni radnik,
Fond B. Rasela, Velika Britanija (London);
Volfgang RIHTER - javni radnik, profesor,
Federativna Republika Nemaccka (Berlin).
Sekretari Evropskog foruma (konventa) mira:
Nikos FOTIADIS - javni radnik, profesor,
predsednik Grcckog komiteta za mir i
prijateljstvo medju narodima, Grccka (Atina);
Elmar SSMELING - javni radnik, admiral u
penziji, Federativna Republika Nemaccka
(Berlin). Cclanovi Predsednisstva Evropskog
foruma (konventa) mira: Vlko Vlkanov
(Bugarska); Marjan DOBROSELJSKI (poljska);
Mihail KUZNJECOV (Rusija); Vilj ROMASSCCENKO
(Ukrajina); Jole STANISSICC (Jugoslavija);
Sergej KOSTJAN (Belorusija) i drugi (ukupno
75 potpisa - cclanova Predsednisstva
Evropskog foruma (konventa) mira -
predstavnika 23 zemlje).

20. februara 2002. godine, Berlin - Atina -
Moskva.



To join or help this struggle, visit:
http://www.sps.org.yu/ (official SPS website)
http://www.belgrade-forum.org/ (forum for the world
of equals)
http://www.icdsm.org/ (the international committee to
defend Slobodan Milosevic)
http://www.jutarnje.co.yu/ ('morning news' the only
Serbian newspaper advocating liberation)

Subject: Contro le politiche neoliberiste del
governo Djindjic
Date: Mon, 11 Mar 2002 00:11:32 +0100
From: "most za Beograd"


Ordine del giorno approvato dal V Congresso
provinciale del PRC - Federazione di Bari -
10 marzo 2002

A tre anni dall'inizio dei bombardamenti della NATO
contro la Repubblica Federativa Jugoslava, che hanno
provocato migliaia di vittime civili e distrutto un intero
paese, l'aggressione continua sotto altre forme:

1. Il nuovo governo, andato al potere
nell'autunno 2000 grazie al ricatto dell'embargo e al
massiccio sostegno dei paesi del blocco NATO ai partiti
della DOS, sta attuando le politiche economiche imposte
dal FMI, che portano al massacro sociale dei lavoratori
e della popolazione, con massicci licenziamenti nelle
grandi fabbriche (oltre 15.000 alla sola Zastava),
aumento dei prezzi dei generi di prima necessità (luce,
gas, telefono, affitti, trasporti, beni alimentari),
assenza di qualsiasi prospettiva di ripresa e
miglioramento delle insopportabili condizioni di vita.

2. L'aggressione continua attraverso il Tribunale
dell'Aja, un tribunale ad hoc, al soldo degli USA, per
assolvere la NATO dai suoi crimini e additare
all'opinione pubblica mondiale quale unico responsabile
del massacro dei Balcani la dirigenza serba sotto la
guida di Slobodan Milosevic. Tale tribunale è totalmente
privo di credibilità - dal momento in cui il suo
procuratore, Carla del Ponte, ha deciso, nel giugno
2000, il non luogo a procedere per i crimini della NATO
nell'aggressione alla Jugoslavia (dal bombardamento di
obiettivi civili, a quello della televisione, alla distruzione
ambientale con le bombe sulle industrie chimiche e
l'uranio impoverito).



Contro le politiche
neoliberiste e di asservimento ai governi
della NATO del governo Djindjic, ha
iniziato a svilupparsi con scioperi,
manifestazioni e altre forme di lotta, la
resistenza dei lavoratori e delle masse
popolari jugoslave.

Il Congresso provinciale del
PRC di Bari invita il partito a sostenere -
in primo luogo attraverso una corretta
informazione - tutte le forme di resistenza
alle politiche di asservimento alla NATO e
di massacro sociale che il governo serbo
sta conducendo.

Invita altresì a continuare a
sostenere la campagna di solidarietà nei
confronti dei lavoratori della Zastava
avviata dal coordinamento nazionale RSU e
da diverse associazioni sul territorio
nazionale ("adozioni a distanza"), alla
quale diversi compagni del circolo e del
PRC della provincia di Bari hanno già
aderito.

Propone di invitare al
Congresso Nazionale del PRC una delegazione
dei lavoratori della Zastava di Kragujevac,
impegnati nell'opposizione alle politiche
neoliberiste e nel progetto di solidarietà,
dando così adeguato rilievo alla loro
resistenza e lotta in difficilissime
condizioni.

Subject: ADDRESS FOR VIDEO ARCHIVES OF MILOSEVIC "TRIAL" -
ENGLISH LANGUAGE
Date: Sat, 9 Mar 2002 21:02:28 EST
From: JaredI@...
To: JaredI@...


The following was sent in by George Wilcoxson in Washington State, USA:

The URL of the RealVideo Archive of the Milosevic "trial" (with English
translation) is:
http://hague.bard.edu/video.html

*************************************************
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See also the "more links" section at the bottom of this message!


===*===


International Committee to Defend
Slobodan Milosevic www.icdsm.org

The URL for this article is:
http://www.icdsm.org/more/intense.htm

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day.

=======================================
INTENSE STRUGGLE AT THE HAGUE, Friday
8 March
Reprinted from Yugoslav newspaper, Blic
[Our thanks to Robert S. Rodvik for
this article]

[Posted 11 March 2002]
=======================================

Blic, Belgrade | March 9, 2002

The Hague (Tanjug) - The continuation
of the latest roundof hearings, which
commenced yesterday, suffered many
interruptions by JudgeRichard May
today.
At one point, the Judge intervened and
warned the witness, as well as the
defendant, "This is not a political
manifestation but a trial".

Mr. Milosevic cross-examined Sabit
Kadriu, who claimed the Serbs did not flee
Albanian violence but were "searching
for a better life" outside of Kosovo &
Metohia and that they were "selling
their farms and estates to Albanians
at steep prices". The witness claimed
that he had no knowledge as to how many
Serbs had fled the province and that
the "regime" in Belgrade caused and
then manipulated this situation.

Mr. Milosevic told the court that
Albanian separatists persistently
refused the Government's proposal for the
return of Albanian professors and students
to state schools, while the witness
claimed that, every September, when the
school year traditionally starts, the
Serbian government" prevented the
Albanians" from enrolling.

Countering the witness' claim that the
"Serbian regime organized the return
of the expelled Serbs back to Kosovo &
Metohia in order to change the
demographics", Mr. Milosevic said that
of all the expelled Serbs, only 5,000
returned to their homes, which is, as
Mr. Milosevic said, less than 1% of
the total number of Serbs who have been
forced out of the province. The
prosecution witness also claimed that
there were no - and are no - mujahedins
in Kosovo &Metohia. Mr. Milosevic then
showed the FBI document, dated
December 2001, which clearly indicated
that Al-Qaida had been active in
Kosovo & Metohia.

Kadriu said that "he knew nothing"
about the killings of four policemen
in the village of Chirez on March 3,
1998, which, as Mr. Milosevic said,
was the result of a firefight between the
Police and the KLA. The Ahmeti family
lost their lives in this confrontation,
which the witness claimed was a
"massacre of unarmed civilians".

In reference to the witness' claim of
a massacre of the Gerxhaliu family in
May 1999, Mr. Miloshevich said that
the investigating judge went to the
scene immediately after the incident and
made a report. The witness characterized
this as an "obstruction" on the part
of the "Serb forces" and claimed that
such things "always occurred" and that
"the Serbian police always called the
court investigators after they
committed crimes."

The defendant then told the court
about the murder of Rexhepi Bairami, an
activist and a member of the LDK, the
party headed by Ibrahim Rugova, who was
killed in Vuchitrn "on the orders of
the local KLA commander". Kadriu then
said that "he never heard of any Bairami".

Mr. Milosevic then mentioned the fact
that, in 1998 alone, 327 loyalist
Albanians had been murdered, to which
the witness replied that he" did not
believe there were any loyalist
Albanians" in Kosovo & Metohia. Mr.
Milosevic, in turn, cited Faik
Jashari, a member of the Interim Executive
Council of Kosovo & Metohia, who had
reported that, after the war, some
30,000 Albanians fled to central
Serbia together with the expelled
Kosovo & Metohia Serbs.

Kadriu described the KLA as a
liberation army and stood his ground, claiming
the army and the police "conducted an
offensive against 27 Albanian villages
on Mt. Chichevitsa and murdered 200
civilians and one member of the KLA".

Mr. Milosevic then cited Kadriu, who
had said earlier that "Adem Jashari was
killed when he ran out of ammo", and
asked the witness how he could talk of
a "massacre of civilians" when the
police first asked Jashari to come out and
give himself up, then gave him 2 hours
to consider the offer - "during which
a number of people had left the
compound" - and that soon after, "a
hail of bullets, fired from dozens of
automatic rifles" came from the house
toward the police, to which the police
responded in self-defence and, as a
consequence, killed 60 people inside
the Jashari compound.

At this point Judge Robinson jumped in
and remarked that Kadriu wasn't
present at the scene. Kadriu then said
that he saw "bodies of dead women,
children and elderly people", that the
action against the Jashari compound
"lasted three days", and that it
served to paint a "false picture" in
the media.

Mr. Milosevic then cited British
Foreign Office reports, dating from early
1999 (1) , which revealed that there
had been no political persecution of
Albanians, but rather a confrontation
with "military opponents" - the KLA -
who controlled parts of Kosovo & Metohia.

The witness then said that, in 1999,
the "Serbian forces had killed 15,000
and expelled 1,000,000 Albanian
civilians". (2)

Mr. Milosevic responded by asking the
witness about the kidnappings and
killings of Serbs, the KLA detention
centres in the village of Likovats, as
well as the makeshift prison in the
basement of a general store in Vuchitrn.
The witness responded, saying such
prisons "did not exist", and he also
denied any killings and kidnappings by
the KLA. (3)

The witness denied Mr. Milosevic's
claim that literally all citizens of
Serbian nationality from 39 out of the
45 villages in the Vuchitrn
Municipality had been ethnically
cleansed and had their houses burned
down, saying there "may have been" some
"revenge attacks against the Serbs who
committed war crimes."

Alleging that all the Serbs who once
lived in the town of Vuchitrn are war
criminals, Kadriu acknowledged that
there were no more Serbs in that town,
and that they fled "of their own free
will because they committed war
crimes." Branislav Tapushkovich, one
of the amici curiae, reacted, drawing
the court's attention to the
contradictions in Kadriu's testimony.

Mr. Milosevic protested the court's
decision to limit the time for
cross-examination and asked that the
cross-examination be continued, which
was rejected by Judge May. As a
result, the trial will continue on
Monday with fresh testimonies from new
witnesses.

As the hearing was drawing to a close,
the security officers in the courtroom
asked Mr. Milosevic's legal advisors
from Belgrade to leave the room. They
had been warned not to "gesticulate
and communicate" with Mr. Milosevic. They
later returned to the courtroom. - END


Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at
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Receive a few articles a week.

==========================
FURTHER READING
==========================

1) This is probably a reference to a
group of documents in which the German
Foreign Office and also the German
Federal Courts assessed the request,
by Kosovo ethnic Albanians, for asylum.
To rule on these claims, the German
officials assessed the conflict that
raged from February 1998 to march 1999
in Kosovo and ruled that there had
been no targeting of ethnic Albanians, but
rather a conflict between secessionist
and government forces. These documents
can be read at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/german/Germany.html

2) Concerning Western/KLA claims that
"the Serbs" expelled hundreds of
thousands of Albanians during the NATO
bombing, see the interview with Kosovo
historian Cedomir Prlincevic, formerly
the chief archivist in Pristina. For
the full interview, entitled, "Why
Albanians Fled During NATO Bombing," go to
http://www.tenc.net/interviews/keys.htm
Or read the shortened version,
entitled, "WHAT'S BEHIND KLA STRATEGY
IN THE BALKANS?" which can be read at
http://www.tenc.net/interviews/strategy.htm

3) For anymore familiar with what
happened in Kosovo following NATO's
takeover, the claims, made by the
"prosecution's" KLA witnesses, that
the KLA didn't institute a reign of terror,
are simply ludicrous. To get some sense
of the extent of racist terror - and
sheer gangsterism, including towards
ordinary ethnic Albanians - since NATO
installed the KLA in power, see
"Concentration Camps and
Gangster/Terrorism in Kosovo" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/reporter.htm

This article documents both the terror
against Serbs, and the day to day
gangsterism now rampant in the
province. It includes the following gem. In a
NY Times article, explaining why the
KLA has been seizing profitable
businesses at gunpoint, a NY Times
story quoted a KLA 'government' source
as follows:

"[KLA leader] Mr. Thaci's appointees
said that such confiscations, especially
of state-owned buildings, were part of
their effort to determine property
ownership. They also defended the
decision to begin collecting money
from businesses, a practice many shop
owners have labeled 'extortion.'" --
Quoted in "Concentration Camps and
Gangster/Terrorism in Kosovo" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/news/reporter.htm

How can one write satirical fiction
when this is the "news"?

4) Dr. Kosta Cavoski, a distinguished
Yugoslav legal scholar, has written a
mind-boggling four-part series.


In 'The War Crimes Tribunal vs. Gen.
Djordje Djukic' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-1.htm
and 'The Mistreatment of Col. Aleksa
Krsmanovic' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-2.htm
Professor Cavoski deals
with the torture and physical
destruction of Serbian 'defendants'.

In 'Illegal Origins' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-3.htm
Professor Cavoski analyzes the
Tribunal's legal rationale, or lack of same.

In 'Learning from the Inquisition' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-4.htm
Professor Cavoski
describes the practices of the
Tribunal, which thoroughly violate
what we would consider natural legal
guarantees.
5) 'Why is NATO Decimating the Balkans
and Trying to Force Milosevic to
Surrender?'
By Jared Israel and Nico Varkevisser

6) 'How Madeline Albright Ordered The
Hague 'Tribunal' To 'Indict'
Milosevic' at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/lovie.htm

7) 'Official Statements Prove Hague
'Tribunal' Belongs to NATO,'
by Jared Israel at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/belongs.htm


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The Defense of Milosevic - and the
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===*===


MORE LINKS:


> http://www.antiwar.com/orig/jatras8.html

ANTIWAR, Thursday, March 7, 2002

The Case of the Invisible Trial, or 'Where's the Beef?'
by Stella L. Jatras


> http://www.icdsm.org/more/westernciv.htm
or
> http://www.nypress.com/15/10/taki/2.cfm

The New York Press
March 6, 2002
Top Drawer - The Bunker

George Szamuely
Milosevic's Trial


> http://hague.bard.edu/video.html

The URL of the RealVideo Archive of the Milosevic "trial"
(with English translation)

Sullo stesso argomento si veda anche:
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1622
* YUGOSLAV PRESIDENT ASKS KOFI ANNAN TO EXERT HIS INFLUENCE
ON KFOR AND UNMIK
* MACEDONIAN GOVERNMENT STUNNED, WILL SEND DEMARCHE TO UNITED NATIONS
* AGREEMENT ON BORDER UNCONTESTABLE FOR STATE DEPARTMENT
* STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN AGREES WITH US GENERAL ON
YUGOSLAV-MACEDONIAN BORDER
* YUGOSLAV-MACEDONIAN BORDER TREATY NOT REGISTERED WITH UN
* CASULE: PERMANENT MEMBERS OF UN SECURITY COUNCIL RECOGNIZE BORDER
AGREEMENT
* UNMIK, KFOR TO RESPECT YUGOSLAV - MACEDONIAN BORDER TREATY
* General's comments about disputed Balkans border area
set off diplomatic furor
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/crj-mailinglist/message/1622

===*===


MACEDONIA: CRESCE SCONTRO SU DISACCORDO PER NUOVI CONFINI

(ANSA) - SKOPJE, 21 FEB - Cresce lo scontro politico a Skopje
sul mancato riconoscimento da parte delle Nazioni Unite
dell'accordo che fissa i nuovi confini tra Macedonia e
Jugoslavia firmato lo scorso anno con Belgrado. Il capogruppo
parlamentare della Vmro-Dpmne, il partito nazionalista del premier
Ljubco Georgevski, ha denunciato oggi il pericolo che ''qualcuno
voglia preparare il terreno per una nuova guerra''. L'esponente
politico, Cedomir Kraljevski, ha ricordato che ''un anno fa i
terroristi albanesi iniziarono il conflitto nello stesso periodo
in cui fu firmato l'accordo sui confini e adesso queste dichiarazioni
giungono mentre viene annunciata una nuova offensiva di primavera''.
Ieri in un'intervista all'Ansa l'amministratore regionale Onu di
Gnjilane, Pino Verdecchia, ha spiegato che l'accordo non ha valore
per le Nazioni Unite, poiche' e' stato raggiunto dopo negoziati
bilaterali che non hanno coinvolto l'Onu, responsabile per le
decisioni sui confini del Kosovo. Poche ore prima il generale
americano della Kfor, Keith Huber, aveva definito l'intesa addirittura
''illegale''. I partiti albanesi oggi si sono schierati apertamente
contro l'intesa, e in distinte dichiarazioni hanno affermato apertamente
che ''la Jugoslavia non puo' avere nessun titolo a negoziare accordi
sui confini del Kosovo''. Una posizione che infiamma lo scontro
col fronte politico macedone: ieri sera e' interventuo lo stesso Capo
dello Stato, Boris Trajkovski, per ricordare che l'accordo sui confini
''e' perfettamente valido e riconosciuto anche dal segretario
generale delle Nazioni Unite''. Affermazione quest'ultima rettificata
da un portavoce delle Nazioni Unite, Perhan Haak: intervistato
dall'emittente radiofononica 'Voice of America'', Haak ha infatti
confermato che ''l'accordo bilaterale sui confini non e' stato mai
ratificato dal Consiglio di sicurezza, e quindi per noi restano in
vigore le linee di frontiera del Kosovo indicate nella risoluzione
1244, quella che pose fine alla guerra del 1999 con la Nato. La zona
contesa riguarda formalmente una fascia di 400 ettari appartenenti al
Kosovo e secondo il nuovo accordo assegnati invece alla Macedonia,
ma in realta' il conflitto e' molto piu' profondo: accettare
quell'intesa, appare infatti agli albanesi del Kosovo come
l'ammissione pubblica (e internazionale) che la loro provincia continua
ad essere parte della Serbia. Un principio che nessuno a Pristina
intende avallare poiche' nega l'aspirazione all'indipendenza. Lo
scontro insomma e' aperto e rischia di accendere ulteriormente la
tensione in Macedonia, dove l'accordo di pace tarda ad essere
applicato e il partito della guerra (finora largamente minoritario
ma ancora presente), e' alla continua ricerca di nuovi argomenti per
rafforzarsi. (ANSA). BLL
21/02/2002 18:52


BALCANI: CONFINI SERBO-MACEDONI, KOSTUNICA PROTESTA CON ONU

(ANSA) - BELGRADO, 22 FEB - Il presidente jugoslavo Vojislav
Kostunica ha inviato al segretario generale della Nato Kofi
Hannan una dura lettera di protesta per il mancato rispetto da
parte di Kfor e Unmik (la forza di pace e l'amministrazione Onu in
Kosovo) dell'accordo ratificato lo scorso giugno sulle frontiere
fra Serbia e Macedonia. ''Ho appreso con mia grande sorpresa e
inquietudine delle dichiarazioni di alti rappresentanti della Kfor
e dell'Unmik che contestano la legittimita' di questo accordo - ha
scritto Kostunica a Hannan in una missiva integralmente pubblicata
dal quotidiano 'Politika' - e le chiedo di usare tutta la sua
influenza perche' esso venga rispettato e questi personaggi non
facciano simili esternazioni. Dichiarazioni tali ostacolano gli sforzi
della comunita' internazionale per riportare la stabilita' nella
regione''. Kostunica si riferiva in particolare alle dichiarazioni
del generale americano della Kfor Keith Huber, che aveva definito
''illegale'' il trattato fra Belgrado e Skopje, in quanto coinvolgeva
un tratto di confine kosovaro-macedone e il Kosovo e' sottoposto alle
decisioni dell'Onu. Il presidente jugoslavo ha sottolineato che
''in base alla risoluzione 1244 adottata dallo stesso consiglio di
sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite, il Kosovo resta parte integrante della
Jugoslavia''. Kostunica ha ricordato che quando nel marzo 2001 il
testo dell'accordo fu presentato all'Onu e al consiglio di sicurezza,
ricevette il plauso di tutti, inclusi Ue, Usa e i leader dei paesi
balcanici. (ANSA). OT
22/02/2002 17:49

KOSOVO PREMIER'S STATEMENT ON NONRECOGNITION OF BORDER DANGEROUS,
MACEDONIAN FOREIGN MINISTER

SKOPJE, March 6 (Tanjug) - The statement of Kosovo Premier Bairan
Rexhepi
that he does not recognize the interstate accord on the border, signed
by
Macedonia and Yugoslavia, was assessed by Macedonian Foreign Minister
Slobodan Casule as very dangerous.
Casule said that Macedonia, as a sovereign state, will not, and cannot,
accept any revision of the border accord signed with sovereign
Yugoslavia.
Kosovo is a protectorate of the United Nations and Rexhepi cannot uphold
stands that are outside his competencies, Casule said.
The Macedonian foreign minister recalled that the recent statement of US
Gen. Keith Huber with KFOR, which was identical in its contents with
that
of Rexhepi, was rejected by the international community, clearly
pointing
out that the document on the border signed by Macedonia with Yugoslavia
was fully valid.

> http://www.thenewsmexico.com/noticia.asp?id=20740

Macedonia protests Kosovo PM's refusal to accept
border accord
AFP - 3/7/2002

SKOPJE - Macedonia warned Wednesday that the refusal
by Kosovo's newly-elected Prime Minister Bajram
Rexhepi to recognize a border accord between Belgrade
and Skopje could mean a "declaration of war."
"Such claims are extremely dangerous... unilaterally
breaking borders means a declaration of war," Foreign
Minister Slobodan Casule told reporters here, adding
that his ministry had sent a message of protest to the
five permanent members of the UN Security Council.
Rexhepi said on Tuesday that the new Kosovo government
would "not recognize this agreement and will probably
adopt a resolution in the assembly that will be
forwarded to the UN Security Council."
"For the time being, we must find a joint solution
that the villagers can work their land without
problems. The agreement must be revised," said
Rexhepi.
Belgrade and Skopje signed a border agreement last
February, settling a 10-year-old dispute after the
break-up of the former Yugoslav federation. The accord
was ratified by the parliaments of the two countries,
and approved by the UN Security council.
But ethnic Albanians, in the majority in the
UN-administrated Yugoslav province of Kosovo,
bordering Macedonia, have refused to accept the
accord, insisting that inhabitants of villages in
Kosovo along the boundary would have their land in
another country.
Kosovo legally remains part of Yugoslavia, but has
been administered by UN and NATO peacekeepers since
the end of a NATO-led air campaign against Belgrade in
1999.
Its multiethnic assembly elected a government on
Monday after a power-sharing agreement between rival
ethnic Albanian parties was brokered by UN
administrator for the province, Michael Steiner, last
week.
But the legislature has limited decision making
powers, as the most sensitive decisions are made by
the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) which remains the
ultimate authority in the province.
Steiner will retain the power to block any moves he
deems are contrary to UN Security Council Resolution
1244 of June 1999, which ended the war in Kosovo and
which governs all actions of UNMIK and the NATO force
in Kosovo.

> http://www.icdsm.org/more/szam.htm

International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
www.icdsm.org

The URL for this article is: http://www.icdsm.org/more/szam.htm

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http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
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=======================================
22 Reasons Why I Don't Want to be Imprisoned by the
Hague 'Tribunal'
[Posted 6 March 2002]
=======================================

Introductory Note

"What follows is taken from the Hague 'Tribunal's' rules covering
detention, visits and communications. Another piece, covering procedures
and evidence will follow. Note that these rules are for people who have
not been convicted of anything and who can have no expectation of a
speedy trial. Quite the contrary.

As you may recall, when the be-robed Chairman of the 'Tribunal,' Mr.
May, confronted Mr. Milosevic last week, he assured the world that
Milosevic would be afforded all rights under International Law. Then,
when Mr. Milosevic responded, his microphone was cut off several times,
producing periods of silence.

It is a feature of the New World Order that the most extreme attacks on
individuals and nations are presented as a defense of those individual
and nations. Thus when NATO marched into Kosovo, it broadcast advance
propaganda assuring Serbs, 'Gypsies' and Jews that NATO would guarantee
democratic, multiethnic life. Then their homes were seized or burned and
looted and they were expelled.

Similarly, the 'Tribunal' has rules which deny prisoners normal legal
rights. But these rules are couched in language that appears to grant
rights. 'War is Peace. Freedom is Slavery.' George Orwell, '1984.'"

- George Szamuely and Jared Israel

"Rules Governing The Detention Of Persons
Awaiting Trial Or Appeal Before The Tribunal..."

Reason That I Wouldn't Want to Be Imprisoned by the 'Tribunal, #1.
Rule 36 bis (A) - The Commanding Officer of the Detention Unit may
decide upon the search of a detainee's cell if he suspects that the cell
contains an item which constitutes a threat to the security or good
order of the detention unit or the host prison, or the health and safety
of any person therein.

Reason 2. Rule 36 ter (A) - In exceptional circumstances, in order to
protect the health or the safety of the detainee, the Registrar, with
the approval of the President, may order that the cell of the detainee
be monitored by video surveillance equipment for a period not exceeding
thirty days.

Reason 3. Rule 63 (A) - Detainees shall be entitled to receive visits
from family, friends and others, subject only to the provisions of Rule
66 and to such restrictions and supervision as the Commanding Officer,
in consultation with the Registrar, may impose. Such restrictions and
supervision must be necessary in the interests of the administration
of justice or the security and good order of the host prison and the
detention unit.

(B) The Registrar may refuse to allow a person to visit a detainee if he
has reason to believe that the purpose of the visit is to obtain
information which may be subsequently reported in the media.

Reason 4. Rule 64 - A detainee...may refuse to see any visitor other
than a representative of the Prosecutor.

Reason 5. Rule 66 (A) - The Prosecutor may request the Registrar or, in
cases of emergency, the Commanding Officer, to prohibit, regulate or set
conditions for contact between a detainee and any other person if the
Prosecutor has reasonable grounds for believing that such contact:

(ii) could prejudice or otherwise affect the outcome of:

(a) the proceedings against the detainee; or, (b) any other
investigation;

(iv) could be used by the detainee to breach an order for
non-disclosure made by a Judge or a Chamber pursuant to Rule 53 or Rule
75 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence.

Reason 6. Rule 76 (A) - If, in the opinion of the Prosecutor, the
interests of justice would not be served by allowing a particular
detainee unrestricted access to the news, or that such unrestricted
access could prejudice the outcome of the proceedings against the
detainee or of any other investigation, the Prosecutor may request the
Registrar, or in cases of urgency, the Commanding Officer to restrict
such access.

The following are from rules on "Visits And
Communications" of detainees...

Reason 7. Regulation 3 - Incoming mail will be inspected both on
delivery to the host prison and to the United Nations detention unit.

Reason 8. Regulation 4 (A) - The Commanding Officer may confiscate any
item which, in his opinion, constitutes a threat to:

(i) the security or good order of the detention unit or the host
prison; or,

Reason 9. Regulation 8 (A) - The Registrar, or a person authorised by
him, shall, within twenty-four hours of receipt, open and read, or have
read, each item of mail.

Regulation 8 (B) - Items of opened mail shall be delivered to the
detainee or posted to the addressee immediately thereafter and the
detainee informed accordingly unless the item:

(i) is in breach of:

(a) the Rules of Detention;

(b) these Regulations; or,

(c) an Order of the Tribunal;

(ii) gives reasonable grounds to the Registrar, or a person
authorised by him, to believe that the detainee may be attempting to:

(b) interfere with or intimidate a witness;

(c) interfere with the administration of justice; or,

(d) otherwise disturb the security and good order of the
detention unit.

Reason 10. Regulation 9 (A) - If the Registrar, or a person authorised
by him, finds there to have been a breach of the Rules of Detention,
these Regulations or an Order of the Tribunal, an offending item of:

(i) outgoing mail shall be returned to the detainee together with
a note from the Registrar, in a language the detainee understands,
giving the reasons for refusal to post the offending item;

(ii) incoming mail shall, in the sole discretion of the
Registrar, either be returned to the sender or retained by the Registrar
and the detainee shall be informed accordingly .

Regulation 9 (B) - Detainees shall be given the opportunity to rewrite
items of outgoing mail omitting the offending part.

Regulation 9 (C) - A copy shall be kept by the Registrar of all
offending items and any offending enclosure may be confiscated.

Regulation 9 (D) - The Registrar may also notify the Prosecutor, the
Commanding Officer and, if deemed necessary, the Dutch authorities of
the breach and of the nature of the offending item.

Reason 11. Regulation 11 (A) - Correspondence addressed to or from
counsel for the detainee shall not be interfered with in any manner
unless the Commanding Officer or the Registrar has reasonable grounds
for believing that this facility is being abused in an attempt to:

(ii) interfere with or intimidate a witness;

(iii) interfere with the administration of justice; or,

(iv) otherwise disturb the good order of the detention unit.

Regulation 11 (B) - In any such case, the Commanding Officer shall
immediately forward the item in question to the Registrar, unopened, and
shall enter details of the interception in the log referred to above and
notify the detainee accordingly.

Regulation 11 (C) - The Registrar shall contact the counsel to whom the
item is addressed or by whom it was sent and request counsel to open the
item in his presence.

Regulation 11 (D) - Counsel may be required to explain to the Registrar,
in one of the working languages of the Tribunal, the nature of the item
and to hand over any offending item or enclosure .

Reason 12. Regulation 14 (C) - Parcels containing items that, in the
sole discretion of the Commanding Officer , pose a threat to the safety
and good order of the detention unit shall be confiscated and their
contents retained or disposed of in accordance with Rule 14 of the Rules
of Detention and the detainee informed accordingly.

Reason 13. Regulation 15 -The Commanding Officer may, in consultation
with the Registrar, place such restrictions upon the time that a
detainee may spend on any one telephone call as are reasonable for the
good order of the detention unit.

Reason 14. Regulation 19 - If the Commanding Officer believes that he
has reasonable grounds for intervention , he may immediately terminate a
call and advise the detainee of his reasons for so doing. The Commanding
Officer shall also report the matter to the Registrar.

Reason 15. Regulation 20 - Telephone conversations will not be recorded
or monitored unless:

(A) the Commanding Officer or the Registrar has reasonable grounds for
believing that the detainee may be attempting to:

(ii) interfere with or intimidate a witness;

(iii) interfere with the administration of justice; or,

(iv) otherwise disturb the maintenance of good order in the
detention unit;

(B) an Order for non-disclosure has been made by a Judge or a Chamber
pursuant to Rule 53 and Rule 75 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence;

(C) specifically requested by the Prosecutor following the disclosure
to the defence of the names of witnesses pursuant to Rule 67 of the
Rules of Procedure and Evidence .

Reason 16. Regulation 21 (A) - If one of the situations listed in
Regulation 20 arises, the Registrar may order all telephone calls to and
from that detainee, other than with counsel and diplomatic
representatives, to be recorded or monitored for a period not exceeding
thirty days .

Reason 17. Regulation 33 (A) - Permission shall be granted for...visits
unless the Registrar or the Commanding Officer has reasonable grounds
for believing that the detainee may be attempting to:

(ii) interfere with or intimidate a witness;

(iii) interfere with the administration of justice; or,

(iv) otherwise disturb the maintenance of good order in the
detention unit.

(B) Permission may be denied if the Registrar has reason to believe
that the purpose of the visit is to obtain information which may be
subsequently reported in the media.

Reason 18. Regulation 43 (A) - All visits shall be conducted within the
sight of the staff of the detention unit, save in exceptional
circumstances and at the discretion of the Commanding Officer in
consultation with the Registrar.

(B) Discussions between the detainee and the visitor shall not be
recorded unless :

(i) the Commanding Officer has reasonable grounds for believing
that the detainee may be attempting to:

(b) interfere with or intimidate a witness;

(c) interfere with the administration of justice; or,

(d) otherwise disturb the maintenance of good order in
the detention unit;

(ii) an Order for non-disclosure has been made by a Judge or a
Chamber pursuant to Rule 53 or Rule 75 of the Rules of Procedure and
Evidence.

(iii) specifically requested by the Prosecutor following the
disclosure to the defence of the names of witnesses pursuant to Rule 67
of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence.

Reason 19. Regulation 44

(A) If one of the situations listed in Regulation 43(B) arises, the
Registrar may , at the request of the Commanding Officer or otherwise,
order that all visits to that detainee, other than by counsel and
diplomatic representatives, be recorded for a period not exceeding seven
days.

(B) Renewal of the period, which shall not exceed seven days, shall be
reported to the President.

(C) The detainee and his counsel shall be notified of the request and
of the Registrar's decision within twenty-four hours.

Reason 20. Regulation 47 - Details of all recorded visits shall be
forwarded to the Registrar within twenty-four hours, who shall make a
determination whether to listen to, or have transcribed and read, each
individual recorded visit.

Reason 21. Regulation 49

(A) If the Registrar finds there to have been a breach of the Rules of
Detention , these Regulations or an Order of the Tribunal, the offending
conversation will be transcribed by the Registry and, where necessary,
translated into one of the working languages of the Tribunal.

(B) The Registrar may notify the Prosecutor, the Commanding Officer and,
if deemed necessary, the Dutch authorities of the nature of the breach.

Reason 22. Regulation 50

(A) Any conversation which is transcribed under Regulation 49 shall be
retained by the Registrar.

(B) Such transcriptions shall not be handed over to the Prosecutor as
evidence of contempt of the Tribunal pursuant to Rule 77(C) of the Rules
of Procedure and Evidence without prior notice and disclosure to counsel
for the defence.

URL's for the above are
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/detention/IT98_rev3.htm and
http://www.un.org/icty/basic/detention/IT38_rev8con.htm

Further Reading, and Notes:

1) 'Reichstag Fire Trial, the Sequel'Jared Israel's biting report on
Slobodan Milosevic's first apperance at the Hague 'Tribunal'. Can be
read at
http://emperors-clothes.com/milo/point1.htm

2) BIS: The suffix 'bis' is Old Latin for "repeat" indicating that an
item is second.

3) TER: Similarly, 'ter' is from Old Latin meaning "three times,"
indicating that said item is third.

4) 'Back to the Dark Ages?' by Jared Israel at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/jared/bac.htm

5) 'Learning from the Inquisition,' by Prof. Kosta Cavoski at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/cavoski/c-4.htm

==========================
FURTHER READING
==========================

1) "Szamuely's List or 22 Reasons Why I Don't Want to be Imprisoned by
the Hague 'Tribunal'" Can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/szam.htm

2) 'Expert on Psychology of Ethnic Conflict Changes his Mind about
Yugoslavia.' Can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/gw.htm
Francisco Gil-White, a Professor who studies ethnic conflict, has
changed his mind about Yugoslavia. In this brilliant text he shows how
the media and supposed scholars have misrepresented what Slobodan
Milosevic said at Kosovo Field in 1989.

3) Slobodan Milosevic on the illegitimacy of the Hague Tribunal and the
crude Imperialism it is meant to disguise. Can be read at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/aug30.htm

4) 'Why is NATO Decimating the Balkans and Trying to Force Milosevic to
Surrender?'
By Jared Israel and Nico Varkevisser

5) 'Illegal Tribunal - Illegal Indictment,' by Dr. Hans Koechler at
http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm

6) How Madeline Albright Ordered The Hague 'Tribunal' To 'Indict'
Milosevic at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/lovie.htm

7) Official Statements Prove Hague 'Tribunal' Belongs to NATO
by Jared Israel at
http://www.icdsm.org/more/belongs.htm

Subscribe to the ICDSM email list at http://www.icdsm.org/maillist.htm
Receive a few articles a week.

Click here to send the link to this article to a friend.

The Defense of Milosevic - and the Truth - Needs Your
Help!

NATO has billions of dollars and the media to spread lies. We have the
truth, supported by hundreds of millions of people. To develop legal,
educational, parliamentary and other work, our Committee needs
donations, large or small, from those who want to get the truth to the
people.

Here is how you can help:

* Contribute via credit card by calling our Dutch or U.S. offices:

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http://www.icdsm.org

SULLE FREQUENTAZIONI "NERE" DI CERTO FEMMINISMO

E' da ben prima della aggressione della NATO sulla Repubblica
Federale di Jugoslavia (primavera 1999) che molti di noi -
jugoslavisti, antimperialisti e/o marxisti - vanno stigmatizzando
la retorica usata da importanti settori del femminismo sulle
questioni balcaniche. Il femminismo storico, adoperando il
"differenzialismo" - ben oltre la "differenza di genere" -
come chiave di interpretazione generica-universale, ed anche
alle vicende gravissime della fase post-Ottantanove inclusa la
disgregazione di molti paesi ex-socialisti, si e' collocato di
fatto all'interno del carrozzone che ha plaudito in particolare
allo squartamento della RFS di Jugoslavia.

Un carrozzone che ha incluso in se' ambienti culturali e
politici di segno molto vario, la cui ideologia accomunante
e' una visione astratta, ingenua ed anti-marxiana dei "diritti".
Questi sono intesi di volta in volta come "diritti delle
minoranze", anche se strumentalmente e per il solo danno di
grandi maggioranze; "diritti dei popoli", anche se contro i
diritti formali dell'individuo o "cittadino" nel senso
affermatosi con la Rivoluzione Francese; "diritti umani", anche
se all'unisono con la propaganda che, in materia, attuano settori
specializzati del Dipartimento di Stato USA, grandi fondazioni
occidentali, ed i "radicali transnazionali" di Marco Pannella ed
Emma Bonino. "Diritti", sempre e comunque a prescindere dalla
analisi concreta della situazione concreta, specialmente politico-
economica, ed a prescindere da ogni criterio di giustizia e
progresso - nel senso di aumento generalizzato del benessere -
sociale collettivo, non solamente "etnico" o "comunitario".

Con il piede di porco del "differenzialismo", e con il concorso
determinante di una disinformazione mirata, si e' affermato
insomma un pensiero decadente ed antimoderno, e si sono tenuti
atteggiamenti utili spesso alle strumentalizzazioni dei peggiori
settori micronazionalisti, reazionari/vandeani, revanscisti,
militaristi, coloniali, imperialisti. Non ci ha percio' sorpreso
il fatto che parte del movimento internazionale delle Donne in Nero
- come raccontato ad esempio da Nadia Cervone nel corso dell'assemblea
"Alleanze di pace contro l'Alleanza Atlantica" (Roma 22/4/2001) -
non fosse sicuro di dover ripudiare i bombardamenti NATO.
A tutt'oggi pero', nonostante l'abominio di quei bombardamenti
NATO e nonostante la conoscenza sempre piu' generalizzata delle
responsabilita' occidentali, della alleanza tra NATO e terrorismo
nei Balcani, e della vera fisionomia politico-ideologica di talune
parti in conflitto, continuiamo ad essere testimoni di prese di
posizione ed iniziative quantomeno discutibili da parte di certa
sinistra, e di femministe in particolare.

Riportiamo di seguito la documentazione di un fatto estremamente
grave avvenuto a Bologna nei giorni scorsi. La "Associazione
Orlando", che e' affine alle Donne in Nero (con le quali
co-promuove una serie di iniziative bolognesi in vista dell'8
marzo) ha organizzato un incontro con donne legate all'UCK ed al
Dipartimento di Stato USA, presentate come "donne di pace".
Si tratta anche di personaggi rilevanti della classe dirigente
sciovinista pan-albanese al potere oggi nella provincia del
Kosovo-Metohija: un regime dai connotati coloniali, imposto e
poi difeso dalle truppe di occupazione della NATO, che si sostenta
anche con i traffici criminali gestiti dall'UCK. Tra i quali -
tanto per rimanere in tema di diritti delle donne - la compravendita
di ragazze da vari paesi, costrette alla prostituzione in Kosovo
come in Italia.


Italo Slavo



>From: Lalla Golfarelli
>To: Contropiani
>Subject: Fwd: invito 26 febbraio 2002
>Date: Thu, 21 Feb 2002 14:30:56 +0100 (CET)
>
>Invito
>
>L'Associazione "Orlando" opera in Kossovo dal 1994. Attualmente
>gestisce, per conto dell'Associazione per le Donne dell'Area dei
>Balcani, il progetto "Donne Kossovare per una società libera dalla
>violenza", finanziato da ONU/UNIFEM. In tale contesto di scambi,
>amiche kossovare saranno a Bologna nei prossimi giorni. Per
>capire riflettere e riflettere sul Kossovo attuale, il suo
>"dopoguerra" e transizione, come momento topico del cambiamento
>a livello mondiale vi invitiamo ad un:
>
>INCONTRO PUBBLICO
>Martedì, 26 Febbraio 2002
>ore 18.00
>Sala dello Zodiaco
>Via Zamboni, 13
>
>"Quali spazi per società civile e democrazia
>e quali spazi pubblici di donne in Kossovo"
>
>Presiede: Giancarla Codrignani
>
>Intervengono:
>
>Aferdita Kelmendi, Xheraldina Vula
>Antigone Baxhaku, Ganimete Shaqiri
>Giornaliste di RTV21, radiotelevisione di Pristina,
>che producono, tra l'altro, trasmissioni dedicate a
>donne attive nella società kossovara impegnate dal
>punto di vista politico, sociale e culturale.
>
>Alma Hyseni, Mevlyde Myftari, Myzafere Radoniqi,
>Ibgalle Rexha, Hulja Sabani, Mehrije Suka,
>Professioniste dei "Centers for the Protection of
>Women and Children -
>CPWC": centri diffusi in tutto il territorio kossovaro
>che agiscono contro la violenza alle donne e fungono
>come spazi di aggregazione e riferimento per la società
>civile.
>
>Sevdjie Ahmeti
>Figura nota per il suo impegno per i diritti umani e
>presidente "Centers for the Protection of Women and
>Children - CPWC".
>
>Vjosa Dobruna
>Già ministra nel governo provvisorio e attualmente
>Presidente della TV pubblica kossovara, nonché figura
>attiva nella sfera pubblica e politica del paese.
>
>Lalla Golfarelli e Gabriella Rossetti
>dell'Associazione "Orlando"
>
>
>CENTRO DOCUMENTAZIONE RICERCA E INIZIATIVA DELLE DONNE
>DI BOLOGNA



----- Original Message -----
From: Gennaro Scala
To: Ova adresa el. pošte je zaštićena od spambotova. Omogućite JavaScript da biste je videli.
Sent: Saturday, February 23, 2002 12:44 PM
Subject: [noocse-bo] All'associazione "Orlando": richiesta di
spiegazioni

L'iniziativa di martedì prossimo da voi promossa e pubblicizzata anche
su questa lista, "Quali spazi per società civile e democrazia e quali
spazi pubblici di donne in Kossovo", prevede la presenza di esponenti
della "società civile" kossovara che è ben difficile definire "donne
di pace".

Tre di queste donne risultano essere state attivamente impegnate dalla
parte degli USA nel conflitto che visto la distruzione della
Jugoslavia da parte della superpotenza statunitense. Da una semplice
ricerca in internet risulta che la dott.essa Vjosa Dobruna, nota
pedagogista, e la giornalista Aferdita Kelmendi hanno richiesto
pubblicamente i bombardamenti della Nato
http://www.usembassy.it/file9904/alia/99041414.htm . La dott.essa
Vjosa Dobruna ha partecipato a una conferenza stampa organizzate dalla
Nato in cui si chiedeva di "far presto" per prevenire ul ulteriore
deterioramente della situazione.
http://www.nato.int/docu/speech/1999/s990430c.htm.

Vjosa Dobruna, Aferdita Kelmendi e Xheraldina Vula risultano tra i
firmatari di un documento "per la transizione" del dopoguerra
http://www.usip.org/oc/events/lansdowne.html. Questo documento stilato
negli Stati Uniti il 13 settembre del 1999 vedeva tra i firmatari
anche l'UCK, le cui pratiche terroristiche e i cui rapporti con la
criminalità organizzata non vengono oramai messi in dubbio da nessuno
(ultimamente sono stati indicati da più parti dei possibili legami
dell'UCK con la rete terroristica Al Qaida di Bin Laden).

L'ampia attività di Vjosa Dobruna, Xheraldina Vula a favore della
Nato, indubbia e in merito alla quale è possibile reperire in internet
una notevole quantità di tracce, ha fatto guadagnare loro le
"congratulazioni" personali e dirette di Madeleine Albright,
http://secretary.state.gov/www/statements/1999/990914.html

la sanguinaria ex-ministra degli esteri statunitense che in una
trasmissione televisiva americana dichiarava la morte di 500.000 mila
bambini iracheni in seguito all'embargo e alle conseguenze della
guerra in prezzo di cui valeva la pena pagare: "This is a very hard
choice, but we think the price is worth it.".


In base a quanto detto CHIEDO:


Per quale motivo un'associazione come "Orlando" che si dichiara
pacifista ha ritenuto di dover invitare delle persone così attivamente
schierate dalla parte della guerra?

Per quale motivo non sono state invitate donne serbe o donne rom, le
quali pure fanno parte della "società civile" kossovara e sono state
anch'esse vittime di violenza?


Gennaro Scala

--- End forwarded message -------------------



FONTI

(a cura di G. Scala, dalle liste noocse-bo e aa-forum)


---------------------------------------------

Aferdita Kelmendi, Xheraldina Vula, Vjosa Dobruna

The Lansdowne Declaration

Stilata negli Usa e firmata anche dall'UCK

http://www.usip.org/oc/events/lansdowne.html

_____________________________________________

Vjosa Dobruna

http://www.naac.org/nl/summer99.html
Berger, Dole at Washington Dinner

NAAC held a fundraising dinner in Washington, DC, to
support the Kosova Relief Fund. Over 300 people
attended the dinner, including representatives from
the highest levels of government.
Former presidential candidate Bob Dole was honored for
his efforts to help the cause of Kosova, as was
Congressman Eliot Engel and Prishtina activist, Dr.
Vjosa Dobruna. Dole, who turned 76 that evening,
celebrated his birthday at the dinner.
ABC News anchor Cokie Roberts was the master of
ceremonies for the evening.
United States National Security Advisor, Samuel
Berger, was the keynote speaker. Berger expressed the
Administration?s satisfaction with the outcome of the
war in Kosova. He also called upon Albanians to resist
urges to seek revenge, arguing that such actions would
diminish support for their cause.
Berger?s speech was preceded by a Kosova Relief Fund
video presentation of its efforts to help the
refugees.

Questa pagina porta il logo del genova social forum
http://www.gfbv.it/2c-stampa/01-2/010811it.html
Sono venute a Bolzano nel luglio scorso le
destinatarie del premio Langer 2000, la kosovara Vjosa
Dobruna e la jugoslava Natasa Kandic. Ci hanno portato
testimonianze dirette e drammatiche di ciò che stava
succedendo e che l'intervento internazionale ha
fermato. Vjosa è incaricata ora dall'ONU per la
ricostruzione della convivenza e Natasa è tra le più
ferme accusatrici di Milosevic davanti al tribunale
internazionale dell'Aia, che una parte della sinistra
considera semplicemente un braccio armato degli Stati
Uniti.

http://www.fas.org/man/dod-101/ops/kosovo_n99-04-30.htm

NATO HQ Press Conference with three Albanian leaders
Dr Vjosa Dobruna, Mr Blerim Schala and Mr Skelzen

Maliqi 30 Apr. 1999 -- There are some 500 - 700,000
internally displaced persons in Kosovo, but some
265,000 of these displaced persons were already living
in the bushes, in the mountains, in Kosovo prior to
the first NATO airstrike, so their number is just
bigger because the ethnic cleansing started to develop
even in the urban areas. The people that are in
Kosovo, they are in badly need for food, for medical
care and for security. What NATO, what decision it is
going to make, there is nothing that I can say about
that. I wish that they will do very fast because if
NATO is doing the strikes to prevent further
deterioration of the situation in Kosovo, so the
further deterioration is counted and the loss of lives
of Kosovars that are inside, and there are a big, big
number of them. NATO and the Western Alliance must try
to help the internally-displaced persons inside Kosovo
because if we do not do something in the meantime we
will face the starvation of thousands of Albanians and
we will also have a humanitarian catastrophe inside
Kosovo.

-----------------------------------------------

Le congratulazioni della Albright:

"I want to congratulate Vjosa Dobruna, Xheraldina Vula ..."
http://secretary.state.gov/www/statements/1999/990914.html

"When asked on US television if she thought that the death of half a
million Iraqi children was a price worth paying, Albright replied:
"This is a very hard choice, but we think the price is worth it." --
John Pilger, "Squeezed to Death" Guardian, March 4 2000